Reuters
10 Apr 2006 11:47:45 GMT
Source: Reuters
HARARE, April 10
(Reuters) - Zimbabwe opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai
has urged his
supporters to defy tough security laws in organising
anti-government
protests he has called, a state-controlled newspaper
reported on
Monday.
Tsvangirai dramatically raised the political stakes in the
southern African
country last month by threatening to lead peaceful
demonstrations to oust
President Robert Mugabe, 82 and in power since
Zimbabwe's independence from
Britain in 1980.
Mugabe has warned
Tsvangirai -- leader of the main faction of the opposition
Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) -- that he would be "dicing with death"
with such a
campaign, but the MDC boss has remained defiant.
The Herald newspaper
said Tsvangirai told a rally in the second city of
Bulawayo on Sunday that
the "mass action" protests would go ahead. He has
yet to announce a
timetable.
"When I come back to Bulawayo, I want to see you mobilising
yourselves,
street by street, village by village, house by house, talking
about what we
must do," it quoted him as saying.
Mugabe has used
tough policing under the Public Order and Security Act
(POSA), which bans
unauthorized demonstrations, to crush protests against
his
government.
But political analysts say although Zimbabweans appear to
have been cowed by
these tactics, a crumbling economy has increased public
frustration with his
rule.
The country is wrestling with shortages of
food, fuel and foreign currency,
as well as with unemployment of over 70
percent and the highest inflation
rate in the
world.
"COURAGE"
Tsvangirai's office was not immediately available
for comment, but the
Herald quoted him as telling the rally: "Forget about
POSA because laws are
meant to be broken if you are in a revolution,
especially if the law is bad
like POSA."
"What we need from you is
your courage and your support for the direction
which we will take," he
reportedly said.
At the end of a party congress where he was re-elected
president of the main
MDC faction on March 19, Tsvangirai urged Zimbabweans
to save money and
stock up on food ahead of a "cold season of peaceful
democratic resistance".
He has been at the helm of the MDC since its
formation six years ago and is
largely regarded as Mugabe's biggest
challenge.
But some analysts say the 54-year-old politician has been
outflanked by
Mugabe, whom he and the West accuse of rigging three major
elections since
2000 to remain in power.
While he has clearly been
weakened by a recent split in his party, he looks
increasingly more focused
on Mugabe, rather than on the rival MDC faction,
which broke away in a
bitter dispute over tactics on how to tackle the
ruling ZANU-PF
party.
Since his party congress, Tsvangirai has addressed a number of
rallies,
introducing his new leadership team and drumming up support for
mass
protests.
At one of the rallies at the weekend, the
privately-owned Standard newspaper
said Tsvangirai vowed he was prepared to
die in the opposition campaign to
oust Mugabe.
"I am prepared to die
to liberate Zimbabwe from Mugabe's misrule," he was
quoted as saying.
IOL
April 10 2006 at
12:03PM
Harare - Chinese tourist arrivals to Zimbabwe have declined
by 70 per
cent, dashing hopes of a tourism revival in Harare, the
state-controlled
Sunday Mail reported.
The authorities in
Zimbabwe had pinned their hopes on improved tourist
arrivals from China
because visitors from traditional Western markets have
shunned the southern
African country for the past six years.
The 70 percent fall
represented "the highest decline recorded from any
source market," said the
Sunday Mail.
Despite China's granting Zimbabwe Approved Destination
Status to
Chinese tourism to the country, Chinese prefer to go to South
Africa and
Zambia, the report said.
The head of the Zimbabwe
Tourism Authority (ZTA), Karikoga Kaseke
blamed the decline on poor
marketing.
Critics say President Robert Mugabe's programme of
white-land seizures
launched in 2000 has scared away many would-be
visitors.
Political tensions and shortages of essentials like fuel
may also have
deterred others. - Sapa-dpa
Sokwanele - Enough is Enough -
Zimbabwe PROMOTING NON-VIOLENT PRINCIPLES TO ACHIEVE DEMOCRACY |
Of all the millions of Zimbabweans who have fallen victim to ZANU PF mis-rule the malnourished children under the age of five must surely rank as the most pathetic. They cry from hunger and deprivation, and the cries rend the hearts of their mothers, or if already orphaned, the hearts of their stand-in mothers, who have little or no food to give them. But because they are the most vulnerable group of all and have no means of collectively giving voice to the deep anguish they feel, their individual cries go unheard by those who could make a difference - the ruling politicians and their apparatchiks.
One group of professionals who are alert to the tragedy is the country's paediatricians and health care workers who have the daily task of tending the severely malnourished and often dying little ones. At a recent workshop in Harare organized by Doctors for Human Rights a number of papers were presented by practitioners who are deeply troubled by current trends resulting from the crisis levels of poverty and food deprivation and the regime's refusal to engage seriously with the issue. One paper was entitled "Severe child malnutrition: an unnecessary and avoidable crisis". The problem is not a new one, but it is growing. A study carried out at a Harare hospital in 2003-4 showed that 55 per cent of children admitted then were suffering from malnutrition. Since that time the regime has significantly reduced the amount of feeding the international community is permitted to do through the World Food Programme and its local agencies, and in May 2005 it embarked on the notorious Operation Murambatsvina, dubbed "a catastrophic injustice ... to Zimbabwe's poorest citizens" by none other than Kofi Annan, Secretary-General of the United Nations. At the same time, as agricultural production within the country has plummeted to all-time lows, the regime has failed conspicuously to import anything like the quantity of maize required to compensate for the deficit and feed the population. The result has been a predictable intensification of the suffering, especially of vulnerable groups like the under-fives. One experienced nutritionist has put it this way:
For a number of reasons it is difficult to chart the increase in the phenomenon of severe child malnutrition, or indeed child deaths due to this cause, across the nation. ZANU PF politicians are in denial. They have no wish for the truth to be known and have therefore deliberately obstructed health officials who have sought to record the relevant statistics. One has only to recall how Jonathan Moyo when Minister of Information fulminated against the officials of the Bulawayo City Council's Health Department for daring to record in a professional manner the basic data on deaths related to malnutrition, and one realizes just how sensitive the issue is to the ruling party. And apart from political interference there are other factors making any scientific assessment practically impossible. There are the number of child deaths in remote rural areas which go unrecorded. The majority of victims are not even taken to the country's hospitals and clinics because the mothers or mother substitutes are often too poor to afford the transport fares. Add to this the masking effect of the AIDS epidemic, with about a quarter of the population HIV-positive, and the difficulty in accurately charting the national increase in child deaths due to malnutrition can be seen to be almost insurmountable. As one Bulawayo surgeon quoted in the Sunday Times observed: "Put simply, people are dying of AIDS before they can starve to death." Of necessity therefore and for the time being, the evidence is somewhat patchy and incomplete. Much of it is anecdotal. This is no reason however to dismiss the harrowing accounts of suffering and such provisional assessments as those who are in the front line of the battle to save lives, have so far been able to provide. After all the children concerned are dying now, and it may take many years and the removal of the present regime, before the full extent of the tragedy becomes apparent to all. We cannot wait that long to sound the alarm. If we did we might well find ourselves in the sort of deep crisis the people in Rwanda or Darfur found themselves in before the international community began to respond. Much of the following information was provided at the Doctors for Human Rights' workshop referred to above. The balance was given anecdotally by busy medical practitioners whom our reporters were able to consult.
Among the paediatricians whom we were able to consult there was a broad consensus that the problem of child malnutrition showed a marked increase in the last quarter of 2005. A comparison of the numbers of admissions of children suffering from severe malnutrition at Mpilo Hospital for example over the period October to December 2004 and over the corresponding period the following year, reveals an increase of nearly one hundred per cent. In simple terms the numbers doubled between 2004 and 2005. The doctors themselves were of the view that the increase could be attributed in large measure to the final cessation of the general NGO feeding programmes (by order of the regime) in April 2005, it taking about six months for the full effects of that stoppage to be felt. No doubt Operation Murambatsvina which started in May 2005 also contributed to the increasing levels of food deprivation. Much of the malnutrition is now urban-based, which is a new phenomenon in Zimbabwe and supports the thesis that the so-called "clean-up" operation was a major contributor. Interestingly one Bulawayo doctor observed that among the parents or relatives bringing the severely malnourished children to hospital for treatment in recent months many were not dressed like "the very poor". The inference drawn from this fact was that the relatives were not long-term destitute persons but rather were recently impoverished. This points to the "Murambatsvina factor". The severe restrictions placed upon the NGOs feeding programmes also had an adverse effect upon the medical rehabilitation of under-fives. Prior to the imposition of these restrictions and while NGOs were still able to supply clinics with such nutritious foods as the corn/soya blend, hospitals could discharge patients after successful treatment with some confidence that they would continue to receive the necessary quantities of nutritious foods they required. From April 2005 this was no longer the case. Clinics were often lacking the food supplies needed to provide the after-care and to help restore the nutritional deficits previously detected in the children, and so mothers stopped taking them there. It is not known how many children brought back from the brink of death by hospital intervention have subsequently relapsed due to food deprivation attributable to this cause. Given the gravity of the situation some might wonder why we are not yet seeing significant numbers of "skin and bone" children such as were memorably recorded by television cameras during the drought and famine in the Sahel. This raises an important point which needs to be understood by all who have a concern for the under-fives. As one senior nutritionist explained, there are basically two ways of assessing whether the amount of food available to children is nutritionally sufficient. The first enquires, is it sufficient to keep them alive ? The second, is it sufficient for them to reach their physiological potential ? The former criterion is employed in emergency relief situations such as occurred in the Sahel, and more recently in Darfur. The latter is the criterion that Zimbabwe's Ministry of Health has employed over very many years, and obviously the one doctors concerned with children's issues would prefer to see adopted in non-emergency situations. In the former case the standard method of measurement is body weight against height. Only those children therefore in whom height and weight are out of proportion are labeled as malnourished. A glance at such a child reveals his skinny, or wasted, condition. This is the classic mark of an acute nutritional emergency. On the other hand if the yardstick is the child's physiological potential a different measurement is used, namely body weight for chronological age. The Zimbabwe Ministry of Health has designed a standard weight-for-age card for under-fives, thereby signaling its intention of charting children's actual weight development against their growth potential. The internationally accepted range within which healthy development takes place is demarcated on this card by percentiles: the 3rd and 97th percentiles are set down as the outer marks which should not be exceeded. Given a healthy environment and sufficient caloric intake 94 per cent of children would develop along a percentile somewhere between these extremes, most of them clustered around the 50th percentile. By plotting weight-for-age on these cards it immediately becomes clear whether there is cause for concern about the child's health. If children's weight is recorded in relation to their height, however, this may easily be missed. The point is that the growth rate of children for both weight and height can and does adjust to conditions of long-term food deprivation (low calorie intake) by reducing so that sufficient nutrients are available. The end result is a child who is both too light and too short for his age, but since height and weight are still proportionate the child "looks ok". To the casual observer there is no problem here, nothing to suggest a nutritional deficiency. Only by enquiring the child's age and comparing weight-for-age against an accepted norm is it possible to ascertain that he is lagging behind that norm - and this is exactly what the Zimbabwean Ministry of Health's weight-for-age card for under-fives does. The obvious question then for those concerned with the wellbeing of our children is whether the yardstick adopted by the Ministry of Health, which measures a child's growth potential against actual growth, is the appropriate one for under-fives in Zimbabwe. From a nutritionist's point of view, and also in consideration of every child's basic human right to adequate nutritious food, the answer must be a resounding "Yes!". Such a right has long been recognized by the international community and by Zimbabwe. To quote the International Convention on the Rights of the Child (Article 24 sub-section 2(b)), "State parties will take appropriate measures to combat disease and malnutrition through the provision of adequate nutritious foods and clean drinking water." Or again to quote the International Covenant on Economics, Social and Cultural Rights (Article 11(1)), "The State parties …recognize the right of every one to an adequate standard of living for himself (herself) and his (her) family, including adequate food, clothing and housing, and to the continuous improvement of living conditions. The State parties will take appropriate steps to ensure the realization of this right …" Zimbabwe ratified this Covenant on 13 May 1991. It would be wrong therefore, not only in a moral sense but also in a legal sense, to wait until an emergency situation arises and large numbers of skeletal figures start presenting for treatment. The crisis is already upon us and requires an urgent response. Studies undertaken on under-fives in Matabeleland in 2002 revealed that malnutrition was then below the emergency threshold. However it is important to point out two things in relation to these findings. First, they were based on the acute nutritional emergency criterion which ignores the actual-against-potential growth factor, which the Zimbabwean Ministry of Health itself, at least in the past, was committed not to leave out of account. And second, between 2002 when the studies were done and 2006 subsistence farmers in Matabeleland have had to contend with a succession of poor, and sometimes very poor, harvests due to insufficient rainfall. Food availability has declined in a corresponding way and the people have been forced to adopt all sorts of survival strategies to cope. Moreover in 2003 NGOs were playing a vital role in providing maize, beans and cooking oil which was of general benefit to the whole community. School feeding points had been established for children and extra mealie meal and beans were being provided for pregnant women and breast-feeding mothers. The recipients were heavily dependent on these feeding programmes. Yet in mid 2004, against all the future projections of experienced relief workers from the United Nations and the donor community, the regime declared that it was expecting a "bumper harvest". On this pretext Robert Mugabe ordered international food donors out of the country and terminated a UN food survey which was then under way. The bumper harvest was of course totally illusory. On the contrary, and as firmly predicted by UN officials, Zimbabwe soon ran into a severe deficit of cereal grains, which it has only managed to offset minimally by the regime's own efforts to import from the region. We have already alluded to the devastating impact of the restrictions imposed on donor food aid. The significantly increased number of young children presenting at Zimbabwe's major hospitals towards the end of 2005 and subsequently with varying degrees of malnutrition is but one instance of this. Malnutrition studies on under-fives based on actual-against- potential growth are few and far between. There is an urgent need for this kind of research, though finding qualified practitioners with the time to do it and then overcoming the regime's natural reluctance to allow research in such a politically sensitive field, mitigate strongly against it. Such limited and informal studies however as have been undertaken, in rural Matabeleland for instance, tend to suggest that a significant number of children are experiencing episodes of static weight or actual weight loss. One study shown to us in which weight development of a random sample of under-fives was tracked from February 2003 to February 2006 revealed that nearly a third of those monitored had experienced actual weight loss at some time during this period. And most significantly the study showed that episodes of static weight or weight loss only set in late in 2004 after NGO feeding had been declared superfluous by the regime. In his own words the verdict of the practitioner responsible for this study was as follows:
This is surely as damning an indictment of the regime's track record in
the medical field as one could ever expect from a professional employed in that
field. The report of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty states that "state sovereignty implies responsibility … for the protection of its peoples". It provides further that "where a population is suffering serious harm, as a result of … state failure, and the state in question is unwilling or unable to halt or avert it, the principle of non-intervention yields to the international responsibility to protect." Let not the regime of Robert Mugabe prattle on about national sovereignty. They have had the opportunity - 26 years in fact - to provide appropriate protection for all the people of Zimbabwe and they have failed lamentably. Nor is there any prospect of the suffering of the people reducing in the foreseeable future. On the contrary. The time has come therefore for the international community through the agency of the United Nations, to do for Zimbabwe's people what the regime is "unwilling or unable" to do. Let the United Nations intervene. And until that happens let Zimbabweans who care join their protest cries to the silent cries of the little ones. Visit our website at
www.sokwanele.com We have a fundamental right to freedom of expression! Sokwanele does not endorse the editorial policy of any source or website except its own. It retains full copyright on its own articles, which may be reproduced or distributed but may not be materially altered in any way. Reproduced articles must clearly show the source and owner of copyright, together with any other notices originally contained therein, as well as the original date of publication. Sokwanele does not accept responsibility for any loss or damage arising in any way from receipt of this email or use thereof. This document, or any part thereof, may not be distributed for profit. |
Zim Online
Tue 11 April
2006
HARARE - The Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA) will this month
recruit 5
000 more soldiers to beef up its numbers, slashed in the past few
years by a
significant 25 percent to between 30 000 and 35 000 fighting men
and women.
Authoritative sources told ZimOnline the recruitment
exercise - that
comes as the main opposition Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) prepares
for mass anti-government protests in the winter - is
scheduled to take place
on April 26 at centres in Mashonaland West province,
Bulawayo, Mutare and
Inkomo Barracks, near Harare.
Minister of
Defence Sydney Sekeramayi refused to discuss the matter,
referring questions
to ZNA director of public relations, Lieutenant Colonel
Simon Tsatsi. The
colonel was on Monday unable to immediately respond to
written questions
sent to him at his request.
But senior officers
at the army's KG VI headquarters said signals were
sent out in the last two
weeks to all barracks to prepare for the
recruitments.
"The
recruitment of ordinary soldiers will coincide with that of
regular officer
cadets to undergo an 18-month training programme at the
Zimbabwe Military
Academy in Gweru. The deadline for officer cadet training
was last
Wednesday," said a ZNA officer, who cannot not be named because he
is not
authorised to speak to the Press.
The move to employ more soldiers
- that appears a reversal of the
government's defence policy in recent years
which has leaned more towards
cutting back the ZNA - follows threats by
President Robert Mugabe to crush
any mass protests against his
government.
Mugabe, who has in the past deployed soldiers and
police to crush
streets protests, has told MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai that
mass protests
could lead to bloodshed and warned the opposition politician
he would be
"dicing with death" if he called the protests.
Political analyst and chairman of the National Constitutional Assembly
(NCA)
pro-democracy civic alliance Lovemore Madhuku said he was not
surprised by
reports of fresh moves to hire more soldiers which he said was
most probably
meant to "intimidate citizens and fill them with fear."
Madhuku,
whose NCA campaigns for a new and democratic constitution for
Zimbabwe,
cautioned that Mugabe and his government were already prepared
with or
without recruiting more soldiers to deal with the threatened mass
action.
He said: "Let's not be fooled because this regime is
always prepared
to deal with such issues as mass action. The regime is
always talking
tough."
Tsvangirai last Sunday again vowed to
lead Zimbabweans in street
protests to force Mugabe to accept democracy even
if it could lead to his
own death.
The MDC leader was speaking
at a rally at Bulawayo's White City
stadium attended by about 5 000 people
and the fourth the opposition leader
has held in major cities in the last
two weeks to mobilise Zimbabweans for
mass anti-government protests whose
dates he has not yet announced. -
ZimOnline
Zim Online
Tue 11 April 2006
HARARE - Zimbabwe's programme to
train specialist doctors faces
collapse because students cannot afford high
fees demanded by the University
of Zimbabwe's Medical School, the only
school for doctors in the country.
Information obtained by
ZimOnline indicated that some courses such as
radio therapy and oncology
have been temporarily discontinued while some
departments had to go with
only a single student as junior doctors stay away
from the medical
school.
Junior doctors must pay Z$100 million a year for a
post-graduate
degree at the school but very few of the doctors, who earn
between $35 and
$55 million a month, can afford the fees.
"This
means in the next few years we will not have any specialist
doctors in this
country," said Zimbabwe Hospitals Doctors Association (ZHDA)
chairman
Takaruda Chinyoka, commenting on the dwindling numbers of junior
doctors
enrolling at the medical school.
Zimbabwe, once boasting one of the
best health systems in the
developing world, already faces a shortage of
health personnel after most of
its doctors and nurses left the country - as
has many other Zimbabwean
professionals - to seek better paying jobs in
neighbouring countries and
overseas.
Ministry of Health
permanent secretary Edward Mabhiza confirmed
enrolment problems at the
medical school but said the government was working
out ways to address the
situation and ensure there was a "sufficient pool"
of junior doctors to
undertake post-graduate training.
Mabhiza said: "We know the
university post-graduate programmes are
failing to attract students . . .
the issues that we are addressing will
make sure that we have sufficient
pools of doctors that are ready for
post-graduate programmes."
According to statistics shown to ZimOnline, one of the worst affected
departments, the Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology has only one
student enrolled for this year while paediatrics has only two
students.
The surgical unit which has several areas of specialty
among them
neurology, orthopaedic surgery, eye, nose and throat surgery has
only 10
students. The unit usually attracts over 60 students.
The collapse of the specialist doctor training programme mirrors well
the
general state of collapse of the public health sector after years of
under-funding and mismanagement.
Apart from the problem of
under-staffing, public hospitals in many
cases can only prescribe ordinary
pain killers to patients because essential
medicines are in short supply due
to a hard cash crisis that is also
responsible for shortages of fuel,
electricity, food and other basic
survival commodities. - ZimOnline
Zim Online
Tue 11
April 2006
BULAWAYO - Suspended ruling ZANU PF party official,
Lloyd Siyoka was
on Monday convicted of criminal defamation after he accused
a Zimbabwean
government minister of pointing a gun at him during a heated
argument.
Kembo Mohadi, who is the Minister of Home Affairs,
dragged Siyoka to
court after the suspended official told President Robert
Mugabe in 2004 that
the minister had pointed a gun at him in Gwanda
town.
Handing down judgment in the defamation suit, magistrate John
Masimba,
found Siyoka guilty of the offence saying state witnesses who
included
Speaker of Parliament and ZANU PF national chairman John Nkomo were
consistent in their evidence against the suspended official.
The magistrate also said the witnesses had convinced the court that
Mohadi
never pulled out a pistol and that he never threatened to shoot
Siyoka.
"In all circumstances, the court finds that the
defendent`s utterances
against the complainant were unlawful and sufficient
enough to warrant
conviction of criminal defamation. . . Accordingly, the
accused is found
guilty," said Masimba.
"The respondent,
wilfully and intentionally peddled falsehoods about
the minister in the
presence of many people, including the security agents
and the President
himself. These falsehoods were also widely publicised,"
said the
magistrate.
He said the portrayal of Mohadi as "a trigger-happy
cowboy" had cast
the minister's image in a bad light.
The court
will reconvene on April 24 for mitigation and sentence.
Siyoka
together with five other ZANU PF provincial chairmen were
suspended from the
party in late 2004 after they were accused of plotting to
scuttle the rise
of Joice Mujuru to the party's vice-presidency.
At a heated meeting
in Gwanda held ahead of the party's congress in
2004, Siyoka was grilled by
ZANU PF officials on his utterances indicating
his province was against the
ascendancy of a female candidate to the
vice-presidency.
It was
at this meeting that Siyoka alleged Mohadi pointed a pistol at
him during an
argument over the Mujuru issue.
ZANU PF is embroiled in a vicious
succession war pitting two powerful
factions led by former army general
Solomon Mujuru and former speaker of
parliament Emmerson Mnangagwa. -
ZimOnline
Zim Online
Tue 11
April 2006
PRETORIA - More than 100 Zimbabwean immigrants at the
weekend
demonstrated at Tanzania's High Commission in Pretoria in what
organisers
said was an attempt to draw the attention of visiting Tanzanian
President
Jakaya Kikwete to worsening crisis in Zimbabwe.
Kikwete, among southern African leaders who have resisted
international
pressure to censure President Robert Mugabe, was in South
Africa at the
weekend for talks with President Thabo Mbeki on peace-keeping
operations in
Africa.
The chairman of the Zimbabwe Johannesburg Support Network
that
organised the protest, Victor Kasaga, said the demonstration was part
of a
new strategy by his group to try and raise awareness among African
leaders
on the humanitarian crisis fast unfolding in Zimbabwe.
Kasaga said: "We have to alert African leaders that there is a worse
crisis
in Zimbabwe and it (protest) is part of our strategy to ensure that
all
leaders coming here go back to their countries knowing that there is no
food
in Zimbabwe and that Mugabe abuses human rights."
The protest at
the Tanzanian High Commission will be followed by
similar protests at the
embassies and high commissions of other African
countries whenever their
leaders were in South Africa, Kasaga said.
Zimbabwe is grappling
its worst economic crisis that has seen
inflation shooting beyond 900
percent while food, fuel, electricity and
nearly every basic survival
commodity is in short supply.
Critics blame Zimbabwe's economic
collapse on repression and wrong
policies by Mugabe, a charge the veteran
President denies. - ZimOnline
Zim Online
Tue 11 April
2006
HARARE - Zimbabwe's top tennis player Genius Chidzikwe fears
the
country might face a bleak future after tumbling to a 1-4 home defeat at
the
hands of Norway in the Davis Cup Euro-Africa Zone Group Two first-round
tie
at the weekend.
Zimbabwe will now face Greece in a
relegation play-off quarterfinal in
July.
"Now it's going to be
a big tie for us and it will be tough playing
Greece away after they last
visited us," Chidzikwe said yesterday.
Zimbabwe won 3-2 when
Greece visited Harare in 2004, with Chidzikwe
going down 3-6, 6-4, 3-6 to
Elefterios Alexiou in a dead rubber.
"I don't doubt my ability to
win, but I think lack of exposure has let
us down. We're not getting enough
play, and if we look at the number of
games Norway's players had before
coming to Harare, it's a sorry situation
for us."
At 0-2,
Chidzikwe - who is now Zimbabwe's number one player - failed
to save the tie
for the hosts against Norway when he was beaten 4-6, 7-5,
7-5, 3-6, 6-3 by
Stian Boretti to give the visitors an unassailable 3-1
lead.
Chidzikwe had on Saturday teamed up with Gwinyai Tongoona to bring
Zimbabwe
back into contention with a 6-2, 3-6, 6-4 doubles win over Boretti
and Jan
Andersen after the Norwegians had won the opening singles on
Friday.
Fringe player Stefan D'Almeida lost the dead rubber 6-3,
6-1 to Carl
Sundberg to hand Norway a 4-1 win - a reversal of the result
when Zimbabwe
triumphed in Oslo in 1993.
Zimbabwe have been
struggling in the Davis Cup tournament since the
Black brothers Byron and
Wayne quit the game. Another key player, Kevin
Ullyett, has made himself
unavailable for national duty for personal
reasons.
At 27,
Chidzikwe foresees a bleak future for tennis in Zimbabwe when
he also
retires.
"We might not be winning, but honestly after me and
Tongoona I think
the future doesn't look promising for Zimbabwe," Chidzikwe
said. "It's
going to take some time before we can be counted among the best
again."
Tongoona is 33 and might be hanging his racquet
soon.
Chidzikwe is ranked 668 in the world and Tongoona 1 077,
while Dumiso
Khumalo - the only other Zimbabwean with an ATP ranking - is a
distant 1
523. The country's highest ranked junior is 16-year-old Happy
Takura, who is
number 630 in the ITF junior boys rankings.
"There are no juniors now who can easily fill up the void when we are
gone.
The association is broke and it's difficult to make sure the upcoming
young
stars will have exposure."
Zimbabwe enjoyed their longest winning
streak from September 1996 when
they beat Finland 4-1 in a Davis Cup
Euro-Africa Group One semifinal until
they lost 0-5 to Italy in July 1998 in
a World Group quarterfinal tie.
In-between, the Black brothers
enjoyed their peak beating Ukraine,
Great Britain, Austria and
Australia.
But after the retirement of the Black brothers, Zimbabwe
have been
singing the blues. Allegations of embezzlement of funds at Tennis
Zimbabwe
during Paul Chingoka's era as president have not helped stop the
game from
sliding further into the abyss. - ZimOnline
s
The Herald (Harare)
April
10, 2006
Posted to the web April 10, 2006
Tandayi
Motsi
Harare
THE Civil Aviation Authority of Zimbabwe (CAAZ) programme
of refurbishing
the country's major airports has been hampered by lack of
foreign currency,
a senior official has said.
CAAZ acting general
manager Mr Ezra Mazambara told the parliamentary
portfolio committee on
Mines, Environment and Tourism last week that
shortage of forex was
affecting the progress of the exercise. He was
presenting oral evidence
before the committee on the operations and
challenges facing the authority.
"We have problems in funding and we have
forwarded our concerns to the
relevant taskforce dealing with the issue," Mr
Mazambara said.
He
said the upgrading exercise included refurbishment of the lighting system
at
both Harare International Airport and Joshua Mqabuko Nkomo Airport. Mr
Mazambara said CAAZ had a back up system of generators used in the lighting
system at major airports in the event of electricity blackouts although
sometimes they encountered fuel shortages.
CAAZ chief executive
officer, Mr David Chawota was quoted by last week as
saying the authority
was negotiating with foreign and local investors to
seal joint ventures to
upgrade airports in line with intern ational
standards. He said there were
some investors willing to enter into joint
ventures with the authority
though details of the negotiations were still to
be finalised.
Mr
Chawota declined to reveal the amount of funds required in the
refurbishment
exercise but sources close to CAAZ operations said the
organisation required
about $2 trillion. The authority has, over the past
three years, failed to
complete the refurbishment of the airports due to
foreign currency
shortages. Other airports whose refurbishment was yet to be
completed
included Victoria Falls and Buffalo Range.The CAAZ has also been
courting
Asian investors on joint ventures in line with the Government's
Look East
Policy.
The Herald
(Harare)
EDITORIAL
April 10, 2006
Posted to the web April 10,
2006
Harare
Air Zimbabwe has seen business plummet from one
million passengers in 1999
to 230 000 last year.
Acting chief
executive officer Captain Oscar Madombwe puts this down to
"negative
perceptions about safety". He is not correct, or at least he has
failed to
identify far more serious problems with the national airline. The
biggest
single reason why fewer and fewer people want to fly Air Zimbabwe is
because
no one can be sure that they will actually fly at the stated time
and
day.
Far too many people book, pay, confirm bookings and then find that
they have
to hang around the airport for hours or days because Air Zimbabwe,
for some
"operational reasons", cannot fly that day or cannot carry them on
the
flight they booked. And then, when finally they get on the plane, they
often
find the best seats and the upgrades have gone to staff or relatives
of
staff. When other airlines cannot fulfil their commitment to fly a
passenger
at the previously agreed time and date, they not only pick up all
expenses
the passenger incurs from the delay but even go as far as promising
a free
future flight as their apology.
Excuses of "political
interference" are, we feel, excuses for inefficiency.
The only "political"
flights of Air Zimbabwe are those that carry the
President. And no president
suddenly decides at 4pm that he wants to fly at
5pm. Surely the booking
system can handle the advance block bookings that
the President's Office
makes, just as it can handle block bookings for
tiddlywinks
teams.
Information of who makes bookings should be confidential in all
cases, so
not even the necessary extra security considerations need cause
any real
problem. Reduced and free tickets for staff are a perk throughout
the travel
industry. Other airlines, admittedly with fewer staff per plane
than
overmanned Air Zimbabwe, cope well with this. Their staff understand
that
they have to wait until all paying passengers are ready to board before
their seat is confirmed and accept that they will often travel in the least
desirable seats. Excuses over Chinese planes, although with Ame rican
engines, do not wash.
Top executives trundle back and forth between
Bulawayo and Harare regularly
on these planes without qualms. Others cannot
afford the tickets and have to
go by bus. Air Zimbabwe, small as it is, can
become profitable if its
management simply drops prevalent attitudes that
the airline exists to
provide jobs and perks for staff and starts thinking
about its passengers.
Once people know that Air Zimbabwe will take them to
where they want to go,
at the time and date set out on the ticket, and will
take them with the
minimum of fuss and bother they will return to the
airline. It is as simple
as that.
By Violet
Gonda
10 April 2006
A showdown is looming between
teachers and the government after a memo
was sent to schools saying that
starting next month school children will be
assessing the teaching methods
of their teachers.
A fuming Raymond Majongwe from the main teaching
union, the
Progressive Teachers' Union of Zimbabwe (PTUZ), said a new
circular titled
"Termly teacher rating by pupils" was distributed to all
provinces to
tighten the screws on the already suffering teaching
population.
Majongwe said this time the Ministry of Education has
gone too far. He
said; "It is nothing but madness. Teachers will be assessed
by their pupils
in areas like punctuality, the standard of dress,
attendance, whether they
are being given adequate work, whether they are
prepared for lessons,
whether they are being given homework, whether they
know the subject or not,
whether teachers are able to explain new concept,
whether they are providing
a stimulating learning environment."
It's feared that more teachers, who are already smarting from poor
salaries
and politically motivated factors, will resign .
It's reported that
some of the issues that pupils from both primary
and secondary schools would
be assessing their teachers on will include
questions like, does the teacher
teach any politics in class? Does the
teacher talk about
politics?
The outspoken leader said the teachers are again and
again being
subjected to torture; "This is violence against teachers and
it's
unfortunate really because we would have expected the same government
to
say, let's get our citizens and assess our ministers and I am sure the
whole
ministry of education would lose their jobs."
This latest
edict about teachers will ultimately create a culture
where students - who
have no training to assess their superiors - will be
reporting about what a
teacher does or does not do. The PTUZ warned it will
not allow this to
happen and will take the government to court.
This kind of system
was made famous by Chairman Mao and Adolph Hitler
who both used children to
report any deviance from official policy. Majongwe
said there is no law in
Zimbabwe that allows this. He said; "Statutory 1 (of
the education act) of
2000 does not allow for such things to happen. These
are things founded on
threats and intimidation."
Majongwe believes whatever the
government may try to do it won't work
because it does not have the
capacity. It does not even have the money to
print the forms to be
distributed to all the schools.
He said bottom-line, teachers need
money; "If they are well
remunerated and there are good conditions of
service, the results will be
positive."
If the government goes
ahead with this plan it's also feared that this
will simply bring animosity
between teachers and their pupils and ultimately
it is the children who will
suffer.
Majongwe warned that teachers will adopt a position that
will liberate
them from what he termed, "This rank madness that is gripping
the education
ministry."
He said the bottom-line has to be made
very clear; "Citizens of this
country must decide. As long as they keep
quiet then they deserve the
leadership they have if they just sit down and
just cry and not do anything
with their feet."
The PTUZ General
Secretary also called on the civic and political
leaders to physically lead
from the front. " We have gone beyond talking. we
have been talking about
leadership and there is no leadership. We have been
talking about change.
The change doesn't come. People must start to walk the
talk!"
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
Post Chronicle
by UPI Wire
Apr 9, 2006
HARARE, Zimbabwe - April 9,
2006 (UPI) -- Zimbabwean President Robert
Mugabe is attempting to retain
military support by putting officers in
control of key state institutions,
it was reported.
The attorney-general, chief executive of the Grain
Marketing Board and
the head of the country's electoral commission are all
currently serving or
retired officers of the Zimbabwe Defense Forces, The
Sunday Times of London
reported.
So many junior officers have
been leaving because of poor pay and lack
of food that the government has
issued a ban on quitting before the
completion of 10 years of
service.
Zimbabwe's economy has shrunk more than any other in the
past five
years and inflation is running at 1,150 percent, the newspaper.
World Health
Organization statistics released Friday showed life expectancy
to be 34
years for women and 37 for men.
New Zimbabwe
MASOLA WA DABUDABU HOPEWELL
Last updated: 04/10/2006 12:53:56
I SHALL start
with the things we have done in an effort to shake
Robert Mugabe off our
weary backs.
We have shied away from confrontation. In our meekness
as Zimbabweans,
we have offered our spears, shields, knobkerries and clubs
to Mugabe in a
self-defeating stance of pacifism. We have avoided our right
to defend
ourselves from aggression by assuming that if we remain unarmed
and
cowardly, Mugabe the aggressor may not attack us.
We have
shamelessly sold out our dignity to Mugabe's wicked ways. The
proverbial
phoenix may never rise again. We deserve the humiliation; for in
our
expedience to avoid shedding a few drops of blood from the throats of
our
adversaries, we have allowed our enemies to drain all the blood that
could
possibly flow in our veins.
What we have done is pure spineless
cowardice of the worst dishonour.
We have shamelessly committed infanticide
and crowned the cowardly act with
suicide. There is no worse way of killing
your own progeny. There is no
worse way of castrating oneself.
Politically, we are neuters that parade sterility everywhere we go. We
are
what we are because we choose to be what we are; castrated men and
spayed
women. Our courage is as effective as that of a pride of toothless
lions
wondering in a zoo somewhere in Beijing.
Dancing is one way of
celebrating humanity; happiness and achievement.
We have attended dances
organised by Mugabe. We have tucked our sorry tails
between our ungainly
legs and accepted invitations to Mugabe's séances.
Without contrition, we
have accepted gourds filled with the blood of our own
and taken gulps that
would shame a camel that has not been to an oasis for
months. We have
enjoyed the self-demeaning dances we have had with the
witching
Mugabe.
In mitigation, we have all asked, 'What effect will a
single dance
with a demon do to a whole life-time?' We have been extremely
careless with
our conscience. We have been unkind to ourselves and our own
kind. There is
no defence in dining, wining and dancing with the enemy; not
even in your
dreams! At every instance Mugabe dances with us, he puts a
tally in his
black book of notoriety. We are affording Mugabe achievements
he ordinarily
should not enjoy. We are to blame.
We have
voluntarily accepted to swimming session in a sewage pond full
to the bream
with Mugabe's excreta. Can we call ourselves a people with
dignity? Should
we not be called yellow-bellied cowards? Countrymen, enjoy
the breast-stroke
in the pond of shame! It is so ironic that some of you
have gone on to excel
in the Olympics through persistent swimming lessons in
Mugabe's dirty pond.
What would we say; the reward of a diplomatic passport
is
testimony!
We are disgusting cry-babies of the worst bloodline! We
sob and expect
Mugabe to exercise some tender-heartedness in soothing us. We
forget that at
the moment Mugabe wipes off our tears, it would be to give us
false hope; to
lull us into submission so that when the spirit of Dracula in
him urges him
to have our blood; we would be so engrossed in our small false
comfort zone
to defend ourselves. We are utterly brainless, spineless, and
to say the
least, lost in our own domain!
Like the farmer who
fattens his livestock for slaughter; Mugabe has
the ability, time and
depraved motive to feed us growers' mash for a
blood-sucking day. We are
Mugabe's sheep. Probably when he sucks our blood
we do not even bleat in
agony; we donate all our blood in silence.
We have done nothing to
emancipate ourselves from Mugabe's perfidy.
Now for the places we
have gone in search of deliverance from Mugabe's
unearthly
evil!
We have all flocked to Zvimba to pay ungodly homage to
Mugabe's
cruelty. We have saved huge sums of money for Zimbabwe's own
version of the
Hajj; the 'greatest trip on earth'. We have made pilgrims to
Zvimba in a
fashion Mecca is religiously pilgrimaged. Forgive me for knowing
where
Zvimba is!
Mugabe's state house is one other place we
have visited. We have
presented our credentials of dishonour to him in an
amazingly dishonest
fashion. We have accepted hugs from the brute and pecks
on the cheeks from
his less-than-honourable wife. We have joined the empiric
family in their
cannibalistic dinners. Hail Emperor Bokassa! Hail Emperor
Mugabe. We have
recited poems of praise to the cannibal! I know where state
house is.
Forgive them Lord those who visit state house for they do not know
that the
meat they eat there is the flesh of their own kith and
kin.
We have been to Cuba, to China and to Iran. We have accepted
offers of
holidaying in the bastions of dictatorship from Mugabe. A
plane-ride from
hither to thither! It causes me sardonic fury to know that
we all go to
far-away places in planes hired for us by Mugabe. We have no
conscience. We
are purchasable like grocery items in a shop. We have sinned
against our
standards of humanity. I apologise for going to Havana for a
degree course.
Now for the grand finale: we are seemingly going in
one direction. We
are fast approaching doom without reproach from our
suffering. We are going
to all other un-heavenly and unsightly. We cannot
emancipate ourselves. We
have gone deeper than the deepest there is in going
against the demands of
humanity.
We yearn for no freedom. We
crave for no full stomachs for our
emaciated children. We covet nothing else
than the ugly woman in our
neighbour's life. We desire no more than the
tattered Mao suits donated to
us by charity. We have no hunger for success.
We deserve all the fleas that
inflict upon us. Excuse me for not removing
the lice that bite me when I
sleep!
I surrender Rhodesia; oops.
Zimbabwe!
We have no self-pity. We deserve no
sympathy.
Masola wa Dabudabu is a columnist for New Zimbabwe.com
and was
previously a regular columnist with the banned Daily News. He writes
from
London. CONTACT MASOLA:
Independent, UK
Against the odds, The Zimbabwean has reached its first birthday.
Geneviève
Roberts meets the driving force behind a rare voice of dissent
against
Robert Mugabe
Published: 10 April 2006
Over the past year,
Wilf Mbanga has been denounced by the Zimbabwean
government, his reporters
have been threatened, and cartoonists have
depicted him kneeling before Tony
Blair, having his head patted.
The editor and publisher of The Zimbabwean
has antagonised his former friend
Robert Mugabe, but his newspaper has not
only survived - it has now started
to sell advertising online and in the
paper. This month, it has increased
its distribution in Zimbabwe, and Mbanga
hopes to increase it further this
year as demand for an independent voice in
the country increases.
"I am glad we have got them rattled. It makes us
more determined," Mbanga
says. "They have responded by saying, in the
state-run Herald newspaper,
that I am using dirty money to fund the paper
from the US and British
governments. The government is giving us a lot of
publicity through their
reaction."
The newspaper is printed in
Johannesburg and flown into Harare. It is also
distributed to Zimbabweans in
England, Europe and the US. The paper's
website, run from Mbanga's dining
room in his house in the south of England,
where he lives in exile, has won
the Highway Africa award for the most
effective use of new
technology.
"So far, the government has been letting The Zimbabwean into
Harare without
hindrance," Mbanga says. "The government owns The Herald, The
Chronicle,
nine or 10 other newspapers, the radio and the television. We
come out once
a week, so for six days there is a constant feed of propaganda
with just one
day when there is a challenge to it. Letting The Zimbabwean be
distributed
allows the Government to play the democracy card, which gives
them
credibility. If I were to publish daily, it would be
banned."
The paper's reporters use pseudonyms and face up to 20 years in
jail for
doing their work. Mbanga, who describes his journalists as "unnamed
heroes",
says: "Last week, we reported on a journalist being beaten up in
Harare
because the government was suspicious of him writing for the foreign
media.
In Mutari, a journalist was locked up for four days on suspicion of
working
for foreign media. The minister in charge of the intelligence
services has
said the net is closing in on journalists working for foreign
news
services."
Mbanga "worries all the time" for his staff, but
cannot phone a reporter if
he is concerned in case the phone is tapped.
"Some send their stories from
their Yahoo! addresses in internet cafés. They
cannot go to press
conferences, or get confirmation on stories from the
government, but they
get the stories. They use sources who will not shop
them and confirm stories
with extra sources."
He is funded by the
Open Society Institute and a Dutch donor organisation,
who are backing the
non-profit Zimbabwean for another year. It prints 12,000
copies for the UK,
15,000 for South Africa and 15,000 for Zimbabwe. Its
lawyer, accountants and
journalists are all volunteers. He and his wife
Trish are the only full-time
staff. Mbanga, 58, is editor, publisher and
copytaster; she is chief sub,
deals with all the admin and makes the tea.
It's a far cry from his life
in Zimbabwe when he was friends with Mugabe,
travelling with him to India,
East Africa and London. They met in 1974 when
Mbanga was a reporter. Mbanga
believed in Mugabe's love for Zimbabwe. Mugabe
gave him exclusive interviews
and asked Mbanga to become the founding editor
of the state-run news agency
in 1981.
In 1983, Mbanga heard rumours of massacres in the south-west of
the country.
At first, he did not believe Mugabe was responsible. Years
later, he found
out that Mugabe had been responsible for the Matabeleland
killings of up to
20,000 people.
By the 1995 elections, with the
economy in free fall, Mbanga had realised
that Mugabe had turned into a
"monster". The erosion of human rights could
not be ignored. "I was left
disillusioned by the man I had had absolute
faith in," he says.
In
1999, he had been the founding managing director of the Daily News in
Zimbabwe, a daily opposition paper. It was silenced by Mugabe in
2003.
In the past year, life for Zimbabweans has worsened. More than 70
per cent
are unemployed and 80 per cent need food aid. Inflation was 600 per
cent.
Mbanga says: "In 1980, I bought a four-bedroomed house with a pool and
an
acre of land for Z$23,000. Today, a loaf of bread costs Z$65,000. People
in
the diaspora send money home. The monthly wage of a domestic worker is
Z$500,000 - 10 loaves of bread. We have a send-a-sub scheme so people can
subscribe to The Zimbabwean on behalf of someone living there." The paper
now costs Z$50,000.
Mbanga works so that people inside and outside
the country are informed.
"They say the darkest hour is before the dawn. In
the past, Mugabe could buy
people. Now he cannot do that because inflation
has taken over the country.
The police set up roadblocks and demand people
pay them because they cannot
survive on their salaries. With ministers
looting and police looting,
lawlessness has spread.
"I live in hope
and will produce the paper to fight for a better system. We
feel that if
people know what is going on in the country, they will get
angry."
Mbanga is confident The Zimbabwean will outlast Mugabe, and
when that
happens he will return to his country. "I am very patriotic, and
look
forward to running the paper from there."
'Seretse & Ruth'
by Wilf and Trish Mbanga (Tafelberg, £14.95) is available
from the Africa
Book Centre (www.africabookcentre.com)
Over
the past year, Wilf Mbanga has been denounced by the Zimbabwean
government,
his reporters have been threatened, and cartoonists have
depicted him
kneeling before Tony Blair, having his head patted.
The editor and
publisher of The Zimbabwean has antagonised his former friend
Robert Mugabe,
but his newspaper has not only survived - it has now started
to sell
advertising online and in the paper. This month, it has increased
its
distribution in Zimbabwe, and Mbanga hopes to increase it further this
year
as demand for an independent voice in the country increases.
"I am glad
we have got them rattled. It makes us more determined," Mbanga
says. "They
have responded by saying, in the state-run Herald newspaper,
that I am using
dirty money to fund the paper from the US and British
governments. The
government is giving us a lot of publicity through their
reaction."
The newspaper is printed in Johannesburg and flown into
Harare. It is also
distributed to Zimbabweans in England, Europe and the US.
The paper's
website, run from Mbanga's dining room in his house in the south
of England,
where he lives in exile, has won the Highway Africa award for
the most
effective use of new technology.
"So far, the government has
been letting The Zimbabwean into Harare without
hindrance," Mbanga says.
"The government owns The Herald, The Chronicle,
nine or 10 other newspapers,
the radio and the television. We come out once
a week, so for six days there
is a constant feed of propaganda with just one
day when there is a challenge
to it. Letting The Zimbabwean be distributed
allows the Government to play
the democracy card, which gives them
credibility. If I were to publish
daily, it would be banned."
The paper's reporters use pseudonyms and face
up to 20 years in jail for
doing their work. Mbanga, who describes his
journalists as "unnamed heroes",
says: "Last week, we reported on a
journalist being beaten up in Harare
because the government was suspicious
of him writing for the foreign media.
In Mutari, a journalist was locked up
for four days on suspicion of working
for foreign media. The minister in
charge of the intelligence services has
said the net is closing in on
journalists working for foreign news
services."
Mbanga "worries all
the time" for his staff, but cannot phone a reporter if
he is concerned in
case the phone is tapped. "Some send their stories from
their Yahoo!
addresses in internet cafés. They cannot go to press
conferences, or get
confirmation on stories from the government, but they
get the stories. They
use sources who will not shop them and confirm stories
with extra
sources."
He is funded by the Open Society Institute and a Dutch donor
organisation,
who are backing the non-profit Zimbabwean for another year. It
prints 12,000
copies for the UK, 15,000 for South Africa and 15,000 for
Zimbabwe. Its
lawyer, accountants and journalists are all volunteers. He and
his wife
Trish are the only full-time staff. Mbanga, 58, is editor,
publisher and
copytaster; she is chief sub, deals with all the admin and
makes the tea.
It's a far cry from his life in Zimbabwe when he was
friends with Mugabe,
travelling with him to India, East Africa and London.
They met in 1974 when
Mbanga was a reporter. Mbanga believed in Mugabe's
love for Zimbabwe. Mugabe
gave him exclusive interviews and asked Mbanga to
become the founding editor
of the state-run news agency in 1981.
In
1983, Mbanga heard rumours of massacres in the south-west of the country.
At
first, he did not believe Mugabe was responsible. Years later, he found
out
that Mugabe had been responsible for the Matabeleland killings of up to
20,000 people.
By the 1995 elections, with the economy in free fall,
Mbanga had realised
that Mugabe had turned into a "monster". The erosion of
human rights could
not be ignored. "I was left disillusioned by the man I
had had absolute
faith in," he says.
In 1999, he had been the
founding managing director of the Daily News in
Zimbabwe, a daily opposition
paper. It was silenced by Mugabe in 2003.
In the past year, life for
Zimbabweans has worsened. More than 70 per cent
are unemployed and 80 per
cent need food aid. Inflation was 600 per cent.
Mbanga says: "In 1980, I
bought a four-bedroomed house with a pool and an
acre of land for Z$23,000.
Today, a loaf of bread costs Z$65,000. People in
the diaspora send money
home. The monthly wage of a domestic worker is
Z$500,000 - 10 loaves of
bread. We have a send-a-sub scheme so people can
subscribe to The Zimbabwean
on behalf of someone living there." The paper
now costs
Z$50,000.
Mbanga works so that people inside and outside the country are
informed.
"They say the darkest hour is before the dawn. In the past, Mugabe
could buy
people. Now he cannot do that because inflation has taken over the
country.
The police set up roadblocks and demand people pay them because
they cannot
survive on their salaries. With ministers looting and police
looting,
lawlessness has spread.
"I live in hope and will produce the
paper to fight for a better system. We
feel that if people know what is
going on in the country, they will get
angry."
Mbanga is confident
The Zimbabwean will outlast Mugabe, and when that
happens he will return to
his country. "I am very patriotic, and look
forward to running the paper
from there."
'Seretse & Ruth' by Wilf and Trish Mbanga (Tafelberg,
£14.95) is available
from the Africa Book Centre (www.africabookcentre.com)
New Zimbabwe
By Msekiwa
Makwanya
Last updated: 04/10/2006 12:53:54
MARTIN Luther King jr. was
right when he said 'hate multiplies hate,
violence multiplies violence, and
toughness multiplies toughness in
descending spiral of
destruction.'
Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of the other MDC faction has
promised to lead
democratic resistance from the front and is giving people
time to stock on
food in preparation for 'a sustained cold season of
peaceful democratic
resistance'. On the other hand, President Mugabe has
warned Tsvangirai
against his attempts at 'regime change'. Tsvangirai has
not been outdone; he
says he is prepared to die...a martyr if you like. It's
Jihad!
It's one thing for Tsvangirai to call for 'peaceful resistance',
but it is a
totally different issue whether he would be able to restrain his
supporters.
In recent weeks, we have witnessed growing acts of violence
by MDC
supporters against each other. There are reports of people being
beaten up
at rallies, and one was actually a Member of Parliament, Timothy
Mabawu. A
car being used by the Arthur Mutabara-led MDC was hijacked and
press reports
are linking the vehicle's seizure with the Tsvangirai-led MDC.
There is no
evidence to suggest that Tsvangirai has instructed anyone to be
violent but
leaders are responsible for what their followers do, in the same
way
Tsvangirai has spent a good part of six years telling us that President
Mugabe is responsible for what his security agents do.
I am aware
that, before Prof Mutambara assumed leadership of the other MDC,
one of
Tsvangirai's supporters in Bulawayo was reported to have lost an eye,
but
Prof Mutambara has been unequivocally clear about the need to shun the
use
of violence against each other. Mutambara is on record having said that
the
MDC has no moral basis to mourn about Zanu PF's use of violence when the
party itself is using violence as a political tool. Some dubious elements of
the civil society leaders who are now embedded in opposition politics have
remained tight lipped about this situation which might get out of hand. In
fact we have some so called civic society leaders who think they have the
mandate to tell the world who is the real MDC.
The problem with our
poor countries is that, once we start fighting each
other we destroy the
little that we have and it will take forever to build
again. I have to make
it clear that Tsvangirai has called for a 'peaceful
democratic resistance'
but will it be 'peaceful' and democratic? Previously
attempted mass
demonstrations have not been democratic; those who did not
agree were not
given the chance to disagree. In fact, elsewhere in the world
like the UK
for instance, strikes are balloted secretly so that people can
express their
wish to participate or not.
What I know about non-violent direct action
is that it requires thorough
training and discipline as well as commitment
to the ideals by those
involved because there will be provocation and things
can get out of hand.
There is also a dangerous assumption that Zanu PF no
longer has any support
and that its supporters have defected to the MDC and
these supporters are
ready for a 'peaceful democratic resistance'. This
requires careful thought.
The illusion of democratic resistance has been
packaged in the language of'paradigm
shift' but the reality has manifested
itself in the Chegutu mayoral election
in which the Tsvangirai-led MDC was
defeated, and other local government
elections in which both MDCs did not do
well. So, what exactly is this
'paradigm shift and democratic resistance?' I
can see the 'paradigm' but not
the 'shift'.
Before the promised cold
season of peaceful democratic resistance, the
Tsvangirai-led faction has
promised to battle it out with the Mutambara led
faction and Zanu PF next
month in the Budiriro by-election. It is not my
intention to question why
the two MDC factions are preparing to field
candidates because it is their
democratic right. I am not going to ask what
has changed in the minds of
those who, just yesterday, had no faith in the
electoral process, and
rejected the notion of defending their political
space in the senate
elections.
The reason why some of us were calling for unity was to make
sure that the
energies are focused on the issues affecting the very people
of Zimbabwe
that Tsvangirai is 'prepared to die for'. The view was that even
Zanu PF
needs a strong opposition to sit up and listen. An opportunity for
unity was
created when Prof Mutambara presented a framework for unity and
offered to
step down and contest elections on a united platform, ready to
accept the
verdict. For a moment there was hope then came an out break of
bad mouthing
and dirty tactics, mainly from elements that did not see the
benefits of
unity because a united platform meant stiff
competition.
We were told the differences within the MDC arose partly
because Prof
Welshman Ncube and other members of the management committee
were prepared
to talk to President Mugabe and enter into some agreement, but
Tsvangirai
preferred 'a paradigm shift and was ready to confront the
regime'.
Interestingly though, we are now being told that a 'peaceful
democratic
resistance' to be led by Tsvangirai is meant to force Mugabe to
the
negotiating table, and possibly call another general election! Who will
win
election in this current situation is anybody's guess, but what if Zanu
PF
reforms and win? Anyway, before we get to that point what can we do now
because things are getting out of hand.
Talking to President Mugabe
is seen as selling out, and in any case there is
a risk that if he does not
listen the embarrassment will be political
suicide. But what solution can be
there if the opposition does not engage
those in power? This is the famous
story of 'Baba Handishaye naVaRutsoka'.
While the children suffer people on
both sides have what it takes to bring
this suffering to an end, if only
they engage each other constructively.
They have to realize that apart from
unity, there is also an option of
collaboration or coalition but these
require negotiating skills of the
highest order not 'democratic
resistance'.
I conclude by saying that, 'mass action', rallies and
congress have come and
gone. The only thing yet to be tried is closing ranks
and putting our
differences aside to discuss the way forward. The two MDCs
should define
themselves into distinct entities so that we can have some
progress. While
unity is ideal, it is not a must.
Denials of the MDC
split should simply be dismissed as being late in the day
and unhelpful.
Zimbabwe now has three world-wide acknowledged political
leaders; President
Mugabe, Prof Mutambara and Morgan Tsvangirai. These
leaders should not allow
the few overzealous party functionaries and those
dubious 'career activists'
and civil society leaders benefiting from the
crisis to throw spanners into
the work.
The situation is now so serious and we have the civic duty to
appeal to our
leaders to do their best to negotiate us out of this crisis.
People can do
this through their MPs, Governors, Chiefs, genuine Church
leaders and Spirit
Mediums if possible as well as their other Social and
Political structures.
Now is the time!
Msekiwa Makwanya is a social
commentator based in England. Contact can be
made through makwanya@yahoo.com
World Socialist Web Site
By Brian Smith
10 April 2006
New evidence is emerging about
the extent and nature of China's involvement
in Africa. A series of articles
in the Financial Times claims that China
"has in the span of a few years
changed the pattern of Africa's investment
and trade." The paper admits to
"only just beginning to grapple with the
implications."
Trade between
China and Africa has quadrupled since the beginning of this
decade. China is
now Africa's third largest commercial partner after the US
and France, and
second largest exporter to Africa after France. It is
notably ahead of
ex-colonial power Britain in both categories. As one US
official put it,
"China has simply exploded into Africa."
Although China's primary
interest in Africa is energy, it has major
interests in other natural
resources, particularly metals, food and timber.
It exports textiles and
low-cost consumer goods, primarily electronic and
high-technology products,
and invests in infrastructure.
Like the former colonial countries China
backs its trading relations with
aid, debt relief, scholarships, training
and the provision of specialists.
It is also a major supplier of military
hardware, like the West, and has
supplied peacekeepers-to the Democratic
Republic of Congo and Liberia-and
election observers to Ethiopia.
As
a latecomer to Africa, China has been prepared to enter regions and take
risks that others would not. "Like the west during the cold war," observes
the Financial Times, "China is not sniffy about dealing with
despots."
China's methods are cutting across the interests of the
International
Monetary Fund (IMF). It has extended a $2 billion soft loan to
Angola, for
example, which Africa Confidential believes may increase to $6
billion, in
exchange for favourable oil contracts. "The Chinese are offering
the loan as
an alternative to working with the IMF," points out Princeton
Lyman from the
Council of Foreign Relations think-tank in Washington. The
loan has given
Angola the ability to ignore the IMF's demand for an
agreement on
accountability and to delay indefinitely an international
donors'
conference.
About half of Angola's $9.7 billion foreign debt
is owed to the Paris Club
of nations, which according to Africa Confidential
is divided over their
negotiating strategy, largely because of China's
incursions. Paris Club
rules dictate that creditor countries cannot
reschedule debts without an IMF
imprimatur, but Spain, Germany, Italy and
Japan want negotiations to speed
up so that they can expand their operations
in Angola.
In Ethiopia, China has offered to make good any shortfall in
assistance
following the suspension of European Union aid due to human
rights abuses.
In Equatorial Guinea, China is trying to gain influence in
the US-dominated
oil sector by providing military training and specialists
to the country-the
president now describes China as its main development
partner. Equatorial
Guinea has approximately 1.28 billion barrels of proven
oil reserves.
In the case of Zimbabwe, China is now its second largest
trade partner after
South Africa, up from eleventh in just three years. It
has supplied military
hardware, including fighter aircraft and intelligence
listening devices, and
is interested in Zimbabwe's tobacco as well as
platinum and other mineral
reserves which are currently dominated by South
African and British
companies. It also has stakes in electricity production
and supply, mobile
phones and transport. Its reported plans include a joint
coal venture, a
glass factory, telephone assembly, and beef production on
vast tracts of
acquired land following President Mugabe's disastrous land
redistribution
policy. There are now also direct flights from Harare to
Beijing, and China
has donated three commercial aircraft to Air
Zimbabwe.
China's links with Zimbabwe go back to when it supported the
ZANU liberation
movement of Robert Mugabe, whilst the Soviet Union backed
his rival Joshua
Nkomo's ZAPU. Mugabe, who has been isolated by the West,
stated recently
that Zimbabwe is "returning to the days when our greatest
friends were the
Chinese." He also told supporters somewhat cryptically: "We
look again to
the East, where the sun rises, and no longer to the West,
where it sets."
The US Department of Energy has registered concern over
China's willingness
to deal with regimes to which it has given pariah
status. This particularly
refers to Sudan, where China has used its United
Nations Security Council
veto to block sanctions over the question of
Darfur.
China has stepped up its arms sales to Sudan in line with its
increased
involvement in the country's oil sector, and the Financial Times
believes
that the "manufacture in Sudan of Chinese weapons and ammunition
complicates
the enforcement of a UN embargo on supplies to militias in
Darfur." A
Sudanese government official is quoted saying that China's
presence is
important "not only on an economic level but also on a political
level."
In January, a Chinese government white paper on Sino-African
trade called
for greater military cooperation with the continent, and trade
agreements
"when conditions are ripe." China is now making strategic trade
deals
throughout Africa. It gets copper from Zambia, cobalt and copper from
the
Democratic Republic of Congo, timber and oil from Congo-Brazzaville,
iron-ore from South Africa, and food from Tanzania, to name but a few. It is
now the world's largest consumer of copper, ahead of the US, and the
worldwide rise in many commodity prices is largely driven by Chinese
demand.
China is also stepping up exports to Africa, especially in
textiles. Garment
factories across Africa have been shutting down since the
ending of the
Multi-Fibre Agreement (MFA), which allowed Western countries
to place quotas
on clothing and textile imports from certain countries, such
as China. When
the MFA ended in January 2005, Chinese exports to the US
soared and African
exports could not compete. Over 10 textile factories in
Lesotho alone closed
in 2005 with the loss of 10,000 jobs. Even larger
economies like Nigeria and
South Africa have seen their textile sectors
largely devastated. Clothing
exports from China to South Africa rose by 40
percent in the last nine
months of 2005 and after protests from the South
African government China
has now claimed it will limit the amount to prevent
further job losses.
Chinese investments have an advantage over the West
in that most are through
state-owned companies whose individual investments
do not have to make a
profit so long as they serve overall Chinese
objectives. In Nigeria, China
is in talks about running the privatised
Kaduna oil refinery-a money-losing
proposition that no Western country would
touch. However, the deal should
give the Chinese preferential treatment in
future oil-block allocations. In
Ethiopia, China's state-owned construction
company was instructed by Beijing
to bid low on various tenders, since its
objective is to gain favour with
the regime.
Like the US, China is
looking to diversify its oil supplies away from the
Middle East and now gets
between 25 percent and 30 percent of its oil from
Africa, mainly from Sudan,
Angola and Congo-Brazzaville.
Between 1995 and 2005, the number of
licences held by national oil companies
in Africa more than doubled, from 95
to 216. Chinese state oil companies'
exploration include deals with Angola,
Nigeria, Sudan, Algeria, Gabon, Niger
and Chad.
The key demand which
China impresses upon its African trading partners is
its "one-China" policy,
which insists on non-recognition of Taiwan. Today,
all but six of Africa's
53 nations maintain relations with Beijing. Senegal
was the last to transfer
allegiance from Taipei last year, leading to
Senegal being included on
Chinese Foreign Minister Li Zhaoxing's recent
six-nation diplomatic visit,
and the offer of debt elimination and
infrastructure funding. The visit also
sent a message to smaller nations
about the help they might receive for
cooperation with China.
Resource rich Libya and Nigeria were also on the
minister's agenda. China
signed an $800 million oil deal with Nigeria last
year to purchase 30,000
bpd for five years, and the China National Petroleum
Corporation recently
bid $2.3 billion for a 45 percent share in Nigeria's
off-shore Akpo field.
In total, China is considering some $7 billion of
investment in Nigeria
across a wide range of sectors.
"The perception
is that China is catching up with the level of engagement
that Western
governments have," a senior Nigerian foreign affairs official
explained.
"They are also prepared to put more on the table. For instance,
the Western
world is never prepared to transfer technology-but the Chinese
do."
Nigeria has approached a Chinese company, Great Wall Industry
Corporation,
to launch a satellite for it next year. This is despite the
fact that the US
has applied sanctions against this company for allegedly
supplying Iran with
technology that could be used for a nuclear weapons
programme.
Nigeria has recently criticised the US for failing to help it
protect the
country's oil assets and forcing it to turn to China for
military support.
When talks with the US were not progressing fast enough to
stop the
insurgency in the south of the country, Nigeria sourced dozens of
patrol
boats from China to secure the swamps and creeks that are at the
centre of
insurgent attacks on oil facilities.
The US has been
reluctant to increase its supply of military equipment to
Nigeria, citing
official corruption as the reason. Stephen Morrison of the
Centre for
Strategic and International Studies has warned the Pentagon to
get more
serious about dealing with the Nigerian military and to show more
concern
about Chinese involvement in the country. "The Chinese are very
competitive
players and we have to come to terms with that," he complained.
"They are
going to places that really do matter."
More generally the US Council on
Foreign Relations (CFR) think-tank has
recently proposed that sub-Saharan
Africa must be a primary component of US
foreign policy over the coming
decade due to growing US economic and
strategic interests in the continent.
It also applauded Secretary of State
Condoleezza Rice's "transformational
diplomacy", i.e., the shifting of
diplomats away from Europe to Africa and
other areas of more immediate
strategic concern.
We need "greater
flexibility," explains Lyman of the CFR, and "the kind of
geopolitical shift
that puts a much higher priority on this region within
the White House and
... State Department." He also called for US involvement
in conflict
resolution in Africa to be more flexible so that "we can deal
with more than
one crisis at a time."
Definitely a feeling of Spring in
the air, with buds beginning to emerge on
the bare branches of our four
maple trees.
It was good to see an old supporter Luka back at the Vigil.
He has just
come out after three months in detention. He said how wonderful
it was to
be free and immediately made himself useful, engaging passers-by
and
directing them to sign our petition. To remind readers, it says: "A
PETITION TO UN SECRETARY-GENERAL KOFI ANNAN ABOUT HUMAN RIGHTS ABUSES IN
ZIMBABWE: We are deeply disturbed at the deteriorating situation in
Zimbabwe. It seems as if the international community does not care that a
rogue government can hold its people hostage. In the past six years up to a
quarter of the population have fled the country. Half of those remaining
face starvation. Any dissent is stamped on. The UN's special envoys have
seen this for themselves and condemned the regime. We urge the UN Security
Council to take measures to help free the suffering people of
Zimbabwe."
Like many others, Luka will be anxious about the court case on
Wednesday
which will make a decision on Zimbabwean asylum seekers. Sarah of
the
Zimbabwe Association came to the Vigil and encouraged supporters to
attend
the hearing at the Royal Courts of Justice in the Strand.
It
was also good to welcome back Fadzanayi Muchenagumbo. She came to the
MDC-UK protest at the Vigil a few weeks back and has been galvanising
support for us. She brought a group of four from Milton Keynes to the Vigil
and plans to bring more people in the future. Vigil spokesperson, Julius
Mutyambizi-Dewa, was pleased to see acquaintances from Zimbabwe among a
group from Slough. We are getting a large number of new people every week,
many of whom are coming back again.
We had our oldest Vigil visitor
ever. Tiny with white hair and a stick, she
joined in and had a great time
dancing with Dumi, one of our Vigil
co-ordinators. Many people commented on
the beautiful singing. We had
quite an audience for the national anthem at
the end of the Vigil.
FOR THE RECORD: 51 signed the register.
FOR
YOUR DIARY: Zimbabwe Forum, Upstairs at the Theodore Bullfrog pub, 28
John
Adam Street, London WC2 (cross the Strand from the Zimbabwe Embassy, go
down
a passageway to John Adam Street, turn right and you will see the pub).
Monday, 10th April, 7.30 pm - action planning: discussion and decisions on
campaigns and demos. A REMINDER: there will be no forum on Easter Monday,
17th April - the forum does not meet on public holidays.
Vigil
co-ordinator
The Vigil, outside the Zimbabwe Embassy, 429 Strand, London,
takes place
every Saturday from 14.00 to 18.00 to protest against gross
violations of
human rights by the current regime in Zimbabwe. The Vigil
which started in
October 2002 will continue until internationally-monitored,
free and fair
elections are held in Zimbabwe. http://www.zimvigil.co.uk
Zim Daily
Monday, April 10 2006 @ 12:10 AM BST
Contributed by:
Zimdaily
MDC president Morgan Tsvangirai continued
nationwide rallies to
garner support for the upcoming mass protests with
thousands of supporters
turning up to show their unwavering support for the
charismatic leader.
Speaking at Huruyadzo business centre (Saturday) in
Chitungwiza where more
than 20 000 people turned up and at Whitecity Stadium
in Bulawayo where
another 16 000 chanted MDC slogans, Tsvangirai said
Zimbabweans had suffered
for too long under President Robert Mugabe's rule.
MDC spokesman Nelson
Chamisa told Zimdaily that the party felt humbled by
the thousands who
attended the weekend rallies.
"16 000
at whitecity stadium came in full swing to support us"
Chamisa said.
Huruyadzo Business centre, a venue a stone's throw away from
the house of
pro-Senate MDC member, Job Sikhala. The leader of the
pro-senate faction
Arthur Mutambara cancelled a meet-the-people rally at
white city stadium a
month ago after his congress when only a handful of
supporters turned
.
Three weeks ago, Mutambara, addressed a rally attended by
around
800 people.The faction however said 5 000 people attended Mutambara's
rally.
Responding to Mugabe's threats that any attempts to lead peaceful
demonstrations against his government could result in his death, a fired up
Tsvangirai said: "I am prepared to die in order to liberate the people of
Zimbabwe from Zanu PF's misrule. Who are you Mugabe to talk about the death
or life of an individual, are you God? Even if I am killed, one thing is
certain, all dictators, just like other people, will die. If I die first, I
will be waiting for you in heaven and I will ask you if you managed to
improve the lives of Zimbabweans."
He said the success of
his faction's congress had shaken Zanu PF
resulting in mass panic among the
party's leadership. "Every time you see
Zanu PF officials addressing people,
none of them is ever calm. They are
always shouting and abusive because they
have no solutions for the crisis
facing the country and have no idea on how
to solve the chaos they created."
Tsvangirai blasted Mugabe's
last ditch efforts to engage in what
he terms "building bridges" with
British Premier, Tony Blair. "What kind of
a person are you? The solution to
the crisis in Zimbabwe is right here in
Zimbabwe not in Britain. You should
build bridges with Tsvangirai not Tony
Blair." Midway through his address,
several youths who allegedly belong to
the pro-Senate camp started ordering
Tsvangirai's followers to leave the
rally.
Tsvangirai's
followers beat them up.
A police officer who tried to shield
them from further beatings
was also beaten up and saved by the arrival of
reinforcements from the
anti-riot squad. Tsvangirai has embarked on
nationwide rallies to mobilise
people ahead of anticipated street protests
against the government's misrule
and failure to manage the economy. He has
already toured the Midlands and
Masvingo, and attracted bumper crowds.
Tsvangirai addressed a rally attended
by over 16 000 Bulawayo residents at
White City Stadium further rallies
lined up for Bindura, Mutare, Gwanda,
Chinhoyi and Hwange.
The final star rally will be held in
Harare.
Zimdaily/standard
From Reuters, 9 April
Harare -
Zimbabweans woke up on Saturday to news of an inflation figure that
confirmed
life in a country already on its knees is getting worse. The cost
of bread
rose by 60% overnight after the southern African country's
official
statistics agency announced that the annual inflation rate - already
the
highest in the world - was heading towards 1 000%. Zimbabwe's main
state
media tucked the bad news in the middle of bulletins dominated by
what
critics call "useless speeches" by President's Robert Mugabe's
government
officials. But the new 913.6% inflation rate still announced
itself loudly
on the streets of Harare where survival remains a challenge
even to citizens
well practiced in the art. Like the rest of her compatriots,
Shamiso Mapanga
said she has learned to live one day at a time. The
38-year-old assistant
accountant and her teacher husband have long stopped
trying to calculate how
much money their family of four needs for groceries
every month. "It is an
impossible and extremely stressful exercise," she said
at a Harare
supermarket on Saturday where she was forced to leave behind one
of the
three loaves of bread she wanted to buy because the price had risen to
Z$95
000 from Z$60 000 overnight.
"I am sick to the bone with all
these things," she said to a Reuters
correspondent in the same shop. "How are
we expected to survive, and how
long is this going to last?," she asked
angrily, and without pausing for a
reply, answered her own question: "I think
only God knows how it will all
end." A man in the same queue said
despairingly: "For me whatever happens. I
am going with the flow but at the
same time praying that we survive the
tide." The Consumer Council of Zimbabwe
says an average family of five
requires at least Z$35m every month but an
average middle class citizen
earns Z$15m. Political and economic analysts say
many urban Zimbabweans have
so far survived the country's long-running
economic crisis through wheeling
and dealing and through subsidies from
relatives abroad who send money for
groceries. A recent study by economists
at Harare's University of Zimbabwe
says 90% of urban families are spending
most of their income on food and
accommodation in the face of the galloping
inflation rate.
Aid agencies have also helped ease the crisis in
rural Zimbabwe. But many
people have simply left the country. Regional
officials estimate up to 2
million Zimbabweans have sought economic refuge in
neighbouring South Africa
in the face the crisis, which Mugabe's critics say
has forced a quarter of
the country's 12 million people abroad. Mugabe's
government has branded
inflation and corruption as arch-enemies in its war to
revive an economy
which has shrunk by an estimated 40% in the last seven
years. The crisis has
left Zimbabwe battling chronic shortages of food, fuel
and foreign currency,
a crumbling infrastructure and poor medical services.
The World Health
Organisation said in a report on Friday that life in
Zimbabwe is shorter
than anywhere else in the world, with neither men nor
women expected to live
to 40 because of the affects of Aids and poverty on
the population. The
opposition - along many other critics - blames the
deepening economic crisis
on Mugabe's policies and expects the public to
explode in an angry revolt
soon. Mugabe, 82, and in power since independence
from Britain in 1980, has
used tough security laws to clamp down on protests.
Last week Mugabe warned
opposition leader Morgan Tsvangiri that he would be
"dicing with death" if
he tries to drive him out of power through mass
demonstrations.
Dear Constituents and Friends
As we enter Holy Week, it is proper that I
should write to encourage all of
you to remember the message of Easter,
which is the message of Hope and New
Life. It is good to remind ourselves
that hope for a better life has been
around for a very long time, and to
know that we share that hope with so
many other people around the world
right now and also in ages long past.
Easter is also a time we like to be
with our families, and I hope that many
of you will be able to enjoy your
family this Easter, even if you are not
able to travel kumusha or wherever
to be with those who sadly have been
forced to join the brain drain.
Indeed, I must say here that I believe one
of the worst crimes of the
Zanu-PF regime is the destruction of our family
units. There is hardly a
family which does not have at least one member
living outside Zimbabwe.
Many, many couples are now unhappily separated,
with one spouse living
thousands of kilometres away from his/her partner.
What does that mean for
the future of our Zimbabwean families? I believe it
means major and
permanant disruption, and stress to the youngest generation
who are now
growing up in one-parent families or with grandparents or other
relatives as
their parents struggle overseas to send enough money back home
for their
families to survive. The family is the foundation of any society.
Our
Zimbabwe society will take generations to recover from this disruption,
if
indeed it ever manages to reconstruct itself as before. We used to worry
about urban life destroying traditional society, but now we have Diasporan
life destroying Zimbabwean society as a whole, thanks to Robert Mugabe and
co.
On a happier note, this Easter is a very special one for my own
family,
because my mother-in-law is turning 100 - yes, 100! - on Easter
Saturday.
We are having a huge gathering of the Stevenson clan, all ages
from 1 to
100, it will be great fun I'm sure. My mother-in-law is a great
lady who
taught many, many children the basics - including good behaviour -
in her
career as teacher and headmistress, even though she retired nearly 40
years
ago! The secret of her longevity appears to be a diet containing a
lot of
very hot tea taken with digestive biscuits!
At mass tonight we
sang a lovely hymn, "This is my God, the Servant King"
and it reminded me of
the type of leader we want to have in the New
Zimbabwe - a leader who serves
the people and interacts with us, not one who
dictates to us and surrounds
himself with security and armoury to protect
himself from us. Surely the
time for a new leader cannot be far away, when
we have inflation at 913,6%
officially (and doubtless much higher in
reality) and when even the regime
is in considerable disarray. So let us
not lose hope. Let us keep the
faith, and remember God's promise that he
will never abandon us.
And
let Independence mean just that, this year. Let all Zimbabweans reclaim
our
independence as human beings and citizens of this country. Let us
remember
that people have suffered and died fighting for freedom, both
before
independence and after - and let all Zimbabweans reclaim our freedom.
Let us
set our minds free from the oppression and depression we usually
succumb to
without even thinking. Let us use the free will God gave us to
bring about
the New Zimbabwe we long for and deserve - a Zimbabwe where
there is
freedom, justice, equality, democracy and solidarity for all and
among all
Zimbabweans.
Have a happy Easter and Independence holiday this year - God
is with us.
Trudy Stevenson
Member of Parliament for Harare North
Constituency
April 10,
2006.
By George Nyathi
BULAWAYO (AND) Thousands of
patients from throughout Zimbabwe referred
to Mpilo Hospital in Bulawayo are
faced with a serious crisis following
stunning revelations that dialysis
machines had run out of a vital fluid
that helps them cope with renal
failure.
Authorities at the hospital said that there was a looming
crisis that
could result in some of the patients losing their lives if
urgent
interventionery measures were not taken by the government and other
players
in the health sector. The vital fluid, dialysate, is reported to
have run
out early last week, leaving the hospital staff to panic as there
was no
other solution in sight.
"Some patients are at serious
risk of losing their lives if this fluid
is not sourced with immediate
effect as their kidneys run the risk of
stopping their function. Currently,
we are operating with only one or two
machines as all others have been
switched off due to the chemical shortage,"
said one nurse at the health
institution. The situation is so desperate
despite the fact that Vice
President Joyce Mujuru recently sourced and
donated eighteen dialysis
machines to the hospital. According to an initial
survey by AND NETWORK,
five litres of the dialysate solution costs $4.5
million at a pharmaceutical
outlet in Bulawayo, Zimbabwe's second largest
city. No comment could be
obtained from the hospital superintendent,
identified as Lindiwe
Mlilo.
Bulawayo (AND)
The Chronicle
Chronicle
Reporter
POLICE had to intervene and stop a meeting organised by the
interim
executive of the Zimbabwe National Liberation War Veterans
Association's
Bulawayo Province in the city yesterday amid fears it would
turn violent as
angry former freedom fighters exchanged harsh words over the
alleged
imposition of a new committee.
The meeting, which was being
held at the war veterans' offices in Entumbane,
was prematurely adjourned by
the police, as it became chaotic with the
exfighters shouting at each other
and heckling the speakers.
A storm has been brewing within the exfighters
association since the
election of a new interim executive led by Cde Thoriso
MoyoPhiri in February
after a " vote of no confidence'' was passed on the
Cde Themba Ncube led
executive.
Cde Ncube's executive was accused of
failing to respect senior Zanu (PF)
leaders in the province and in the
Matabeleland region as a whole.
Cde Ncube was one of the six ruling party
provincial chairmen who attended
the infamous Dinyane High School meeting in
2004 in Tsholotsho, where they
reportedly plotted to circumvent the party
criteria for the selection of a
VicePresident.
The six were suspended
from the party for five years.
Yesterday, tempers flared at the meeting when
members of the new executive
tried to address the gathering.
Supporters
of the old executive refused to give them the platform, claiming
to be the
legitimate owners of the piece of land where the meeting was being
held as
they had paid $3,5 million in rates to the Bulawayo City Council.
They
claimed the new committee had no right to address them.
The war veterans
gathered on the podium and continued arguing over who had
the right to
address the meeting.
Some members tried to quell the commotion by chanting
Zanu (PF) slogans but
their efforts were in vain.
There was so much
commotion that the riot police had to be called in.
The crowd was dispersed
after it was discovered that they had not notified
the police about their
intention to hold the meeting.
The war veterans were told to put their house
in order before applying to
the police for permission to hold their
meeting.
During the meeting, the ousted Cde Ncube led executive and its
sympathisers
refused to acknowledge the new executive, saying it had been
imposed on the
former freedom fighters, as no elections had been held to
choose a new
leadership in terms of the association's constitution.
The
rival group alleged that the "old executive" did not have their
interests at
heart as it was reportedly working in cahoots with the former
Minister of
Information and Publicity, Professor Jonathan Moyo and his
little known
United People's Movement party.
In an interview on the sidelines of the
meeting, the national chairman of
the ZNLWVA reorganising committee, Cde
Andrew Ndlovu, said the meeting had
been called to unveil the new executive
and to update members on new
developments that were expected to take place
in the association.
He said he had planned to announce to the members that a
Bill was in the
pipeline that would pave way for the dissolution of ZNLWVA,
which was a
welfare association, so it could be replaced by a restructured
body which
would fall under the Ministry of Defence.
"During the meeting,
we were supposed to update others on the information as
directed by the
restructuring committee that comprises of Cde Dumiso
Dabengwa, Retired
General Vitalis Zvinavashe and Rtd Gen Solomon Mujuru
(former Zimbabwe
Defence Forces commanders).
"However, the old executive led by Cde Ncube has
come here to make noise
hence misleading the other war vets and disrupting
the party programmes by
saying that they do not recognise the new executive.
Cde Ncube is
politicising the whole issue yet people need to be briefed on
the
developments," he said.
Cde Ndlovu said the announcement would have
to be made in the next meeting
as the old executive had clearly shown that
it had no respect for the
national leadership and the Government.
Cde
Ndlovu also said the new interim executive was chosen to solve the
problems
that were caused by the infamous "Tsholotsho Declaration'' and
would be in
power until a new executive is elected.
He said the old executive and its
sympathisers had to "reason" with the
interim executive and map the way
forward instead of causing confusion
within the association.
Another war
veteran who attended the aborted meeting, Cde George Mlala, said
he did not
recognise some members of the new executive, accusing them of
being bogus
war veterans.
"There is a constitution which clearly states how people get in
and out of
office and the procedures to follow when there are grievances. If
there are
problems with the true executive (led by Cde Ncube), then they
have a
constitutional right to remove it, but in a constitutional manner, "
he
said.
"If they want to be leaders then they should wait for the next
elections and
contest, instead of dissolving structures unconstitutionally,"
he said.
The Chronicle
Political Editor
THE Bulawayo Independence Celebrations
Committee on Friday raised $500
million during the launch of its campaign to
raise $1 billion for the
festivities.
The fundraising launch which
was held at a hotel in the city was attended by
several members of the
ruling party, Zanu(PF), captains of commerce and
industry and senior civil
servants with the Resident Minister of
Metropolitan Bulawayo, Cde Cain
Mathema being the guest of honour.
Mr Mathema pledged $40 million towards the
fund while the Provincial
Administrator, Mr Isaac Ndebele and the five
district administrators under
him forked out a total of $13 million towards
the fund for the celebrations
to be held on 18 April.
The chairman of the
Fundraising subcommittee, Mr Obert Sibanda, who is also
the owner of
Reliance Holdings, donated $30 million while two financial
institutions;
Standard Chartered Bank and CBZ chipped in with $50 million
and $60 million
respectively.
The Grain Millers Association of Zimbabwe pledged five tonnes
of mealiemeal
worth $100 million and handed over a cheque of $10 million
while the
National Railways of Zimbabwe and its sister company RMS, each
donated $30
million and $50 million respectively.
Innscor Group of
companies, Fazak Gift Centre, Jupiter Insurance, Ziscosteel
and the Zimbabwe
National Chamber of Commerce each donated $10 million with
the Rainbow Hotel
providing the venue for the fundraising launch, snacks for
the function and
pledging to offer catering services free of charge during
the fundraising
dinner on the eve of Independence Day at the Large City Hall
in
Bulawayo.
Other notable pledges were made by the Zimbabwe Institute of
Management
which forked out $25 million and the Fort Group which donated $30
million
while Councillor Stars Mathe, who recently defected from the MDC
antiSenate
group to Zanu(PF) donated $5 million.
Speaking during the
occasion, Mr Mathema urged organisations and individuals
in Bulawayo to
support the cause so that the fundraising target of $1
billion could be
achieved.
He said independence celebrations were an important episode in the
life of a
nation and urged people of Bulawayo to desist from "belittling''
the event.
Daily Mirror, Zimbabwe
The Daily Mirror Reporter
issue date :2006-Apr-11
MEMBERS of
the public have expressed concern over the health delivery system
in the
country, amid high consultation fees, unavailability of drugs and
poor
service.
Health practitioner Nicholus Tsatse attributed the problems to poor
government funding of the health sector.
"You will find out that a
hospital which needs one billion dollars will only
get one fifth of that
amount.
"The government should revise its budget to improve the health
delivery
system in Zimbabwe," Tsatse said.
He also blamed the lack of
resources and old machinery for the poor health
delivery
service.
"Outdated machinery and lack of resources reduces the efficiency and
effectiveness of our service," he said."We cannot buy new machinery as they
require the scarce foreign currency."
Patients said the health situation
in the country was cause for concern.
Joseph Nhamburo, a patient, bemoaned
high consultation fees and the shortage
of drugs.
Another patient at
Parirenyatwa Hospital, Veronica Zivanai, said there were
long queues at the
hospital.
Dr Roger Murodza described how the Aids pandemic had stretched
health
institutions in the country to the limit.
"It is unfortunate how
Aids is causing problems in the health sector.
"More than 80 percent of the
people are in hospitals are Aids patients. This
is draining the resources,"
he said.
He said the government to decentralize its ARV distribution
centres.
He expressed satisfaction with the health personnel in the
country.
The health delivery system has been nose-diving in recent years,
making it
more difficult for the public to access treatment.
Daily Mirror, Zimbabwe
The Daily
Mirror Reporter
issue date :2006-Apr-11
THE Parliamentary Portfolio
Committee on Transport and Communication
yesterday expressed displeasure at
the failure by the Ministry of Transport
and Communication to complete the
construction of toll gates by the end of
March this year as earlier promised
and general lack of roads maintenance
countrywide.
Toll gates are
used to control flow of traffic into designated areas as way
of raising
revenue for road maintenance and reduction of congestion and have
already
been constructed at all border posts.
Soon after the announcement of the 2006
national budget last year, the
ministry told the committee that the
construction of the toll gates would be
completed by the end of March this
year.
However, acting permanent secretary in the Ministry of Transport and
Communication, Amos Makarawu, said they had faced a number of problems due
to lack of funding.
"We should have had them, but we are facing a number
of problems and have
made a number of false starts.
We have had to
abandon high technology design and just opted for a booth and
boom not
similar to ones in South Africa where there are automatic gates and
money
collecting machines," he said.
Makarau added that his ministry had resolved
to construct one toll gate for
each province as a matter of getting
something tangible on the ground.The
deputy director for roads in the
ministry, Gilvas Nhemachena, said the low
cost toll gates would cost them
$20 billion dollars instead of $150 billion
needed for the high technology
ones.
"Three years ago we floated tenders to private players for
infrastructural
development, but we got little interest.
"There were
only two responses and one later opted out. This is due to low
traffic
volumes and they (private operators) will only get returns after a
long
time," Nhemachena said. Harare Central legislator, Murisi Zwizwai, said
the
ministry was not serious in the way they handled the issue of toll
gates.
"There is lack of dedication on part of the ministry.
"It's
just like TeleAccess, they put up brilliant plans, but when we said
just
have 10 houses on the network they could not do it.
"Why don't you put up
toll gates in Harare on the major routes just to show
that you are doing
something," he said. Chairman of the committee, Leo
Mugabe added: "You seem
to have lied to the committee when you said under
oath after the budget that
it would be up and running in April.
"The idea to build one in each province
is not economical and does not show
proper business plan. The idea is to
collect as much money as possible from
motorists and net in as many as
possible."
On the state of roads, Nhemachena said the shortage of funds was
also
hampering the maintenance and construction of new roads.
"We have a
backlog of over 4 000 kilometres to be maintained. What we got
was only 15
percent of what we need.
"Machine owners used to charge $15 million an hour
last year, but now want
$250 million. Most of our roads are battered. Harare
to Gweru road is over
40 years old and Harare to Masvingo road is also over
40 years old yet they
were designed to last 20 years," he said.
Daily Mirror, Zimbabwe
Oswelled
Ureke
issue date :2006-Apr-11
THE GOVERNMENT has lifted - with effect
from April 1 - a freeze it had
effected on private hospital fees, but
slashed the proposed rate of increase
from 240 to 100 percent until
July.
David Parirenyatwa, the Minister of Health and Child Welfare,
announced the
approved fees at a press briefing in Harare
yesterday.
Medical aid contributions have also been increased by up to 90
percent.
The increases mean general practitioners' consultation fees have
gone up
from $2,9m to $5,8m, while those for specialist physicians were
increased
from $4,1m to $8,2m.
An anaesthetist, under the new fee
structure, would be entitled to 70
percent of the fee a surgeon charges for
a particular operation.
There would also be a 79 percent increase for
twin-room daily rates from $4
059 200 to $7 265 968 in major private
hospitals. Private hospitals would
also be standardised and graded to
determine what fees they could charge.
Announcing the new rates, Parirenyatwa
said while the government appreciated
the impact on health delivery of the
harsh economic climate in the country,
there was need for accountability in
coming up with new rates in order to
protect patients.
"The health sector
operates under the prevailing harsh economic environment
including
hyper-inflation, macroeconomic challenges and foreign currency
shortages and
input costs have soared.
"We have allowed, but reduced, various service
provider associations and
medical aid societies and private hospitals to
increase their fees from
April 1. Increases proposed had been up to 240
percent," Parirenyatwa said.
He said his ministry was seriously concerned
that major private hospitals
had no control over the conduct of doctors
operating in their institutions
in charging fees.
Parirenyatwa said a
taskforce comprising officials from the health ministry,
doctors'
associations and medical aid societies had been set to look into
the
specific needs of each and every player in the health delivery system.
The
findings of that taskforce, said the minister, would be out by May and
be
implemented in reviewing the fees in July.
He added the government needed to
regulate the increases of medical fees to
ensure that patients were not
short-changed. Parirenyatwa said: "We want to
regulate the increases, not
necessarily to control them. We have not
necessarily backtracked after
freezing the fees, but we have just asked for
reasonable and realistic
increases."
He added the government was concerned with making public health
institutions
the backbone of the country's health delivery system because
they were more
affordable, but that would not mean the private sector had
the right to do
as it pleased as it also fell under his ministry.
The
government, about a fortnight ago, froze all increases on private
hospital
fees pending investigations into the issue. The high costs of
medical care
have been a source of concern with many failing to afford them.
There have
been reports of patients in Mashonaland Central mission hospitals
paying
livestock to authorities because they could not afford the medical
fees in
cash.
Concern has also been cited over medical aid contributions which have
been
overlooked at most referral centres because of lack of communication
between
medical aid associations and doctors.
This has seen patients
being asked to pay cash despite being medical aid
account holders. At times,
their contributions were either too low or were
forwarded late to the
concerned health institutions.
Daily Mirror, Zimbabwe
Takunda
Maodza
issue date :2006-Apr-11
TWO POLICE officers a fortnight ago
allegedly locked a goldpanner and his
companions in a toilet in a Harare
restaurant, stripped them naked, and
confiscated 51,4 grammes of the
precious mineral worth about $160 million
which they did not surrender to
their authorities.
Relating his ordeal to The Daily Mirror last week,
Joe Kamboya a goldpanner
from Chinhoyi, said he travelled to Harare
intending to sell the gold to
Fidelity Printers last month.
"We dropped
at Rotten Row bus stop and on our way to Fidelity Printers we
passed through
a restaurant (name supplied) for a drink. Two men approached
us, identified
themselves as police officers and demanded a body search,"
narrated
Kamboya.
The pair accused Kamboya of having skipped bail and suspected he was
in
possession of dangerous weapons.
The police officers allegedly
demanded keys from employees at the restaurant
and proceeded to lock Kamboya
and his companions Rodney Mbiri and Sani
Standa in a toilet.
"They forced
us into the toilet at gun point where we were assaulted and
stripped of
clothes. It was then that they discovered I had 51,4 grammes of
gold and the
search ended," Kamboya alleged. The policemen, who claimed they
were from
the Criminal Investigations Department (CID) gold squad, allegedly
ordered
their victims to dress up and pronounced them arrested.
Kamboya said the two
men identified themselves as Machokoto and Machingauta.
They allegedly gave
their victims fake contact numbers, ordered them to go
back to Chinhoyi to
source more gold that the pair would sell on the
parallel market at high
rates. "They ordered us to go back to Chinhoyi to
source more gold and bring
it to them for better prices than Fidelity
Printers," Kamboya said.
While
in Chinhoyi, the trio realised they had been duped after they tried to
contact one of the police officers on telephone numbers the pair had given
them.
"A woman responded to our phone call, said she was in Chiredzi and
expressed
shock and ignorance at the whole matter. It was then that we
realised we
were duped," Mbiri added.
The goldpanner and his colleagues
travelled back to Harare on April 1 to try
and locate the men. "Our first
port of call was the restaurant where we
looked for the two without success.
We then went to Harare Central Police
Station and on arrival we saw one of
the culprits who had just apprehended a
suspect," narrated Kamboya.
The
trio allegedly sought for assistance from another policeman to arrest
the
man, who was later identified as Moses Nyawanhu.
"It was then that he was
identified as Nyawanhu attached to the CID homicide
section. He was called
and asked whether he knew us and he admitted,"
alleged Kamboya. Kamboya said
they demanded their gold back from Nyawanhu,
but the later allegedly claimed
the buyer had travelled to South Africa." He
volunteered to pay us $150
million cash to settle the matter. He ordered us
to wait for him at the
restaurant while he rushed to collect the money
somewhere in Luck Street,"
Kamboya said. The trio claimed they waited for
Nyawanhu for three hours, but
he would not turn up until they followed him.
"When he was interrogated at
the station, Nyawanhu named the other culprit
as Muchawaya who resides at
Bindura Police Station, but works in Harare,"
said Kamboya. The policemen
were reportedly detained at Harare Central
police station late last week on
charges of theft and corruption.
However, when the case went to the Rotten
Row magistrates' court, a senior
public prosecutor is said to have referred
the case back to the police,
saying charging the suspects with corruption
was incorrect, this paper was
told.
Yesterday, police spokesperson Memory
Pamire confirmed having received such
a report.
MDC INFORMATION & PUBLICITY
Harvest House
Harare
Tel 091
940 489, 091 850556 email : mdcnewsbrief@gmail.com
10 April
2006
Euphoria for change grips the nation as thousands turn up at MDC
rallies
The MDC juggernaut continues to roll on. Once again, the people
made another
profound statement that it is only the MDC that remains the
hope of the
nation. The people continue to make a bold statement that they
have
confidence in President Tsvangirai and the Liberation Team. They are
making
a bold assertion that the writing is on the wall for the dictatorship
and no
amount of threats and intimidation can stop an idea whose time has
come.
On Saturday, the MDC leadership was at Huruyadzo Shopping Centre in
St Mary's,
Chitungwiza, where more than 20 000 people turned up to meet
their leaders
and chart the way forward. Some were perched on shop
balconies; others hung
precariously on tree branches to listen to the
message of hope from the
'Liberation team' they have entrusted with
providing a vanguard role in
building a new Zimbabwe.
In Bulawayo,
the people showed that the MDC commands support in all the
country's
provinces by turning up in their thousands at White City Stadium
on Sunday.
Over 16 000 people thronged the stadium to attend the morning
rally.
In Chitungwiza, President Tsvangirai said there was need for
all democratic
and progressive forces to unite in fighting tyranny and
building a new and
democratic society. He called on students, workers,
religious and civic
groups to unite in resisting the
dictatorship.
President Tsvangirai said only a new Constitution and fresh
elections
supervised by the United Nations and international observers would
restore
legitimacy. He said he and the MDC leadership were prepared to pay
the
ultimate price if that was necessary to bring democracy and prosperity
to
Zimbabwe.
President Tsvangirai reiterated the MDC's commitment to
non-violence,
emphasizing that the party remains the embodiment of
non-violent politics in
Zimbabwe. He urged MDC supporters to continue to
cultivate and nurture a
culture of tolerance in our society. President
Tsvangirai said the crisis
in Zimbabwe could not be wished away and it was
high time Mugabe realized it
was necessary to build bridges with the people
of Zimbabwe and not with Tony
Blair. The solution to the country's
multi-layered crisis lay in Zimbabwe
and nowhere else, said President
Tsvangirai.
President Tsvangirai bemoaned the meagre salaries and poor
working
conditions of civil servants. He said civil servants were the
bedrock of a
functional and effective government and their conditions of
service deserved
to be improved.
The MDC secretary-general, Tendai
Biti, chronicled the state-hemorrhage,
which had resulted in the collapse of
all sectors of the economy. He
bemoaned the bureaucratic bungling in
government, which had resulted in
Zimbabweans facing another season of
starvation even though the country had
received abundant rains.
In
Bulawayo, President Tsvangirai reiterated his message that the people had
their future firmly in their hands. Vice President Thokozani Khupe told the
people that it was time to give the regime notice. She said only a sustained
programme of mass resistance would bring back the dignity of Zimbabweans
which had been compromised by an uncaring government. The Vice President
said she was confident that the people would triumph against dictatorship
and corruption.
The thousands attending the MDC rallies put paid
any pretence that the party
has collapsed. The rallies have shaken the
regime. The euphoria that
engulfed the people during the formative stages of
the MDC has once again
gripped the nation. Change is in the air. The people
remain resolute on the
ground. The people are clear on what they want. The
people continue to make
a statement that the MDC is the only alternative
whose programmes and values
resonate with their hopes, wishes and
aspirations. The people are raring to
go. The people shall win. Together, we
shall bring a new Zimbabwe and a new
beginning.
Nelson Chamisa,
MP
Secretary for Information and Publicity