The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.
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The Scotsman

8:42am (UK)
Mugabe Cabinet Member Threatened Violence Against Embassy Staff

"PA"

President Robert Mugabe has brought into his cabinet a former top civil
servant who in 2001 caused a major diplomatic incident with a threat of
violence against Western embassy staff.

State radio said in a broadcast today the 81-year-old head of state had
named Willard Chiwewe, former permanent secretary - the top civil servant -
in the Foreign Affairs ministry among 10 provincial governors.

The remaining 30 members of Mugabe's cabinet will be announced in the next
few days. This follows the March 31 parliamentary election when Mugabe's
ruling Zanu-PF claimed an overwhelming victory in the face of serious
rigging allegations. Some Zanu-PF legislators were announced as having
received more than the initial total numbers of votes cast for both
government and opposition candidates.

Chiwewe, who was also responsible for draconian moves against journalists
when he headed the information ministry in the 1990s, caused a diplomatic
flurry after ruling party militants began invading white-owned factories and
offices following the seizure of 5,000 white-owned farms.

When Canadian ambassador James Wall was roughed up by self-styled "war
veterans" at a Canadian aid agency, Chiwewe issued a statement warning
diplomats they would share the same fate as Mugabe opponents if they
associated with them.

In a rare public disavowal of its northern neighbour, President Thabo Mbeki's
government in South Africa issued a riposte through its ambassador to
Zimbabwe, Jeremiah Ndou, declaring: "The rule of law is fundamental to any
civil society" and "South Africa does not and will never condone the
violence."

Mugabe also announced that he had appointed his former political head of the
secret police, Emmerson Mnangagwa, among 30 nominated members of the
150-seat parliament.

Mnangagwa, for many years seen as a likely successor to Mugabe, was speaker
of the last parliament 2000-2005. Relegation to the backbenches would
represent a further downgrading for the once feared political strongman.

Mnangagwa was outmanoeuvred in November for the post of vice president by
Joyce Mujuru, wife of retired army commander Solomon Mujuru and a member of
Mugabe's own Zezuru section of Zimbabwe's majority Shona tribe.

Mnangagwa is from the southern Karanga section of the Shona. All those who
supported his vice presidential candidacy have been expelled from positions
of influence in the party.

Asked about his long-deferred retirement plans, Mugabe said on April 2 he
would quit "when I am a century old."

A prominent woman legislator is tipped to take over the speaker's role which
proved crucial to Mugabe in the last parliament.

The national executive of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change, led
by veteran trade unionist Morgan Tsvangirai, began meeting earlier today to
decide whether to boycott the swearing-in of legislators this morning, said
party spokesman Maxwell Zimuto.

The MDC was declared winner in 41 of the 120 elected constituencies but
claimed it would have won up to 94 seats but for blatant malpractice.

With its nominated legislators, Zanu-PF controls 108 of the parliamentary
seats, giving it the two-thirds majority needed to amend the constitution.

Zimbabwe has suffered unprecedented economic decline in recent years, with a
crash in farm production, reliance of up to 5 million Zimbabweans on
international food relief, inflation up to 622%, and 70% unemployment.
Mugabe claims economic distress stems from a British conspiracy and on
Sunday ruled out any dialogue with the MDC "until it renounces and forsakes
this treacherous and shameful association with this enemy country."

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Christian Science Monitor

from the April 12, 2005 edition

      Mugabe and the 'John Paul' option

      By Austin Bay

      AUSTIN, TEXAS - Zimbabwe's dictator Robert Mugabe combines the worst
aspects of cold war and war on terror tyranny.
      Think of Mr. Mugabe as an African Slobodan Milosevic. When the cold
war closed down, Mr. Milosevic morphed from Yugoslav communist to Serb
fascist. As time passed in southern Africa, shape-shifting Mugabe adjusted
his schtick, moving from Marx-spouting revolutionary to kleptocratic tribal
dictator. Both thugs are ethnic cleansers and cynical thieves who murder
rivals, silence the press, and brutally intimidate domestic opposition.

      There is a major difference: Milosevic is under arrest, while Mugabe
continues to destroy a once wealthy nation, as he hides behind a slick PR
campaign that coopts and corrupts classic "human rights" themes.

      Mugabe can give Milosevic - and, for that matter, Russia's Vladimir
Putin - lessons in rigging elections. On March 31, Mugabe stole his third
election in five years, making Zimbabwe the world's current leader in
charade democracy.

      Mugabe and his thugs tried to steal the last one quietly. As elections
approached, Mugabe began denying foreign reporters entry visas. He imposed a
law that made "unauthorized demonstrations" a felony punishable by up to 20
years in jail - a law aimed at his democratic opponents in the Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC). And then there's the food weapon. Mugabe's
government controls Zimbabwe's food supplies. Cooperate, and you get your
loaf of bread. Oppose Mugabe, and food's denied.

      Ah, but those pesky priests who won't shut up. Mugabe has had to
threaten church leaders he deems responsible for "encouraging" street
protests. Roman Catholic Archbishop Pius Ncube - a major domestic critic of
Mugabe and his dictatorship - has been a special target.

      Ncube predicted last month's election would be rigged, and Ncube was
right. The "final tally" gave Mugabe's Zimbabwe African National
Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) 78 seats and the MDC 41. There's no question
Mugabe committed mass fraud - and the MDC has refused to accept the results.

      Mugabe may get away with it, breaking the democratic pulse surging
through Afghanistan, Ukraine, Palestine, Iraq, and Lebanon, and testing the
Bush administration's "pro-democracy" doctrine. The man is ruthless, and in
the past ruthless has worked. Though Mugabe's ethnic cleansing of the
minority Ndebele in the early 1980s brought extensive criticism, criticism
never became international opposition to his regime. Whenever international
outrage builds, Mugabe trots out two themes that have been political trumps
for too many African tyrants: "combating colonialism" and "fighting racism."
This mantra stymies a fossil segment of the "human rights left" - a crowd
that railed against Milosevic. Mugabe also appears to have another ace in
the hole - South Africa's Thabo Mbeki has not played pro-democracy Poland to
the Zimbabwe democrats' would-be Ukraine. In fact, Mr. Mbeki looks
increasingly weak, ineffectual, and churlish - a man who knows he stands in
Nelson Mandela's shadow and resents it. Mbeki declared Zimbabwe's elections
"free and fair" before the vote. A few commentators conclude this is Mbeki
and Mugabe acting out a senescent form of "freedom fighter" solidarity, and
it may be just that, another mid-20th-century political relic thwarting
21st-century democratic change.

      Still, international criticism is mounting - if Kyrgyzstan can rally
for freedom, why not Zimbabwe? What can be done to support the democrats?
Any effective military action or political-economic sanctions regimen
requires South African cooperation, and Mbeki looks as if he's been bought
off.

      The priests, however, haven't been coopted. Pope John Paul II's death
has kept Mugabe's electoral fraud out of the news cycle, but there is a
"John Paul" option that could benefit peaceful change throughout sub-Sahran
Africa. The Polish Pope John Paul inspired Eastern European resistance to
communism and inspired billions with his spiritual and moral leadership. An
African pope could do the same for African democrats.

      There are signals that this could happen. French Cardinal Bernard
Panafieu, when asked about electing a "third world" pope, replied,
"Everything is possible."

      An African pope would change the political dynamics in sub-Saharan
Africa, and put dictators like Mugabe under insistent global scrutiny - the
first step to putting them all in jail.

      . Austin Bay, a novelist and retired US Army Reserve colonel, is a
contributing editor to FYEO, an Internet foreign affairs newsletter. ©2005
Creators Syndicate, Inc.

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Zimbabwe Action Group

Press release:  Demonstration in Washington DC 14th and 15th of April 2005.

 

Members of the Zimbabwean community in America, together with exiled MDC opposition members and US civic groups will converge on Washington DC this week, to demonstrate against the human rights record of the Zimbabwean Government.

 

An organizer of this protest stated, “It is time for Zimbabweans in the Diaspora to make their voices heard.  The fortunes of the nation now rest on every Zimbabwean in the Diaspora.”

 

Zimbabwe Action groups an informal organization, comprising civic organizations and concerned individuals plan to hold overnight vigils at selected African Consulates and Embassy’s within the Washington DC area.  The vigils are planned for the 14th of April 2005.  Protestors are informed to gather outside the Zimbabwean Embassy at 6:00 pm EST.  “These vigils signal our discontent at the handling of the Zimbabwean crisis by African Governments, chief amongst them the South Africans,” adds Mr. Andrew Manyevere one of the organizers of the demonstration.

 

Following the overnight vigils, the group will proceed on Friday the 15th, to the US Capitol Building that houses the US congress in an effort to encourage the US Congress and Government to proactively engage in reaching a solution to the crisis.  Ralph Black spokesperson for the Zimbabwe Action group states; “It is evident that the policy of quiet diplomacy has failed, and the Bush Administration’s support of this initiative needs to be redirected at reaching a sustainable and practical approach to resolving the multi layered crisis facing Zimbabwe.”

 

Added Mr. Nyandoro “It is expected that hundreds of Zimbabweans from the across the United States will attend this planned action among whom are Mr Morgan Scott and Rowley Brucken of Amnesty International, Sean Dwett and Dr Handel Mlilo, the MDC’s  Representative to the United States. 

 

All Zimbabweans in the United States are encouraged to join in this planned activity.

For further details contact;

 

Ralph Black on ralphblck@yahoo.com or by telephone on 1-469-223-6201

Andrew Manyevere on ammanyevere@msn.com or by telephone on 1 469-733-4713

Tom Nyandoro on tomn@gtntechnologies.com or by telephone on 1 610-563- 0959                                                                       



Ralph B. Black B.Th CRCST
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JUSTICE FOR AGRICULTURE OPEN LETTER FORUM, 11th April 2005 OLF No. 357

Email: jag@mango.zw; justiceforagriculture@zol.co.zw
Internet: www.justiceforagriculture.com

Please send any material for publication in the Open Letter Forum to:
jag@mango.zw with subject line "For: Open Letter Forum".

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Thought of the Day:

Believe in Miracles
-----------------------

Human beings suffer. They torture one another. They get hurt & get hard. No
poem or play or song Can fully right a wrong Inflicted & endured. History
says, Don't hope On this side of the grave, But then, once in a lifetime
The longed for tidal wave Of justice can rise up And hope & history rhyme.
So hope for a great sea-change On the far side of revenge. Believe that a
farther shore Is reachable from here. Believe in miracles And cures &
healing wells. If there's fire on the mountain And lightning & storm And
God speaks from the sky That means someone is hearing The outcry & the
birthcryOf new life at its term. It means once in a lifetime That justice
can rise up And hope & history rhyme.

Seamus Heaney.

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- RE: Cyclop's and the Tesco Saga - Anne Mather
- Been there, done that - Cathy Buckly
- Cursed by our Leaders - Eddie Cross

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LETTER 1: RE: Cyclop's and the Tesco Saga, received 10.4.2005

by Anne Mather

Dear Jag,

I have been following the "Tesco Saga" with interest, although I agree with
a recent letter from Cyclops (OLF 356) stating that the average Brit didn't
know or care where Zimbabwe was let alone where their food came from, not
all of us are that ignorant.

I'm a Brit living in the North of England and since the original e-mails
giving details of Tesco's "reluctance" to name their sources, I have
boycotted our local supermarket. I now have quite a few friends and family
shopping elsewhere, who are also disgusted with the situation in Zimbabwe.

It may be a small gesture but it's a start, certainly more than our
Government is doing.

Some of us do care a great deal. My Dad lived in Salisbury and Senoia
during the 50's and loved the country. I wanted to take him back a few
years ago but obviously it wasn't safe. We went to the Kruger Park instead
and I fell in love with Africa and hope to emigrate in the future.

I'm a psychologist, nurse and counsellor, if anyone needs some support by
way of e-mail then please don't hesitate to contact me (aaanne101@aol.com).

Nothing lasts forever, stay strong.

Thank you
Anne Mather

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LETTER 2: BEEN THERE, DONE THAT, received 9.4.2005

by Cathy Buckle

Dear Family and Friends,

Feelings of despair and disbelief persist a week after Zimbabwe's
elections. I still have a faint pink stain on the sides and under the nail
of the little finger of my left hand. This is a remnant of the ink which
was used to mark me as having voted and when I look at the stain now, I can
hardly believe how quickly elation and hope were replaced with anger and
betrayal as the results were announced. Every day since the elections the
state have crowed about peace, democracy and political maturity but they
have said nothing about 3 million Zimbabweans living outside the country
who were not allowed to vote or a tenth of the voters inside the country
who were turned away when they got to polling stations on the 31st March.
Every news bulletin begins with a countdown of how many days are left
before the 25th anniversary of independence and democracy in the country
but then the reports that follow do not tell of the 257 unarmed women of
WOZA who were arrested for praying nor why such an act was indicative of,
in their words, "a mature democracy".

In the week that followed the election result, the huge sense of
disappointment has been almost too much to bear. The MDC took many days to
find their voices and when they did it was to say they had evidence showing
massive electoral fraud and figures which displayed huge numerical
discrepancies in more than 30 constituencies. The government of course
dispute the claims and the bulk of the South African observers had already
made their claims of peace and freedom and so nothing has changed, we have
heard all this before, been there, done that and got the T shirt. None of
this gives ordinary Zimbabweans hope. Neither the outrage of the MDC nor
the arrogant crowing of Zanu PF has done a thing to actually help ordinary
Zimbabweans this week. It hasn't put medicines back in hospitals, kids back
in schools, food on our tables or clothes on our backs. In the last seven
days since the elections the prices of basic goods have increased by
between 50 and 100%. Margarine, sugar and cooking oil have disappeared from
the shelves and petrol queues have started again.

Across the country many thousands of people made so many sacrifices this
last fortnight, giving so much and showing such courage as they worked for
democracy and now the feeling of betrayal is palpable. Along with millions
of others, I watched the funeral of Pope John Paul the second this week and
his life long call to oppressed people to not be afraid is most apt for
Zimbabweans struggling to see hope and light this week.

Love Cathy.

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LETTER 3: CURSED BY OUR LEADERS, received 11.4.2005

by Eddie Cross

Dear JAG

Just 7 years ago Zimbabwe was accepted as a reasonably democratic State (we
held elections periodically) and we had a diversified economy that was the
fastest growing in Africa. The nightmare of shortages and artificial
exchange rates were behind us and our tourism industry was booming with 1,2
million visitors.

Today we have the fastest shrinking economy in the world, life expectancy
has collapsed, our savings are worthless and the average quality of life
and life expectancy has declined to all time lows. Critical indicators such
as child mortality (indicating malnutrition and poor health services) are
the worst in the world while record numbers of women die in childbirth and
deaths from malaria, tuberculosis and pneumonia are at pandemic levels.

Our government is isolated, ostracized and cut off from all the systems the
world has put in place to try and overcome poverty in third world
countries. We are treated as a pariah State and if we try to join others on
State occasions or at global gatherings, we are just an embarrassment.

There is only one reason for this state of affairs - our leadership has
failed us as a people.

In many ways Africa is cursed by its leaders. They plunder our resources,
kill their opponents, subvert their democracies and flaunt their power and
wealth to a bemused and cynical world. I well recall being in Geneva on
business in the mid 80's when the UN was in session. Curious, I went to the
venue to see the great and powerful arrive. It was a sobering sight, for
there in the line were a string of luxury cars, with drivers carrying the
diplomats of some of the poorest countries in the world. They emerged from
their cars in their Gucci shoes and Saville Row suits carrying briefcases
made from the skins of their vanishing wildlife.

Then down at the gate of the UN I saw a public bus arrive at the bus stop
and down from the bus stepped the Chinese delegation - led by their
Ambassador who then walked up the drive to the UN buildings. My admiration
for them as a people and their leadership - it was the start of the Deng
Zhou Ping regime, rose to new heights.

I fought the Smith regime in Zimbabwe for all of its 16 years in power, I
joined the opposition, got arrested and detained, was ostracized by the
white community and breathed a sigh of relief when we were finally rescued
from ourselves by Henry Kissenger in September 1976. Then I worked through
the transition from Smith to Mugabe and worked in the public sector until
1987. In the first few years we were so hopeful. The new leadership was
young and dynamic and we were no longer outcasts. But it was not to last
long and the first real signs of trouble came with the killings in
Matabeleland in the mid 80's.

Since then it has been downhill all the way - the ruling elite has thrown
democracy overboard and in fact rules as a defacto one Party State. They
have subverted all the ideals they fought for during the years from 1949
when the first Nationalist leaders began the struggle. They are starving
their people and destroying a 100 years of development just so they can
hold onto the only thing they value - power.  The gap between good and bad
leadership is not large. The principles behind good leadership are simple
and easy to follow. The results of political leaders choosing one or the
other are not simple or easy to follow but the consequences are very
obvious.

The Bible makes this situation very clear. When God allowed Israel to
appoint its own government He warned them that this new institution would
tax them and force them into serfdom. He also said that bad government -
that is government, which did not follow the rules, as laid out in the
Bible, would lead to hunger, deprivation, political subjugation and
humiliation. Government that followed the rules would be "blessed" and
their people flourish in every way.

And so it has been in Africa. South Africa, blessed with remarkable
leadership just when they needed it, found it's way through the post
Apartheid minefields without significant damage. Botswana, also blessed
with good leadership became a small, but progressive and prosperous
democracy.

The Congo, Sudan, Somalia, Ethiopia, Eritrea have all collapsed under bad
leadership in the past 20 years. All are potentially rich countries, rich
in natural resources and in their people. Ghana, Uganda and Senegal show
what leadership can do to turn around disastrous situations. Zimbabwe and
the Ivory Coast demonstrate how quickly a reasonably progressive State can
be reduced to anarchy and penury. And it is all about leadership.

When the international community eventually decided that the Smith regime
had to go, they knew they had to take out Ian Smith. Kissenger was
delegated the task and he writes about this operation in his memoirs.
Having forced Smith to accept majority rule, it was only the management of
the transition that was left to do before new leadership was ushered in. If
this action had not been taken the leaders of the day - Smith, Mugabe,
Nkomo and Tongogara, would have fought that fight to the finish, destroying
the country and its economy in the process.

Today we are back at the beginning. Mugabe has become Smith. Robbing his
people of the freedoms they fought for, destroying his country in a
desperate attempt to hold onto power. Denying the people the mechanisms
they need to effect change without war and violence.

We are in dangerous territory. The people feel betrayed, their right to
choose the leadership they want denied, the economy in crisis and food
shortages reaching critical levels. The options open to the opposition who
are in the majority, are limited. In this situation surely it is time to
revisit the external intervention option. To force African leaders to
demand that Mugabe convene a conference within Zimbabwe to draft a new
constitution which will map the way forward and determine how our leaders
will be selected in future. As in September 1976, such an outcome can only
be achieved by the major powers applying their leverage to the situation
and demanding action from regional African leaders.

Eddie Cross
Bulawayo
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LETTER 4:

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THE JAG TEAM

JAG Hotlines:
+263 (011) 205 374 If you are in trouble or need advice,
                                  please don't hesitate to contact us -
                                  we're here to help!
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JUSTICE FOR AGRICULTURE LEGAL COMMUNIQUÉ - 11th April 2005

Email: jag@mango.zw; justiceforagriculture@zol.co.zw
Internet: www.justiceforagriculture.com

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JAG LEGAL COMMUNIQUÉ

Herewith, as promised Friday (8th April 2005), Herald's listings of:

- Section 8 notices: Lot 24 with 168 properties
- Section 5 notices: Lot 166 with 1 property.

These listings were first published on Friday 8th April 2005 Herald. Lot 24
of section 8 orders contains many anomalies, errors, duplications, and even
a triplication of properties.

Please be advise of this and and peruse accordingly.

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LISTING LOT 24
SECTION 8 listing in Friday 8th April 2005 Herald :

LAND ACQUISITION ACT (CHAPTER 20:10)
  Vesting of land, taking of materials and
  exercise of rights over land

NOTICE is hereby given, in terms of paragraph (iii) of subsection (1) of
section 8 of the Land Acquisition Act (Chapter 20:10), that the President
has acquired compulsorily the land described in the Schedule for
resettlement purposes.

J L NKOMO, Minister of Special Affairs in the Office of the President and
Cabinet in Charge of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement.

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LISTING LOT 24
SECTION 8 listing in Friday 8th April 2005 Herald :

SCHEDULE

Goromonzi
1., 6211/99, Moyra Mackenzie Devine; Lesley Elizabeth Mellon Margaret Ann
Faure William Barry Mackenzie Munro, Goromonzi, S/D B of Lilmuir, 256.1517
ha.
2., 11038/97, Propkept Investments P/L, Goromonzi, S/D C of Learig,
370.5811 ha.

Gatooma
3., 7646/97, MD Hoffman; MJC Hoffman; DGP Hoffman; CJ Van rensburg; A E
Beukes; MD Stanfield; AM Maatens, Gatooma, Arundel Estate of S/D X of
Railway Farm 8, 388.1149 ha.
4., 2310/84, Brompton Ranch P/L, Gatooma, Remaider of Bartina Ranch, 8
819.4068 ha.
5., 399/76, Beatties Investments P/L, Gatooma, Remaining Extent of Cherry
Bank, 100.2680 ha.
6., 6084/85, Inniskilling Farm P/L, Gatooma, S/D A of Croc-na-ragh,
605.8790 ha.
7., 126/83, John William Mells, Gatooma, Sub A of Acton, 40.7731 ha.
8., 6515/89, Melville Farming P/L, Gatooma, Blue Grass Estate, 2 996.3250
ha.
9., 3050/78, J W Britz P/L, Gatooma, The Remaining Extent of Hope, 1
131.5991 ha.
10., 1106/92, Sundew Green P/L, Gatooma, Flaxton Estate, 1 977.5625 ha.,
11., 348/82, J W Mells, Gatooma, Glasgow, 456.5801 ha.
12., 6939/88, A C Lubbe Investments P/L, Gatooma, Hazlemere, 585.0018 ha.
13., 1130/97, wornor P/L, Gatooma, Hilltops of Hillside, 283.1866 ha.
14., 1724/82, The Trustees for the Time Being of Commercial Growers
Association of Zimbabwe, Gatooma, Itafa Estate, 292.2711 ha.
15., 4960/82, Claude Edwards & Sons P/L, Gatooma, Remainder of Lanteglos,
914.7124 ha.
16., 5661/00, Inspan Investments P/L, Gatooma, Lidford, 1 299.3379 ha.
17., 8435/88, A C Lubbe Investments P/L, Gatooma, Remainder of Milverton,
749.0540 ha.
18., 6984/85, The Trustees for the Time Being of the Delta Trust, Gatooma,
The Remainder of Overlaw, 4 569.8175 ha.
19., 6515/89, Melville Farming Enterprises P/L, Gatooma, Protea of White
Water, 304.8344 ha.
20., 6515/89, Melville Farming Enterprises P/L, Gatooma, Remainder of
Whitewaters, 691.3058 ha.
21., 6939/88, AC Lubbe Investments P/L, Gatooma, Hazelmere, 585.0018 ha.
22., 348/82, John William Hells, Gatooma, Glasgow, 456.5801 ha.
23., 2148/80, Queensdale Enterprises P/L, Gatooma and Hartley, Sable Home
Ranch Estate, 8 529.2797 ha.
24., 8434/88, A C Lubbe Investments P/L, Gatooma, Saxondale, 739.1751 ha.
25., 7646/97, MD Hoffman; MJC Hoffman;DGP Hoffman; CJ Van Rensburg; AE
Beukes; MD Stanfield and AM Maatens, Gatooma, The Remaining Extent of S/D A
of Railway 8, 770.9577 ha.
26., 7687/88, A C Lubbe Investments P/L, Gatooma, Symington Estate,
369.1593 ha.
27., 516/96, Oldland Farming P/L, Gatooma, Tee Sin, 28.9253 ha.
28., 7646/97, Maria D Hoffman; Anna Magdalena Maatens; Mathiam Johannes
Cornelius Hoffman; Daniel godried Pieter Hoffman; Catherina Johanna Van
Rensburg Aleta Estelle Beukes; Marie Dorothea Stanfield, Gatooma, Remainder
of Railway Farm 7, 1 469.6049 ha.
29., 3125/91, Falcon Gold Zimbabwe Ltd, Gatooma, Venice Estate, 1 296.3368
ha.
30., 4237/86, Frikkie Muller, Gatooma, Twin tops, 6 393.2635 ha.
31., 8435/88, AC Lubbe Investments P/L, Gatooma, Remainder of Milverton,
749.0540 ha.
32., 6440/86, V Newman & Sons P/L, Gatooma, Remaining Extent of Hove,
274.1933 ha.
33., 2064/76, Charles Johannes Campher, Gatooma, Brunlea of Estancia Corea,
101.1717 ha.
34., 3125/91, Falcon Gold Zimbabwe Ltd, Gatooma, Venice Estate, 1 296.3368
ha.
35., 7646/97, MD Hoffman; AM Maartens; MJCHofamn; DGP Hoffman; CJ Van
Rensburg; AE Beukes; MD Stanfield, Gatooma, Remainder of Railway Farm 7, 1
469.6049 ha.
36., 516/96, Oldland Farming P/L, Gatooma, Tee Sin, 284.9253 ha.
37., 4849/72, Eyerston P/L, Gatooma, Remaining extent of Umsweswi River
Block, 1 275.4495 ha.
38., 1311/71, Vrystaat Estates P/L, Gatooma, Farm 8A Umsweswi River Block,
2 766.5019 ha.
39., 656/77, Umsweswe Ranches P/L, Gatooma, Farm 7A Umsweswi River Block, 3
618.3514 ha.
40., 656/77, Umsweswe Ranches P/L, Gatooma, Farm 6 of Umsweswi River block,
915.7077 ha.
41., 656/77, Umsweswe River Ranches P/L, Gatooma, Farm 5 of Umsweswi River
Block, 1 010.8269 ha.
42., 4849/72, Eyerston P/L, Gatooma, Farm 11 of Umsweswi River Block, 1
275.4068 ha.
43., 4849/72, Eyerston P/L, Gatooma, Farm 10 of Umsweswi River block, 1
335.9854 ha.
44., 7687/88, AC Lubbe Investments P/L, Gatooma, Symington Estate, 39.1593
ha.
45., 7646/97, MD Hoffman; AM Maartens; MJC Hofamn; DGP Hoffman; CJ Van
Rensburg; AE Beukes; MD Stanfield, Gatooma, The R/E of Subdivision A of
Railway Farm No 8, 770.9577 ha.
46., 8434/88, AC Lubbe Investments P/L, Gatooma, Saxondale, 739.1751 ha.
47., 6515/89, melville Farming Enterprised P/L, Gatooma, Remainder of
Whitewaters, 691.3058 ha.
48., 5661/00, Inspan Investments P/L, Gatooma, Lidford, 1 299.3379 ha.
49., 4960/82, Claude Edwards and Sons P/L, Gatooma, Remainder of Lanteglos,
914.7124 ha.
50., 6515/89, Melville Farm Enterprises P/L, Gatooma, Protea of White
Water, 304.8344 ha.
51., 6984/85, The Trustees for theTime Being of the Delta Trust, Gatooma,
The Remainder of Overlaw, 4 569.8175 ha.
52., 122/60, Leonard Ronald Melville, Gatooma, Blue Grass Extension of
White Water, 472.4679 morgen.
53., 3810/75, Johannes Willem Jochemus Swart, Gatooma, Victory of Rhodesian
Plantations, 1240.6109 ha.
54., 1130/97, Wornor P/L, Gatooma, Hilltops of Hillside, 283.1866 ha.
55., 1106/92, Sundew Green P/L, Gatooma, Flaxton Estate, 1 977.5625 ha.
56., 3050/78, JW Britz P/L, Gatooma, The Remaining Extent of Hope, 1
131.5991 ha.
57., 6515/89, Melville Farming P/L, Gatooma, Blue Grass Estate, 2 996.3250
ha.
58., 7646/97, MJC Hoffman; DGP Hoffmamn; CJ Van Rensburg; AE Beukes; MD
Stanfield; AM Maatens, Gatooma, Remainder of Railway Farm 7, 1 469.6049 ha.
59., 126/83, John William Mells, Gatooma, S/D A of Acton, 40.7731 ha.
60., 6084/85, Inniskilling Farm P/L, Gatooma, S/D A of Croc-na-raph,
605.8790 ha.
61., 3994/76, Beatties Investments P/L, Gatooma, Remaining Extent of
Cherrybank, 100.2680 ha.
62., 2310/84, Brompton ranch P/L, Gatooma, Remainder of Bartina Ranch, 8
819.4068 ha.
63., 7646/97, MJC Hoffman; DGP Hoffamn; CJ Van Rensburg; AE Beukes, MD
Stanfield; and AM Maatens, Gatooma, Arundel Estate of S/D X of Railway Farm
8, 388.1149 ha.
64., 843/71, Barend Hubertus Vorster, Gatooma, Oddbit, 609.5818 ha.
65., 4170/92, Gilderoy Charles Rodney Theunissen, Gatooma, The Remainder of
The Lion Farm, 160.3978 ha.
66., 2717/87, The Trustees for the Time Being of Delta Trust, Gatooma,
Abenruhe, 514.0380 ha.
67., 10614/00, Joseph George Sudlow, Goromonzi, Lot 1 of Mariandi of Nil
Desperandum of Twentydales Estate, 40.4700 ha.

Hartley
68., 6987/2000, Ardhill Enterprises P/L, Hartley, Ardconnell, 1 183.8136
ha.
69., 779/72, Josias Stephanus Du toit, Hartley, Eureka of Alabama
Extenstion, 506.9899 ha.
70., 3116/87, Plumway Properties P/L, Hartley, Esperance of Deweras
Extension, 504.8034 ha.
71., 2733/2002, Chemda, Hartley, Currandooly, 1 060.8990 ha.
72., 3904/78, Brian Gilmour, Hartley, Maidavale, 429.6023 ha.
73., 3600/90, Combine Contractors P/L, Hartley, The Remainder of Devon,
937.5855 ha.
74., 559/75, Margaret Edith Taylor, Hartley, S/D C of Croc-na-ragh,
278.1337 ha.
75., 559/75, Margaret Edith Taylor, Gatooma and Hartley, Inniskilling,
613.2441 ha.
76., 2807/87, MJ Kok and Sons P/L, Hartley, S/D A of Delamere, 603.8723 ha.
77., 4591/96, DJ Van Niekerk, Hartley, Remainder of Massachusetts, 315.45
ha.
78., 2913/75, Lancefield Farm P/L, Hartley, Blackmore Vale A, 4 984.1274
ha.
79., 3254/86, Elizabeth Margarita Rohm, Hartley, Skoonveld, 1 217.3771 ha.
80., 7373/96, Vulan Mining Company P/L, Hartley, S/D A Blagdon Extension,
95.7636 ha.
81., 3254/86, Elizabeth Margarita Rohm, Hartley, Lincoln Extension,
199.3192 ha.
82., 5067/86, Sigmar P/L, Hartley, Eiffel of Railway 11, 525.0998 ha.
83., 13007/99, Mopani Park P/L, Hartley, Mapani Park of Deweras Extenstion,
1 274.7580 ha.
84., 5676/80, thomas Frederick Thompson, Hartley, The Remaining Extent of
Lincoln, 1 220.8653 ha.
85., 3680/74, Thomas Arnoldus Niehaus, Hartley, Rondor A, 1 699.4598 ha.
86., 6938/88, AC Lubbe Investments P/L, Hartley, King Chim, 1 062.9389 ha.
87., 6281/58, Shepton Estates P/L, Hartley, Priddy, 465 morgen.
88., 149/62, Basil Robert Hyland Smith, Hartley, Virginia, 2 069.9463
acres.
89., 4960/82, C Edward & Son, Hartley, Weston, 218.7276 ha.
90., 6528/70, Frederick Ward Adams, Hartley, Bannerlands, 1 510.7251 ha.
91., 3237/67, Anfield Farm P/L, Hartley, Anfield, 2660.4525 acres.
92., 3116/87, Plumway Properties P/L, Hartley, Parma of Deweras Extension,
788.2354 ha.
93., 3090/93, Jennifer Naomi Van der Westhuizen, Hartley, San Fernando, 1
445.1777 ha.
94., 4015/91, Mombe Yakakora P/L, Hartley, Remainder of Bentley of Kanyamba
Estate, 553.2327 ha.
95., 7239/86, Blue Ranges Estate P/L, Hartley, Twyford Estate, 638.3893 ha.
96., 1691/80, Claude Edwards and Son P/L, Hartley, Tannach of Railway Farm
11, 281.5760 ha.
97., 2476/49, Cornelius Johannes Petrus Hoffman, Hartley, S/D A Portion of
Massachusetts, 408.2128 morgen.
98., 6987/2000, Ardhill Enterprises P/L, Hartley, Ardconnell, 1 183.8136
ha.
99., 5067/86, Sigmar P/L, Hartley, Eiffel of Railway 11, 525.0998 ha.
100., 3254/86, elizabeth Margarita Rohm, Hartley, Lincoln Extension,
199.3192 ha.
101., 7373/96, Vulcan Mining Company P/L, Hartley, S/D A Blagdon Extension,
95.7636 ha.
102., 3237/67, Anfield Farm P/L, Hartley, Anfield, 2 660.4525 acres.
103., 6528/70, Frederick Ward Adams, Hartley, Bannerlands, 1 510.7251 ha.
104., 5530/90, Elizabeth Margarita Rohm, Hartley, Skoonveld, 1 217.3771 ha.
105., 2913/75, Lancefield Farm P/L, Hartley, Blackmore Vale A, 4 984.0274
ha.
106., 2733/2002, Chemda Farming P/L, Hartley, Currandooly, 1 060.8990 ha.
107., 7877/90, Tian Lionel Du toit, Hartley, Deweras, 1 838.8729 ha.
108., 3116/87, Plumway Properties P/L, Hartley, Esperance of Deweras
Extension, 504.8034 ha.
109., 779/72, Josias Stephanus Du toit, Hartley, Eureka of Alabama
Extension, 506.9899 ha.
110., 6938/88, AC Lubbe Investments P/L, Hartley, King Chim, 1 062.9389 ha.
111., 5676/80, Thomas Frederick Thompson, Hartley, The Remaining Extent of
Lincoln, 1 20.8653 ha.
112., 13007/99, Mopani Park P/L, Hartley, Mapani Park of Deweras Extension,
1 274.7580 ha.
113., 4591/86, Daniel Jjacobus Van Niekerk, Hartley, Remainder of
Massachusetts, 315.45 ha.
114., 3116/87, Plumway Properties P/L, Hartley, Parma of Dewaras Extension,
788.2354 ha.
115., 4015/91, Mombe Yakakora P/L, Hartley, Remainder of Bentley of
Kanyamba Estate, 553.2327 ha.
116., 3090/93, Jennifer Naomi Van Der Westhuizen, Hartley, San Fernando, 1
445.1777 ha.
117., 4960/82, C Edward & Son, Hartley, Weston, 218.7276 ha.
118., 4100/74, Thomas Irving Beattie, Hartley, Morning Star, 1 951.5105 ha.

Lomagundi
119., 11454/99, Winterloo Enterprises P/L, Lomagundi, Lot 1 of Glen Esk
Estate A, 529.5662 ha.
120., 3422/72, Mema Estate P/L, Lomagundi, Mema Estate, 1 164.9437 ha.
121., 4756/69, DS Sinclair P/L, Lomagundi, Ndudza, 1 685.7610 ha.
730/63, Sparta P/L, Lomagundi, Remaining Extent of Mnondo, 1 372.1173
acres.
123., 476/93, Keith Brown P/L, Lomagundi, S/D A of Squatodzi, 768.9482 ha.
124., 3649/67, IL Mitchell P/L, Lomagundi, The Remaining Extent of
Carrick, 759.7601 ha.
125., 8510/71, Rendezvous Estate P/L, Lomagundi, Remainder of S/D A of
Coldomo of Nassau Estate, 991.9841 ha.
126., 5399/56, Jack Collins, Lomagundi, Debra Portion of Donnington, 1
400.4242 morgen, 127., 5399/56, Jack Collins, Lomagundi, Mkonono, 678
morgen.
128., 5935/72, Roy William Jack Ashburner, Lomagundi, Remainder of Gomo,
593.3292 ha.
129., 1495/76, Chisanga P/L, Lomagundi, The R/E of Chininga Estate,
560.5299 ha.
130., 3967/92, Philip Edward Roberts, Lomagundi, The R/E of Taunton of
Hunyani Estate, 1 360.8753 ha.
131., 6268/83, Stroud Tobacco P/L, Lomagundi, The R/.E of Stroud, 489.2717
ha.
132., 6268/83, Stoud Tobacco P/L, Lomagundi, the R/E of Chilsanga, 516.6705
ha.
133., 3157/66, Weston Park Estates P/L, Lomagundi, St Ninians Estate, 2
411.2488 acres.
134., 511/65, Kenneth Joseph Colvil Fox, Lomagundi, Manga, 3 263.0107
acres.
135., 11454/99, Winterloo Enterprises P/L, Lomagundi, Lot 1 of Glen Esk
Estate A, 529.5662 ha.
136., 7040/98, R&O Farming P/L, Lomagundi, Remainder of Newlands Estate A,
884.3055 ha.
137., 5641/80, Bernard George Rutter, Lomagundi, Chikeya of Mayfort,
662.7665 ha.

Lupane
138., 590/46, Karna Estates P/L, Karna Block, Lupane, The Remaining Extent
(no property name), 4 610.9378 ha.

Marandellas
139., 4333/99, Churchill Estate, Marandellas, S/D B of Carruthersville,
815.0487 ha.
140., 108/81, Forest Lodge Nursery P/L, Marandellas, S/D A of Forest Range,
414.8828 ha.

Mazoe
141., 3718/75, Chibara P/L, Mazoe, Ganite, 1 257.8025 ha.

Mrewa
142., 64343/89, Osborne Farms P/L, Mrewa, Lot 1 of Maryland, 761.6397 ha.

Nyamandhlovu
143., 3119/87, The Cawston Block P/l, Nyamandhlovu, The Cawston Block, 12
661.0269 ha.

Salisbury
144., 2125/75, Red Dane Dairy P/L, Salisbury, Sum Cuique A, 1 858.3412 ha.
145., '76/68, Susman & Newfield P/L, Salisbury, Umritsur, 2 624.0500 acres.
146., 5296/81, Red Dane Dairy P/L, Salisbury, Marirangwe, 632.9454 ha.
147., 324/1736, David George Strokes, Salisbury, Moonrakers, 324.1736 ha.
148., 6211/99, Moyra Mackenzie Dvine; Lesley Elizabeth Mellon Margaret Ann
Faure William Barry Mackenzie Munro, Salisbury, Remainder of Kilmuir,
168.7443 ha.
149., 8060/96, Chezani P/L, Salisbury, Chezani of Worsley, 240.1378 ha.
150., 578/72, Samuel Rahamin levy, Salisbury, Lot 2 of United, 370.2822 ha.
151., 5129/59, Windsor Estate P/L, Salisbury, Hewren Hausen, 973.4723
morgen.
152., 1802/65, Windor Estate P/L, Salisbury, The Remaining Extent of
Herren Hausen, 999.9853 acres.
153., 1035/66, Keith Lauchlan Gilbert Black, Salisbury, Stapleford Estate,
4 295.5968 acres.
154., 1535/45, Glenara Estates Limited, Salisbury, Tsikwi, 494 morgen.
155., 1420/41, Duncan hamilton Black, Salisbury, The Farm Bitton, 2 256
morgen.
156., 2737/81, Frederick John William Smith, Salisbury, Rydale Ridge Park,
487.8743 ha.
157., 6639/72, Carswell Farm P/L, Salisbury, Remainder of Carswell of
Killiemore, 1 329.3160 ha.
158., 8636/90, Sodbury Estates P/L, Salisbury, The Remaining Extent of The
Farm Newlands, 435.5178 ha.
159., 3942/83, Hilbre Farm P/L, Salisbury, The R/E of S/D B of Vergenoeg,
422.1302 ha.
160., 3942/83, Hilbre Farm P/L, Salisbury, The R/E of S/D A of Vergenoeg,
194.6152 ha.
161., 3942/83, Hilbre Farm P/L, Salisbury, Burnhouse, 464.2328 ha.

Urungwe
162., 948/99, triple M Enterprises P/L, Urungwe, Remaining Extent of
Deamour, 565.8805 ha.
163., 6707/84, Jochem Francois Van Der Sluis, Urungwe, Futvoyes, 1 924.4231
ha.
164., 6587/97, Craddock Investments P/L, Urungwe, Lot 1 of Maora, 364.2625
ha.
165., 5498/58, Samuel Frederick Ewan Marnie, Urungwe, Lot 1 of Mahuti,
472.4732 morgen.
166., 357/76, PJ Groot P/L, Urungwe, The Remaining Extent of Chedza,
596.1730 ha.
167., 6861/73, Aztec Estates P/L, Urungwe, Lancaster, 1 194.7225 ha.

Wankie
168., 1280/75, Delta Consolidated P/L, Wankie, Remaining Extent of Farm 41,
2 330.3601 ha.

End of Section 8 SCHEDULE

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

LISTING LOT 166
SECTION 5 listing in Friday 8th April 2005 Herald :

Preliminary Notice to Compulsorily Acquire Land

NOTICE is hereby given, in terms of subsection (1) of section 5 of the Land
Acquisition Act (Chapter 20:10), that the President intends to acquire
compulsorily the land described in the Schedule for resettlement purposes.

A plan on the land is available for inspection at the following offices of
the Ministry of Special Affairs in the Office of the President and Cabinet
in Charge of Lands, Land Reform and resettlement between 8 a.m. and 4 p.m.
from Monday to Friday other than on a public holiday on or before 9th May
2005.

(a) Block 2, Makombe Complex Cnr Harare Street and Herbert Chitepo Avenue,
Harare;
(b) Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, CF 119, Government
Composite Block, Robert Mugabe Way, Mutare;
(c) Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, 4th Floor, Block H
Office, 146, Mhlahlandlela Government Complex, Bulawayo;
(d) Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, M & W Building, Corner
Park/Link Street, Chinoyi;
(e) Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, 1st Floor, Founders
House, The Green, Marondera;
(f) Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, 19 Hellet Street,
Masvingo;
(g) Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, Exchange Building,
Main Street, Gweru;
(h) Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, Mtshabezi Building,
First Floor, Office No. F20, Gwanda;
(i) Ministry of Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement, Ndodahondo Building,
Bindura.

Any owner or occupier or any other person who has an interest and right in
the said land, and who wishes to object to the proposed compulsory
acquisition, may lodge the same, in writing, with the Minister of Special
Affairs in the Office of the President and Cabinet in Charge of Lands, Land
Reform and Resettlement, Private Bag 7779, Causeway, Harare, on or before
9th May 2005.

J L NKOMO
Minister of Special Affairs in the
Office of the President and Cabinet in Charge of Lands,
Land Reform and Resettlement.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

LISTING LOT 165
SECTION 5 listing in Friday 8th April 2005 Herald :

SCHEDULE

Ndanga
1., 413/00, Hippo Valley Estates Limited and Triangle Limited, Ndanga,
Remaining Extent of Mkwasine Estate, 16 643.3268 ha.

End of Section 5 SCHEDULE

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

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JAG Hotlines:
+263 (011) 205 374 If you are in trouble or need advice,
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                                  we're here to help!
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Daily Mirror, Zimbabwe

Mnangagwa bounces back

Mirror Reporters
issue date :2005-Apr-12

FORMER Parliamentary Speaker and ex Zanu PF secretary for administration
Emmerson Mnangagwa has bounced back into the August House after President
Robert Mugabe appointed him as a non-constituency Member of Parliament
alongside others.

President Mugabe also appointed his vice Joseph Msika, outgoing Cabinet
Ministers Samuel Mumbengegwi (Industry and International Trade), Paul
Mangwana (Public Servie, Labour and Social Welfare), Patrick Chinamasa
(Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs) and Amos Midzi (Energy and Power
Development) as constituency legislators.
Also appointed were former Deputy Speaker Edna Madzongwe, central committee
member Munacho Mutezo, politburo member Sikhanyiso Ndlovu, Titus Maluleke,
Abigail Damasane and Camsia Sachiwa in the same capacity.
Indications are that there will not be any major changes at Cabinet level.
Mnangagwa and Midzi lost in Kwekwe and Hatfield respectively to Blessing
Chebundo and Tapiwa Mashakada of the MDC in last month's parliamentary
polls.
Mumbengegwi and Mangwana were beaten in Zanu PF parliamentary primary
elections in January to represent the ruling party in Chivi North and
Mhondoro-Ngezi constituencies respectively, while Chinamasa opted out of the
race.
Meanwhile, as events surrounding the nomination of Speaker of Parliament and
his or her deputy continue to unfold, three names have been touted to occupy
the post of Deputy Speaker namely Edna Madzongwe, Mavis Chidzonga and
Florence Chideya, while national chairman John Nkomo was headed for the
Speaker's position.
If so, the new development could see Zanu PF women's league boss Oppah
Muchinguri and MP-elect for Mutasa, who had earlier on been tipped for the
Deputy Speaker's post, leaving the race.
A political observer said the reason why Nkomo was certain to land the post
of Speaker was that since he was the fourth senior person in the party after
the President and his two vice presidents, then having a junior person above
him would have been anomalous.
It is also given that the deputy speaker would be a woman.
Madzongwe is the former Deputy Speaker, Chidzonga a former MP for Mhondoro
while Chideya lost the Harare Central seat to the MDC's Murisi Zwizwai.
Highly placed sources close to the debates yesterday said consensus was
mounting around Nkomo as Speaker while Chidzonga and Chideya's names were
being thrown around as possible nominees during the course of the day, but
late last night Madzongwe was talk of the show as Deputy Speaker.
Madzongwe had earlier on been reportedly ruled out amid allegations that she
had had a hand in the Tsholotsho saga, which saw six provincial chairpersons
being expelled from the party for four years.It was said that the six,
allegedly led by former information minister Jonathan Moyo, had broken party
protocol when they gathered in Matabeleland North "to discuss the new
presidium".
The Tsholotsho debacle, which the ruling party's leadership says was meant
to block the nomination and election of Joyce Mujuru to the post of Vice
President last December, so angered the party's presidium that was left with
no choice but to exclude Moyo from the central committee.
Back to Parliament, the touting of Madzongwe may bear fruit after President
Mugabe appointed her a non-constituency MP yesterday, increasing her chances
in terms of the Constitution of Zimbabwe.
Section 39(4) of Zimbabwe's Constitution stipulates that only Members of
Parliament are eligible for election as deputy speaker and chairperson of a
Parliamentary committee.
It states: "When Parliament first meets after any dissolution of Parliament,
it shall, as soon as practicable after the election of the Speaker, elect in
accordance with standing orders a Member of Parliament not being a Vice
President, a Minister or deputy minister, to be the Deputy Speaker and to be
chairman when Parliament is in committee; and whenever the office of the
deputy speaker becomes vacant Parliament shall, as soon as convenient elect
another such member to that office." The Politburo, sources said, was by
last night still consulting on the contentious issue.Other names which had
earlier made rounds in the ruling party's corridors for the post of Speaker
were ex-cabinet minister Dumiso Dabengwa and former Speaker Cyril Ndebele.
The 120 elected MPs will be sworn in today by the Clerk of Parliament Austin
Zvoma. Soon  after the swearing-in ceremony, Parliament will elect the
Speaker and the deputy.
Zanu PF secretary for administration Didymus Mutasa yesterday said the
ruling party's candidates for the two posts would be announced today before
the swearing-in ceremony.
"We will nominate them tomorrow (today) before the swearing-in ceremony. We
will then officially elect them after the swearing-in ceremony," Mutasa
said.
Meanwhile, the MDC was in a dilemma yesterday on whether its 41 members
elected to Parliament would attend today's swearing-in ceremony. The MDC was
quoted in the media recently as contemplating to boycott Parliament
protesting the results of last month's general elections won by Zanu PF.
However, sources within the MDC said the newly elected MPs from the
opposition party would attend the ceremony, but boycott crucial debates on
constitutional amendments and presidential addresses.
A problem has arisen within the rank and file of the opposition party with
those who  won the polls arguing they had spent a lot of their own money on
the elections while others argued that winning an election were personal
achievements that they would not just let go.
Yesterday, MDC spokesperson who lost the Gwanda seat to the ruling party
Paul Themba Nyathi would not say whether the party's candidates were going
to take oath of office or not.He said: "I don't know. I have no clue. The
leader of the opposition party is the one in a position to answer that."Neither
would Welshman Ncube, the party's secretary general, shed light on the
matter. He referred all questions relating to the matter to either Nyathi or
Morgan Tsvangirai, the MDC leader."I am not in the country at the moment,
talk to Paul Themba Nyathi or Tsvangirai," Ncube said.
Tsvangirai was evasive over the matter when The Daily Mirror reached him for
comment.
"Chimbomira,- kana nguva yakwana ndichakutaurira (Wait, we will tell you at
the appropriate time)," he said.
President Mugabe has already indicated that his party would not be bothered
by the MDC's threats to boycott Parliament.
He was quoted in the State media saying: "We don't know what the MDC will
do.
Some of them have said they will boycott. We don't care what they will do.
We will proceed to run the country the normal way."
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Daily Mirror, Zimbabwe

Provincial governors appointed

The Daily Mirror Reporter
issue date :2005-Apr-12

PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe yesterday appointed 10 provincial governors and
resident ministers who are expected to be sworn into Zimbabwe's Sixth
Parliament today alongside elected legislators from Zanu PF, the MDC and
independent Jonathan Moyo.
As speculated by The Daily Mirror yesterday President Mugabe appointed four
new faces; Ray Kaukonde (Mashonaland East), Willard Chiwewe (Masvingo),
Tinaye Chigudu (Manicaland) and Thokozile Mathuthu (Matabeleland North).
They respectively take over from David Karimanzira - newly appointed Harare
Metropolitan governor, Josaya Hungwe who has fallen on the way side, retired
soldier Mike Nyambuya tipped for a Cabinet post and Obert Mpofu who was
elected MP for Bubi-Umguza constituency.
Mpofu has also been tipped into the new look Cabinet.
Governors who retained their posts are Angeline Masuku (Matabeleland South),
Nelson Samkange (Mashonaland West),
Ephraim Masawi (Mashonaland Central), Cain Mathema (Bulawayo) and Cephas
Msipa (Midlands).
In a statement, the chief secretary to the President and Cabinet, Misheck
Sibanda said the appointments were done in terms of Section 4 of the
Provincial Councils and Administrators
Act (Chapter 29:11) and in terms of paragraph (d) of subsection (1) of
Section 38 of the Constitution of Zimbabwe.
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Daily Mirror, Zimbabwe

Tamoil deal collapses

Business Reporter
issue date :2005-Apr-12

THE concessionary oil deal between the National Oil Company of Zimbabwe
(Noczim) and Tamoil, a Libyan state-controlled oil giant, has collapsed
after the Zimbabwean parastatal defaulted debt payments exceeding US$60
million incurred under a US$90 million credit facility.
Information reaching this newspaper reveals that the deal - signed in 2001
when President Robert Mugabe approached his Libyan counterpart Muammar
Gadaffi with a begging bowl to bail out his country by approving oil
supplies to Zimbabwe on concessionary terms - is now dead and buried, as
supplies have been discontinued.
In the deal - which gave Zimbabwe a temporary reprieve from the country's
worst energy crisis in history then - Libya allegedly bargained lucrative
agricultural concessions by which Zimbabwe promised to parachute
agricultural exports to the semi-arid, but oil rich North African country.
It is also alleged that Zimbabwe, in the same pact, surrendered substantial
rights over state land to top state functionaries of the member country of
the oil cartel, the Oil Producing and Exporting Countries (OPEC)
Crippling foreign exchange shortages, which have teethed again to strike the
economy once more in the form of fuel shortages, a spate of price increases
and commodity scarcities on the goods market, had triggered the barter
contract.
Trouble started flickering a year later, in 2002, when Tamoil threatened to
pounce on its debtor's assets to recover the outstanding dues and contracted
Roux Italia of Italy to evaluate Noczim's assets, whose net value was
estimated to be far shy of the debt, principal and interest inclusive.
Noczim managing director Zvinechimwe Churu, last week said the problem with
the fresh bout of energy crisis which descended again on the country last
week was linked to the company's failure to secure enough foreign currency
to meet its debt obligations.
"If we give fuel supply tenders we should also be able to pay," Churu said.
He said his company - whose fuel procurement responsibility has now been
limited to state enterprises, government and quasi-government institutions
since the liberalisation of the sector in 2004 which has seen an influx of
new players - has set its sights on IBG of Kuwait, though Tamoil would
remain an option.
Economists, however, said the problems besetting the state-controlled fuel
procurer bore the fingerprints of the government, which they blamed for
failing to stabilise the energy sector by an intercessory allocation of more
foreign exchange resources to keep supplies running.
"No fuel supplier can ever keep supplying us with fuel if we are not in a
position to pay," an economist said."Rather than hop from one supplier to
the next, the government should re-engage Tamoil on behalf of Noczim to
bargain new debt rescheduling terms," he added.
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National Geographic

Ancient African Kingdom May Anchor Cross-Border Conservation Area

Leon Marshall in Johannesburg
for National Geographic News

April 11, 2005
An Iron Age archaeological site will likely form the centerpiece of a
cross-border conservation area under negotiation by three southern African
countries.

The proposed Limpopo-Shashe Transfrontier Conservation Area (TFCA) will link
land in South Africa, Botswana, and Zimbabwe.

Roughly 50 percent of the designated land lies in South Africa. There, the
area's main attraction is Mapungubwe National Park, a 70,000-acre
(28,000-hectare) preserve and UNESCO World Heritage site.

Mapungubwe, which opened in September, takes its name from a flat-topped
hill that anchored Africa's largest and most powerful kingdom between A.D.
900 and A.D. 1,300.

The archaeological site contains evidence of a culture with social classes
and extensive trading ties that extended into Arabia and India.

"The establishment of Mapungubwe as a powerful state, trading through the
East African ports with Arabia and India, was a significant stage in the
history of the African subcontinent," UNESCO wrote in a dedication upon the
area's designation as a World Heritage Site in 2003.

Ancient Culture

First discovered in 1932, the archaeological site provides a remarkably
complete record of the rise and fall of the Iron Age kingdom.

Hannes Eloff, now a retired professor of archaeology at the University of
Pretoria, worked in the area for many years. He said Mapungubwe was the name
local communities gave the prominent hill where the archaeological site was
found.

The word mapungubwe has several meanings. "The hill of the jackal" is one.
Another is "the smelting place," possibly a reference to gold- and
iron-smelting that occurred there. But the most widely accepted is "place of
the stone of wisdom."

"The local tribespeople regarded it with awe, preferring not to go near it,"
Eloff said. "When my students and I went there to do excavations, we, too,
treated it with respect."

"The first thing we did on our arrival, after pitching our tents, was to
climb the steep cliff to the top to pay our respects. We spoke softly. It
was as if we had the old king sitting before us," he said.

Archaeological remains on top of the hill provide a clear indication that a
royal or similarly influential class lived there and provide evidence that a
class structure existed in early African society, Eloff said.

Many glass beads were found in the area and suggest the community had
extensive trade with people from the Middle East and East Asia.

Mapungubwe's most famous artifact is a golden, one-horned rhinoceros, a
species found only in Asia. The object provides further proof that the Iron
Age African community had contact with the East.

Evidence of an ancient African society with a class structure similar to
Mapungubwe's was found at another set of ruins located about 200 miles (320
kilometers) farther north, in Zimbabwe.

Eloff said archaeologists believe that the people of Mapungubwe began to
migrate north in the 14th century, for reasons that were possibly economic
or climate related.

Once in Zimbabwe, the ancient people helped construct a new settlement.

Transfrontier Parks

The proposed Limpopo/Shashe TFCA would cover about 2,000 square miles (4,872
square kilometers). South Africa, Botswana, and Zimbabwe have yet to sign a
final agreement to create the transborder conservation area, and details
about its management must still be resolved.

Johan Verhoef is the South African government coordinator for the
Limpopo/Shashe TFCA Mapungubwe National Park. He noted the park "contains a
high cultural content on a World Heritage significance level, bringing even
more challenges to management, especially regarding the cultural landscape."

Several existing transfrontier conservation areas and parks cross
international boundaries and are managed as one integrated unit. But there
are differences between TFCAs and parks.

Transfrontier parks focus primarily on wildlife conservation, and
authorities work to remove all human barriers, so that animals can move
freely.

Transfrontier conservation areas, however can include national parks,
private game reserves, and even areas designated for hunting. Fences,
railroad tracks, major highways, and other barriers may remain standing and
impede animal movement.

These conservation areas, like the proposed proposed Limpopo-Shashe TFCA,
are managed for long-term sustainable use of natural resources.

The Limpopo-Shashe TFCA may ultimately encompass the Botswana Northern Tuli
Game Reserve, South Africa's Mapungubwe National Park, land owned by the De
Beers international diamond company, and various private ranches.

This mosaic of private land, state-owned land, and national parks creates
complexities in the preservation of major cultural landmarks.

Botswana, for instance, would have to determine how to manage a large
elephant population in Limpopo-Shashe. But the animals could damage lush,
adjacent lands in South Africa if they are allowed free access across the
Limpopo River, which divides the two countries.

In Zimbabwe the proposed conservation area includes tribal land and two
farms that had been part of the country's chaotic land-redistribution
process.

Despite the complex negotiations, Verhoef, the South African government
coordinator, said negotiations with the communities concerned are
progressing.

The "aim is to sign the memorandum of understanding by mid-2005," he said.
"We are confident that this will happen, setting in motion the process of
establishing the [transfrontier conservation area] as set out in the
[agreement]."
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USNewsWire

The Ambassador of the Republic of Zimbabwe H.E. S V Mubako WillHold a Press
Conference on Recent Parliamentary Elections

      Mon Apr 11, 3:52 PM ET

To: Assignment Desk and Daybook Editor

Contact: Patty Powers of the National Press Club 202-662-7515

News Advisory:

The ambassador of the Republic of Zimbabwe in Washington D.C. H.E. S V
Mubako invites all interested print and electronic media organizations to a
Press conference on the recent parliamentary elections held on 31 March
2005.

WHERE: National Press Club, 529 14th Street, NW, Washington D.C. -- Murrow
Room,

WHEN: Wednesday, April 13 from 1 p.m. to 3 p.m.

WHO:

-- H.E. Ambassador S V Mubako

-- Coltran Chimurenga, chairman of the US Observer Mission to Zimbabwe

-- John Trimble of Howard University and observer who has just returned from
Zimbabwe

http://www.usnewswire.com/
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Daily Mirror, Zimbabwe

US dollar hits Z$18,000

Business Reporter
issue date :2005-Apr-12

THE scarce US dollar hit the Z$18 000 mark last week on the black market as
the country's official foreign currency auction system appeared to be
struggling harder to normalise the situation.
On the dreaded and unofficial black market the greenback was fetching Z$18,
000 or above for one US dollar. But on the 16-month old official auction
system, the dollar was only raising Z$6,200 and that only through the
Diaspora rate.
Previously on the black market, the rate of exchange had been about Z$13 500
to one US dollar.
With Zimbabwe being a landlocked country that relies considerably on the
export front for a significant portion of its foreign currency earnings, the
performance of the export sector also provides a barometer of the level of
economic activity.
In the case of Zimbabwe, the country's export sector has been on a life
support system for several years now, following the withdrawal of balance of
payments support.
Ever since the export community in the country has been struggling to
survive.
The majority of December 2004 financial year-ends that were a feature of
activity in previous weeks contained one central theme, that the acute
foreign currency shortages and the current exchange rate system were hurting
their operations.
One clear example that points to the severity of the foreign currency
situation remains the overwhelmed auction system.
In the first week of April,  5 094 companies applied for various amounts of
foreign currency amounting to a total of US$119 million to oil their
business operations.
The auction system only provided a maximum of US$11 000 to the jostling
companies, and of the 5094 companies only 102 accessed the funds. The
pattern of the bidding has been successively creeping up since late last
year, with those companies whose bids are rejected on one auction, making
their bid again, so that the foreign currency requirements accumulate- but
in most cases are not rewarded.
In October last year, the belated and largely insignificant adjustment of
the Diaspora floor price to Z$6200 up from about Z $5600 to the US$ came as
little consolation to efforts aimed at wiping out the informal black market.
The informal black market was then going for around $8300 to the greenback.
Analysts said the announcement of a new price cap had seen the depreciation
of the local currency gaining momentum at the official auction.
The black market, mostly thriving at most infamous places like the Road Port
and Africa Unity Square in Harare, where foreign currency changes hands
illegally, has been thriving with most individuals preferring to take their
foreign currency to these markets.
The bid by the central bank to stem the re-emergence of the black market by
halting the remittance of foreign currency from the Diaspora to locals in
hard cash, was a result of recipients withdrawing their hard currency from
official money transfer agencies and diverting it to the unofficial black
market where the rates of return where considerably higher.
Even other regional currencies such as the South African rand have been
appreciating against the Zimbabwe dollar.
For instance in February, the rand appreciated against the local Zimbabwe
currency from around $1200 to the rand in January to around $1900 on the
unofficial black market.
Zimbabwe Financial Holdings (Finhold), in its last monthly report for the
month of March, noted that the huge demand for the scarce foreign currency
on the official market was forcing the local currency to depreciate.
"As a result of the continued excess demand of foreign currency over supply,
the
Zimbabwe dollar depreciated further against
major currencies on the foreign currency auction market during the month
under
review.
"The Zimbabwe dollar fell by 6 percent, 5 percent,5 percent  and 3 percent
for the month against the South African Rand, Botswana Pula, Euro and Great
British Pound, respectively. It also fell by 1 percent against both the
Japanese Yen and US dollar during the month under review," Finhold noted.

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Business in Africa

Contraband threatens Mozambique's sugar industry

Published: 12-APR-05

A new surge of contraband sugar into central Mozambique is threatening the
Sena Company, the owner of Mozambique's largest and most modern sugar mill
located at Marromeu on the south bank of the Zambezi River. The artificial
official exchange rate for the Zimbabwe dollar has made it possible for
smugglers to buy up sugar in Zimbabwe, and sell it in Mozambique at a price
that undercuts the local product.

Mozambique's domestic sugar market is supposed to be protected, and there is
a surcharge in place on legal imports of sugar. But the smugglers have
little difficulty in making their way across the extremely porous border
with Zimbabwe. Faced with declining sales domestically, the Sena Company has
little choice but to increase exports of sugar. But the world market price
of sugar is depressed at the moment.

A decent price is only available for those markets (such as the European
Union) where Mozambique enjoys quota-based access. Outside of that quota
system, Marromeu sugar sells at a loss -- with the current world market
price is lower than the cost of production.

Nonetheless, the Sena Company still hopes to push its sugar production up
from the 2004 figure of 62,000 tonnes a year to 105,000 tonnes by 2008.
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National Post, Canada

Will South Africa follow Zimbabwe?

      Andrew Kenny
      The Spectator

Tuesday, April 12, 2005

CAPE TOWN - The day after last month's election in Zimbabwe, the Cape Times
(of Cape Town) carried a front-page story on the South African government's
new policy to "turn the tide against poverty" by cutting back on the
tax-funded opulence of African National Congress politicians. President
Thabo Mbeki's private jet would be sold and he would in future travel by
South African Airways. There would be no more mansions and Mercedes
limousines for ministers, and no more full-page advertisements in the
newspapers singing the praises of the ANC government. This story appeared on
April 1.

Being naturally gullible and tired after a long night before, I read it in a
dreamlike state, feeling that I had been transported into a different
universe where the ordinary laws of African politics had broken down. In
this strange realm, African leaders put the welfare of the people ahead of
their own vainglory. Then I came to the last line of the article, designed
to make dimwits like me check the date, and was bumped back to reality.

Part of this reality was the grisly farce of the Zimbabwean election, the
inevitable result and its equally inevitable endorsement by the South
African government. Robert Mugabe must be extremely grateful to Mbeki,
without whose constant support and encouragement the Zimbabwean President
would probably not have been able to sustain his tyranny.

The ANC screamed against apartheid South Africa and Ian Smith's Rhodesia,
and called for sanctions against both. It denounces what it sees as crimes
of the Israeli government, such as the building of the fence to shut out
Palestinians. But against the mass murder, torture, terror, gang rape and
deliberate starvation of the Zimbabwe people by Mugabe's dictatorship,
neither Mbeki nor any other leading figure of the ANC in his government has
whispered a word of protest. Mbeki's policy of "quiet diplomacy" toward
Zimbabwe has usually consisted of picking up a megaphone and bellowing the
virtues of Mugabe. The ANC's support for Mugabe is total.

The most frightening question hanging over the future of South Africa is
this. Does the ANC support Mugabe out of political expediency or because it
agrees with his actions? If the latter, will South Africa go the way of
Zimbabwe?

Expediency would be easy to understand. The curse of black Africans, in
Africa and abroad, is their unrequited obsession with the white man. They
have little interest in black people beyond their borders but enormous
interest in white people. If there is an atrocity in an African country,
black people outside that country will not care unless there are white
people concerned, either as instigators or as victims.

When Mugabe slaughtered 20,000 blacks in southern Zimbabwe in 1983, nobody
outside Zimbabwe, including the ANC, paid it the slightest attention. Nor
did they care when, after 2000, he drove thousands of black farm workers out
of their livelihoods and committed countless atrocities against his black
population. But when he killed a dozen white farmers and pushed others off
their farms, it caused tremendous excitement. Mugabe became a hero in the
eyes of black activists in South Africa, the United States and England. That
he has ruined Zimbabwe, a beautiful and naturally blessed country; that he
has turned it from a food exporter to a hungry food importer; that he has
caused 80% unemployment and 600% inflation; that he has killed tens of
thousands of Africans; that he has crushed democracy; that he has reduced
life expectancy from 55 years in 1980 when he came to power to 33 years
now -- none of this matters compared with his glorious triumph in beating up
a handful of white farmers.
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Telegraph

Feeling the heat on the property hunt in Harare
(Filed: 05/04/2005)

Situated at the bottom of a quiet close about six miles from central Harare,
the bungalow seemed like the perfect place to rent. We'd already discussed
mowing the extensive back lawn (every week), whether we could keep on the
landlady's gardener (yes) and if the home-made desks could stay in the
childrens' rooms (OK).

The thorn bush at the bottom of the garden was impenetrable, the landlady
assured us, and the close was patrolled by a private security company.

"There's just one thing," she said. In my mind's eye, I'd already replaced
her blue floral printed easy chairs with my faded third-hand sofa. "We'll
have to increase the rent every three months. With Zimbabwe's current
economic situation, prices are going up every day."

She didn't know how much they'd need to put the rent up by, but who could
blame her? Like so many elderly whites still living in Zimbabwe, she and her
retired husband were downsizing to survive.

They'd bought into a tiny Catholic church-run property down the road and
wanted to live off the money my husband and I would pay her as rent. But we
have a fixed budget for yearly rentals. So that was another house that we
wouldn't be calling our own.

Renting a house as a foreigner in Harare used to be a fairly easy matter.
For one thing, it was unbelievably cheap.

      Harare: it "hasn't yet reached the crime standards of Johannesburg,
but it's getting that way"

A year and a half ago, we were paying the equivalent of £5 a month for a
one-bedroomed cottage in a good area. The price included electricity and
water.

Ours wasn't even the best deal. We have friends who were paying the same
amount for a three-bedroomed bungalow plus swimming pool and landscaped
garden in the plush northern suburb of Ballantyne Park.

But when we started getting folded slips in our mailbox every two months
("Dear tenant, due to continuing increases in basic services, we have no
option but to increase your rent once again"), the cottage suddenly felt
small and we decided we had to find somewhere else.

We've lost count of how many places we've toured since then. There are
several methods of house-hunting in Harare, some easier than others.

You can try the property classifieds in the Herald newspaper. Margaret, a
secretary friend, says this isn't worthwhile.

"There are so many people who phone for those places," she moans. She says
you fix an appointment only to find you're 30th in the queue.

You can try an estate agent. There are lots of them around. Every second
dispossessed white farmer's wife or unemployed reporter seems to have
metamorphosed into a property consultant.

If you've got money (or an employer who pays your rent) there's the informal
noticeboard at the International School in Mount Pleasant suburb, near the
University of Zimbabwe.

Diplomat friends of ours (there are still diplomats here despite threats to
clamp down on foreign-funded rights groups) found a wonderful ancient
farmhouse on Avondale Ridge, complete with outhouses, swimming pool (de
rigueur here for expats) and a creeper-covered walkway.

But you'll be paying in foreign currency and it won't always be cheap. Our
friends pay around £650 a month.

There are other ways of house-hunting. The Commercial Farmers' Union (CFU)
no longer puts out a daily situation report on white farm violence in
politically-torn Zimbabwe, but it does email accommodation listings weekly.

Breakaway farming pressure group Justice For Agriculture (JAG) offers the
same service.

That's how we found Breezy Point in Avondale, a well-established suburb with
cinemas and supermarkets. Breezy Point looked like it had been a hostel for
backpackers. It was one of those colonial-style homes you can still find
here, tucked away in old suburbs like Highlands with steel-pressed ceilings
and wooden floorboards. We loved the place but there was one big problem:
security.

Breezy Point stood exposed on a corner plot. It had no walls, not even a
bamboo fence. Security is a growing problem in Zimbabwe: the Herald carries
at least two reports of armed burglaries a week. Harare hasn't yet reached
the crime standards of Johannesburg, the violence-weary capital of
neighbouring South Africa yet, but it's getting that way.

We know youngish expats so worried about their safety that they chose to
live in Dandaro, a Brookside-lookalike red-brick development in the upmarket
Borrowdale suburb. It's surrounded by high walls and uniformed guards
monitor every visitor who tries to get in.

We're hoping not to have to go the Dandaro route. But Breezy Point, with its
hopelessly exposed flanks, wasn't going to make for stress-free living.

What you really need to find a new place here, I've decided, is a Joy, an
elderly local who'll keep her ear to the ground for you. Joy checks the
church noticeboard for us, knows exactly whose son is leaving but doesn't
want to sell his house and scans through the ads on Mango, the private email
provider.

Joy has been here 50 years and she has all the contacts. It was thanks to
her that in December we thought we'd finally found what we were looking for.

It was an old white cottage with a red tin roof, just round the corner from
our favourite Indian restaurant, the Sitar in Newlands. The rent was around
the equivalent of £150 a month, a good deal in the Zimbabwean capital these
days.

We were "oohing" and "aahing" over the burglar-barred verandah and the
claw-footed tub when the soon-to-be ex-tenant, an energetic gym teacher,
shattered our hopes. The water pressure in Newlands suburb is so low that it
takes half an hour to dribble a few centimetres into a bath, she whispered.
And there's no shower.

We're still searching.
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