http://www.zimonline.co.za/
by Edith Kaseke Thursday 15 April
2010
HARARE - Reforms to open up Zimbabwe's media are likely to take
much longer
despite a new press body being in place because of
administrative problems
and reluctance by President Robert Mugabe's allies
to allow private
newspapers to publish.
Members of the Zimbabwe Media
Commission (ZMC), a constitutional body, were
named last year in December
and their names gazetted in February. The
commission immediately said it
would soon start licensing private newspapers
but is yet to consider several
applications from prospective publishers.
Zimbabweans are desperate for
alternative newspapers, having been forced to
rely on one national state
daily, The Herald, whose editors are picked by
the Ministry of Information
and accused of openly supporting ZANU PF.
But efforts to licence other
newspapers are likely to take much longer, with
the ZMC still to have
offices of its own and yet to be allocated funds,
amounting to only $40,000
set out in the 2010 national budget.
The commission does not have a
secretariat and is believed to be seeking
legal advise from the Attorney
General on a number of issues, which critics
say is part of delaying tactics
by ZANU PF.
The complex that used to house the old Tafataona Mahoso-led
media commission
has now been occupied by the Broadcasting Authority of
Zimbabwe (BAZ),
leaving the new commission without offices.
Mahoso
was controversially appointed to chair BAZ but Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai has said the appointments were null and avoid.
"The
expectation of a quick licencing of newspapers and opening up the
airwaves
was just euphoria, ZANU PF will make the whole process difficult,
they don't
want to open the media space," John Makumbe, a veteran political
commentator
and critic of Mugabe's policies said.
Mugabe and long time rival formed a
unity government last year following a
dispute over general elections in
March 2008 and have promised a raft of
reforms, including freeing up the
media by allowing more players.
But more than a year after the coalition
was formed, state newspapers and
sole government broadcaster ZBC still
dominate the country's media.
Mugabe's previous administration had since
2002 used stringent media laws to
police the newspaper industry, forcing
several titles, including the popular
Daily News to close in 2003. Zimbabwe
currently has three major private
weekly newspapers but no private
daily.
BAZ has in its history never licenced a private television or
radio station,
forcing several radio stations to broadcast into Zimbabwe
from Europe or
United States.
But ZBC will launch a second television
channel this month, underlining its
dominance of the
airwaves.
Western donors, whose aid is essential to Zimbabwe's economic
recovery from
a decade-long downturn, have demanded broad political reforms
before funding
the unity government, which says it needs at least $10
billion for
reconstruction.
The power-sharing government has been
held back by frequent disputes over
the pace of reforms, senior state
appointments such as those of central bank
governor and attorney-general,
and sanctions imposed by Western governments
on Mugabe and his inner
circle.
The southern African state has been urged to scarp legislation
that bars
foreign journalists from working long-term in the country. -
ZimOnline
http://www.zimonline.co.za/
by Patricia Mpofu Thursday 15
April 2010
HARARE - Zimbabwe's Cabinet has set up two ministerial
committees to address
the plight of the country's poorly paid civil
servants, a top government
official said on Wednesday.
Gorden Moyo,
the Minister of State in Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai's
office told
delegates to the 29th annual conference of the Zimbabwe Teachers
Association
(ZIMTA) that Cabinet has come up with a Resource Mobilisation
Committee
(RMC) and a Cost Drivers Committee (CDC).
Moyo disclosed that the
government was looking at taping into the country's
mineral resources, such
as diamonds in Chiadzwa field that are also known as
Marange to meet some of
the demands of the civil servants.
He said Deputy Prime Minister
Thokozani Khupe had been tasked to find out
how the revenue generated from
the mining activities in Chiadzwa could be
utilised to fund civil servants'
salaries.
"Deputy Prime Minister Khupe is in Chiadzwa today on a
fact-finding
mission," said Moyo, adding that this was part of the mandate
of the RMC.
He said the CDC would look at how the government could force
state entities
to reduce utilities bills.
"All this is being done to
cushion civil servants," he added.
The country's civil servants,
including teachers presently earn an average
US170 monthly salary. In
February the government employees downed tools
demanding that the
cash-strapped government increase their monthly salary to
at least US$600
for the lowest paid worker.
The industrial action, however, fizzled out
after indications the government
was technically broke. - ZimOnline
http://www1.voanews.com
Zimbabwe
Teachers Association Acting Chief Executive Officer Sifiso Ndlovu
said Prime
Minister Tsvangirai's statement was constructive, but he said it
is
unfortunate that the government has not set a definite time frame for
raising salaries
Jonga Kandemiiri | Washington 14 April
2010
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai told members of the Zimbabwe
Teachers
Association on Wednesday in a statement read by a spokesman at the
group's
annual meeting that the government is committed to ensuring that
teacher
salaries reflect their profession's critical role and their key
place in
national development.
Speaking on behalf of Mr. Tsvangirai,
Minister of State Gorden Moyo declared
that there "is no more important
priority for this or any government than
the education of our
children."
Mr. Tsvangirai said in his statement that Zimbabwe's natural
resources form
the basis of government revenues if they are exploited in a
proper and
transparent way. This appeared to be a reference to the
development of the
Marange diamond field in Manicaland province which has
been cloaked in
secrecy - and which state workers see as a potential source
of revenues to
enable the state to increase their marginal
salaries.
ZIMTA Acting Chief Executive Officer Sifiso Ndlovu told VOA
Studio 7
reporter Jonga Kandemiiri that the teachers welcomed Mr.
Tsvangirai's
message to the conference, which he said was constructive. But
he bemoaned
the government's inability to commit itself to a specific time
frame for
increasing salaries.
http://www.newzimbabwe.com
15/04/2010 00:00:00
by Lebo
Nkatazo
THIRTEEN million textbooks for Zimbabwe's primary schools
will be printed by
the end of the year, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai
said Wednesday.
The tender for the printing of the books has already been
awarded to book
publisher Longman Zimbabwe, following the availing of funds
by donors
through the Education Transition Fund.
Addressing the
Zimbabwe Teachers Association's annual congress, Tsvangirai
said books in
the so-called minority indigenous languages would also be
availed for the
first time.
"Government has set up the Educational Transition Fund that
has so far
clinched deals to produce 13 million textbooks by the end of the
year for
our primary schools, focusing on four core areas, English,
Mathematics,
Environmental Science and indigenous languages, including
Kalanga, Nambya,
Venda and Tonga," said Tsvangirai.
Tsvangirai
thanked teachers "the essential role" that they played "under the
most
difficult conditions over the past years."
He added: "Your government and
your country recognises your commitment and
your patriotism and assures you
of our continued appreciation and support in
the years to
come."
Tsvangirai said teachers have an enormous responsibility as
guardians of the
futures of Zimbabwe's children, "but too often, this
responsibility has not
been met with adequate acknowledgement or support
from government."
He said in the first decade of the country's
independence, government
committed 20 to 22 percent of the national budget
towards education, but 20
years on it pays "literally nothing towards the
schools per capita grant".
"In the 1980's, at most two pupils shared a
textbook while today many
schools have no textbooks at all. Today, teachers'
allowances are not
sufficient to represent suitable remuneration. Worse
still, the job of a
teacher has become a high risk occupation in the rural
areas due to the
prevalence of political persecution," he said to
applause.
"Let me assure you that this government is committed to
correcting this
situation and placing teachers at the forefront of our
national development.
We are committed to ensuring that teachers receive the
support necessary for
you to undertake your essential role in such a manner
that society
recognises the essential part you play and accords you
appropriate respect."
The formation of a power sharing government a year
ago has eased Zimbabwe's
education crisis and the government hopes the new
textbooks will cut the
ratio of textbook per child from the current 1:16 to
1:1.
http://www.thedailynewszw.com/?p=28895
April 14, 2010
By Our
Correspondent
HARARE - A report compiled by Harare City Council special
committee has
recommended that former Zimbabwe national team and Dynamos
captain Moses
Chunga be ordered to vacate a stand he acquired for a sports
academy because
he does not have an agreement with authorities to occupy
it.
According to the council report, Chunga occupies council land in
Waterfalls
for use by his football academy under what the councillors say
are
questionable circumstances.
The councillors have recommended
further investigation.
The report has so far named Local Government
Minister Ignatius Chombo,
Zanu-PF Women's League chairperson Oppah
Muchinguri and businessman Phillip
Chiyangwa as some of the individuals who
acquired council land under
irregular circumstances.
In reference to
stand 137 BIiddle in Waterfalls partly occupied by Chunga,
the report says;
"The special committee visited the site with assistance of
the local
councillor and noted that the stand was subdivided. Remainder of
137 is
being leased by F. Zawa as a sports club and the leasee was not
paying any
rentals to council.
"The other part was leased by Moses Chunga academy
and there were no
activities taking place. The committee expressed the need
for the relevant
committee to further investigate the issue since there is
nothing in black
and white to confirm Chunga'
occupation.
"Recommendations for stand number 137 Biddle (1): the illegal
occupants on
the above stand must vacate the premises as soon as possible.
Proper lease
agreement must be entered into with serious
investors."
This week Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai summoned
co-ministers of Home
Affairs Giles Mutsekwa and Kembo Mohadi over the arrest
of the councillors
by the police over the report.
In an interview,
Mutsekwa said the Premier was baffled why culprits
mentioned in the report
had not been apprehended.
The councillors were arrested after Chiyangwa
filed a criminal defamation
case against the City Fathers, charging that the
allegations against him
were unfounded.
In an affidavit submitted to
the police, Chiyangwa claimed Section 96 of the
Criminal Code had been
violated and wanted the councillors charged for
alleged criminal
defamation.
However, the councillors are standing by the findings of
their
investigation. The council has since pressed charged against the
business
tycoon.
Last Friday, the MDC described the arrest of its
councillors as an attempt
to silence them. It labelled Chombo and Chiyangwa
as alleged criminals.
"The MDC condemns the arrest and harassment of
eight Harare City councillors
on Thursday on spurious criminal defamation
charges after exposing Zanu-PF
officials for illegally acquiring council
land," said the party
The councillors, who are all from the MDC, were
arrested for carrying out a
special council investigation that unearthed
illegal acquisition of prime
council land by corrupt Zanu-PF
officials."
"An investigation needs to be instituted on Ignatius Chombo
and Philip
Chiyangwa," said the MDC. "The MDC views the reprehensible
arrests as
politically motivated. There is no way the police can arrest
innocent people
at the behest of (alleged) criminals who should in fact be
the ones to be
arrested."
The MDC said it calls upon the police to be
non-partisan and to carry-out
proper investigations over the illegal
acquisition of council land by senior
Zanu-PF officials and bring all the
culprits to book.
"As a party of excellence, the MDC condemns any form of
corruption and calls
for an immediate end to the ceaseless harassment of its
officials," the
statement said.
http://www.zimdaily.com
By MDC STATEMENT
Published:
Thursday April 15, 2010
#
ZIMBABWE-HARARE-As the desire for black
empowerment rages on, with the
opposition Zanu PF sticking out its nose,
there exists lingering political
doubts over the broader motives - based on
our realities and our national
experience.
Mugabe’s erratic policy
decisions never cease to amaze Zimbabweans. In
1984,he pushed through a raft
of measures at Zanu PF’s Second Congress
threatening his top lieutenants
with the chop for engaging in greed and
avarice and exhorted them to adopt a
leadership code which, among other
things, restricted their property sizes
to 50 acres.
At the time, he was already a proud owner of a vast farm
near Norton with an
income directed straight into his personal bank account
but generated by
state-supported workers, machinery from a state-assisted
company and managed
by officials on a state payroll.
The “leadership
code” was largely ignored, corruption flourished and senior
officials went
about their daily business undaunted. The trend continued
until a judicial
enquiry into the procurement of vehicles at Willowvale
Motor Industries, not
the “leadership code”, claimed the scalps of the top
brass in his
administration.
The Willowvale scandal, it seems, never shamed Mugabe’s
cronies. The trend
continued, leading to a quiet desertion from the lofty
1984 document and
Zanu PF’s socialist ideology, then based on the principles
of
Marxism-Leninism.
Thereafter, the 1990s turned the political field
into a highway to wealth
accumulation, starting with the 1992 farm-land
leases, the VIP housing
fraud, the plunder of the War Victims Compensation
Fund, the black November
Day, the collapse of Roger Boka’s United Merchant
Bank and the shenanigans
in the Congo.
Zimbabweans watched all the
tomfoolery from the terraces until they were
finally pushed to put together
the initial building blocks towards the
formation of the MDC in
1997/98.
Little did we know then that the worst was in the offing. The
entire country
was overrun, overnight, reducing our envied nation to a
scrap-heap, a donor’s
burden and a place where nearly all of us sought to
flee from. Mugabe’s
behaviour, in the past 30 years, forms the undisputed
reality of our past.
This is our ground experience with Mugabe’s economic
vision for Zimbabwe.
As a political leader, it is unworthy to debate
Mugabe’s intolerance,
starting with Matabeleland, and later the onslaught on
the entire nation
after the first challenge from civil society and a
four-month-old MDC party
in February 2000.
The record should
undoubtedly remove any notion or sensible talk about
wholesale black
empowerment from Mugabe and Zanu PF’s lips. A new approach
from a completely
new set of players may, perhaps, stimulate meaningful
debate.
Mugabe’s irrational thinking and intemperance over resource
management and
our national destiny can hardly be given another
chance.
Universal trends in the arena of general empowerment have moved
with the
times. Unbridled nationalism has failed a basic foundation test as
a viable
tool to tackle poverty.
One would expect politicians and
their advisors to see the folly of a narrow
focus on feeble attempts to
redress historical economic and social
inequality as a means of granting
sustainable freedom to the previously
disadvantaged.
When Mugabe
soothed the war veterans with unbudgeted lump sum payments in
1997, he
thought he was addressing their state-generated poverty.
No thought was
ever put on their capacity and capability to sustain
themselves beyond these
huge pay-outs. Predictably, the nation bore the
brunt of such policy
ineptitude and carelessness.
When hordes of Zanu PF supporters were
driven out of their homes to plunder
commercial agriculture, no feeling was
ever allowed room to make Mugabe and
Zanu PF see the inherent risks to
Zimbabwe.
Respected economics professor Prof Amartya Sen, in a March 2010
public
lecture in London, cautioned against flimsy poverty alleviation
attempts
which concentrate on addressing what he called the
earning
handicap of an individual, but fails to cause a total conversion of
the
unfortunate individual.
In other words, any poverty relief system
becomes fundamentally flawed and
wholly inadequate if fails to help the poor
to develop a capability to
pursue a better life beyond the initial attempt
to redress a person’s weak
historical base.
The 1997 windfalls
temporarily handled the pathetic poverty levels of war
veterans but went no
further.
The 2000 invasion of commercial agriculture temporarily
succeeded in giving
a false hope onto desperate thousands, but plunged the
nation into famine
and hopelessness.
Julius Malema, the African
National Congress leader of South Africa, was
hardly into puberty when
Pretoria became a democracy in 1994.
For Mugabe and Zanu PF to associate
his views with Zimbabwe’s long cherished
dream of greater economic freedom
and equity is, to say the least, very
unfortunate.
To hire Malema as
a modern-day “empowerment” Samurai with ideas to pull us
out of the current
morass is as misguided as it is politically reckless.
Malema has no clue
as to what we went through under a Zanu PF dictatorship;
Malema needs a
basic history lesson to understand that our life expectancy
is now 34, down
from about 60 at Independence in 1980.
According to Prof Sen, in the
lives that different people lead, the relevant
aspects of freedom can be
captured better by a fuller assessment of the
actual opportunities open to
individuals in their own societies and beyond.
Such an assessment is only
possible when it is nurtured in a non-emotional,
patriotic and even-handed
manner.
From our experience, we should ask ourselves whether our people
are ready at
this stage to reverse the neglect from which we suffered – both
under
colonialism and during Mugabe’s unacceptable legacy.
If we
waited, patiently, for more than a century to shape our destiny why
are we
suddenly being pushed to rush through our struggle for total freedom
by a
political party that has outlived its usefulness? Zanu PF, Mugabe and
Kasukuwere must tell Malema that only yesterday they turned us all into
world’s poorest trillionaires – thanks to their empowerment
model.
They must tell Malema that they told investors, especially those
from
Western countries, to keep the “filthy lucre” while they looked East to
Iran, Burma and Somalia for a new lease of life.
When nothing came
out of it, as the nation expected, Zanu PF and Mugabe
blamed the West for
“sanctions.” They must tell Malema that when challenged
in any form, they
are quick to turn to violence, murder, rape and looting to
force themselves
onto the people.
We refuse to be fooled by those who soiled our
inheritance through racism;
by distorting history; and disfiguring our
sovereignty. We feel humbled that
the nation is fully behind us despite
three decades of abuse.
http://www.zimonline.co.za/
Thursday 15 April
2010
Zimbabwe Election Support Network (ZESN) Ballot Update, Issue
No.12, March
2010
INTRODUCTION
The month of March saw a number
of developments on the political scene that
have a bearing on electoral
issues in Zimbabwe. This update comes at a time
when political principals
have hinted at the possibility of an election in
2011. As one of the
principals of the GPA highlighted that elections will be
held with or
without a new constitution, ZESN provides an analysis of the
implications of
elections held under these conditions.
This update comes at a time when
the cracks in the GPA are widening and
threatening to break the moribund
unity. This impasse on outstanding issues
saw the coming in of the SADC
mediator, South African President Jacob Zuma
to have discussions with the
Principals on "outstanding issues."
The assignment of ministerial
responsibilities is an issue that raised the
ire between the political
formations as some MDC (T) and MDC (M) ministers
were left without any Acts
to implement. MDC (T) and MDC (M) felt that these
actions were arbitrary and
were meant to weaken them in government. The rift
between these parties was
set widen.
ZESN has noted that the issue of sanctions has received
increased public
media attention as the MDC (T) has been challenged to call
for the removal
of sanctions and MDC (T) has also retaliated by calling for
the
investigation of political violence. These are the two themes that the
two
parties seem to be drawing battle ground on among other issues they do
not
agree on.
The Zimbabwe Election Support Network remains dedicated
to promotion of
democratic elections in Zimbabwe. In this vein the
organisation continues to
analyse the national political environment and 45
rural constituencies that
have been systematically selected. The criteria
for selection has been to
identify areas with pending by-elections, areas
that have experienced
inordinately high levels of political violence as well
as constituencies in
which a candidate succeeded by a notably small margins.
This update is
informed by observations from the chosen constituencies and
broadly captures
national political developments in March
2010.
ISSUE: GPA/GNU
Elections 2011
The President of
Zimbabwe proclaimed that elections will be held in 2011
with or without a
new constitution. The Prime Minister responded by calling
for SADC and
International Peace Keepers should there be elections in 2011,
a move many
are sceptical will be acceptable to all parties. This has raised
concern as
the call for elections has the potential to change the nation's
priorities
from the constitution making process to elections. In response to
this
pronouncement, ZESN issued a statement in which the organisation
provided a
catalogue of anomalies that need to be dealt with for the country
to have
free and fair elections. The main concern being that elections held
under
the current conditions will not be free and fair. ZESN has observed
that the
prevailing conditions in the country such as the recent increases
in
politically motivated violence and the crack down on human rights
defenders
does not instil confidence about the possibility of a poll with
integrity
and free from violence and intimidation.
Electoral Reforms
ZESN is
concerned about the calls for elections without putting in place the
necessary electoral reforms that would ensure the integrity of the ballot.
In light of this, ZESN has come up with a gourmet of fundamental electoral
reforms needed to protect the integrity of the ballot. Amongst these is the
need for an election management body that is truly independent, with the
human and material resources to conduct election. In addition, ZESN has also
called for an audit of the voters roll which has resulted in the
disenfranchisement of some voters in the past as well as a bio-metric
voters'
roll which minimises the suspicions of electoral fraud.
While
Zimbabwe is party to international protocols such as the international
covenant on civil and political rights and at regional level, the SADC
Principles and Guidelines Governing Democratic Elections, very little
progress has been done to implement the spirit of these instruments.
Zimbabwe is also encouraged to ratify the African Charter on Democracy,
Elections and Governance which amongst other things advocates for
establishment of independent and impartial electoral bodies, equitable
access by all parties to the media and the creation of a code of conduct for
all stakeholders and political parties in an election. ZESN encourages the
Zimbabwean government to domesticate these protocols in their legislation in
order to increase accountability and transparency to the
electorate.
On the 1st of April, the new commissioners to the Zimbabwe
Electoral
commission (ZEC) were sworn into office. Justice Mtambanengwe is
currently
based in Namibia serving as acting Chief Justice in the Namibian
Supreme
Court. He is aged 77. Mrs Kazembe was Deputy Chairperson of the
previous
electoral commission, and has again been appointed as the new
Deputy
Chairperson of the Commission. Theophileus Gambe is a lawyer by
profession
and was also a Commissioner in the previous ZEC. Appointed to the
commission
were a number of women such as Dr Petty Makoni and Sibongile
Ndlovu. Bessie
Fadzai Nhandara is an Educationist and the former Director
Legal Services &
Discipline amongst other high ranking posts in the
Ministry of Education,
Sports & Culture. A former Commissioner in the
Anti-Corruption Commission of
Zimbabwe (ACCZ) of 2006, Daniel Chigaru, is
the General Manager for the
Zimbabwe International Trade Fair. Professor
Geoff Feltoe, is a Professor of
Public Law at the University of Zimbabwe. He
is an academic, researcher and
author who has written extensively and
researched on a number of election
related topics. Mukhuli Nyati is a lawyer
by profession and is a member of
the Law Society of Zimbabwe, Zimbabwe
Lawyers for Human Rights and a human
rights activist. He is an award winner
for the Law Society of Zimbabwe
awards for human rights.
ZESN hopes
that the new commission will be able to restore the confidence of
the
electorate in Zimbabwe's electoral system.
ZEC and the management of
democratic elections
While ZESN welcomes the swearing in of the new ZEC
commissioners there are a
number of issues that need to be addressed in
order to enhance the
independence of ZEC. While the term independence is not
easily defined,
independence of ZEC will be measured by how separate ZEC is
from any
political party and sitting government that is the
executive.
The commissioners have a number of powers such as those of
creating
regulations for elections and accepting donations, however there
are
claw-back clauses that limit these powers as all these are subject to
the
approval of the Minister of Justice and Legal Affairs who is responsible
for
the Electoral Act. Thus while there have some powers, there is executive
control over these powers and if the minister does not approve then all the
regulations made are nullified.
While the commissioners may be "new
brooms", they will be bringing new ideas
to an institution that has not
inspired the confidence of the electorate.
Stripping the powers of MDC
(T) Ministries
The month also saw some MDC (T) and MDC (M) ministers
being left with no
Acts to implement. These ministries include the Science
and Technology
Development, State Enterprises and Parastatals, Information
Communication
Technology and Regional Integration and International
Cooperation. Tendai
Biti of the MDC (T) argued that stripping of powers was
tantamount to
"castrating" the ministries and this weakens the power of MDC
formations in
government. This has raised the ire of these two parties and
threatens to
weaken the already fragile unity government. ZESN also noted
with concern
that the Ministry of Justice and Legal Affairs has 94 Acts of
Parliament to
implement which include the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission Act,
the Zimbabwe
Human Rights Act, The Political Parties Finance Act and the
Electoral Act
among many others. This has implications for the conduct of
elections and
past experience have shown the sensitive nature of electoral
issues as
reforms have been piecemeal and not fully
implemented.
Recalling of the SADC mediator
While Zimbabwe
welcomed the signing of the GPA in 2008 and its subsequent
implementation,
the agreement has been riddled by a number of problems which
threaten its
implementation. A number of "outstanding issues" have resulted
in snail pace
implementation, which led to the recalling of the SADC
Mediator, South
African President Jacob Zuma to iron out issues and have
dialogue with
parties to come up with an implementation plan. Parties are
still deadlocked
over the number of issues which include the appointment of
Roy Bennett as
the Deputy Minister of Agriculture, the issue of sanctions,
the status of
the Reserve Bank Governor and the Attorney General. While the
visit was a
welcome development, the issues parties agreed on were not made
public
except that the mediator had discussions with all stakeholders. State
owned
media has reported that one of parties to the agreement has maintained
their
position and will not implement the mediator's conditions until these
issues
have been resolved. These sentiments have dampened the hopes of many
Zimbabweans on the workability of this agreement. The media, both state
owned and independent gave contradicting statements regarding the progress
in resolving outstanding issues, with some media houses reporting that the
negotiating parties have disagreed on most issues except electoral reforms
(The Zimbabwe Independent, 01-08 April 2010) President Zuma gave the parties
until the end of March to have agreed on these outstanding issues. However,
ZESN is concerned that the mediator also alluded to the holding of elections
if the deadlock continues without speaking to the fundamental reforms that
would be needed for the holding of democratic elections.
While the
GPA concerns all Zimbabwe, ZESN has noted that the process has
been shrouded
in secrecy and citizens have been left to speculate on the
issues that were
agreed on.
The indigenisation and Empowerment Act
The
Indigenisation and Empowerment Regulations which raised a number of
issues
sailed through Parliament. The gazetting of these regulations has
raised a
lot of debate in Zimbabwe as its implications are analysed. The
Indigenisation Act stipulates that all foreign owned companies have to cede
51 percent of their shares to locals. A number of issues have been raised
regarding the timing and the manner of implementation. There are fears that
the implementation of these regulations could work to reduce investor
confidence thus driving out existing investment and repel new investment,
which Zimbabwe needs desperately at the moment particularly in the
implementation of the Short Term Emergency Recovery Programme (STERP). ZESN
waits to see the manner in which the act will be implemented and hope that
investor confidence will be maintained and that Zimbabwe will be seen as a
safe destination for investment. ZESN also noted that this Act has seen key
personalities such as the Reserve Bank Governor Gideon Gono and the Minister
of Youth Development, Indigenisation and Empowerment, Saviour Kasukuwere
clash over its implications regarding foreign direct investment and the
health of the Zimbabwean economy.
THE CONSTITUTION MAKING
PROCESS
Progress on the constitution making process
The
constitution making process has seen a number of false starts and ZESN
is
concerned about the delays given that the constitution making process is
time consuming and laborious process. The government programme for the
constitutional outreach which was scheduled to start in January, shifted to
February then March has been rescheduled again to begin in April 2010. ZESN
notes with concern that delays in the constitution making process have
implications for a democratic processes such as elections, an issue that has
gained momentum as principals have alluded to the possibility of an election
in 2011. While the government outreach process has not started, ZESN
observers have noted that civic organisations and political parties have
been undertaking public meetings and other outreach programmes related to
the constitution making process in the different parts of the country. ZESN
observers have noted that in some areas, people are threatened and
discouraged from expressing themselves as there will be retribution if their
views are not aligned to a particular party position.
ZESN observers
have also reported that, in some areas people have been told
that they are
being recorded and they will face retribution like that which
took place in
the run up to the presidential runoff in June 2008. This has
been noted in
Mudzi North were specific people have been selected to speak
during
consultations, with explicit instructions on what to say. In other
areas
villagers have been instructed that only the Kraal head and headman
will be
allowed to speak on behalf of the people.
ZESN observers in Matebeleland
North have also noted that people are being
forced to attend political
rallies against their will. ZESN observers have
also noted with concern that
in some areas villagers need the councillor or
headman's consent before they
can attend outreach meetings organised by
civic groups. This has instilled
fear to participate in this process before
it has begun in earnest.
Villagers have also been instructed to support the
positions of the selected
people and to jeer if different views are
expressed. This situation
paralyses free debate and encourages
self-censorship among the citizens.
ZESN encourages all stakeholders to
ensure respect for freedom of speech and
other freedoms to ensure that the
constitution making process is inclusive
and meaningful for Zimbabweans.
MEDIA REFORM
ZESN has noted with
concerns the arrests of journalists that took place in
the month of March
which stifles media freedom and freedom of association.
The continued arrest
of journalists such as the recent arrest of freelance
journalist, Stanley
Gama do not provide for free media space as this stifles
the role of
journalists in the creation of a democratic order. However, ZESN
welcomes
the comments by Minister of Media, Information and Publicity,
Webster Shamu
that arrests of journalists should stop and allow for more
media freedom.
The media is a critical element in all democratic processes
and ZESN urges
the newly constituted Zimbabwe Media Commission to register
new media houses
in order to broaden media pluralism. There are a number of
media reforms
that need to be effected if the GPA is to be successfully
implemented.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS AND FUNDAMENTAL
FREEDOMS
International Women's Day (IWD)
ZESN observed the
successful celebrations of International Women's Day that
took place in all
parts of Zimbabwe. This year's theme is equal rights,
equal opportunities,
progress for all which is in line with women's position
of 50/50
representation in the new constitution. Women from all walks of
life were
urged to celebrate their strengths and capabilities. ZESN urges
women to
participate fully in the constitution making process and lobby for
an
electoral system which enhances their ability to gain access to power.
International Women's Day is a time to celebrate women's social, economic
and political achievements in the past, present and future and as such ZESN
urges women to take a stance in political issues and engage more in
electoral issues as these have a bearing in their lives and the quality of
their lives.
Arrest of human rights defenders
ZESN has noted
with concern the arrest of human rights defenders such as the
Director of
ZIMRIGHTS, Mr Okay Machisa and the targeting of the Secretary
General of
General Agriculture and Plantation Workers Union of Zimbabwe
(GAPWUZ) Ms
Gertrude Hambira over the publication of a report that documents
farm
workers testimonies of human rights violations that took place on
farms.
ZESN believes that everyone has rights individually and collectively
to
promote and strive for the protection and realization of human rights in
their country. Human rights defenders play an important role in exposing
society's human rights violations. Thus human rights defenders play an
important role in helping governments protect human rights; therefore they
should be able to undertake their work in safety. ZESN condemns attacks on
human rights defenders and envisages an environment where human rights
defenders carry out their work in a free environment.
Targeting of
human rights organisations
ZESN noted with concern the article in the
Herald of 30/03/2010 that alleged
that ZPP Director and ZESN are interlocked
with western groups that are
"anti-Mugabe." The specific mention of a ZESN
board member as part of an
"anti-Mugabe" group raises concerns on the
security of human rights
defenders and human rights organizations. It is
with concern that we note
that defending human rights is viewed as being
anti-the government of the
day. The role of civil society is to act as a
watch dog and safe guard the
rights of people.
Curtailing of freedoms
in the various constituencies
ZESN observers report incidences where
people's freedoms have been
curtailed. In many cases they have noted that
freedom of expression has been
violated as many people especially in rural
constituencies are still fearful
to freely express themselves. These
experiences are more common in areas
that experienced the most violence
during the run up to the presidential
run-off.
ZESN observers have
also noted that some political parties have not been
allowed to conduct
their meetings as freely as others and this curtails
freedom of association.
This was prevalent mostly in constituencies in
Mashonaland Central. ZESN
observers in Mbire have reported that people are
not able to read
independent newspapers in this area. ZESN observers in
Mashonaland Central
have noted that while there is a sense of calm in the
environment, there are
underlying tensions that are simmering, hence the
need to have effective
violence early warning systems.
ZESN observers in Guruve South have
reported that in some areas, NGO
activities on civic education on the
constitution making process have been
barred. This constitutes an
infringement of the peoples' rights to
information. In addition, ZESN
observers have reported that in some cases,
NGOs that have come to these
areas have been interrogated regarding their
sources of funding and the
addresses of their directors. Villagers in these
areas have also been warned
against attending meetings conducted by civic
groupings and they have been
told they are being recorded. ZESN was also
barred from conducting two
public outreach meetings in Mbire despite having
police clearance for the
meetings.
ZESN observers have noted a dearth in information on the
constitution making
process and the various talking points that have been
agreed on. ZESN
encourages more information dissemination to citizens on the
constitution
making process in order to encourage meaningful participation
in the
process. - ZimOnline
Sanderson N
Makombe
It is ten years today, 15 April
2010, since my MDC colleagues Tichaona Chiminya and Talent Mabika were torched
alive and burnt to death by a ZANU PF mob led by Joseph Mwale just outside
Murambinda Growth point in Buhera in 2000 .The perpetrators of this ignomorous
callous act remain free with Joseph Mwale still drawing a wage officially as a
government employee. Such is the classical impunity enjoyed by ZANU PF agents
which has become its legacy.
Zimbabwe celebrates 30 years of
post colonial rule on 18 April, three days from today. The struggle for
independence was driven by the desire for self government achieved through
democratic elections among other motives. Sadly the current political impasse
strikes through the heart of this cherished goal of independence, the ‘free one
man one vote’ concept. Precisely the principle Tichaona Chiminya and Talent were
excising when they were brutally murdered in cold blood by those barbaric
cretins on that fateful day. On 21 April 2010, it is reported PM Tsvangirai is
to lead a delegation of the GNU to Brussels to plead for the easing of travel
sanctions and other restrictive measures imposed on ZANU PF individuals at the
height of their orgies of violence in February 2002 by the EU.The PM himself, is
a prominent victim, having been brutally assaulted in police custody last year
together with Lovemore Madhuku of the NCA.Surely the irony will not be lost
here: the victim will be pleading for the offender.
There are two questions the PM
will find very difficult to answer during his mission to Brussels. What has
changed? And what concrete steps have been put in place to make sure there wont
be a repeat of that orgy of violence?The travel sanctions were imposed for gross human rights abuses sanctioned by the state and ZANU PF’s drive to
thwart democratic space for the opposition and civic society. European
jurisprudence on human rights is very strict and adhering that even in the face
of terrorism, the European Court of Human Rights has consistently found much in
favour of civil liberties against national securites.Human rights is a cherished
doctrine within the EU and not much favour, am afraid, will be dangled to those
who wilfully deprive others their
suffrage and basic rights.
That ZANU PF is not a serious
partner in national healing and reconciliation is aptly demonstrated by their
MP’s walking out of a parliamentary session when a motion on political violence
was being debated .The MDC went on to read the roll of honour of more than 278
MDC supporters killed by ZANU PF and its affiliated agents .No effort has been
made to bring the perpetrators to justice despite there being abundant evidence.
The Changing Times has started serialising all documented human rights
violations perpetrated by ZANU PF towards the aborted presidential rerun. What
is strikingly shocking is the manner in which sitting ZANU PF MPs and other top
officials sanctioned and led in the attacks on opposition members. Notably
Chinotimba is accused of rape, Biggie Matiza of murder among
others.
Allegations of torture surface
on regular basis and recently the PM officially launched Cries form Goromonzi...Inside Zimbabwe
Torture Chambers, a report prepared by Crisis which catalogued many
incidents of abductions and torture. There is no evidence that political
victimisation is lessening. Contrary, waves of violence are sweeping across the
country, notably in Murazabani.Guruve,Zaka,Chiredzi,Bikita and in farm lands in
Rusape .The old state machinery is still in the game ,detaining opposition MPs
and Councillors on flimsy charges, abduction and harassment of student leaders
and human rights lawyers and selective application of law Draconian laws like POSA and AIPPA haven’t
been repealed. There is no evidence to suppose that the same level of violence
and intimidation experienced before will not resurface during the next
elections, with or without a new constitution in place.
The reforms envisaged in the
GNU with regard to human rights violations and creating a conducive environment
for democratic expression have been minimum. The only notable thing has been the
swearing in of the Human Rights Commission. However we all know without tacit
approval from the security forces, the commission will remain just good on
paper. The same security forces remain heavily skewed in favour of ZANU PF in
their modus operandi .The institutions of terror remain intact with militia mobs
still terrorising people in rural areas.
The National Organ on
Reconciliation aptly displays the lack of seriousness in redressing past
atrocities. The leaders of the Organ continue holding meaningless talk show type
meetings without any substance. The fact that they chose to operate without any
enabling act of parliament highlights the absurdity of their assumptions. They
don’t have a specific mandate to investigate past atrocities, to hear and record
testimonies, to compel victims and offenders to own up, neither do they have a
package of restitution and compensation as required by international law. As
noted by the PM,’there can be no national healing without forgiveness and no
forgiveness without truth and justice as both national healing and forgiveness
do not exist in a vacuum’. The efforts of the National Organ will achieve
neither reconciliation nor justice.
Therefore why should such
unrepentent anarchists be allowed to come and mix with the developed west and
enjoy its trappings? Do their actions abode with behaviour expected of the
civilised world? Hell No. The EU is right in denying these sycophants
opportunities to come and squander their ill-gotten health in their cities. As a
matter of fact, travel restrictions are not peculiar to ZANU PF persons only,
even nationals of other developed nations are restricted if they have offended
serious laws.Registerd sex offenders cannot travel out of the UK without express
permission. Anyone convicted of drugs offence will find it difficult to enter
the USA, Japan and most EU countries. Mike Tyson was denied visa to Japan
because he saved time in jail for rape. Recently rapper Snoopy Doggy was refused
permission to enter the UK because of drugs issues. Singer Amy Winehouse was denied visa to enter USA also because of
drugs abuse. Now these are lesser crimes compared to those committed by ZANU
PF.What more then about known murderers, rapists and
arsonists?
On the other hand if the EU
eases the restrictions, it could be an opportunity also for human rights
defenders to try to bring known perpetrators to book using universal
jurisdiction principles. The Pinochet case is a good example. The House of Lords
ruled in Pinochet that ‘ it is implicit in the international crime of torture
that diplomatic immunity as former head of state doctrine do not apply’.
Government officials accused of torture
and other international crimes will find that easing of travelling sanctions is
not to their advantage. Attempts were also made to have Detective Inspector
Henry Dohwa arrested for torture when he was posted to Kosovo by the United
Nations.
Probably its high time that
Zimbabwe should make political parties and all registered associations
vicariously liable for the actions of their supporters. This concept is used to
regulate fans behaviour in the world of football and it works very well. The
party will be fined and ordered to compensate victims of political violence
perpetrated by their supporters. What the scheme requires is an impartial police
force and a multi disciplinary agency that will be tasked to investigate and
monitor all politically related violence related to both human and property. An
Ad Hoc bench will also be created presided by a High Court ranked judge to
preside over such crimes without delay
and set down the compensation and restitution. The offender will still be tried
for their criminal conduct. If the party fails to pay, their properties will be
attached.
I do hope the PM has not been
backed into a corner by the prominent South African Gigolo masquarandering as an
intermediator yet singing from ZANU PF’s hymn book. The responsibility to
persuade the EU lies with ZANU PF itself by conforming to provisions of the GNU
and reforming to a civilised political party not a mafia styled rebellious
organisation.
‘Good friends we had and good
friends we lost,
Along the way’ sang Bob Marley.The
likes of Tonderai Ndira,Godfrey Kauzani,Beta Chorurama,Trymore Midzi,Edson
Mukwasi and many more. RIP
The writer is
former MDC National Youth Co-ordinator and can be contacted at
smakombe@btinternet.com
For all the nightmarish events of the last decade, my country has
much to
celebrate as we mark 30 years of independence
o
Petina Gappah
o guardian.co.uk, Wednesday 14 April 2010 23.00
BST
Thirty years ago on Sunday the renegade British colony that had
been
Rhodesia was born as Zimbabwe. In the nightmarish events of the last 10
years the euphoria of that day has been all but lost. Certainly, the
achievements of Zimbabwe in the last 30 years are in danger of drowning in
the mire of statistics about rampant inflation and unemployment, in images
of the political repression of a cowed populace - all taken as evidence by
those Thabo Mbeki calls the Afro-pessimists. For his part, President Mugabe
has certainly provided much grist to the mill of the brigade that believes
Africans cannot rule themselves and that independence has achieved nothing
worth celebrating.
As Zimbabwe turns 30, however, there are
significant achievements to
celebrate. Independence itself was one,
especially as it brought the end of
an apartheid-in-miniature that had
allowed a small white minority to enjoy
benefits not available to the black
majority. Rhodesia's segregationist
policy was grievously unjust; but
children born in Zimbabwe would no longer
have their life paths determined
simply because of the colour of their skin.
Independence came through a
civil war in which tens of thousands died, and
many more people were
displaced. Following this, Mugabe - then prime
minister - urged former
combatants to turn their swords to ploughshares, and
white and black to work
together to build a new nation. The reconciliation
policy at the time did
much to allay fears of reprisals, and put Zimbabwe on
a path to stability
and prosperity.
The chief achievement of the country's prosperous early
years, one bearing
fruit even today, came from the massive investment in
education. From free
primary education to adult literacy programmes, this
investment made it the
sub-Saharan nation with the highest literacy rate.
Poor Zimbabweans were
encouraged to see education as the only thing that
stood between them and
their circumstances, and to use education as the
means to get out of
poverty. Even now, taxi drivers and market-stall holders
invest in extra
lessons for their children, and in the evenings in Harare
adults make their
way towards colleges for further education and training.
The Zimbabwean
diaspora of the last 10 years is evidence of the success of
this education
policy: Zimbabweans have taken skills and education to the
Commonwealth and
beyond, making it tragic that their skills should be used
to benefit other
countries and not their own.
The government
particularly encouraged the education of females. Achieving
equality for
women was a key goal, which led to the overhauling of the
country's colonial
laws to create legal equity between black men and women.
Under the settler
regime, while white women and men could achieve legal
majority, black women
to whom African customary law was applied were damned
to be forever minors
and subject to the legal authority of male guardians.
The government
bulldozed into operation the Legal Age of Majority Act, in
the face of
opposition from traditionalists who predicted all manner of
calamitous
events if women were allowed to make their own decisions about
their lives.
On this edifice, and backed by an activist judiciary and a
flourishing
women's rights movement, the government built a sophisticated
legal
structure to guarantee women's equality, and ended retrograde cultural
practices such as the pledging of young girls to appease angry spirits. As
recently as 2008 it adopted a domestic violence law that is among the most
progressive in the world.
The other achievement, on a continent riven
by ethnic conflict, has been the
forging of something that could be called a
Zimbabwean identity. Unlike
African countries with multiple languages,
Zimbabwe has the advantage of a
fairly integrated population, with virtually
no ethnic conflict. (While the
perceived secessionist threat in the
Matabeleland and Midlands areas in the
1980s met with disproportionate force
from the Zimbabwe army, with about
20,000 lives lost, it was not a simple
conflict or civil war between Shonas
and Ndebele.)
That there has
been no such conflict may reflect the accommodation of ethnic
differences
through a system of ethnic balance in all leadership structures.
The
integration of the predominantly Ndebele Zapu PF into the predominantly
Shona Zanu PF and the formation of an urban-based opposition led by both
Shonas and Ndebeles means that political parties have avoided splitting
along tribal lines. With the right political will, Zimbabwe may yet avoid
all politically inspired ethnic clashes.
At the centre of Zimbabwe's
flag are two bands of red running parallel to a
band of black. Children are
taught that the black represents the black
majority, the red the blood shed
during the independence struggle. The flag
is a reminder that the nation was
born of pain. The real tragedy of Zimbabwe
is that the pain has continued
after independence, and that its first and
only leader has been overseeing
the destruction not only of what he
inherited at independence, but also of
what he built.
http://www.nytimes.com
By DOUGLAS ROGERS
Published: April 14,
2010
IN the midst of a wave of post-election political violence in
Zimbabwe in
2008, Brian James, a white farmer who had been evicted from his
property
years earlier during President Robert Mugabe’s seizure of
white-owned lands,
found himself surrounded by a throng of black Zimbabweans
in downtown
Mutare, my hometown. The 50-strong crowd danced, sang and
chanted political
slogans for more than 20 minutes before Mr. James was
finally able to raise
his hand, thank them for their support and announce
that he was honored to
have been elected mayor of the country’s
third-largest city.
This Sunday is the 30th anniversary of Zimbabwe’s
independence from white
rule and President Mugabe’s rise to power. Back
then, Mr. Mugabe was hailed
as a liberator and conciliator. “If yesterday I
fought you as an enemy,
today you have become a friend,” he told nervous
whites at the time. For a
long while he was true to his word. By the
mid-1990s, Zimbabwe had become
one of the most stable and prosperous
countries in Africa.
But in 2000, within weeks of losing a constitutional
referendum to entrench
his power, Mr. Mugabe began the catastrophic land
invasions that resulted in
the eviction of almost all the country’s 4,500
white farmers and the ruin of
what was once a model post-colonial African
country. Ever since, the
narrative of Zimbabwe has been one of race. Rare is
the speech in which Mr.
Mugabe does not rail against whites, colonialists,
imperialists or the West.
Members of his ZANU-PF party have spoken of a
“Rwandan solution” for
Zimbabwe’s whites.
Westerners have simply
accepted this narrative of blacks and whites pitted
against one another.
But, in doing so, they have missed the inspiring story
of what has actually
been happening in Zimbabwe over the past decade. After
years of mass
unemployment, mutant inflation, chronic shortages and state
violence,
Zimbabweans simply don’t care about skin color. In fact, Mr.
Mugabe has
managed to achieve the exact opposite of what he set out to do in
2000: the
forging of a postracial state.
Brian James’s story, taken in full, stands
as proof of Mr. Mugabe’s
unwitting accomplishment. Mr. James was barely
interested in politics before
losing his land in 2003 — “I just wanted to
farm and play cricket on
weekends” — but afterward he joined the main
opposition party, the Movement
for Democratic Change, quickly rose through
the ranks and was elected mayor
by a virtually all-black
constituency.
And Mr. James is not a singular example. One of the most
popular politicians
in the country is Roy Bennett, another former farmer,
known to his legion of
black supporters as Pachedu, “one of us.” When Mr.
Bennett was arrested on
trumped-up treason charges last year, hundreds of
black Zimbabweans
surrounded the prison so that intelligence agents would
not be able to
smuggle him out to a more remote location where it was feared
he might be
tortured.
Then there is the inspiring sight of white
farmers, who have been contesting
the legality of the land expropriations in
a regional human rights tribunal,
marching into court arm in arm with their
black lawyers, often dynamic women
who know the laws and Constitution of the
land better than those sitting in
judgment. This belies Mr. Mugabe’s image
of a country divided by race.
My parents, owners of a backpacker resort,
are part of this new Zimbabwe.
Like most whites, they once steered clear of
politics. But in 2002, when
their home came under siege, my father joined
the M.D.C. By 2005, their
lodge had become a meeting place for black
political dissidents who would
disguise themselves as priests to avoid
detection by Mr. Mugabe’s militia.
In 2008, the lodge became a safe house
for three black activists, Pishai
Muchauraya, Prosper Mutseyami and Misheck
Kagurabadza, who had won seats in
Mugabe strongholds and were now on the run
from government death squads. My
mother, as tough-as-nails a white African
as any, still gets emotional when
she talks of the courage of her three
“fugitives,” all of whom are now
friends and in Parliament, part of the
fractious national unity government
set up between Mr. Mugabe and the M.D.C.
in 2009.
Mr. Mugabe knows exactly what he is doing in constantly invoking
race-based
rhetoric. By framing the crisis in Zimbabwe as a struggle against
the West —
against the white world — he escapes censure from other
postcolonial African
leaders who understand their own countries’ histories
in the same way. And
when the West allows Mr. Mugabe’s narrative to go
unchallenged, it plays
right into his hands.
Overlooked in the racial
invective are some basic and important facts. Mr.
Mugabe has accused white
farmers of being colonial-era “settlers,” but about
70 percent of them
actually purchased their land after independence, with
signed permission
from Mr. Mugabe himself. And far from owning 70 percent of
the land in the
country, as was widely believed, those white farmers owned
only half of our
commercial land — just 14 percent of Zimbabwe’s total land.
With that land,
however, they used to produce more than 60 percent of all
agricultural
crops, and 50 percent of all foreign earnings. One only has to
look at the
decline in food production and collapse of the economy since
2000 to
appreciate how vital white farmers were to the well-being of the
nation.
All but ignored was the other major target of the land grabs:
black farm
workers. Some 300,000 blacks were employed on white farms up
until 2000 —
two million people, if one counts their dependents — and they
overwhelmingly
supported the M.D.C. By destroying white farms, Mr. Mugabe
wiped out a major
base of black opposition. It is hardly surprising, then,
that black workers
often stood with white employers to resist Mr. Mugabe’s
violent invaders.
When has that ever happened in post-colonial
Africa?
I am often asked by friends in the United States if there is any
hope for
Zimbabwe, and I always answer yes. Then I tell them a story about a
funeral.
Not long before he was elected mayor, Brian James lost his wife,
Sheelagh,
in a car crash in Mutare. Her funeral was held on the lawns of the
local
golf club and 300 mourners turned up, among them white farmers, black
friends and an M.D.C. choir. The day before the funeral, my father was with
Pishai Muchauraya, the former M.D.C. fugitive and soon-to-be member of
Parliament, when he received a phone call from the leader of the choir. They
had a problem, they told Mr. Muchauraya: they had never been to the funeral
of a white woman before and did not know what to sing.
“What’s that
got to do with it?” Mr. Muchauraya snapped. “Mrs. James was an
African just
like you. Sing what you normally sing.” When he turned to
apologize for the
interruption, he saw my father had tears in his eyes.
http://www.nytimes.com
By NICHOLAS D. KRISTOF
Published: April
14, 2010
HWANGE NATIONAL PARK, Zimbabwe
We humans are suckers
for certain kinds of wildlife, from lions to
elephants. I hadn't known I was
a zebra fan until I drove my rented car into
a traffic jam of zebras here.
My heart fluttered.
As for rhinos, they're so magnificent that they
attract foreign aid. Women
here in rural Zimbabwe routinely die in
childbirth for lack of ambulances or
other transport to hospitals, and they
get no help. But rhinos in this park
get a helicopter to track their
movements.
Then there are animals that don't attract much empathy.
Aardvarks. Newts.
And, at the bottom tier, African wild dogs.
Wild
dogs (which aren't actually wild dogs, but never mind that for now) are
a
species that has become endangered without anyone raising an eyebrow.
Until,
that is, a globe-trotting adventurer named Greg Rasmussen began
working with
local villages to rebrand the dogs - and save them from
extinction.
It's a tale that offers some useful lessons for
do-gooders around the world,
in clever marketing and "branding," and in
giving local people a stake in
conservation. For if it's possible to rescue
a despised species with a
crummy name like "wild dogs," any cause can have
legs.
Mr. Rasmussen was born in Britain but grew up partly in Zimbabwe.
He bounced
around the world for years as a sailor, zookeeper and kennel
owner,
surviving a charging elephant, a venomous 12-foot black mamba, a
possibly
rabid mongoose and a coma from cerebral malaria.
Eventually,
he ended up researching African wild dogs. He crashed his small
plane in the
African bush (he was found a day and a half later, half-dead,
as he was
being stalked by lions), and while learning to walk again he
earned a
doctorate in zoology, emerging as one of the world's leading
specialists on
wild dogs.
Once the African wild dog was found by the hundreds of
thousands across
Africa, but today there are only a few thousand left,
mostly in Zimbabwe,
Botswana, Tanzania and South Africa.
Wild dogs
are not dogs, which split off from wolves only in the last 30,000
years. In
contrast, wild dogs last shared a common ancestor with dogs or
wolves about
6 million years ago. They are the size of German shepherds and
look like
dogs, but they don't bark and have different teeth and toes. And
although
many have tried, they have not been domesticated.
"Chimpanzees and
gorillas are closer to us humans than wolves are to painted
dogs," Mr.
Rasmussen said.
Note that terminology: "painted dogs." Central to Mr.
Rasmussen's effort to
save the dogs has been a struggle to rename them, so
that they sound exotic
rather than feral.
Do-gooders usually have
catastrophic marketing skills. Pepsi and Coke invest
fortunes to promote
their products over their rivals, while humanitarians
aren't nearly as savvy
about marketing causes with far higher stakes -
famine, disease, mass
murder.
Mr. Rasmussen is an exception, and his effort to rebrand the
species as
"painted dogs" caught on. The name works because the animals'
spotted coats
suggest that they ran through an artist's studio.
Mr.
Rasmussen runs the Painted Dog Conservation, a center that offers the
animals a refuge from poachers and rehabilitation when they are injured. But
most of all, he works with impoverished local villagers so that they feel a
stake in preserving painted dogs.
Conservation efforts around the
world often involve tensions with local
people. But you can't save
rainforests if their advocates are 5,000 miles
away, and conservationists
increasingly are realizing that they can succeed
only if they partner with
local people.
For Mr. Rasmussen, that has meant turning his conservation
center into a
children's camp for school groups, sponsored by donors at $60
a child. Kids
learn that painted dogs don't attack humans or prey much on
livestock.
"It makes a difference," Washington Moyo, a dog-keeper here,
said of the
villagers' visits. "Once they come, they can differentiate
between hyenas
and painted dogs. Because when livestock are taken, it is
primarily by
hyenas, not painted dogs."
The conservation center has
also started economic development programs for
nearby villages. The idea is
for local people to benefit from the dogs'
presence and gain incomes so that
they won't feel the need to poach
wildlife.
"What we're trying to
achieve here is a model not just for painted dogs, but
something that
applies for any species," Mr. Rasmussen said. "Conservation
has to be
inclusive, and lots of people have to benefit."
If clever marketing and
strategic thinking can take reviled varmints such as
"wild dogs" and
resurrect them (quite justly) as exotic "painted dogs" to be
preserved, then
no cause is hopeless.