http://www.zimonline.co.za/
by
Nokuthula Sibanda Wednesday 15 April 2009
HARARE - Members of
Zimbabwe's inclusive government will on Saturday attend
celebrations to mark
29 years of independence from Britain, a government
minister announced on
Tuesday.
President Robert Mugabe will give the keynote address at the
ceremony to be
held at the National Sports stadium west of Harare city
center.
It will be the first time since the formation of the then
opposition
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) in September 1999 that the
party --
which last February joined a power-sharing government with
Mugabe's ZANU PF
party -- will be represented at independence
celebrations.
"The celebrations should also be a time to celebrate the
new governmental
arrangement we have put in place," Ignatius Chombo, local
government
minister announced at a press conference at his
offices.
"The country had every reason to be optimistic with the new
dispensation.
All members of the inclusive government will be in attendance
and President
Robert Mugabe will deliver the keynote address," he
said.
The MDC delegation is set to be led by party leader and Prime
Minister in
the unity government Morgan Tsvangirai.
A regional
breadbasket at independence, Zimbabwe has dramatically
deteriorated over the
years to become a caricature African basket case with
the world's fastest
shrinking economy, acute shortages of essential
commodities and deepening
poverty, amid a cholera epidemic that has infected
more than 90 000 people
and killed more than 4 000 others.
The unity government between Mugabe,
Tsvangirai and Deputy Prime Minister
Arthur Mutambara has raised hopes
Zimbabwe could finally emerge from its
crisis but reluctance of Western
nations to provide financial support to the
Harare government has sparked
fears it could fail.
Western nations - that continue to give humanitarian
aid - insist they want
Zimbabwe's unity government to submit a credible
economic recovery
programme, implement genuine and comprehensive political
and economic
reforms before they can lift sanctions on Mugabe and top ZANU
PF officials
as well as provide direct financial support to Harare. -
ZimOnline.
http://www.zimonline.co.za/
by Andrew Moyo Wednesday 15
April 2009
HARARE - Violence intensified on farms across
Zimbabwe over the Easter
holidays, with farm invaders attacking workers and
owners, while more than
US$2 million worth of produce could go to waste
after invaders stopped
harvesting operations on at least at two
farms.
At Nancy Carmel farm near the town of Chegutu, a farm labourer was
severely
burnt after a mob of farm invaders assaulted him and threw him into
a fire,
a farmer, Ben Freath, told ZimOnline.
The invaders have also
been stealing mangoes at the farm, according to
Freath, who is part of a
group of white farmers who successfully challenged
the legality of the
government's land reform programme at the regional SADC
Tribunal.
"About US$50 000 worth of mango has been affected and 150
workers are not
allowed to work. One of them was thrown into the fire ..
they beat him up
and he suffered a broken scull," Freath said.
At
Stokedale farm, also near Chegutu, invaders forced operations to a halt
and
oranges worth US$2 million could go to waste as a result, according to
Justice for Agriculture (JAG), a pressure group for white farmers.
A
group of invaders stormed Wolghamton farm in Chipinge in the east of the
country over the holidays and attempted to stop owner Trevor Gifford from
harvesting timber at the farm.
Gifford, who is also president of the
Commercial Farmers Union (CFU) that is
the main representative body for the
country's white farmers, said invaders
showed him a "fraudulent court order"
that he should stop harvesting the
timber.
"They had a fraudulent
court document in which the beneficiary wanted to get
the police to stop me
from harvesting saying he had obtained a court order
to do so," said
Gifford.
Freath said farmers had written to Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai who
formed a power-sharing government with President Robert
Mugabe last February
and has called for the arrest and prosecution of farm
invaders.
"We have made reports but the Joint Operations Command (JOC) is
controlling
the situation. We have written to the Prime Minister (Morgan
Tsvangirai)
regarding what is happening but at this stage it is being
allowed to
continue and it is difficult for the PM or anyone else to stop
it," said
Freath.
The JOC, a committee of top securocrats and
powerful politicians, is said to
be behind the mobs of Mugabe's ZANU PF
supporters, war veterans and state
security agents that began invading farms
almost immediately after formation
of an inclusive government in February
between Tsvangirai, President Robert
Mugabe and Deputy Prime Minister Arthur
Mutambara.
The JOC that includes the commanders of the police and army -
and should
have been defunct by now in terms of the power-sharing agreement
between
Zimbabwe's political parties -- is said to be opposed to the new
government
and is seen as blocking calls by Tsvangirai last month on the
police to
arrest farm invaders.
Commercial farmers' organisations say
invaders have since February raided at
least 100 of the about 300 remaining
white-owned commercial farms, a
development that has intensified doubts over
whether the unity government
will withstand attempts by ZANU PF hardliners
to sabotage it.
The International Monetary Fund and Western countries
have - on top of other
conditions - made it clear that hey would not
consider giving aid to the
Harare government while farm invasion
continue.
Zimbabwe, also grappling with its worst ever economic crisis,
has since 2000
when land reforms began, relied on food imports and handouts
from
international food agencies mainly due to failure by resettled black
peasants to maintain production on former white farms.
Poor
performance in the mainstay agricultural sector has also had far
reaching
consequences as hundreds of thousands of people have lost jobs
while the
manufacturing sector, starved of inputs from the sector, is
operating below
30 percent of capacity.
The SADC Tribunal has ruled that Mugabe's
controversial programme to seize
white-owned land from whites for
redistribution to landless blacks was
racist, discriminatory and illegal
under the SADC Treaty to which Zimbabwe
is signatory.
Mugabe, who has
in the past rejected the few rulings by Zimbabwean courts
against his land
reforms, rejected the regional Tribunal ruling and vowed to
press on with
farm seizures. - ZimOnline
Email: jag@mango.zw : justiceforagriculture@zol.co.zw
JAG
Hotlines: +263 (011) 610 073, +263 (04) 799410. If you are in
trouble or
need advice, please don't hesitate to contact us - we're here
to
help!
To subscribe/unsubscribe to the JAG mailing list, please
email:
jag@mango.zw with subject line
"subscribe"
or
"unsubscribe".
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------
1.
Murder on Stockdale
2. Report on Activities by Edna
Madzongwe
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------
MURDER
ON STOCKDALE FARM
ON SUNDAY THE 12 APRIL 2009 A MALE WAS CAUGHT STEALING
(ETHEREDGES)
ORANGES BY EDNA MADZONGWES FARM GUARDS AT APPROXIMATELY
16:00.MADZONGWE
HAS BEEN RESIDENT ON THE FARM SINCE 5Th MARCH 2009.SHE WAS IN
RESIDENCE
WHEN THIS MURDER TOOK PLACE
THIS GENTLEMAN WAS TAKEN TO THE
CITRUS PACKSHED WHERE HE WAS TORTURED FOR
MOST OF THE NIGHT; AT AROUND 05:00
ON THE 13th MARCH 2009 THIS MAN WAS
RELEASED BY THE GUARDS (NO POLICE REPORT
WAS MADE OF THE THEFT)
THIS GENLEMANS BODY WAS FOUND NEAR THE ENTRANCE TO
THE FARM .A REPORT WAS
MADE TO THE CHEGUTU POLICE STATION AT AROUND 06:00;
HOWEVER THE POLICE
ONLY GOT TO THE FARM AT 09:30
3 OF THE MADZONGWE
GUARDS AND 2 OF STOCKDALES FORMER EMPLOYEES WERE
PICKED UP BY THE POLICE AND
TAKEN TO THE POLICE STATION .HOWEVER TO DATE
NO ARRESTS HAVE BEEN
MADE
AT AROUND 12:00 30 PEOPLE ARRIVED AT STOCKDALE FARM ANGRY ABOUT THE
DEATH
OF THERE FRIEND AND AFTER THE CID INVESTIGATION PICKED UP THE BODY
AND
TOOK IT TO CHEGUTU
THE 30 PLUS GROUP OF PEOPLE THEN WENT ONTO THE
FARM AND HAVE CHASED AWAY
THE MADZONGWE GUARDS. THESE PEOPLE THEN STARTED
SHOUTING AT MADZONGWE AND
HER 2 GROWN UP CHILDREN, WHO WERE IN THE COTTAGE
THAT SHE HAD BROKEN INTO
ON THE 5Th MARCH.THE GROUP SHOUTED AT HER CALLING
HER A MURDER AND A
THIEF, AS SHE HAS DISTROYED MANY FARMS IN THE CHEGUTU
DISTRICT .THESE
PEOPLE STAYED ON THE FARM TILL ABOUT 23:30 AND RETURNED BACK
TO CHEGUTU
.2 POLICE OFFICERS WERE DEPLOYED ON STOCKDALE DURING THE
NIGHT
THE 30 PLUS PEOPLE HAVE TOLD MADZONGWE THAT SHE MUST GO AND THAT
AFTER
THE FUNERAL ON 14th APRIL THEY WILL BE BACK
EDNA MADZONGWE LEFT
AT AROUND 24:00 ON FOOT THROUGH THE FENCE TO THE MAIN
CHEGUTU/CHINOYI TARR
ROAD WHERE SHE WAS PICKED UP FEARING FOR HER OWN
LIFE.!
I AM A LAW
MAKER NOT A LAW BREAKER
SENATOR CHAIRPERSON EDNA MADZONGWE ON STOCKDALE
FARM
· EDNA MADZONGWE BORN 11 JULY 1943 ZIMBABWE ID No
63-748119H-H-32
· RESIDENT AT 14 SLATER RD GUNHILL
.HARARE.ZIMBABWE
· 23 APRIL 2007: MADZONGWE ARRIVED AT STOCKDALE
CITRUS ESTATE
WITH KUNONGA (DISTRICT LANDS OFFICER) AND AN OFFER LETTER DATED
6TH
MARCH, 2007 SIGNED BY MUTASA (OFFER LETTER HAD EXPIRED). MADZONGWE
WAS
INFORMED BY MR. RICHARD ETHEREDGE THAT HE WAS ONLY PREPARED TO DEAL
WITH
THIS VIA THE LEGAL ROUTE.
· STOCKDALE HAD NOT BEEN
GAZETTED. NO AUDIT HAS BEEN CARRIED OUT
TO THIS DAY (13TH APPRIL 2009) ON
EITHER THE LAND, THE ORCHARDS OR THE
EQUIPMENT, BY THE MINISTRY OF
LANDS.
· 12TH MAY 2007: MADZONGWE STARTED CLEARING LAND FOR
CATTLE AND
DEMANDED ONE OF THE OCCUPIED HOUSES FOR HER STAFF AND
HERSELF.
· 15TH JUNE 2007 STOCKDALE GIVEN LETTER TO TEMPORARY
EXTENSION
TO STAY ON FARM TO WIND UP BUSINESS.
· 22ND JUNE
2007:MADZONGWE WAS ISSUED A COURT APPLICATION.. SHE
TOLD THE ETHEREDGES THAT
SHE IS NOT A LAW BREAKER BUT A LAW MAKER (THIS
HAS BEEN RECORDED ON
DICTAPHONE). NEVERTHELESS SHE THREW THE SUMMONS ON
THE
GROUND.
· 28TH JUNE 2007: HIGH COURT INTERDICT. MADZONGWE
INSTRUCTED TO
REMOVE ALL EQUIPMENT AND STAFF FROM STOCKDALE BY 30TH
JUNE
· 30TH JUNE 2007: STOCKDALE FARM GAZETTED. FOR THE FIRST
TIME NOT
IN CONS0NANCE WITH TRANSPARENT OR WITH JUSTIFIABLE PROCEDURE AND
FACT.
· 9TH JULY 2007: MADZONGWE GIVEN NEW OFFER LETTER COMPLETED
BY
HAND AND STAMPED BY THE Z.R.P. PARLIAMENT. THE LAID DOWN PROCEDURES TO
A
VALID OFFER LETTER WERE NOT FOLLOWED.
· 12TH JULY 2007:
STOCKDALE GIVEN LETTER TO TEMPORARY EXTENTION
OF STAY (OFF BY 30TH AUGUST
07)
· 31st AUGUST 2007: MADZONGWE/KUNONGA AND OTHERS DIRECTED
THE
ETHEREDGES TO GET OFF THE FARM. THEY WERE PRESENTED WITH A PRIOR
HIGH
COURT ORDER AUTHORISING THE ETHEREDGES TO REMAIN IN OCCUPATION
UNTIL
LAWFULLY ORDERED BY A COURT TO VACATE.
· 1ST OCTOBER
2007: 9 CHEGUTU FARMERS APPEAR IN COURT FOR
ILLEGALLY STAYING ON THEIR FARMS
PLEADS OF NOT GUILTY WERE ENTERED. THE
SUBSTANTIVE PROSECUTION WAS NOT
COMMENCED BECAUSE THE PROSECUTORS AND
MAGISTRATES WENT ON
STRIKE.
· 7TH OCTOBER 2007: JAMBANJA MADZONGWE AND KANONGA
ARRIVE WITH
LOCAL YOUTH SINGING AND CHANTING ALL NIGHT IN MR JAMES
ETHEREDGES'
GARDEN, HAVING BEEN SUPPLIED WITH DRUGS AND ALCOHOL BY
HER.
· 8TH OCTOBER 2007: POLICE MOVED YOUTH TO
PACKSHED
· 10TH- 5th NOVEMBER 2007. MADZONGWE MOVED PEOPLE ON THE
FARM
DESPITE HIGH COURT ORDER
· 29TH FEBRUARY 2008: THE CASES
AGAINST THE 9 FARMERS WERE
WITHDRAWN AFTER PLEA OF
WITHDRAWAL.
· 6TH APRIL 2008: RICHARD ETHEREDGE WAS SUMMONED TO
APPEAR IN
COURT ON THE SAME CHARGE TO WHICH HE HAD PLEADED NOT GUILTY AND
WHICH WAS
WITHDRAWN BY THE STATE AFTER PLEA.
· 19TH APRIL
2008: MR RICHARD ETHEREDGE PLEADED NOT GUILTY AGAIN
FOR THE SAME CHARGE BY
THE STATE AFTER PLEA AND CHALLENGED THE FRESH
CHARGE AS NOT BEING COMPETENT
AT LAW AS THIS CONSTITUTED "DOUBLE
JEOPARDY". THE MATTER WAS REFERED TO THE
HIGH COURT WHO GAVE A
FINAL ORDER THAT HE COULD NOT BE TRIED AGAIN FOR THE
SAME OFFENCE.
· 17TH JUNE 2008: HIGH COURT CONSEQUENT TO A COURT
APPLICATION TO
INVALIDATE THE FRESH CHARGE FIND ETHEREDGE AND 8 OTHER CHEGUTU
FARMERS
NOT GUILTY FOR CONTRIVINING SECTION 3(3) OF THE LANDS
ACT
17TH JUNE 2008: GILBERT MOYO PLUS 40 OTHERS, PURPORTEDLY
UNDER
THE INSTRUCTION OF MADZONGWE, VIOLENTLY EVICTED PETER AND
JAMES
ETHEREDGES' FAMILIES. HOUSES AND THE FARM YARD WERE LOOTED
OF
PROPERTY AND EQUIPMENT VALUED AT US$1,000,000. 00.
THERE ARE SWORN
AFFIDAVITS AVAILABLE FROM GILBERT MOYO AND OTHERS THAT
THEY WERE WORKING
SOLELY ON THE INSTRUCTIONS OF MADZONGWE. " I AM A
LAWMAKER NOT A
LAWBREAKER."
VIDEO FOOTAGE, PHOTOGRAPHS AND TRANSCRIPTS ARE AVAILABLE OF
THE LOOTING
AND DAMAGE TO PROPERTY THAT TOOK PLACE AT THAT TIME. A CASE HAS
BEEN
FILED AGAINST MADZONGWE, THE POLICE AND OTHERS FOR DAMAGES AND
THEFT
INCURRED. MADZONGWE HAS PUBLICALLY STATED THAT SHE HAD NOTHING TO DO
WITH
THE JAMBANJA SAYING THAT THE LOOTERS WERE JUST THUGS AND CRIMINALS.
(IF
THIS WERE THE CASE THEN THE QUESTION IS WHY DID THE POLICE NOT REACT
AND
WHY DID THEY SAY THAT "IT WAS A POLITICAL MATTER.") THIS IS
DESPITE
THE FACT THAT THERE ARE WRITTEN AFFIDAVITS FROM GILBERT MOYO AND
OTHERS
IMPLICATING MADZONGWE, DIRECTLY CONTRARY TO MADZONGWES'
ASSERTION. THE
POLICE ARE BEING HELD RESPONSIBLE FOR THE LACK OF
PROTECTION - THEY STOOD BY
AND WATCHED THE LOOTING AND THE BEATINGS
THAT OCCURRED TO TWO MEMBERS OF THE
FAMILY (KERRY ETHEREDGE AND JAMES
ETHEREDGE) AND FAILED IN THEIR DUTY TO
UPHOLD LAW AND ORDER AND CONFORM
TO THE RULE OF LAW.
· BETWEEN
THE 17TH JUNE - 4JULY 2008: MADZONGWE WAS SEEN
ON THE FARM NEARLY EVERY
NIGHT FEEDING GILBERT MOYO AND HIS GANG
ESTABLISHING ACTIVE CONDUCT OR
ASSOCIATION WITH THE LAWLESSNESS. SADC
PROTECTION ON AN INTERIM BASIS WAS
GRANTED IN FAVOUR OF THE ETHEREDGE
FAMILY WAS ACHIEVED THROUGH A TRIBUNAL
ORDER RENDERED ON 28TH MARCH
2008. LATER ON 28TH NOVEMBER 2008 A FINAL ORDER
TO STOP THE LAWLESS
EVICTION BY GOVERNMENT OF THE ETHEREDGE FAMILY WAS
ACHIEVED.
· 21ST FEBRUARY 2009: MADZONGWE SENDS 10 YOUTHS TO THE
FARM
FAILING TO FOLLOW DUE PROCESS TO VACANT POSSESSION IN SPITE OF THE
FACT
THAT STOCKDALE IS PROTECTED BY FINAL COURT ORDERS AND SADC
TRIBUNAL
RULING.
· 5TH MARCH 2009: MADZONGWE ARRIVES IN
PERSON WITH MOB AND STOPS
ALL WORK
· 14TH MARCH 2009: FOUR
SO-CALLED ZFTU MEMBERS, WHO SAID THEY
WERE UNDER MADZONGWES DIRECTIONS,
VERBALLY ATTACK JAMES AND PETER
ETHEREDGE DEMANDING RETRENCHMENT PACKAGES FOR
LABOR AND ISSUED PHYSICAL
THREATS
· 15TH MARCH 2009: MADZONGWE
BREAKS DOWN DOOR OF HOUSE BY THE
PACKSHED IN THE PRESENSE OF THE CHEGUTU
POLICE AND ORDERS ALL FURNITURE
TO BE REMOVED IN ORDER THAT SHE CAN MOVE
IN.
· 16TH MARCH 2009: JAMES AND PETER ETHEREDGE GET OFF THE
FARM
WITH THEIR FAMILIES FEARING FOR THEIR OWN SAFETY.
GOVERNMENT IN
THE INTERIM PUBLICALLY ANNOUNCES THAT IT WILL NOT ABIDE BY
THE SADC RULING
HAVING BEEN ENDORSED BY JUSTICE MALABA OF THE SUPREME
COURT BEFORE ANY
HEARING ON WHETHER THE RULING AND JUDGEMENT IS BINDING
ON ZIMBABWE. PRIOR TO
THE FINAL JUDGEMENT, GOVERNMENT THROUGH ITS LAWYERS
HAD PUBLICALLY NOTED IT
WOULD ABIDE BY THE TRIBUNAL DECISION RE THE
SIGNING OF THE MEMBER STATES OF
SADC TREATY ETC.
· CONCLUSION
· ABOUT 50 REPORTS
TO THE POLICE HAVE BEEN MADE WITH NO REACTION
· MADZONGWE HAS
DEFIED 4 HIGH COURT ORDERS
· MADZONGWE HAS IGNORED THE SADC
RULING
· MADZONGWE HAS OCCUPIED AND DESTROYED 8 FARMS HERSELF IN
A
SIMILAR MANNER
· MADZONGWES' OTHER FARM (AITAPE), WHICH IS
OCCUPIED BY
HER, IS CLOSE TO STOCKDALE. IT IS UNDERSTOOD THAT THERE IS NO
ACTIVE
FARMING ON AITAPE BY MADZONGWE IN SPITE OF IT BEING A VERY
PRODUCTIVE
FARM IN THE PAST.
· ALTHOUGH MADZONGWE WON THE
SENATE SEAT FOR CHEGUTU SHE ONLY GOT
30 VOTES IN CHEGUTU TOWN ITS
SELF
· MADZONGWE IS A BENEFICARY OF THE FARM EQUIPMENT PROGRAMME
AND
HAS A MASSIVE AMOUNT OF EQUIPMENT PARKED ON STOCKDALE AND ON HER
OTHER
FARMS, REYDEN FARM, BOURNE FARM AND MPOFU FARM
· IS
MADZONGWE A LAW MAKER?
· IT IS INTERESTING TO NOTE THAT
MADZONGWE AND HER ENTOURAGE
ARRIVE AT STOCKDALE FARM EACH TIME THE CITRUS
EXPORT CROP IS READY TO
REAP, DEMANDING THAT THE ETHEREDGES VACATE THE
FARM.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=15133
April 15, 2009
MASVINGO -
Zimbabwe's former Liberation war fighters have asked President
Robert Mugabe
to immediately review their monthly pensions or else his
Zanu-PF party
should pull out of the government of national unity.
They claim the new
government is not addressing their needs adequately.
The war veterans
received monthly pensions of US$40 dollars each last month.
They say this is
too little to meet their daily needs in an economy that has
been wholly
dollarized.
In a strongly worded letter addressed to their patron
President Mugabe on
April 8 the Zimbabwe National Liberation War Veterans'
Association (ZNLWVA)
said they wanted to be paid monthly pensions that are
sustainable. If that
failed they would demand that the leadership of Zanu-PF
pull out of the
inclusive government.
"We can not survive on US$40 a
month," reads the letter which The Zimbabwe
Times obtained a copy
of.
"We liberated this country hence no government should look down upon
us. We
demand that the issue of our pensions be addressed urgently otherwise
we
believe you have to pull out of the inclusive government because our
needs
are not being adequately catered for.
"We were better off when
our party Zanu-PF was in control and our suffering
has now worsened
following this inclusive government".
Although no official comment could
be obtained from Jabulani Sibanda the
national chairman of the war veteran
organisation, Tranos Huruva, the
Masvingo provincial chairman said the war
veterans were not happy with the
money being paid as pension to war
veterans.
"I can not comment on the contents of that letter but we are
not happy with
the money we are getting," said Huruva.
"We have to
make sure that our members are not neglected and that they live
decent lives
like anyone (else) that is why we are appealing to the
President to address
our issue."
Sources within the inclusive government yesterday said the
former freedom
fighters were riled by Mugabe's remarks that they should
engage Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai on the issue of their
pensions.
"The war veterans were openly told by Mugabe that they should
engage the
Prime Minister over the issue of their pensions," said a
source.
"This did not go down well with most of them. That is why they
are saying
pulling out of the inclusive government might be an option if
their pensions
and allowances are not increased."
Zimbabwe is
currently undergoing a serious economic crisis and the two-month
old
inclusive government is battling to restore economic stability.
The
inclusive government is also struggling to pay its bloated civil
service.
School teachers have already warned that they will not go back to
work when
the second term begins on May 5 unless their allowances are
increased.
Members of the entire civil service are currently
receiving a uniform
allowance of US$100 a month each, regardless of position
held.
Although some western countries have pledged to work with the
inclusive
government, big donor countries such as the United States of
America and
Britain have made it clear that they will only make a
contribution after
they are satisfied that there is a real power sharing
between the three
parties in the inclusive government.
The West also
wants Harare to restore the rule of law and ensure that
property and human
rights are respected.
However, fresh farm invasions which have swept
across the country over the
past month have dented Harare's prospects of
getting meaningful financial
assistance from the West.
Using similar
scare tactics and threats in 1997 the war veterans arm-twisted
the
government into granting them millions of dollars in unbudgeted-for
gratuity
payments. Analysts blame this action for triggering off Zimbabwe's
current
economic crisis.
Three years later, in 2002, the ex-combatants
spearheaded the government's
controversial land reform programme. The
haphazard and lawless seizure of
commercial farms by the ex-combatants as
well as by Zanu-PF aligned
politicians and businessmen contributed
significantly to the collapse of the
backbone of Zimbabwe's economy,
agriculture, and further aggravated the
economic downturn.
http://www.voanews.com/
By
Sithandekile Mhlanga
Washington
14 April
2009
The Media Monitoring Project of Zimbabwe said
Tuesday that the country's
state-controlled media continue to weigh their
coverage in favor of
President Robert Mugabe and the former ruling ZANU-PF
party despite the
formation in February of a unity government.
The
MMPZ said ZANU-PF members of the government are given more ink and
airtime
than their counterparts in the Movement for Democratic Change, whose
dominant formation is led by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai. It said
private media have been more even-handed.
Media Monitoring Project
Advocacy Coordinator Dzikamai Machingura told
reporter Sithandekile Mhlanga
that state media coverage of an address to
parliament last week by the
Reserve Bank governor, Gideon Gono, proved that
coverage remains biased.
http://www.voanews.com/
By Blessing Zulu
Washington
14
April 2009
A two week deadline set by the Southern African
Development Community for
members of the regional grouping to make pledges
to help rebuild Zimbabwe
ran out Tuesday with only South Africa having
announced a specific amount
that it would provide Harare.
At a summit
in late March SADC members declared their support for Zimbabwe's
efforts to
raise the projected US$8.3 billion the country needs to carry out
its
so-called Short-Term Economic Recovery Program over the next two
years.
South Africa said upon the summit's close that it will contribute
800
million rand or around US$90 million to support the operation of the
national unity government that was installed in Zimbabwe in mid-February and
to provide credits to the commercial sector.
Government sources in
Botswana, Mozambique, Lesotho, Malawi, Namibia and
Angola told VOA they are
still engaged in internal consultations, but
acknowledged it could be
difficult for them to mobilize cash for Zimbabwe
amidst the general global
economic downturn.
SADC sources said Zimbabwe's best hope now lies with
the European Union and
the United States despite declarations from both that
they will will not
provide development aid until there is clear evidence of
reform in Harare on
human rights and governance in particular.
South
African Foreign Affairs Minister Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma said SADC has
dispatched teams of ministers to lobby for reconstruction funding and the
lifting of Western sanctions targeting President Robert Mugabe, officials of
his ZANU-PF party and associates.
Zambian Information Minister Ronnie
Shikapwasha told reporter Blessing Zulu
of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that
Lusaka is keen to help but it needs more
time to
consult.
Pretoria-based political analyst Peter Kagwanja said the SADC
countries -
some of which are still in post-conflict mode - don't have deep
enough
pockets to bail out Zimbabwe.
http://www.voanews.com
By Gibbs Dube and Jonga Kandemiiri
Washington
14 April 2009
Lines are being drawn among
Zimbabwe's civic organizations and between some
civil society groups and
parliament over how to draft the country's new
constitution.
Some
non-governmental organizations have lined up behind the National
Constitutional Assembly, whose main focus is constitutional reform and has
challenged the parliament's plans to take the lead in rewriting the
country's basic document.
But there is far from unanimity among NGOs
on the question.
Other non-governmental organizations such as the
Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human
Rights, the Zimbabwe National Students Union and
the Crisis in Zimbabwe
Coalition are expected to meet this week to decide
where they stand.
Backing the NCA are the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade
Unions, the Progressive
Teachers Union of Zimbabwe and the Zimbabwe National
Students Union. But the
Christian Alliance and the Students Solidarity Trust
support the process now
unfolding in parliament.
Spokesman Fambai
Ngirande of the National Association of Non-Governmental
Organizations told
reporter Gibbs Dube of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that
the NCA and the
government should work together to ensure that the process
is
"people-driven," as the NCA desires.
Despite the opposition expressed by
some in civil society, the government
said the process is all-inclusive
because lawmakers represent the people.
But a senior official of the
Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions said that if
the government is in charge
of the process, the new constitution will differ
little from the existing
one.
Constitutional Affairs Minister Eric Matinenga told reporter Jonga
Kandemiiri that the select committee is representing all Zimbabweans
regardless of their affiliations.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=15112
April 15, 2009
By Our
Correspondent
THE National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) says it will
rally the people of
Zimbabwe against the constitutional reform process which
is being put into
motion by Parliament.
It believes the entire
process is likely to be flawed, hence it would also
produce a flawed
Constitution.
NCA chairman, Lovemore Madhuku, has no kind words for
Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) leaders, Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur
Mutambara,
either.
He called them opportunists.
Speaking in an
interview, Madhuku told The Zimbabwe Times: "As the NCA, we
have rejected
the committee that was put in place by Parliament to start the
process of
re-writing the Constitution.
"We have demanded that the process should be
people-driven and we believe
that parliamentarians should not be part of
this process but they should let
the people of Zimbabwe decide what kind of
Constitution they want without
undue influence and interference by
Parliament."
At the weekend, Speaker of Parliament, Lovemore Moyo
announced a committee
that will preside over the entire consultation process
of the new
constitution.
The committee includes representatives of
Zanu-PF and the two MDC parties.
Madhuku said by putting in place the
constitutional committee which is made
up of parliamentarians, Parliament
had closed doors to having a constitution
that reflected the wishes of the
people.
"The reason why we are saying we are rejecting that
constitutional making
process is because it is now heavy with the influence
of parliamentarians.
This means that Parliament has closed its doors on very
effective
participation of the citizens of this country because people are
aware that
the process is going to produce a predictable outcome," said
Madhuku.
He said at the moment, it was clear the parliamentary committee
would take
into account what it saw as issues that would protect the
interests of
President Robert Mugabe, Tsvangirai and Mutambara, with "a
little bit of
disguise of what people want".
"That process is already
defective as we speak. It is going to produce a
flawed outcome. We will
mobilize people against taking part in the entire
process.
"We are
quite aware that this process simply wants to ensure that it comes
up with a
constitution that will seek to protect the opportunists who are
there and
also the President (Mugabe)," lambasted Madhuku.
He added that the NCA
was working hard at the moment to spread the
anti-parliament constitution
consultation meetings messages as parliament
gears itself to embark on the
consultation process.
"We are campaigning for a no vote. We will repeat
what happened in 1999. We
are saying no to a defective Constitution that is
born out of a defective
process altogether.
"If they decide to
proceed, we will tell the people not to attend these
meetings and see where
they are going to get the input they want from,"
Madhuku
said.
Parliament is expected to soon convene an all-stakeholders
conference to
discuss the Constitution. The process is expected to kick off
after the
consultation teams would have completed their groundwork of
gathering people's
views on the new constitution.
Already, 19
amendments have been made to Zimbabwe's Constitution, a
situation that has
forced the inclusive government to put in motion, a
process that will lead
to the drafting of a completely new constitution
http://www.herald.co.zw
Wednesday,
April 15, 2009
Herald
Reporters
GOVERNMENT institutions should fully use farms allocated to
them under land
reform to enhance self-reliance and alleviate poverty,
Harare Metropolitan
Governor and Resident Minister David Karimanzira has
said.
Speaking at a field day at Harare Central Prison Farm, Governor
Karimanzira
said State institutions such as universities, colleges and
hospitals must
make use of their farms rather than to wait for food handouts
from
Government.
"Government policy is that if you want to eat you
have to produce instead of
waiting for Government handouts.
"It is
important to bear in mind that . . . prisons have not been spared
from the
devastating economic restrictions imposed on the country by its
detractors.
"Prisons indeed mirror the impact of sanctions and
feeding the inmates has
become a mammoth challenge," he
said.
Governor Karimanzira, however commended the Harare Central Prison
for
growing 22 hectares of maize which should go a long way in reducing
hunger
in prisons.
He also urge Government institutions with vast
tracts of land at their
disposal to avail this for agriculture.
"I
would like to call upon similar Government institutions with land to
avail
this for agricultural production and help the country restore its
bread
basket status," said Governor Karimanzira.
For irrigation purposes,
Governor Karimanzira, however called upon
well-wishers to assist in
rehabilitating the prison's two boreholes that are
not functioning and which
farm manager Ms Clementine Zvidzai had earlier
said were a major
setback.
Commissioner of Prisons Retired Major General Paradzai Zimondi
indicated
that there are 27 prison farms around the country that are into
cattle
ranching, piggery, maize and wheat production.
"All in all we
have 27 prison farms scattered around the country with total
arable land of
3 482 hectares which we believe shall go a long way towards
self-sustenance
and thus, reducing Government expenditure.
"We failed to get enough
inputs such as seed and fertilizers which means
that we failed to plant the
targeted hectarage, thus our yield is going to
be well below our requirement
for the year," he said.
Rtd Maj Gen Zimondi said the challenges facing
Zimbabweans could be solved
through food production.
"I am quite sure
that the only answer to overcome most of our challenges is
production.
"Therefore, I urge all our prison farms to ensure maximum
utilisation of
resources at our disposal in an effort to increase
production," he said.
http://www.businessday.co.za
BRIAN
LATHAM
Harare
ZIMBABWE's
government would create a land policy within the next three
months that
"clarifies" farm ownership, Commerce and Industry Minister
Welshman Ncube
said yesterday.
The policy was being devised amid "an urgent need" to
address security of
tenure on farms, Ncube said.
"The question of
farm and land ownership has been left hanging for quite
some time," Ncube
said. "In two to three months we will have come up with
common position on
commercial farmland."
Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe's supporters
began the often-violent
seizure of white-owned farms in 2000, accusing
farmers of backing Morgan
Tsvangirai's opposition Movement for Democratic
Change.
The takeovers sparked a collapse in agricultural production that
nine years
later has left 6,9-million Zimbabweans needing food aid to
survive. The
policy has been instrumental in destroying the country's
economy. Mugabe
told his Zanu (PF) central committee last Wednesday that
"land reform" would
continue. His remarks were seen by many as tacit support
for the continuing
farm takeovers.
Commentators said recent TV
and internet footage of farm invasions would
make the Southern African
Development Community's task of raising $8,5bn for
the country even more
challenging. Bloomberg, Staff Writer
http://www.monstersandcritics.com
Africa Features
By Jan Raath
Apr 15, 2009, 2:08 GMT
Chitungwiza, Zimbabwe - Pikai sometimes
drops in at Clay's home round the
corner for a bite to eat and a chat, and
Pikai returns the favour by letting
his neighbour collect water from his tap
that seldom runs dry.
The odd thing about this neighbourly sharing is
that 10 months ago Pikai -
not his real name - was among a mob of vigilantes
of President Robert
Mugabe's ZANU(PF) party flailing with sticks and heavy
electric cables at
Clay's back, because he was a supporter of the then
opposition Movement for
Democratic Change.
It was near the end of a
blood-drenched campaign for the second round of
presidential elections in
which Clay was one of many thousands tortured by
Mugabe's youth militias,
soldiers and police.
In the end, 200 MDC supporters were murdered and the
party's leader, Morgan
Tsvangirai, withdrew because of the scale of the
violence, leaving the
85-year-old Mugabe to have himself declared president
after a one-man race.
Clay said he had to sleep on his stomach for weeks
to allow the wounds to
heal. Today he cannot walk much further than a few
hundred metres without
enduring excruciating pain. But, he says, all he
wants is for Pikai and his
fellows to be prosecuted and for justice to be
done. 'I don't want to
revenge.'
The reconciliation between the two
took place earlier this year after the
Catholic church's Commission for
Justice and Peace took the first steps
toward trying to heal the deep
psychological and spiritual trauma inflicted
in the murderous three-month
election campaign.
They gathered 16 victims of violence in Chitungwiza,
to listen, talk and
share experiences in group therapy sessions over two
days.
Pikai and six other ZANU(PF) perpetrators were coaxed into separate
workshops with the CCJP, along the lines of traditional cleansing
rituals.
Only two of them were willing to admit involvement in the
violence. When
they started, Pikai was sweating and shaking uncontrollably
as he talked of
his brutality, said CCJP coordinator Joel
Nkunsane.
'He said what he did was evil, that he caused death, and people
to suffer.
He wanted to look in the eyes of his neighbours, to go back and
talk it
out,' he said.
The realisation of the need for reconciliation
and healing came in October
last year when Nkunsane and two colleagues were
doing hundreds of interviews
with torture victims, to prepare a detailed
record.
'It was horrible, horrible,' he said. 'There were people so badly
beaten
they had to have a whole box of cotton wool stuffed in the hole in
their
buttocks. Women who had logs forced up their vaginas. People had their
eyes
gouged out. I couldn't take it. We had to go for
counselling.
'But we saw that we were reopening their wounds four months
after they had
brutalised. We heard them, and then left, without aiding them
and leaving
them in their pain. Victims need not just blankets and food,
they need
spiritual healing as well.'
Perhaps the most important
factor was 'the loss of human dignity, and their
sense of worthlessness'
after their ordeals, he said. 'We helped to
transform their
pain.'
However, violence, torture and murder have been visited repeatedly
on
Zimbabweans by Mugabe since he came to power 29 years ago. In the
mid-1980s,
about 20 000 civilians of the Ndebele tribe of western Zimbabwe
were
massacred by his security forces.
'The nation is still
bleeding,' Nkunsane said. 'The stories of what happened
are still coming,
people in (the western city of) Bulawayo are talking about
them as if they
just happened.
'The real process is when the offender says to the
offended, 'I'm sorry','
he said. 'The victims also feel that justice must
prevail.' Zimbabwe's new
coalition government between Mugabe and MDC leader
Morgan Tsvangirai, its
prime minister, have staged rallies where ZANU(PF)
and MDC supporters join
hands, and a cabinet committee on healing has been
set up. But this is
mostly rhetoric,' said Nkunsane.
'I fear they may
go for a process of blanket amnesty,' he said, 'that it
happened 'in a time
of madness, let's move on, let bygones be bygones.' That
will leave people
lying there, hurting in their wounds,' he said.
If that happens, 'there
is never going to be a time that people are going to
respect each other's
opinions,' he said. 'At any other election, there will
be bloodshed
again.
http://www.thelocal.se/18852/20090415/
Published: 15 Apr 09 06:59 CET
A
Swedish parliamentarian's decision to snap a couple of pictures of
Zimbabwean president Robert Mugabe did not sit well with the president's
bodyguards.
Riksdag member Fredrik Schulte of the Moderate
Party was visiting a
bookstore in Singapore when Mugabe's entourage entered
the shop.
The 27-year-old Swedish politician managed to take two pictures
from a
distance of about five metres before a woman near Mugabe
reacted.
Someone who Schulte believed to be one of Mugabe's bodyguards
threw the
Swede up against a bookshelf and forced him to erase the
pictures.
Upon returning to Sweden on Tuesday, Schulte turned over his
camera's memory
card to Riksdag IT-support staff for examination.
As
he didn't take any more pictures following the incident, the images can
most
likely be recovered.
When reached by the TT news agency, Schulte was at a
loss to explain why he
decided to take a picture of a man considered to be
one of Africa's most
brutal dictators.
"I really don't know why [I
photographed him]. It's just one of those things
that happens," Schulte
said.
"When you realize you're standing next to the Hitler of our time,
the camera
comes out."
Schulte added that he would "bet his life"
that the man he photographed was
Mugabe.
The 85-year-old president of
Zimbabwe leads a country suffering from a
severe economic crisis.
Nevertheless, last winter it became known that
Mugabe had purchased a luxury
home in Hong Kong for around 50 million kronor
($6 million).
He owns
several expensive homes throughout Asia and his wife Grace has taken
a
number of shopping trips to the region in recent years, including visits
to
Hong Kong and Bangkok.
Kubatana was copied in on an email written by Dale Dore, a Harare based
activist, to Eddie Cross an MDC stalwart. In his email Dale suggested that the
MDC are powerless in the unity government and because of the numerous
transgressions of the Global Political Agreement (GPA) the MDC should declare
the power sharing government dead. We still have a dictatorship in place in Zimbabwe albeit with a bit more
money than it used to have. Tsvangirai can only cite certain successes because Zanu PF has facilitated
them. Anything vaguely unpopular with Zanu PF doesn’t get to see the light of
day. Jonathan Moyo in an article published by The Nation, in Kenya, called
the unity government “self indulgent” and that Tsvangirai is “now groping in the
dark in a desperate search for non exist benchmarks of success.” Tendai Dumbetshena writing for The Zimbabwe Times asserts that Mugabe has
something sinister in mind, but then again when hasn’t he? Tendai does ask
some very direct questions that we must insist on being answered. We don’t
expect the true blue dictator Mugabe to do so but we do expect Tsvangirai to
step up to the challenge: The Global Political Agreement (GPA) was signed on 15 September, 2008 – seven
months ago. All issues pertaining to political reforms and human rights were
contained in the GPA and Memorandum of Understanding that preceded it. Why do
these issues remain outstanding after such a long time? What is so difficult about repealing repressive legislation such as POSA and
AIPPA? Why the delay in allowing the media to operate freely? Why does the
government need an extra 100 days to, for example, lift the ban on international
networks such as CNN, BBC, SKY and South Africa’s eTV. The above list of banned
foreign media is by no means exhaustive. Why do some MDC and civil society members still face charges for crimes that
were not committed while those who actually murdered and tortured people have
not been brought to justice? Where are the seven missing MDC members? When will Roy Bennett be sworn in as deputy Minister of Agriculture? Will it
also be done within the next 100 days? When will the endless talking stop and
actual deeds begin? Assurances from Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and his ministers count for
nothing. In a major speech about three weeks ago the MDC leader threatened to
arrest those who continued to invade farms and disrupt production. The mayhem
continues and not a single person has been arrested. It is his people who
languish in jail. The people who enforce law and order have disdain for
Tsvangirai. The MDC leadership must get real. It is excited beyond measure by the new
titles, cars and other trappings of office. Its view of this inclusive
government is defined by the material benefits it has yielded to those in
government. Tsvangirai and his colleagues must wake up from their comfort-induced
slumber. Serious people never allow themselves to be victims of naiveté or blinkered
optimism. There is something sinister brewing in Mugabe’s mind. There is
something sinister being hatched within Zanu-PF. If the MDC continues to act as
if it has a genuine partner in this charade called an inclusive government a
terrible fate awaits it.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=15125
April 15, 2009
By Tendai
Dumbutshena
IT IS no secret that the one major issue that ruptured
relations between
Robert Mugabe's government and the West was the invasion
and expropriation
of white-owned farms in Zimbabwe which began in
2000.
Mugabe, with the support of many in Zimbabwe, the SADC region and
the rest
of Africa, argued that this was a long-overdue redress of an
historic
injustice. Land had to be restored to its rightful owners. He
maintained
that his government neither had the responsibility nor the
resources to pay
compensation for the land.
The British as the
colonial power had that responsibility. All his
government undertook to do
was to pay compensation for improvements on the
land.
Western
countries and others even inside Zimbabwe saw it differently. They
argued
that the expropriations were done in a violent and chaotic manner
bound to
lead to the destruction of the agricultural sector and ultimately
the
economy itself.
The land acquired was mainly given to Mugabe's cronies
while its stated
beneficiaries, landless blacks, continued to live in
poverty and squalor.
They also maintained that compensation had to be paid
for expropriated land.
Western nations are capitalistic. The essence of
capitalism is the sanctity
of private property whose expropriation where
required in the national
interest must be met with fair
compensation.
Images on television of white farmers being assaulted and
driven off farms
only served to harden attitudes in the West particularly in
Great Britain.
Mugabe's violence and manipulation of elections in 2002 gave
the European
Union and United States an opportunity to take punitive
measures against his
regime.
It is impossible for the two conflicting
views on the land issue in Zimbabwe
to be reconciled. What is clear,
however, is that the new inclusive
government in Harare is bankrupt. It
cannot even pay its own ministers,
legislators, civil servants, teachers,
police and defence forces.
It has appealed for US$8.5 billion to fund
economic recovery. What is also
clear is that SADC leaders who put enormous
pressure on the MDC to be part
of this inclusive government have no money to
give to Zimbabwe. All Mugabe's
government got in concrete terms at the last
SADC summit held in Swaziland
precisely to discuss financial assistance for
Zimbabwe was a paltry US$30
million from South Africa.
Predictably
SADC leaders expect the money to come from the West which Mugabe
routinely
vilifies as an article of faith. When this finally dawned on the
Harare
government its leaders including Mugabe met at Victoria Falls and
resolved
to urgently improve relations with the West to get the money. The
West's
conditions for such assistance are well known. In response the
Victoria
Falls meeting resolved to address these concerns within 100 days.
A
number of questions are worth asking? The Global Political Agreement (GPA)
was signed on 15 September, 2008 - seven months ago. All issues pertaining
to political reforms and human rights were contained in the GPA and
Memorandum of Understanding that preceded it. Why do these issues remain
outstanding after such a long time?
What is so difficult about
repealing repressive legislation such as POSA and
AIPPA? Why the delay in
allowing the media to operate freely? Why does the
government need an extra
100 days to, for example, lift the ban on
international networks such as
CNN, BBC, SKY and South Africa's eTV. The
above list of banned foreign media
is by no means exhaustive.
Why do some MDC and civil society members
still face charges for crimes that
were not committed while those who
actually murdered and tortured people
have not been brought to justice?
Where are the seven missing MDC members?
When will Roy Bennett be sworn
in as deputy Minister of Agriculture? Will it
also be done within the next
100 days? When will the endless talking stop
and actual deeds
begin?
Whether Mugabe likes it or not the issue of property rights is
very
important to the West and entire business community. In fact it lies at
the
heart of the West's reluctance to embrace the inclusive government. The
continuation of land invasions - whether these are new or old is
immaterial - confirms that property rights in Zimbabwe are not
honoured.
A ruling by the SADC tribunal in favour of white farmers in
Zimbabwe was
contemptuously rejected by Mugabe and others in his government.
Court orders
not acceptable to Mugabe are ignored. The issue of property
rights was
raised by a delegation of South African businessmen and women
last week in
Harare.
These were not white Westerners. Business
persons from any part of the world
including Mugabe's beloved China want
property rights and investments
protected. They want to operate in a country
where agreements are honoured
and court rulings enforced. Until farm
invasions and the prosecution of some
white farmers stop, the Zimbabwe
government cannot expect much more than the
dribs and drabs it is getting
now just to keep soul and body together.
This much they were reminded yet
again by the German Ambassador to Zimbabwe,
Dr Albrecht Conze and his
American counterpart James McGhee in separate
addresses in Harare last
week.
Whatever one may think of Mugabe he is certainly not stupid or
naïve. He
knows that the West will not move an inch in terms of rendering
substantial
developmental aid if farm invasions continue. Attitudes in major
Western
capitals harden each time Mugabe cocks a snook at them by
reaffirming his
support for land invasions. He did so emphatically at his
85th birthday bash
last February.
Last week he said the same to the
Zanu-PF party faithful. Over two weeks ago
in the presence of a visiting
Norwegian minister he told the West to "go
hang" over its demands for
political and economic reforms.
An obvious question to ask is why Mugabe
continues to utter statements that
he knows undermine efforts to get Western
assistance for his country. What
is the point of meeting at Victoria Falls
and issuing a communiqué whose
central message Mugabe soon undermines? Is he
playing a game of deception?
Is he stringing the MDC leadership along while
he plots something sinister
with the men of violence who surround him? Has
he calculated that it is not
in his interests for this inclusive government
to succeed hence the need to
undermine it?
Or is it the case that a
faction within Zanu-PF opposed to the inclusive
government is behind the
ongoing land invasions? Is Mugabe secretly working
in cahoots with this
faction reportedly supported by service chiefs? If not,
is this faction now
outside his control? Does he feel the need to
periodically attack the West
and support land invasions in order to placate
this faction? Why the mixed
messages?
Whatever it is the end-result is the same. Western nations and
others will
not use their taxpayers' money to support a government led by a
man not
committed to the changes that are required. They know that Mugabe
still
calls the shots in the inclusive government despite problems he
obviously
has within his party.
Assurances from Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai and his ministers count for
nothing. In a major speech about
three weeks ago the MDC leader threatened
to arrest those who continued to
invade farms and disrupt production. The
mayhem continues and not a single
person has been arrested. It is his people
who languish in jail. The people
who enforce law and order have disdain for
Tsvangirai.
The MDC
leadership must get real. It is excited beyond measure by the new
titles,
cars and other trappings of office. Its view of this inclusive
government is
defined by the material benefits it has yielded to those in
government.
Others are in the queue waiting for Mugabe to change his mind
over
governorships and other cushy jobs currently reserved for Zanu-PF
members
only. Such self-interest blinds the MDC leadership to what is
actually going
on.
Tsvangirai and his colleagues must wake up from their comfort-induced
slumber.
Serious people never allow themselves to be victims of
naiveté or blinkered
optimism. There is something sinister brewing in
Mugabe's mind. There is
something sinister being hatched within Zanu-PF. If
the MDC continues to act
as if it has a genuine partner in this charade
called an inclusive
government a terrible fate awaits it.
April 15, 2009
With Conrad Nyamutata
Ncube, Welshman (MDC) - Minister of Industry and Commerce
Generally regarded as the politician who engineered the break-away of the Arthur Mutambara-led Movement for Democratic Change from the mainstream MDC party in 2005, Welshman Ncube is a respected lawyer and academic.
He was born on July 7, 1961 in Gweru, the fourth of eight children of peasant farmers. Ncube is married to Thobekile, and the couple has two sons and three daughters.
One of their sons, Wesley Bongani, married Gugulethu Zuma, ANC leader Jacob Zuma’s daughter in December.
Ncube holds a Bachelor of Law (BL), Bachelor of Laws (LLB) and a Master of Philosophy degree in Law.
From 1992 until his recent appointment as minister, he was a Professor of Law at the University of Zimbabwe. In 2005, he was awarded an honorary doctorate by the University of Oslo, Norway.
He is a registered legal practitioner and practicing advocate of the High Court and Supreme Court.
He is one of the founder members of the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) and was its initial spokesperson. Ncube was as a member of the Board of Trustees of the Amani Trust for victims of torture and of the advisory board of ZimRights.
He joined the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party at inception in 1999 and was elected its secretary-general.
In June 2000, Ncube was elected Member of Parliament for Bulawayo North East constituency.
In November 2000, Ncube and fellow MDC officials, Gibson Sibanda, the deputy president, Paul Themba Nyathi, the secretary for information and publicity and treasurer Fletcher Dulini Ncube escaped unhurt after an unidentified person opened fire on them with a machine gun as they stood outside the MDC regional offices in Bulawayo.
On March 11, 2002, Ncube was arrested and detained over night on charges of high treason. He was one of three MDC MPs to be charged with high treason over an alleged plot to assassinate President Robert Mugabe, but like the others was found not guilty.
He was a member of the Parliamentary Portfolio Committee on Defence and Home and National Security and he chairs the Parliamentary Legal Committee. He also sat on the Standing Rules and Order Committee.
In the March 2005 elections, Ncube retained his Bulawayo North East seat.
At the height of an internal dispute within the MDC over whether to participate in elections following the reintroduction of the Senate in Zimbabwe, a faction comprising mostly the party’s senior officials from the south-western regions of the country broke away from the MDC in October 2005. The breakaway faction supported participation in elections for the revived Senate, while the mainstream MDC opposed such participation.
While deputy president of the MDC Gibson Sibanda was presented as the leaders of the new group Ncube was widely regarded as the brains behind the formation of the faction.
Reacting to accusations that the breakaway faction was essentially ethnic Ndebele in composition the leadership identified and appointed Arthur Mutambara, a robotics professor who was living outside Zimbabwe, as its new president. Mutambara is from a different region of the country.
Ncube became secretary-general, the position he had held in the MDC before the split.
In 2006 Ncube was accused of having profited from the government’s land reform programme while he was secretary general of an opposition party that condemned the widespread seizure of land as chaotic and merely benefiting corrupt Zanu-PF officials.
Emmerson Mnangagwa, then Rural Housing Minister, told Parliament in December 2006 that Ncube was one of the beneficiaries of 99-year farm leases from the Mugabe government.
Mnangagwa said Ncube had flouted the policy of his party in accepting the 99-year lease.
Ncube ran as his party’s candidate in Makokoba Constituency in the March 2008 parliamentary election. He was defeated by Thokozani Khupe, the vice-president of the mainstream MDC.
He received 2 475 votes against the 4 123 votes garnered by Khupe. During the election campaign Ncube vowed to quit politics if the ballot went in favour of the much less experienced Khupe. Ncube, however, went on to become one of the negotiators of the power-sharing deal, representing the smaller faction of the MDC.
Thereafter, far from quitting politics, Ncube was sworn in as Minister of Industry and Commerce in the government of national unity.
His major challenge will be to revive a virtually collapsed industrial infrastructure and to restore investor confidence against a background of a decade of gross property rights violations. Ncube is a member of the Joint Implementation and Monitoring Committee (JOMIC), tasked with supervising the implementation of the unity government.
Thursday: Saviour Kasukuwere, Samuel Sipepa Nkomo
http://www.herald.co.zw/
14 April 2009
Harare - Several
fast food outlets and shops in Harare have been closed for
failing to pay
annual operating fees of US$500 while some had made illegal
subdivisions to
their properties.
Last week the owners and operators were crying foul
against Harare City
Council accusing the authorities of fleecing them
through unjustified
licence fees and forcing them to close shop at short
notice.
Elsewhere across the city residents were refusing to pay rates
and refuse
collection charges arguing that they could not pay for
non-existent
services.
Last week several residents queueing to pay
their rates refused to pay
refuse collection charges saying council was not
collecting their refuse.
The residents justified their actions saying it was
tantamount to paying
consultation fees for a doctor who does not come to see
a patient.
"This is cheating. We are being robbed," said one Mainway
resident.
Garbage has not been collected in many suburbs for some time
now forcing
residents to dump refuse in open spaces thereby posing a health
hazard.
In the city, the shop owners are arguing that the city fathers
are forcing
them to pay unapproved licence fees following a Government
directive that
all fees, rates and charges should be slashed by half until
the State had
approved them.
Although the city has gone out to the
residents and ratepayers to get their
input into the budget proposals, the
objections -- which closed last week --
have not yet been considered
implying that no changes have been made so far.
Reliable sources have
indicated that residents and ratepayers made their own
proposals based on
their ability to pay and it now remains for the city to
include the
proposals in the revised budget, which is expected soon.
Mr Olben
Mushambi, who operates Neeyador Takeaway along Kaguvi Street,
recently
visited The Herald offices to lodge a complaint against the city
council.
He said city workers who were accompanied by officers from
the Municipal
Police ordered him to close his shop because he did not pay
the US$500
annual operating licence fees.
The problem, he said, was
that the city wanted the amount at once yet the
operators had indicated they
could pay in monthly instalments.
Other operators declined to be
identified for fear of victimisation.
In a related matter investigations
by this paper show that the city has
discovered some businesses that had not
paid licence fees for the past five
years and some shops that have been
subdivided without approval.
It is such shops that the authorities are
also closing down until the owners
apply for subdivisions and pay operating
licence fees.
Meanwhile, the city has refused to issue licences to
five shops without
business premises, or the buildings in which they
purported to work from had
been registered for other businesses or had no
equipment at all.
These are Fiorecom Investments, Favourite Kitchen,
Shury's Enterprises,
Teltbill Enterprises and Three Nyaletata
Enterprises.
Asked for comment, Harare spokesman Mr Leslie Gwindi said
the city was only
collecting half the proposed fees in line with the
Government directive. He,
however, confirmed the crackdown on illegal
shops.
http://www.zimtelegraph.com
By EDDIE CROSS
Published: Wednesday, April
15, 2009
The proposal to introduce tolls on the national roads is a
silly, ill
considered idea. It should be abandoned.
Already the "road
access fee" at the border posts is riddled with
corruption, half the time it
is not being collected and when it is, the
proceeds are not going to the
fiscus. Tales of this are rife at all border
posts.
Now we are to
introduce tolls on the main roads by the 20th April This is
bizarre.
First no facilities exist at the toll sites - what are the
authorities going
to do?
Set up a table next to the road with a
policeman to stop the traffic while
someone collects the toll and writes out
a receipt!
You can imagine the chaos, On Monday between Harare and
Bulawayo there were
14 Police road blocks - what they were doing is anyone's
guess, the bus
drivers must be furious with this constant interference. Now
toll stops!
Secondly they are all miles out of town - they have to be, so
three times a
day a bus is going to have to travel to and from the sites to
drop off the
staff. Night and day, 365 days a year.
Once there there
is no shelter, no security for the money collected and no
power for
lighting. Are they going to run generators at all sites?
Then there is
the fact that we have no idea what the volume of traffic is
likely to be -
or what kinds of vehicles - under these conditions we can
expect all
officials on the tolls to become wealthy overnight and very
little revenue
to go to the State.
There is absolutely no way you can control cash at
these points without an
elaborate system similar to that in South Africa
where the system is only
justified when you have hundreds of vehicles an
hour passing through.
Last time the authorities attempted this there were
a number of serious
accidents - in one case the collection office built in
the middle of the
road was wiped out by a truck at night.
This
happened three times and then the builders abandoned the site and
removed
the construction materials.
A simple levy on fuel is much better - it can
be collected at source, we
have full control and it costs next to nothing to
collect. Please, sanity
must prevail.
Eddie Cross
http://www.herald.co.zw
Wednesday,
April 15, 2009
Herald Reporter
THE
Department of Immigration has unearthed a scam involving some officers
and
immigration consultants making applicants pay double or more and as a
result
has banned agents and consultants.
Under the old arrangement, immigration
officers would connive with the
immigration consultants or agents - who are
former immigration officers
themselves - and make it difficult for
applicants to access the department's
services.
The immigration
officers would then refer the applicants to the consultants
or agents who
charge high fees. Part of the proceeds were allegedly paid to
the
immigration officers.
This has prompted the Department of Immigration to
ban applications for
immigration services through consultants or agents. The
department processes
applications for work permits, residence permits,
business permits, study
permits, among others.
"With immediate
effect, no applications for immigration services will be
entertained through
a third party - whether agent or consultant.
"It has come to our
attention that these so called 'agents or consultants'
are charging
exorbitant consultancy fees usually more than the cost of the
immigration
service being sought by the client," Principal Chief Immigration
Officer Mr
Clemence Masango said yesterday.
He said, for instance, people were being
made to pay US$1 000 as consultancy
fees for "assistance" to apply for a
temporary employment permit that costs
US$500 at immigration
offices.
"As immigration, we are saying, if you want a service come to
immigration
offices and you will get it," said Mr Masango.
He said
the so-called consultants were giving a false impression that
immigration
services in Zimbabwe were inaccessible unless you go through
them and that
they were expensive.
Mr Masango said fees for all immigration services
were prescribed in
Statutory Instrument Number 126 of 2005 which is a public
document and can
be obtained from Government Publications.
"We do not
believe that anyone should be made to pay anything more than the
prescribed
fees.
"As a public office, we cannot allow our office and name to be
tarnished in
this manner by persons, who are obviously greedy and
insensitive," he said.
As a result, Mr Masango said, they expected
people, especially foreigners
who constitute the bulk of their clientele, to
appreciate what they were
trying to achieve.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=15119
April 15, 2009
By Our
Correspondent
BULAWAYO - Police in Lupane say they are anxious to
interview a South
African businessman, identified as Adrian Espag, in
connection with the
importation of a luxury vehicle that MDC president
Morgan Tsvangirai used on
his election campaign last year before the police
impounded it.
The police allege that Espag breached the Customs and
Excise Act.
Tsvangirai, now Prime Minister, used the BMW X5 luxury SUV,
said to be
bullet-proof, during his tour of the Matabeleland North province
in the
run-up to the June 27 presidential run-off election. He later pulled
out of
the race citing harassment and violence against his
supporters.
The vehicle was impounded by the police in Matabeleland North
as Tsvangirai
and his entourage were making their way to Lupane to attend a
campaign
rally.
Espag's lawyer Job Sibanda of Job Sibanda and
Associates in Bulawayo told
The Zimbabwe Times the police in Lupane now
wanted to question his client
for allegedly contravening customs
regulations.
Sibanda said he had communicated with Espag who is South
African. Espag had
asked the lawyer to make arrangements for the
trip.
"The police have indicated they are proceeding with the case," said
Sibanda.
"They have asked me to contact Espag and advise him to present
himself in
Lupane so that the case can be taken forward.
"The charge
is basically that of contravening sections of the Customs and
Excise
Act."
Sibanda said the charge related to Espag's importation of the BMW
through
Beitbridge. According to the law he was supposed to have taken the
vehicle
out of Zimbabwe through the same port of entry when he returned to
South
Africa.
"However, Espag decided to leave the BMW X5, in
somebody's possession," said
Sibanda. "The police say this somebody was not
authorized to be in
possession of the vehicle and that is where the charges
are coming from."
Sibanda said the police were challenging the fact that
Espag had donated the
vehicle to Tsvangirai through his close aid and
confidante Jameson Timba,
now the deputy Minister of
Information.
"They are trying also to establish the circumstances in
which the car was
handed over to someone while in actual fact it was
supposed to be in Espag's
possession," Sibanda said.
Sources in the
police revealed there was a ploy by the state to take the
vehicle into its
possession as happened with a helicopter seized from South
African pilot
Brent Smyth on allegations that he contravened aviation laws.
Smyth was
arrested in March last year for alleged fraud and immigration
transgressions
as he was preparing to fly Tsvangirai to election rallies. He
was, however,
acquitted.
Last year, the state also seized a vehicle used by some
foreign journalists.
The minibus is now being used by the Zimbabwe Prison
Services to ferry
prisoners from prison to the courts.
"It is quite
clear the state is interested in this BMW and that is why they
are trying to
make it difficult for the owner to claim it," said a police
source "The
state wants to charge him and then forfeit the vehicle to the
state."
But Sibanda says they will wrestle the vehicle from the
state.
He said: "It is quite clear that they are trying by all means
possible to
ensure that the vehicle remains state property.
"As the
defence counsel, I can state that we have indicated to the state,
through
the police, that the state will have to release the vehicle to our
possession.
"There are no questions on that."
http://www.newzimbabwe.com
By Francois Maimona
Posted to the web:
15/04/2009 00:08:03
THE article by Henry Makowa 'Media Freedom and Zimbabwean
prisons film'
makes certain assertions that I feel cannot go
unchallenged.
I will start with the elementary precepts underpinning a
viable and
functioning democracy with special regard to freedom of the press
and its
role as a watchdog. Open and accountable government, as Beetham
[1994]
(Defining and Measuring Democracy [pp 25-30]) has formulated, is
achieved
through popular control which requires, besides elections, the
continuous
accountability of government: directly, to the electorate,
through the
public justification for its policies; indirectly, to agents
acting on the
people's behalf.
It is a given that accountability
depends upon public knowledge of what
government is up to, from sources that
are independent of its own public
relations machine. A media landscape free
of government control is obviously
a prerequisite. Popular control over
state institutions is underpinned by
guaranteed civil and political
liberties.
However, these freedoms relate to free citizens. Prisoners,
despite the fact
that they have forfeited their liberty, retain certain
basic rights, which
survive despite imprisonment. The rights of access to
the courts and of
respect for one's bodily integrity - that is, not to be
assaulted - are such
fundamental rights.
Under what passes for the
penal system in Zimbabwe right at this moment,
prisoners are lucky to finish
their sentences in one piece - they are dying
like flies, at least 20
prisoner deaths a day, according to human rights
groups.
Broadly
speaking, the State is allowed to place limits on prisoners' rights
if it is
considered necessary for the prevention of crime, for prison
security or to
protect the safety of the prisoner or others. Any limitations
placed upon
such rights must be proportionate to the aim that the
authorities are
seeking to achieve.
Freedom of the press as encapsulated in the Universal
Declaration of Human
Rights states: "Everyone has the right to freedom of
opinion and expression;
this right includes freedom to hold opinions without
interference, and
impart information and ideas through any media regardless
of frontiers", is
something that has been absent in Zimbabwe. It has taken a
foreign
broadcaster, namely SABC 3 to show the evils that are going on
behind the
death factories that the penal system in Zimbabwe has
become.
It is a sad indictment of the health of press freedom in Zimbabwe
itself if
it takes an external broadcaster to expose such shortcomings.
However, it
has not been ordinary journalistic practice in Zimbabwe to
expose such
failures of state institutions. Makowa's justification for such
a state of
affairs is that the media in Zimbabwe cannot be trusted to
exercise its
function as a watchdog because anybody in Zimbabwe can practice
journalism
after acquiring "just a three or six month diploma or certificate
training".
Presumably the author never ventures to give us names of
institutions
peddling such diplomas, inside or outside Zimbabwe.
For
the best part of the past 28 or so years, Zanu PF has maintained an iron
grip on all aspects of the media in Zimbabwe. Naturally, it comes as a shock
to someone not accustomed to the workings of a free press when the failure
of such an important state institution as the penal system in Zimbabwe is
exposed warts and all for the world to see.
The press is a necessity
in order to hold those responsible for prisoners'
welfare to account. It is
such fortune-cookie philosophising masquerading as
intellectualising that
enables the State to victimise those courageous
enough to stand for truth
and justice. What we witness is a state that
violates and visits untold
indignities on the weakest members of if society.
It is misplaced
patriotic pride that motivates analysts of Makowa's ilk when
they uphold the
repressive machinery that Zanu PF has kept in place for the
past generation
simply to keep the prying eyes of ordinary citizens from
seeing for
themselves what the state is up to.
The purpose of any penal system is
the rehabilitation of offenders. But what
is now patently evident is that
one is lucky if at all they cone out alive
in what is becoming the
Zimbabwean equivalent of Stalin's gulags. Are we
then to simply sweep such
infringements of fundamental freedoms under the
carpet simply because it
goes contra to the 'laws of Zimbabwe?'
Unjust pieces of legislation that
violate fundamental precepts of all
civilised society have no place in a
democracy. Remarkably, Makowa does not
bother to tell us which enactments
have been violated. In the event, an
article in a newspaper column is not
the right forum to protest or even to
expose the flouting of what the author
calls 'laws of Zimbabwe'.
It is an abuse of poetic licence when one
equates the media's right to
inform citizens of what is going on behind
prison walls to imperialism. This
smacks of hypocrisy of the highest
magnitude. Nor does it to do any good to
invoke tenets of democracy such as
the rule of law and then one goes on to
defend a morally bankrupt regime
through the thin veneer of legality.
In the court of public opinion, SABC
3 is a champion of fundamental
freedoms. When people who should be
rehabilitated by the state are dying
like flies, this makes nonsense of the
very basic notions of dignity that is
owed to all of us by virtue of our
very own humanity.
A system that lays waste to human life on such a scale
cannot be defended by
any sane human being. It is repugnant and
irreprehensible.
Francois Maimona is a trainee lawyer based in Leeds.
E-mail:
fmaimona@googlemail.com
http://members4.boardhost.com/acnaus/msg/1239748067.html
Posted by Information Report on
15/4/2009, 8:27 am
Board Administrator
The presidential
stranglehold on Zimbabwe
"We are now losing the last shreds of
normality. Three tomatoes now
sell for one US dollar on the streets, and two
fish cost US$5". The words
are those of Bishop Dieter B. Scholz of Chinhoyi
in Zimbabwe. He is
describing the continuing bitter plight of the people in
this ravaged
country, as of February this year. Zimbabwe may have
temporarily slipped
from the headlines, but the catastrophic political and
economic plight of
this country under the dictatorial rule of President
Robert Mugabe has not
changed.
One former ally of Mugabe, the
journalist Wilf Mbanga, who now lives
in exile in Britain, described the
attitude of the president in an interview
in 2008. "28 years as ruler have
made him drunk with power, and the fear of
possibly losing this power has
made him as dangerous as a wounded beast. At
the moment he is capable of
anything, including genocide".
In practice he has long passed this
point. Zimbabwe, once seen as the
bread basket of Africa on account of its
rich harvests, now faces the
prospect of starvation. Bishop Dieter writes:
"The anger wells up in me when
I hear that the government officials of the
ruling party are still trying to
intimidate our parish priests and prevent
them from helping people who have
been reduced to living off tree bark,
grass seed and wild fruits. But we
will not let them take away our right to
share our bread with the hungry".
Bishop Scholz, a Jesuit, has
lived and worked in Zimbabwe for over 40
years and since 2006 he has been
bishop of the diocese of Chinhoyi in the
northeast of the country. Among the
agencies that regularly support his work
is the international Catholic
pastoral charity Aid to the Church in Need
(ACN).
Originally
from Berlin, the bishop worked for many years in Silveira
House, a Jesuit
formation centre founded in 1964 about 12 miles (20 km) east
of the capital
Harare. To this day this pastoral and social development
centre is striving
to strengthen the surrounding communities, offering
courses in such diverse
fields as healthcare, agriculture, democracy and
human rights, and also in
the local cultures and languages. Its goal is to
help the Zimbabwean people
to help themselves.
However, in the current profound crisis these
courses no longer find
many takers. Conditions of life for the ordinary
people are pitiful, their
poverty indescribable. Schools have been closed,
and even hospitals. The
local economy has long since collapsed and the
currency become worthless.
Everyone is desperate to get hold of hard
currencies in order to survive,
but many do not succeed. They face
starvation, flee with their remaining
strength to neighbouring countries, or
simply die. Hunger is everywhere,
this brutal plague that can seize upon
entire families and wipe them out -
as one observer put it, "like an
endless, silent tsunami".
Since August 2008 this grave food
shortage has gone hand-in-hand with
a cholera epidemic. And while the number
of new cases has now fallen
sharply, according to the World Health
Organisation in Geneva, this
dangerous disease has not been defeated and
could easily break out again at
any time, as the WHO reported at the end of
March. According to its data, in
February 2009 around 8,000 new cases were
being registered each week,
whereas by the second week of March this had
fallen to 2,000. The death rate
among those affected has also fallen, from
almost 6% in January to 2.3% by
mid-March. All in all, since the outbreak of
the epidemic, over 91,000
people have been infected with the cholera virus,
and of these some 4,000
have died so far, according to the WHO
figures.
Against this background Bishop Scholz told a
representative of ACN,
"We must bring back the humanity that we have lost".
And the bishop, who
visited his home country in January and February this
year to seek help for
the people of Zimbabwe, insisted that he will not
allow his diocesan staff
to be deterred from distributing food to the
starving population, despite
the fact that his priests have repeatedly been
threatened and summoned
before the district authorities. Bishop Scholz has
protested energetically
against these actions.
For further
information please contact the Australian office of ACN on
(02) 9679-1929.
e-mail: info@aidtochurch.org or write
to Aid to the Church
in Need PO Box 6245 Blacktown DC NSW 2148. Web: www.aidtochurch.org
By Sue Lloyd Roberts
Last updated at 12:46 AM on 15th April
2009
The skin of a giraffe lies discarded like an old coat on the ground. Alongside it lie a few bones. Isaac, a game warden of some 30 years' experience, points at the remains of the once elegant animal. 'This is what we are up against,' he tells me. 'How can we protect the animals when people are so hungry?'
A country that is battling with starvation, cholera and 90 per cent unemployment now faces an extra challenge. Zimbabwe's starving millions are targeting wildlife in the country's famous game parks as a source of food and income.
There have always been poachers who have no qualms about killing elephants
and rhinos for their tusks, mainly for the Chinese market, where they are bought
for their supposed aphrodisiac and medicinal powers. But now the anti-poaching
units who patrol hundreds of square miles of Zimbabwe's game parks are reporting
that hungry locals are targeting the animals for their meat.
New threat: Elephants and rhinos, traditionally hunted for their tusks, are now targeted by the starving millions
'The hungry are chasing and killing all the animals - elephant, zebra, giraffe,' Isaac tells me, as he invites me to join his anti-poaching team as they patrol a stretch in the northwest of the country. 'It's because there is no meat in the shops. There's no meat anywhere.'
Wearing flip-flops and carrying mere batons, the team, who are poorly paid by the poverty-stricken safari parks, are ill-equipped for the task.
In fact, they are doing a dangerous thing even by speaking to me. I cannot reveal where I met them, and I have had to change names because all 'negative reporting' is forbidden in the country. Anyone telling the truth to an outsider - especially to a journalist - is punished.
Regardless of the threat he could face, Isaac bravely tells me more.
'The people lay their traps on the paths that lead to the animals' watering holes,' he explains. He shows me how the trees and bushes are festooned with crude loops of wire torn from telephone lines and fashioned into cruel snares which catch and cripple the animal.
Isaac shakes his head in despair. 'It can take days for the animal to die before the poacher returns to cut off the meat,' he says.
Nearby, we see another set of remains - this time, a buffalo. Nearly every morsel of the animal has been removed. 'They can get 800 kilos of meat from that one,' Isaac says.
In truth, the idea of a buffalo being slaughtered for its meat does not affect me that much. But when I trip over the pelvic bone of a once-graceful giraffe, I feel rather differently. Its long and shapely bones are strewn over the bush, mixed up with the remains of an impala, the iconic honey-coloured deer of southern Africa.
It was the elephant orphanage that first alerted the anti-poaching unit to the scale of the problem.
In the southern African region, elephants are routinely culled. This is
because they can pose a threat to local agriculture if there are too many of
them.
Game wardens inspect the carcass of an elephant killed by poachers in Zimbabwe
Best practice dictates that entire herds of elephants are killed at once. It
sounds brutal, but because elephants live in closely knit families, with strong
bonds of affection, it is considered kinder to take out the entire family rather
than the odd member.
However, the anti-poaching team were finding many lone elephants in the wild - a clear sign that something was wrong.
'When we found baby elephants and young adults wandering alone in the bush, we realised that they had lost family members.
'They were traumatised and disorientated, and we brought them into the orphanage for care and treatment,' Isaac told me, as he administered a huge syringe of antibiotics to a young female elephant called Jessica. Her ear had got caught in a snare and was torn and infected.
It quickly became clear that the elephants were victims of the poachers.
An hour's drive from the park, I visit another kind of orphanage. Here, children who have lost their parents through disease or malnutrition queue up for a midday meal of porridge. With thousands dying in Zimbabwe every week from poverty and food shortages, Zimbabwe has become a land of orphans.
Four-year- old Nativity scrapes hungrily at her meal and then queues up at the communal tap to wash her bowl and spoon. Her mother died of malaria last week and her father died of Aids four years ago.
Nativity's aunt - whom I cannot name for her own safety - has arrived to make the funeral arrangements for her sister. I follow them both back to the mudcaked house that Nativity once shared with her mother.
Her aunt lifts the lids of storage pans in the kitchen. She can find only a few cobs of maize and a couple of pounds of flour. She holds Nativity in an affectionate hug and tells her she is glad that she had one good meal today, because there is not enough for another.
'We only have two days' worth of food left,' she tells me. 'All we can do is put ourselves in the hands of the Lord.'
She admits that the men in her family used to hunt for animals in the game parks. 'What else could they do?' she says. 'But now we have lost everyone in the family who could feed us.'
She tells me her male relations have either died or, in desperation, fled to South Africa in search of jobs and food.
Worse, the lorries which carry the UN food aid to Nativity's village have been delayed by recent heavy rains, and no one knows when they will arrive.
Indiscriminate: The hungry are chasing and killing all the animals - even giraffe
The UN's World Food Programme now has responsibility for some 80 per cent of the people of Zimbabwe - a bigger percentage of the population than during the Ethiopian famine in the early Eighties. No wonder life expectancy in Zimbabwe today is just 34 for a woman and 37 for a man.
And yet while the people starve, Robert Mugabe - still clinging to power as their president - has ordered that the last of Zimbabwe's white, commercial farmers must leave their farms.
'It's crazy, and it's sad,' says Bryan Bronkhorst as we drive past his farm, which has recently been occupied by members of Mugabe's political party, Zanu PF. 'But it is the government's fault. We used to be the breadbasket of Africa.'
I ask if we can go into his farm, for him to take a last look and to collect his personal belongings.
'No,' he says, pointing through the trees. 'See, they are all there, sitting on seats in my yard, and they're armed. It's too risky.' There were once 4,000 white, commercial farmers in Zimbabwe. Now, a mere 100 remain - and these have all been told they must go. Those who resist are met with violence.
Mr Bronkhorst was not the only farmer I met who had been targeted. I walked through the remains of a burned-down hunting lodge with Ben Freeth, a 47-yearold gamekeeper and farmer, and his three-year-old daughter, Anna.
'What was that, Daddy?' Anna asked as they came to a pile of tiles. 'That was the kitchen,' he explains patiently. 'Mummy used to cook supper there for all the people who used to visit.'
The family spent decades building up a game reserve in the land where they farm in Chegutu, north of the capital Harare. There were giraffes, eland, impala, zebra, warthog and wildebeest, and people used to come from the city to view the animals and to hunt in a carefully controlled programme.
Now, all the animals have gone, all killed by poachers.
Ben has struggled to cling onto his farm. But when he organised local farmers in a campaign to resist the illegal land grabs, his hunting lodge was burned down.
A year ago, the family won a vital court case in the Southern African Development Union court in Namibia, ruling that they could keep their farm. Not long afterwards, thugs arrived at his in-laws' house and attacked them, leaving his 75-year-old father-in-law Mike Campbell close to death and his mother-in-law terrified.
When Ben came to their rescue, he, too, was beaten. All three were in hospital for weeks.
Desperate: People lay traps on the paths of animals, including zebras, that lead to their watering holes
Things were expected to change for the better in Zimbabwe after the leader of the opposition, Morgan Tsvangirai, struck a deal with Mugabe two months ago and formed a coalition government.
But farm invasions continue, political prisoners are still held, and the BBC and other media outlets are still banned. Travelling around Zimbabwe illegally is tricky at the best of times, but today there are police road blocks every few miles.
Fortunately, however, most are not looking for undercover reporters. Instead, the gaunt, thin policemen and women who flag you down claim that you have been speeding, or even that your car is 'illegally' dirty, and fine you U.S.$10.
When you see the hunger on their faces and despair in their eyes, you pay up - not out of fear, but out of charity. When even the police are starving, you realise that the country has serious problems.
As well as being targeted by the starving poor, Zimbabwe's wildlife is also facing a more organised and powerful threat. Mugabe believes he must feed the army, who are essential to his grip on power, and his intelligence services, who spy on his enemies. These groups take priority over feeding his own people.
Johnny Rodrigues, of the Zimbabwe Conservation Task Force, says he is receiving reports from game wardens around the country which suggest that the slaughter of wildlife is now taking place on an organised, industrial scale.
'The refrigerated lorries which were once used for transporting beef around the country are now being seen in the game parks,' he tells me. 'I am receiving reports that tonnes of elephant meat are being loaded onto these trucks and transported direct to army barracks.'
On his laptop, he flicks through pictures sent to him by safari park wardens of animal corpses. He pauses on the remains of elephants - huge spreads of skin and bones lying across the bush.
'You never saw that before,' he says. 'The poachers used to take only the tusks. Now they are taking the meat as well. If this does not stop, in five years' time there will be no elephants left in Zimbabwe.'
The UN food programme has been suspended during the harvest period, but the final yield is expected to produce a fraction of the country's needs.
The UK agency, Save The Children, warn that the poorest families will run out of food within weeks. People will starve and the government-paid poaching teams and the desperate will target the endangered wildlife of Zimbabwe with a renewed frenzy of killing.
People in Zimbabwe ask themselves when this madness will end. Alas, from what I saw on this, my fourth visit to the country during the current troubles, there is no immediate end in sight.
* Sue Lloyd-Roberts' report from Zimbabwe is on BBC2's Newsnight tomorrow at 10.30pm.
Remembering T Chiminya and Talent Mabika; Lest We
Forget Mr Prime Minister Tsvangirai By SANDERSON N MAKOMBE I write this article with deep regret Mr Prime Minister. Regret because today the 15th of April marks the 9th anniversary of the death of your close associates,Tichaona Chiminya and Talent Mabika near your home area in Buhera in 2000.Brutally burnt to death by Zanu Pf youths led by Joseph Mwale .Mwale, a CIO operative is still employed by the government that you are leading right now. No meaningful murder investigation was undertaken and despite Mwale being subpoenaed by former Justice Devitte, he remains in contempt of court. All prosecutors who have tried to bring him to justice have lost their jobs especially Mr Levy Chikafu.Unfortunately I write this article at a time when you have just lost your beloved wife in a tragic accident and worse, just recently lost your grandson by drowning in a pool inside your own premises. These are hard times for you Sir understandably. I feel for you and your family for I was with Tichaona and Talent when they were killed and I knew your wife considerably well. It has become fashionable that after every conflict situation, there is a call for a truth and reconciliation commissions to be established. Moreso after the much written success of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission [TRC].There is an underlying assumption that truth commissions are a path to reconciliation and peace for all post conflict societies, Zimbabwe included. Apparent also is the notion that they are to be preferred to other transitional justice mechanisms available. What is seldom told is that truth commissions in almost all cases recorded lead to amnesty for perpetrators of gross human rights violations. Whereas blanket amnesty is easily rejected and considered abhorrent, the same attitude is not displayed regarding Truth Commissions. The difference in attitudes being attributed to the fact that in truth commissions confessions and apologies are traded for amnesty. Either way however, the culture of impunity prevalent in our societies is evident and prolonged. The circle of violence is not broken, violations continue unabated as perpetrators are consciously aware that they will not be held criminally accountable. That Zimbabwe has suffered so much violence, wanton destruction of property, murder, rape and other sexual offences, and torture is well established and documented. This is both in pre and post independence Zimbabwe. Three distinct periods stand out: the liberation war period up to 1980, the internal disturbances that culminated in the worst post colonial Zimbabwe atrocities in Matebeleland, infamously called the Gukurahundi era and the period from 1990 to the present day attacks mainly on opposition and civic group activists. In 1980 Mugabe, clouded under the euphoria of independence preached reconciliation and all past atrocities were made ‘let bygones be bygones’. In 1987 the Unity Accord between Zanu Pf and Zapu led to cessation of hostilities and a political settlement without any effort to account and deal with the atrocities committed. In 2009 we see the formation of a government of national unity/ inclusive government [whatever the difference is am yet to know] and the question remains on what has to be done to perpetrators of gross human rights violations. It is imperative that at this juncture Zimbabwe seriously deals with its ugly past once and for all for the society to be healed. My argument is that truth commission in themselves are not enough for they do not tell the whole story. Rather they centre on the generality of the patterns of the violence without establishing individual culpability. The end product is a scheme that has the potential for national reconciliation and peace but not for individual reconciliation. National reconciliation is expounded by absence of the patterns of violence of the past whereas individual reconciliation means a mending of community and personal relationships, a restoration of the dignity of the victims, and their personal circumstances. In most cases victims want to see criminal accountability in tandem with reconciliation efforts. The SA TRC aptly displayed the notion that truth commissions are a soft option that suits the perpetrator best. In addition it is on record that most perpetrators just offer bare apologies without any sense of remorse for their actions, increasing the victim’s pain. For that, they are rewarded with their freedom from prosecution and left to room the very neighbourhoods that they terrorised. Criminals allowed to roam free in societies that they terrorised does not eradicate national fear .Rather it enhances a constant reminder that the past can be repeated with impunity. Perpetrators have more to gain by receiving amnesty than victims have through reparations. What makes a murder committed in a political condium more acceptable and pardonable than a non political crime is really beyond my apprehension. The failure of the ‘brains’ behind the atrocities to appear in truth commissions is another cause for concern. These are the same people who in international criminal law bears the ‘greatest responsibilities’ for the crimes committed. Their culpability is not ascertained whereas in a court of law such doctrines like command responsibility, joint criminal liability would definitely establish their criminal intent. The evidential burden threshold in criminal courts is not the same with that required in truth commissions. It is easy for a perpetrator to just bluff off without giving much evidence and still get a pardon for their crimes. Theodore Bagosore the brains behind the Rwandan genocide would have been pardoned in a truth commission if one had been used in Rwanda despite the grotesque human rights violations he orchestrated. International law requires that these perpetrators be punished in a competent court of law. There is enough body of legal opinion establishing that to grant amnesty is inconsistent with states’ obligations under international law to punish perpetrators of serious human rights violations. TRCs are a result of political expediencies. In most cases their recommendations are not carried out by the incumbent government. This is especially true on the issue of reparations for victims, a critical aspect of restorative justice. Victim groups have been formed in some societies which have established TRCs to pursue purely legal challenges on their constitutionality and also seeking damages. The Khulumani Lawsuit by apartheid victims was launched in the United States against some multi national companies allegedly for aiding and abetting the racist regime by doing business in that country. The US Supreme Court ruled the case could be brought under the Alien Tort Claims Act. Elliot Pfebve, Adella Chiminya et al also sued Mugabe and Zanu Pf using the same act and were awarded damages by a US District Judge who found Zanu Pf liable for the deaths of the plaintiff’s relatives. The crucial point is that organisations and companies that have aided and abetted the human rights violations in Zimbabwe will not stand before a truth commission if one is established yet would have contributed as much to the atrocities. The role of organisations like ZBC, ZANU PF and other government institutions like the CIO, army, police, war veterans association, and the national youth service can not be under estimated. Society demands that the leadership of these institutions brought before a court of law to account for their actions. As Ingatieff writes ‘justice itself is not a problematic objective, but whether the attainment of justice always contributes to reconciliation is anything but evident’. Indeed a retributive penal system has shown it has no deterrent effect on would be violators. If it had, there would not have been violations in Darfur, in Burma, DRC, Uganda etc especially with indictments on Slobodan Mlosevic, Charles Taylor, prosecutions through the International Criminal Tribunals for Yugoslavia and Rwanda, the Special Court for Sierra Leone, the Iraq Hybrid Court, and the Cambodia Special Courts for prosecuting Kymer Rogue leaders. However the traditional criminal justice system has an important role to play in transitional societies. Criminals just have to be punished, full stop. Whether that’s beneficial to the society is neither here nor there. It is just deserts. They have to suffer the consequences of their actions and that is a cost that communities are prepared to bear and have been bearing since time immemorial. Society demands justice and authorities have both a moral and legal obligation to punish those who wrong society. It is for these reasons that prosecutions have been held in societies mentioned above. Sierra Leone provides probably the best scheme of dealing with past violations, of avoiding the dichotomies of; truth versus trials, justice versus peace and reconciliation versus justice. It set up truth and reconciliation commission in addition to a special court established to prosecute violators. Most importantly appearance in a truth commission was not a bar to prosecution. However information revealed in the truth commission could not be passed to the special court. Zimbabwe needs such an approach to deal with its past.A truth commission alone is hardly enough. I suggest Zimbabwe also needs to set a truth and reconciliation commission running parallel to a specialised local Ad Hoc criminal court. This commission will have two chambers. The first chamber will deal specifically with the Matebeleland atrocities and the second chamber will deal with all other politically related atrocities from 1990 to 2009.Crucially amnesty should not be an automatic condition for appearance. The commission will have power though to grant amnesty and impose community sentencing depending on the level of culpability, participation and gravity of the crime. Serious cases will have to be referred to the established court for prosecution. The carrot will be that those who voluntarily appear before the commissions will use the appearance as a mitigation factor in sentencing if indicted by the criminal court. A directive for sentencing will be that a certain proportion of the sentence will automatically reduced if found guilty. It could a quarter, third or half of the sentence tariff. The special ad hoc criminal court would have jurisdiction over the more serious cases and ring leaders. Two trial chambers will be established to serve each commission chamber and those who would not have appeared in any of the commissions. The courts will have jurisdiction over all politically motivated murder, torture, rape and other sexual offences. Information revealed in the truth commission will not be passed to the prosecuting court to avoid self jeopardy and self incrimination. Those who have outstanding cases before the courts will be passed straight to the special criminal court without the benefit of going through the commissions. Crucially the needs of the victims have to be catered for. It is recognized that victims have a right to reparations after a conflict, a topic that I will discuss later in other articles. Zimbabwe has to set up a scheme that recognises its obligation to its victims both materially, psychologically and sentimentally. At the same time also enacting laws that make political parties vicariously accountable for the actions of their supporters and liable for damages caused. Yes Prime Minister,Chiminya’s widow Adella,his son Bright, and daughter Faye demands justice,Trymore Midzis family in Bindura demands justice, so are the families of Beta Chorurama,Godfrey Kauzani,Tonderai Ndira,Mathew Pfebve etc.It is still like yesterday when I survived that fateful day on 15 April 2001.I still remember vividly the two burning bodies of Talent Mabika and Tichaona Chiminya.How Mr Chiremba, the late Mr Hwata,the late Ricky Chikwinya and me lifted the burning bodies of our two mates with our bare hands, with fresh burning flesh peeling from their hands and legs as we put them in the back of the police car. The cries of Talent Mabika asking ‘Gwanya why are you killing me?’ echoing in the night. Eight years on no one has been prosecuted. The need for political pragmatism should not stand in the way of justice. Rather justice has got an important role to play in political pragmatism.Justice delayed is justice denied. HOW CAN WE FORGIVE WITHOUT JUSTICE MR PRIME MINISTER? The writer is a former National Youth Coordinator of the MDC
|