http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 14 April 2011 21:44
Dumisani
Muleya
PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe and other leaders of the main political
parties,
including Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, this week received
South African
President and Sadc facilitator, Jacob Zuma’s damning report
which has
angered Zanu PF officials and triggered a major diplomatic row in
the
region.
This came ahead of Sadc’s extraordinary summit on Zimbabwe
scheduled for May
20 in Windhoek, Namibia. The meeting has been called to
deal with the
simmering political problems, particularly in Zimbabwe and
Madagascar.
The Zuma report, seen by the Zimbabwe Independent,
contains an introduction,
a detailed assessment of Zimbabwe’s political and
security situation,
recommendations and the way forward.
The
introduction warns Sadc leaders of the dangers of taking people for
granted
with reference to uprisings in North Africa and elsewhere on the
continent.
The assessment section deals with the Global Political
Agreement (GPA) and
Government of National Unity (GNU) issues. The
recommendations section
focuses on what needs to be done now and maps the
trajectory towards free
and fair elections.
The Zuma report was
largely based on findings of the Joint Monitoring and
Implementation
Committee (Jomic) documents submitted to him.
Chairman of the Sadc
Troika of the organ on politics, defence and security,
Zambian President
Rupiah Banda, read extracts from the introduction to the
report in his
opening speech at the recent summit in Livingstone.
The report also
deals with GPA and GNU issues, including the
constitution-making process,
the referendum and elections. Some of the
report’s contents on political
violence, intimidation, harassment, hate
speech and other violations of the
GPA were captured in the Livingstone
summit communiqué. It also addresses
the need to appoint new Sadc officials
to beef up the facilitation
team.
Other issues covered in the report include lack of progress
on agreed
issues, including political reforms and commissions on human
rights,
corruption and the media, particularly failure to open the airwaves
to allow
new radio and television players. It recalls previous Sadc
resolutions and
the facilitators’ meetings.
The Zuma report
further highlights the need to reinforce the implementation
matrix, have a
review of the GPA, strengthen the review mechanism, craft an
elections
roadmap and have a workshop for negotiators and facilitators
before
principals endorse guidelines leading to free and fair
polls.
Although Sadc executive secretary Tomaz Salomao was
unreachable for
verification, officials at the Sadc headquarters in
Goborone, Botswana,
confirmed yesterday that they sent copies of Zuma’s
report to Mugabe,
Tsvangirai and MDC-N leader Welshman
Ncube.
Mugabe’s spokesman George Charamba could neither confirm nor
deny that his
boss got the report. “I don’t really know but I can confirm
that the
principals got packages from the Sadc secretariat. I have no idea
about the
contents,” he said. “What I do know is that Foreign Affairs got a
summary of
President Zuma’s presentation (to the Sadc Troika of the organ on
politics,
defence and security summit in Livingstone).”
The
summit was held on March 31 in Livingstone, Zambia. The Troika, which
comprise Banda, President Armando Guebuza of Mozambique and Zuma, shocked
Mugabe by coming up with stern resolutions on Zimbabwe. Sadc chair,
President Hifikepunye Pohamba, also attended the Troika summit.
Mugabe,
the leader of Zanu PF for almost 34 years, reacted furiously to the
Troika
communiqué, causing a diplomatic uproar. The volatile row is likely
to
explode at the forthcoming Sadc extraordinary meeting.
Tsvangirai’s
spokesman Luke Tamborinyoka confirmed his principal, who leads
the MDC-T,
received the report. “Yes, I can confirm that the prime minister
got the
report,” he said.
Ncube also said he got the report this week. Ncube
said Mugabe and Zanu PF
have “failed to appreciate that the GPA gave them a
lifeline to work with
others” and want to behave as if they have an
“exclusive mandate” from the
people to lead on their own. He said Zanu PF’s
attempt to rush the country
into elections under conditions of violence and
intimidation on an uneven
playing field would plunge Zimbabwe back to a
full-blown crisis.
“There is no point in rushing to elections before
conditions for free and
fair polls are created,” Ncube said. “With what is
going on around the
world, the Middle East and North Africa and elsewhere on
the continent, no
one will accept the 2008 situation. Zanu PF must learn
from what is
happening in other countries.”
Jameson Timba,
Minister in Tsvangirai’s office, described as “blatantly
false” Zanu PF
claims that Tsvangirai or the MDC-T had submitted a report to
Zuma before
the Livingstone summit. He said no one submitted a report to the
facilitation team, except views on the roadmap.
“To begin with it
is false to say we submitted a report to the facilitation
team because there
is no Tsvangirai or MDC-T report as some Zanu PF
officials claim. It is
nonsensical and blatantly false to say Zuma’s report
is similar to that of
Tsvangirai or the MDC-T when the prime minister or his
party compiled no
report at all,” he said.
“This is a simple issue. The facilitator was
appointed by Sadc and he
reports to the Sadc Troika of the organ on
politics, defence and security
which in turn reports to the main Sadc
summit. The facilitator does not
report to our principals or
parties.”
Timba said there was nothing confusing about what Zuma is
doing because his
mandate was clear.
“The facilitator’s mandate
is clear: he facilitates dialogue among GPA
parties and as such part of his
duty is appraise Sadc leaders on the GPA
implementation and the general
political and security situation in
Zimbabwe,” he said. “The resolutions
and communiqué of the Troika were
based on the report of the facilitation
team and that of Jomic.”
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 14 April 2011
21:42
Paidamoyo Muzulu
PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe yesterday confirmed
the long-held suspicion that he
uses the country’s intelligence agency to
spy on his political opponents.
An emotional Mugabe made this revelation at
the burial of one of his most
fierce defenders, Menard Muzariri, at Heroes
Acre in Harare.
Muzariri was the deputy director-general of the
Central Intelligence
Organisation and had been a career spy in Mugabe’s
office for 30 years.
Muzariri was first attested into the then Prime
Minister’s office in 1981 as
a trainee intelligence officer under the CIO
Internal Branch. He rose to
become officer in charge of the “B” Desk which
deals with intelligence
gathering on political parties.
Mugabe
questioned the loyalty of some senior Zanu PF members after the party’s
chairman, Simon Khaya Moyo, was defeated by the MDC-T’s Lovemore Moyo in the
vote for parliamentary Speaker.
“Are all the members who are in
Zanu PF really party members?” Mugabe asked.
“What do you do in the dark?
Some run to our enemies and divulge our
secrets. Muzariri and company would
tell us who was selling out. The party’s
intelligence does not come from
books but intelligence officers who talk to
people and drink with
them.”
Mugabe’s comments seemed to be a warning to party rebels who
voted with the
MDC-T MPs in elections for the contested Speaker’s post.
Several Zanu PF
meetings and caucuses have been held in an attempt to flush
out the
“dissidents”.
The ageing leader attacked Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai and the MDC-T
for being willing tools of governments such
as Britain, France and the US.
“Some people want us to remain under the yoke
of the British because they
are used to being led. They think they cannot be
leaders; that is the
thinking of others we have in government,” said
Mugabe.
He expressed anger at Britain, France and the US for making
Zimbabwe a
discussion agenda in their parliaments.
“We get
alarmed when these countries have to schedule us as an item for
their
parliaments. They are pushing resolutions on the GPA, how elections
should
be held and even how we should sell our diamonds,” the president
said.
Mugabe reminded the EU and the US that they should keep a hands-off
approach
on the country’s issues since Zimbabwe does not worry about the
goings on in
their countries.
“We never sit down in our country,
Sadc or the African Union to debate how
their coalition is faring,” fumed
Mugabe, in apparent reference to the
British coalition government of the
Conservatives and Liberal Democrats.
“We became independent in 1980.
We are determined as a country to be free as
a UN member, AU member, Sadc
member and Comesa member to debate our own
country. We don’t worry about the
goings on in Europe where they turn men
into women and women into
men.”
However, Mugabe’s speech was a major departure from a fortnight
ago when he
accused South African President Jacob Zuma of meddling in
Zimbabwe’s affairs
after he had tabled a damning report on the country’s
government at the Sadc
Troika in Zambia.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 14 April 2011 21:40
Wongai
Zhangazha
SADC has appointed a special panel comprising officials from
Zambia,
Mozambique and South Africa to beef up its mediator President Jacob
Zuma’s
facilitation efforts in Zimbabwe.
The panel was recommended at the
last Sadc Organ on Politics, Defence and
Security’s Troika summit in Zambia
to help Zuma and his facilitation team
and the Joint Monitoring and
Implementation Committee to end the country’s
political crisis by
implementing the Global Political Agreement (GPA) in its
entirety and agree
on a roadmap to elections.
“The Troika noted with grave concern,” its
members said, “the polarisation
of Zimbabwe’s political environment as
characterised by the resurgence of
violence, arbitrary arrests and rampant
intimidation. It called for an
immediate end to violence, intimidation, hate
speech, harassment, and any
other form of action that contradicts the letter
and spirit of GPA.”
The Troika impressed upon Zimbabwean officials
the need to create a
conducive environment for peace, security, and free
political activity.
It also expressed disappointment with
“insufficient progress” in the
implementation of the GPA.
Sadc
executive secretary Tomaz Salomão confirmed to the Zimbabwe Independent
yesterday that the Troika’s mediation panel had been appointed and was ready
to work with Zuma’s facilitation team.
“The officials are from
the Sadc Troika countries which include Mozambique,
Zambia and South
Africa,” Salomao said. “Their appointment is according to
what was agreed on
at the Troika summit. We are just implementing some of
the
resolutions.
“They are part of the key of the facilitator. The team
will work with the
mediation team and come to Zimbabwe whenever the team
comes,” he said.
Salomão was in Windhoek, Namibia, preparing for the
Sadc Extraordinary
Summit on Zimbabwe and Madagascar to be held next
month.
The Troika agreed to develop terms of reference, time frames
and provide
regular progress reports on the Zimbabwe situation. The first
report would
be presented at the Windhoek extraordinary summit reviewing
progress of the
GPA implementation.
Sadc has said elections in
Zimbabwe could only be held after the completion
of all the necessary steps,
including the finalisation of the constitutional
amendments and a
referendum.
“Sadc should assist Zimbabwe to formulate guidelines that
will assist in
holding an election that will be peaceful, free and fair, in
accordance with
the Sadc Principles and Guidelines Governing Democratic
Elections,” reads
the Sadc communiqué.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 14 April 2011 21:40
Chris
Muronzi
GOVERNMENT could have exposed itself to legal challenges amid
legal
consensus that the controversial Indigenisation and Economic
Empowerment Act
and regulations violated constitutionally enshrined
rights.
Legal representations made to the Chamber of Mines’ executive
committee by
legal gurus Nick Willsmer and Sternford Moyo show that the
empowerment laws
were ambiguous. The lawyers question the underlying premise
of Zimbabwe’s
system of rights such as property rights, freedom of
association and freedom
of expression.
Willsmer said definitions
contained in the Act and regulations were
“poorly-drafted” with several
legal loopholes.
He said: “The poorly-drafted definition of ‘controlling
interest’ in
relation to any business other than a company is so broad as to
be
nonsensical. The definition of ‘indigenous Zimbabwean’ and the general
application of the legislation are not restricted (as they could have been)
by references to citizenship of or residence in Zimbabwe, as was the case
with the Immovable Property (Prevention of Discrimination) Act No 19 of
1982, Section 5 (3) of that Act.
“There is no question, of course, that
black persons who were born in
Zimbabwe qualify as indigenous Zimbabweans.
Can it be said, however, that
persons of mixed race or other races who were
born in Zimbabwe were born
‘naturally’ in the region? The poor definition of
‘indigenous Zimbabwean’
allows a Maori who suffered unfair discrimination in
New Zealand as a result
of his or her race to qualify as an indigenous
Zimbabwean.”
Willsmer said the term “indigenous Zimbabwean” was misleading
arguing that a
“person who qualifies as an ‘indigenous Zimbabwean’ need not
be either
indigenous or Zimbabwean”.
“The power apparently given by
Section 3(1) (a) to publish regulations and
other measures (apart from
statutes) which endeavour to secure indigenous
ownership of at least 51% of
the shares of every business in the country is
a very wide one indeed, not
least because it apparently allows the
indigenisation of all businesses
which do not meet any net asset value
threshold whatsoever. The
constitutionality of this apparent grant of power
has not been tested,” he
said.
He said the question of whether the Act or the regulations were
“constitutionally permissible” and “legally binding” needed to be considered
and decided by the courts.
Willsmer said Section 25 of the Global
Political Agreement could be
interpreted to mean that legislation such as
the regulations should first be
presented and accepted by cabinet
irrespective of the fact that it is a
subsidiary legislation and that it
must then be presented to and approved by
parliament.
Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai was of the same view when Indigenisation
minister Saviour
Kasukuwere gazetted the first regulations in January 2009.
He dismissed the
regulations as “null and void” saying prior cabinet
approval and parliament
had not been obtained.
Willsmer added that although Tsvangirai has not
maintained this stance, his
original stance could still be legally
correct.
“Even if retrospective decisions were taken by the Prime Minister
and the
Cabinet (but not by Parliament) to approve the Regulations, this
would not
legitimise the regulations if they were unconstitutional in the
first
place,” he said.
Willsmer said an “indigenisation implementation
plan” was not a legally
binding undertaking but a mere
“proposal.”
“Section 3 of the Regulations says that the general objective of
the
Regulations is that “every business of or above the prescribed value
threshold” is to be indigenised within five years.
“Section 3 is
poorly-drafted,” said Willsmer.
He said the section supposes future disposals
by businesses of controlling
interests while at law businesses cannot
dispose of shareholding saying
“interests” can only be disposed of by the
owners of such interests.
He added that companies cannot compel their
shareholders to transfer their
shares at law.
“Subject to whatever rights
of preemption may apply in respect of private
companies, companies cannot
control share transfers and shareholders who
transfer their shares may well
thereby upset the resulting ratio between
indigenous and non-indigenous
shareholders,” he added.
Willsmer said it would be impossible to ensure that
a company whose shares
are traded daily on a stock exchange is 51% owned by
indigenous Zimbabweans.
He also attacked a section which states that if a
valuation arranged by
Kasukuwere showed that a business undervalued its net
asset value by 10% or
more, the business would be guilty of an offence and
liable to a fine of up
to level 12 or imprisonment for up to five years
saying a “a business cannot
be imprisoned”.
He said the introduction of
official “designated entities” as the recipients
of mining interests was in
conflict with the “plainly-stated” purpose of the
Act to empower indigenous
Zimbabweans, arguing official bodies “do not
qualify as indigenous”.
He
noted that the compulsory transfer of mining interests was the
“equivalent
of nationalisation.”
Moyo, a senior partner at Scanlen & Holderness, also
blasted a clause in the
regulations that gives Kasukuwere the discretion to
come up with valuations
of companies by taking into account the state’s
“sovereign rights” to
minerals as an attempt to ensure that “little or
nothing” was paid for the
shares.
He added that the regulations’
provision that Kasukuwere can impose partners
on mining companies violated
freedom of association protected by Section 21
of the constitution. Moyo
also said freedom of expression would be trampled
underfoot should
government compel companies to submit empowerment plans.
He said: “Section 20
of the constitution enshrines freedom of expression.
That freedom includes
the right not to communicate if one does not wish to
do so. The
constitution does not, therefore, provide for submission of
empowerment
plans. Consequently, the duty to produce a plan within 45 days
appears to be
challengeable.”
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 14 April 2011 21:39
Paul
Nyakazeya
AIR Zimbabwe’s plans to buy two A340-500 Airbuses at an
undisclosed cost to
service the Harare–London and Harare–Beijing routes
collapsed after the
cash- strapped national airline failed to raise the
money.
Insiders said the debt-ridden airline wanted to pay for the planes
with
proceeds from the Chiadzwa diamonds, but the deal fell through after
government cited other “important issues to attend to with proceeds from the
diamonds”.
Air Zimbabwe chairman Jonathan Kadzura confirmed to
the Zimbabwe Independent
that proposed plans to buy the airbuses had been
put on hold indefinitely.
Kadzura said it was always the board’s desire to
ensure that the national
airline is completely revived for the
better.
According to the initial plan, Air Zimbabwe should have taken
delivery of
the first plane at the end of November last year with the second
one being
delivered in January.
Insiders revealed that the
troubled national airline was currently in talks
with Zambezi Airways of
Zambia to increase the frequency of its flights
between Harare and
Johannesburg, as well as servicing some domestic routes
after failing to
reach a deal with its striking pilots.
Two weeks ago, Air Zimbabwe
leased an aircraft and flight crews from Zambezi
Airways to service its
Harare–Johannesburg route. The plane currently flies
to Johannesburg three
times a week.
The insiders said if Zambezi Airways agreed to the
proposal, daily flights
to South Africa from Harare and domestic routes
would resume.
Zimbabwe pilots and flight attendants went on strike a
month ago demanding
payment of overdue salaries and allowances amounting to
US$4 million. The
Airline is also saddled with crippling debts amounting to
US$108 million.
Air Zimbabwe only has five operational aircrafts but
employs 49 pilots and
280 engineers.
CEO Innocent Mavhunga told
MPs on Monday that the airline’s planes lacked
modern facilities and were
expensive to maintain.
“We have on numerous occasions aborted flights
and incurred losses,” he
said. “We believe having new planes at some point
will enable us to pay the
pilots’ salaries within six months. If we are
recapitalised, this would mean
new routes, new partners and salary
increases.”
He added: “All the four contracts with the pilots’ union
were entered into
under duress and the pilots have not considered the
company’s capacity to
pay them as it is not in a position to settle all the
arrears simply because
it does not have the resources.”
Chairman
of the Zimbabwe Pilots Association Courage Munyanyiwa said the
airline was
overstaffed with 280 engineers servicing a single plane.
With ageing
equipment and a demoralised staff, Air Zimbabwe has been
reportedly making
losses of US$3 million a month.
A total of 18 international airlines
have left the country due to negative
publicity on Zimbabwe as a result of
the country’s political chaos.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 14 April 2011 21:37
Wongai
Zhangazha
INTENSE bickering has engulfed the Attorney-General’s office
after a former
Beitbridge-based prosecutor complained of abuse and
victimisation by
Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) Florence
Ziyambi.
The dispute is just one among mounting complaints of abuse of power
against
Ziyambi by prosecutors.
Former prosecutor Tarcisius Moyo has
threatened to sue the Ministry of
Justice and Legal Affairs permanent
secretary David Mangota, the Public
Service Commission, and the office of
the AG for damages.
In letters to Mangota and made available to the Zimbabwe
Independent, Moyo
stated that his working relationship with Ziyambi first
turned sour in 2007
while he was working on the State versus Clemence Tsatsa
case.
Tsatsa, who worked as a night auditor at Holiday Inn Beitbridge, had
been
accused of raping fellow employee Surprise Pembere’s daughter.
“It
was known to me as the local prosecutor through the police that Tsatsa,
the
night auditor, was investigating Pembere, the buyer, for improprieties
in
procurement procedures including fraud. Pembere and his friend then went
to
report Tsatsa and his friend for rape allegedly on her young daughter,”
said
Moyo.
He said two government doctors had discounted a sexual assault while a
private doctor secured by the complainant on his own initiative concluded
that there could possibly have been a sexual assault.
“At initial
appearance I was of the view that at that stage there were
contradictions as
to what to go by and I declined to remand and directed the
police to get
expert opinion. I advised Pembere, the complainant,
accordingly. He stormed
out of the office and threatened to deal with me
through his aunt. I did not
and still do not know his aunt though subsequent
events were a revelation,”
he wrote.
Moyo said that evening he received a call from Ziyambi accusing him
of being
incompetent. She said she had received an anonymous call and
without going
through the dockets CRB289/01/07 and CRB205/6/07 ordered that
Tsatsa be
rearrested and placed on remand.
“I had accused rearrested,
placed before a magistrate one Jabulani Mzinyathi
and honestly had it put on
record that I was working under instructions of
the Attorney-General’s
delegate though I shared a different view. Accused
persons were placed on
remand.
“The presiding magistrate in his wisdom decided to send the record on
review. Justice (Nicholas) Ndou became seized with the matter. He affirmed
the Director of Public Prosecutions’ right to direct the local prosecutor
and rebuked the magistrate for sending the record for review, concluding
that there was nothing reviewable,” he wrote.
Moyo said all hell broke
loose when the judgement was out and he alleged
that Ziyambi called him and
attacked him for putting her request from an
anonymous caller on
record.
“She repeated her allegation that I was incompetent, that she would
charge
me and strip me of authority to prosecute and that I was a fool,” he
said.He
said two years later in a different case involving Hardson Mhlanga
and two
others who were brought to court facing charges of kidnapping and
assault,
the trio was charged and released on summons. However, two days
after their
release, they were re-arrested in “what the police said were
instructions
from above.”
Moyo said Ziyambi again claimed to have
received an anonymous call to the
effect that prosecutors at Beitbridge had
been bribed.
He said that Ziyambi managed to give instructions that bail be
opposed and
the accused were told to apply at the High Court for
bail.
“This decision was based on information supplied by a faceless person
and
was to have far reaching consequences for the rights of the accused
persons.”
Ziyambi instructed senior public prosecutor, a Cheda, to have
Moyo arrested
for criminal abuse of office and a docket CR37/12/09 was
opened but
Beitbridge police closed the docket indicating that their
investigations had
shown that no offence had been committed.
“The
director, not satisfied with the outcome of investigations by the
Beitbridge
police and clearly now pursuing a personal agenda, personally
went to Harare
Central Police Criminal Intelligence Unit and opened yet
another crime
record against me, CR13/12/09. She ordered Harare police to
effect an arrest
on me,” Moyo alleged.
He said a court docket was opened, CRB B110/10, and he
was tried for 10 days
and acquitted.
In addition, Moyo says he was
suspended for six months and appeared before a
disciplinary hearing and was
again acquitted.
Ziyambi then requested that he be transferred to work at the
head office in
Harare. Moyo said he indicated that he had no intentions of
resisting a
transfer but preferred a genuine re-deployment not used as a
punitive tool
against him.
“I have suffered systematic and sustained
abuse and victimisation by the
Director of Public Prosecutions. I have been
traumatised by the
unsustainable charges both at criminal and disciplinary
levels. My family
has suffered the same trauma and my self esteem has taken
a heavy knock,” he
said.
However, for failing to comply with Ziyambi’s
order, AG Johannes Tomana
immediately withdrew Moyo’s right to practise as a
prosecutor in a letter
dated November 12 2010.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 14 April 2011 21:35
Brian
Chitemba
SECURITY ministers and service chiefs snubbed Vice-President
John Nkomo and
ministers responsible for the Organ on National Healing and
Reconciliation
who had summoned them last week to a meeting to address
selective
application of the law and political violence.
National
Healing and Reconciliation co-minister Moses Mzila-Ndlovu told
guests at the
Independent Dialogue in Bulawayo on Wednesday that Nkomo last
week tried in
vain to summon Defence minister Emmerson Mnangagwa, State
Security minister
Sydney Sekeramayi and Home Affairs co-ministers Kembo
Mohadi and Theresa
Makone as well as Defence Forces commander Constantine
Chiwenga, army
commander Philip Sibanda, police Commissioner-General
Augustine Chihuri and
CIO director-general Happyton Bonyongwe.
Ndlovu was speaking
to participants at the Independent Dialogue, which is
organised by the
Zimbabwe Independent, under the theme Transitional
Justice — how do we bring
to closure atrocities of the past? at the Bulawayo
Club.
Ndlovu
said he and co-minister Sekai Holland had sought Nkomo’s
intervention, but
came up against a red flag since the service chiefs report
directly to
President Robert Mugabe.
“There is contempt for the organ by the
security apparatus because they
receive instructions from elsewhere…their
questions to you (Patrick)
Chinamasa and (Nicholas) Goche where, are these
instructions coming from
because Mugabe, (Prime Minister) Morgan Tsvangirai
and Welshman Ncube are in
agreement that violence must come to an end.
Without institutional reforms
national healing is not possible,” said
Mzila-Ndlovu.
The security chiefs have openly declared their
allegiance to Mugabe and Zanu
PF vowing never to salute anyone without
liberation war credentials.
Ndlovu said national healing could only
be achieved if the security
institutions were reformed through retraining of
the police, army and
intelligence officers to respect the rule of law and
human rights.
The minister told the gathering that he was barred from
addressing a
national healing meeting organised by a non-governmental
organisation in
Kezi, Matabeleland South, on Tuesday after police dispersed
villagers.
He also bemoaned the lack of authority of ministers, whom
he said were
constantly harassed by junior policemen.
“We don’t
have power because constables do as they please. They tell a
cabinet
minister that he can’t address an important meeting. We also know
that the
army can instruct the police to arrest Zanu PF opponents. That’s
how bad
things are although we wonder if Mugabe really knows what is
happening in
communities,” said Ndlovu.
Participants at the dialogue were
unanimous that the organ of national
healing and reconciliation had failed
to achieve anything since its
inception at the formation of the inclusive
government.
“The organ of national healing has not addressed key
issues regarding
emotional and psychological torture that people experienced
during the
Gukurahundi period. Nothing has been done so far,” said MDC-N in
Bulawayo
spokesman Nhlanhla Dube.
MDC organising secretary Qubani
Moyo echoed Ndlovu’s sentiments and
suggested that there was an urgent need
to reform the security sector which
is highly partisan.
He said
they were running all the arms of the government with the blessing
of Mugabe
who rewarded most of them for committing atrocities in
Matabeleland and
Midlands during the Gukurahundi killings in the 1980s.
“It is sad
that security men who killed and maimed people in the
Matabeleland region
were rewarded by becoming heads of departments giving
the wrong impression
to the youths that for one to be a hero they have to
kill. We don’t need to
be brutal to be rewarded,” said Moyo.
The North Korean-trained Fifth
Brigade and the dreaded CIO were deployed in
Matabeleland and Midlands to
deal with Mugabe’s opponents and dissidents in
the mid 1980s.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 14 April 2011
21:17
Brian Chitemba
ZANU PF has tasked its politburo members to
visit every province to mobilise
party supporters to back the indigenisation
programme in what has been
widely viewed as an election campaign by the
former liberation movement.
According to some politburo members, a
resolution was passed at last month’s
politburo extra-ordinary meeting where
President Robert Mugabe instructed
senior party members to roll out the
programme before September.
Mugabe and Zanu PF are currently
pushing for elections to be held in
September despite squabbles over the
drafting of an election roadmap by the
three parties which form the
coalition government.
Zanu PF is expected to launch its
indigenisation drive in provinces next
week in the same manner that it
launched the anti-sanctions campaign.
The party is set to hold
primary elections in May and the indigenisation
push is seen as mere
electioneering.
Spokesman Rugare Gumbo confirmed that senior party
officials had been
mandated to spearhead the indigenisation push in the
provinces.
“We will be explaining the procedures and need for our
party members to
participate in the programme. The whole process will
kickoff next week and
we want Zanu PF members to benefit from the country’s
resources,” said
Gumbo.
He defended the move saying it would
empower disadvantaged Zimbabweans and
denied criticism that the
controversial policy was being used as a Zanu PF
campaign
tool.
“We have always been champions of empowerment with or without
elections. Our
aim is to give resources to the majority of Zimbabweans so
that they control
their wealth rather than depend on wages,” Gumbo
said.
A white businessman revealed that some Zanu PF bigwigs were
targeting
white-owned gold mines just outside Bulawayo as well as businesses
in the
city.
“We have been receiving all sorts of proposals from
top Zanu PF officials
seeking to partner us but we don’t trust these guys.
We have suspended
operations for now until further notice because of the
so-called
indigenisation threats,” said a white businessman who owns a gold
mine in
Inyathi.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 14 April 2011 21:10
Paidamoyo
Muzulu
PRIME MINISTER Morgan Tsvangirai faces a major political test as
his MDC-T
party prepares for its third elective congress at the end of this
month
where the vote over his leadership is likely to reflect growing
dissatisfaction within party ranks.
The congress, to be held in Bulawayo,
will have Kenyan Prime Minister and
Orange Democratic Movement leader, Raila
Odinga, as its guest of honour.
Although there is little doubt that
Tsvangirai will be re-elected as leader
of the MDC-T, the party has been
rocked by factionalism and allegations of
favouritism and forces opposed to
his leadership have threatened to coalesce
around his rivals in a bid to
reduce his political fortunes.
Tsvangirai will be hoping to use
recent legislative success which saw
dethroned parliament Speaker Lovemore
Moyo retain his post as an incentive
to encourage the majority of party
members to contribute to the collective
goals of the party instead of
jostling for positions.
The campaign in the lead-up to the much
anticipated congress recently turned
ugly and has been characterised by
fierce rivalry similar, if not worse,
than that which informed the infamous
2005 split.
Disgruntled party members from Mashonaland West, Masvingo
and Bulawayo have
petitioned Tsvangirai to intervene and stop the party from
disintegrating
and splitting.
The Mashonaland West outgoing
executive wrote a stinging letter to
Tsvangirai exhorting him to act
decisively on irregularities encountered in
the provincial congress, among
them vote buying and partiality of the
convener.
The petition was
signed by vice chairman Lawrence Mlambo and 21 members of
his outgoing
provincial executive.
“This petition is intended to ask you to
declare the sham congress held in
Chinhoyi null and void. We also advise you
that there is an agenda to
destroy the party from within starting from where
the party was most
successful, that is in Chegutu West and Chinhoyi,” the
outgoing executive
wrote in the petition.
They also alleged that
five districts, Zvimba North, Mhangura, Hurungwe
East, Chegutu West and
Chinhoyi were prevented from attending the congress
by thugs bused in by
some interested parties.
Masvingo provincial congress suffered the
same fate last weekend when nearly
half of the delegates boycotted the
event. The MDC-T in Masvingo has since
split into two factions, each
controlled by incumbent MPs.
Zaka West MP Festus Dumbu confirmed that
his faction did not attend the
congress last week where a new leadership was
installed and would only
attend what he called the “official congress” over
the weekend.
“Some members arranged a purported meeting which they
called a congress. The
real congress will be held this weekend,” Dumbu
said.
Tongai Matutu is said to be the kingmaker of the rival faction
that held its
congress last week.
Tsvangirai is reported to have
ordered a rerun of the Masvingo congress with
all delegates in
attendance.
However, Tsvangirai has shown little enthusiasm towards
complaints from the
hotly contested Bulawayo provincial vote won by the
party’s political new
boy Gorden Moyo, who is also the State Enterprise and
Parastatals minister.
The Bulawayo elections were marred by
allegations of rigging, vote buying
and violence and Moyo’s vanquished rival
Matson Hlalo’s supporters have
accused Tsvangirai and his deputy Thokozani
Khupe of being sympathetic to
the minister.
Hlalo’s backers and
the anti-Moyo lobby have threatened to mobilise and
disrupt the national
congress if the result is not nullified and a fresh
vote
held.
They alleged that delegates from Mpopoma, Pelandaba and
Magwegwe were
suspiciously disqualified from voting by the national
committee presiding
over the provincial vote.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 14 April 2011
21:02
Nqobile Bhebhe
THE Organ on National Healing, Reconciliation
and Integration’s drive to
realise transitional justice is being hampered by
a culture of suppressing
the truth deeply entrenched in Zanu PF as well as
the exclusion of victims
of violence, politicians and human rights activists
have said.
Speaking during the Independent Dialogue in Bulawayo on
Wednesday, the
politicians and activists stressed that for national healing
to be achieved
and accepted by all citizens, conditions to attain that must
include
legislative reforms, political will, restorative justice and visible
community involvement.
But bickering within the organ and lack of an
enabling law was derailing the
process.
Kucaca Phulu, a
human rights lawyer, said Zimbabwe’s culture of blanketing
the truth was a
hindrance to national healing.
“The truth is elusive in Zimbabwe
because the previous Zanu PF government
took deliberate steps to ensure that
the truth is suppressed as a way of
resolving scars and atrocities of the
past,” said Phulu. “So for this
exercise to succeed there is a need to
develop a culture of telling the
truth and we cannot arrive at the truth
through a referendum or an
election.”
He said citizens should be
given the platform to freely discuss the past.
“Today we do not know
whether the bones that were exhumed in Mt Darwin are
remains of people
killed by the (Ian) Smith regime, people butchered by Zanu
PF during
Gukurahundi or as recent as 2008. This is an example of how we do
not know
the truth,” said Phulu.
Co-Minister of the Organ on National Healing
Moses Mzila-Ndlovu concurred:
“The issue of national healing, during
negotiations was presented as a
talks-breaking item – either you take it or
leave it and the two MDC
formations made concessions around the faulty
clause called Article 7 in the
GPA. I
admit that the starting point
around transitional justice was faulty because
the agreement itself was
faulty and the justice we envisaged will not be
achieved.
“Because of the vagueness of the GPA, it is not
possible for the organ to
deal with issues of transitional justice because
there is too much
controversy. The aspect to truth-telling is not a top
priority in the organ’s
agenda because we are simply encouraging people to
desist from violence,
then we can go for elections and have a new
government. But that presents
problems for the organ because as
co-ministers, we come in with our party
positions. It is clear to me that
other parties (Zanu PF and MDC-T) are
content with the current set
up.”
Mzila-Ndlovu said one of the major hurdles facing the organ was
the
interference of the alleged perpetrators.
“There is no
opportunity for the organ to create a framework for
perpetrators of
injustice to be brought to book simply because they
(perpetrators) are still
in power. So is it possible to have perpetrators in
power and still allow a
process that demands them to account for their
actions to take place?” asked
Mzila-Ndlovu.
He said this cascaded down to communities which feel
that they are not free
to tell the truth.
Mzila-Ndlovu said for
the past two years the organ had failed to engage
communities due to undue
interference by police through banning meetings.
He said despite an existence
of a cabinet directive that the organ‘s
activities should not be interfered
with, that had not been the case. On
Tuesday police blocked Mzila-Ndlovu
from engaging villagers on national
healing in Kezi.
Phulu agreed
that there was a need for security reforms.
“In most cases atrocities
are committed by state actors which include the
police, army and
intelligence services. There is a system geared towards
torture which was
inherited from Rhodesia and these should be reformed,”
said
Phulu.
Radio Dialogue Director Debra Mabunda said there was no clear
break with the
past whose traces of violence are still
visible.
“How do we start talking about the past when the past is
still present
because until we stop the atrocities happening today, how do
we expect to
look into the past, expect the same people who are supposed to
be answerable
to come forward and agree to face justice?” asked
Mabunda.
Ephraim Ncube, a Bulawayo councillor, narrated how his wife
was burnt in a
hut during the Gukurahundi era in the 1980s but expressed
fear that he had
exposed himself to state security agents.
“At
one point I was being hunted down during Gukurahundi and my house was
burnt
with my wife inside and I later got jailed for five years at Chikurubi
Maximum Security Prison. The national healing issue is becoming a talk show
as there are no tangible results,” said Ncube.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 14 April 2011 20:41
Bernard
Mpofu
THE setting up of the historic national Central Securities
Depository (CSD)
by a local consortium that won the bid last year could be
delayed after it
emerged that the group is now seeking to have the Zimbabwe
Stock Exchange
(ZSE) as an equity partner, businessdigest has
learnt.
Chengetedzai Depository Company Ltd, a local consortium that won the
Securities Commission of Zimbabwe (SEC) tender to manage and operate a CSD
last December, has approached the ZSE to court investment.
A CSD
is an organisation holding securities either in certificated or
uncertificated (dematerialised) form to enable book entry transfer of
securities.
In general, each country will have only one CSD
although there are some that
split equities, fixed-income, and funds into
separate CSDs.
Sources close to the development said the ZSE was,
however, opposed to
partnering Chengetedzai saying the exchange has the
capacity to run the CSD
alone.
The ZSE, according to informed
sources, had since 2001 failed to upgrade
trading and settlement systems at
one of Africa’s oldest markets owing to
limited
funding.
Currently, the ZSE utilises a call-over system to execute
trades. Critics
say paper-based operations of the exchange were fraught with
inherent risks.
Clearance and settlement is done between stockbrokers
with payment against
delivery of physical scrip on a T+7 calendar days
basis.
A letter sent to the ZSE by Chengetedzai in the possession of
businessdigest
shows that the company was seeking an audience with the
exchange in an
apparent move to raise capital and partner the
bourse.
“It is and has always been our intention to work with all key
market
shareholders, of which the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange is one of them,”
reads a
letter dated March 3. “This meeting would also serve the purpose of
exploring the ZSE’s participation as a strategic partner, through an equity
investment.”
The sources said the ZSE, which is planning to
demutualise by year end,
wanted to independently run the CSD.
The
sources said the exchange last November wrote to the British Embassy
after a
British company that was contracted to supply and install the CSD
system
advised the ZSE to get confirmation from the embassy on whether the
exchange, its members or its board were on the European Union sanctions list
targeting President Robert Mugabe and his party officials.
At
preliminary stages of the tender bid last May, four consortia —
Chengetedzai, Zimbabwe Central Securities Depository Company, CDF Trust and
Land Fortune Farming Ltd — submitted tender documents to the
SEC.
After an independent evaluation of the bids, CDF Trust and Land
Fortune
Farming were eliminated from the tender before Chengetedzai
subsequently won
the tender.
SEC CEO Alban Chirume said the
commission was satisfied with the awarding of
the tender and that the
“parameters of raising finance and confirming the
pledged financing is not
contradictory to the process undertaken through the
due diligence and the
RFP (Request For Proposals) stages”.
He said in written responses:
“Government through the Ministry of Finance
has, however, now taken up the
process as the stated view that the project
is of national interest, has
meant, from a policy perspective, government
must undertake further
processes. The Ministry of Finance is best placed to
answer more fully and
provide guidelines on the length of those processes.
“The processes
stated above are not complete until a formal application is
made to the
Securities Commission requesting the registration of the CSD
Company. The
Commission will then assess the application and grant
registration if they
meet the Securities Act (Chapter 24:25) and Statutory
Instrument 100 of
2010.”
The slow pace in implementing the process could be a tip of
the iceberg
highlighting the war of attrition between the ZSE and the
SEC.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 14 April 2011 20:40
Tatenda
Macheka
ZIMBABWE should restore competitiveness and have consistent
policies before
the troubled country extends the begging bowl, a World Bank
official says.
Speaking at an African Regional Strategy workshop in Harare
recently, the
Word Bank country manager in Zimbabwe, Nginya Mungai Lenneiye,
said the
country should not depend on multilateral institutions to
kick-start the
economy, adding the World Bank was not yet ready to assist
the nation.
“Zimbabwe should produce competitive goods with
competitive prices and those
goods must be of higher quality. This is what
Zimbabwe should do first
before begging for money,” Lenneiye
said.
“There should be consistence in the implementation of the
country’s polices.
Yesterday it was Look East, today it’s indigenisation.
There should be a
clear policy, not inconsistence of
polices.”
However, the Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of
Economic Planning and
Investment Promotion, Desire Sibanda, said the
Southern African country
needed good infrastructure to revive its
economy.
“The World Bank should start opening lines of credit, SAPs
(structural
adjustment programmes) killed Africa. What we need is
infrastructure. You
cannot improve competitiveness and quality without the
infrastructure,” said
Sibanda.
In the World Bank’s regional
strategy document, the Bretton Woods
institution said the private sector has
a role to play in sustainable
poverty reduction and wealth
creation.
The World Bank said Africa’s weak investment climate is due
to poor
infrastructure, poor business environment (policies and access to
finance)
and insufficient technical skills.
But Sibanda said the
World Bank must stop using uniform policies for the
whole of Africa saying
that the World Bank takes problems that affect
Liberia and Sierra Leone as
the same as those affecting Zimbabwe Lenneiye
said there was need for
regional integration and cooperation so that any
approach offers the
prospect of large scale and lower unit costs in the
provision of key
infrastructure.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 14 April 2011
20:29
Bernard Mpofu
ZIMBABWE’S perennial problems at the tobacco
auction floors are far from
over despite an increase in the number of
auction floors operating in the
country, experts have said.
Last week,
the Tobacco Industry Marketing Board (TIMB) suspended new
deliveries and
bookings at the then two operating auction floors — Tobacco
Sales Floor and
Boka Tobacco Sales Floors — a few days before a new
operator came on
board.
The industry regulator said the move was aimed at easing congestion at
the
floors as farmers besieged the auctions demanding instant
payments.
The suspension was lifted last week and deliveries resumed a day
after.
But industry experts said tobacco marketing reforms are required to
restore
efficiency at the floors. They say the coming in of Millennium
Tobacco
Company, Zimbabwe’s third auction floor, is not enough to deal with
the
problems unless some changes are made to the marketing of the cash
crop.
A recent visit by businessdigest at the country’s auction floors showed
how
desperate tobacco growers have become as they patiently wait for
payments
for deliveries.
Farmers patiently sitting on the concrete
floors, restless and wailing
children and long queues of grumbling growers
at enquiries desks have become
a common feature at the floors.
Auction
floor operators blame farmers for not following “proper booking
procedures”
before visiting the floors.
Currently, tobacco growers are required to
register with TIMB regional
offices before they make deliveries to the
floors.
They say an expected increase in tobacco output this season has also
compounded the problem. Government is projecting 150 million kgs of the cash
crop this year up from 123 million kgs sold last year.
Independent
estimates show that the figure could rise to as high as 187
million
kgs.
Contract farmers, according to the official projections, are expected to
drive the resurgence of the industry which suffered at the height of the
chaotic land reform exercise, which targeted white commercial
farmers.
“Most farmers come to the floors before their crop is booked at
TIMB’s
regional offices across the country,” said Richard Chabata,
Millennium
Tobacco CEO.
“Another issue that could be leading to the
congestion is the pricing.
Farmers are thronging the floors for speculative
reasons. Last year the
marketing season opened with relatively high prices
and closed on a low
note. So farmers feel that approaching the floors
earlier, even without
following booking procedures, will give them better
prices.”
A kilogramme of tobacco averaged US$2,88 last year.
Official
statistics show that currently this year’s average price is
US$2,87.
TIMB
CEO Andrew Matibiri said the temporary suspension of trading at the
floors
was meant to reduce bottlenecks during the tobacco marketing season
which
opened in mid February.
“The congestion has been cleared after we dealt with
the backlog,” he said.
“We are considering having transporters register and
ensure that they are
paid through the central stop order system. This would
ensure that growers
have followed marketing regulations.”
Industry
sources also say failure by Zimbabwe Industry Tobacco Auction
(Zitac) —
currently under liquidation — to reimburse Mashonaland Tobacco
Company, a
tobacco merchant, US$350 000 for last year’s tobacco sales has
led to
mistrust between the auctioneers and the buyer.
This, they said, had resulted
in some merchants abolishing pre-payments of
the crop which could in turn
also result in payment delays to growers.
Matibiri, however, said only
smaller merchants were paying auction floors
upon presenting daily invoices,
saying big buyers were still making advance
payments.
At least 10 of
Zimbabwe’s commercial banks have opened shop at the floors as
business grows
at the auctions.
Farmers who spoke to businessdigest accused auction floors
of underhand
dealings although marketing of the crop is done on a first
-come-first-serve
basis.
Edward Tome, the treasurer-general of the
Tobacco Association of Zimbabwe,
blamed auction floors for allowing farmers
to approach the floors before
booking as competition intensifies.
“We are
not happy and we blame the auction floors for the chaos that
happened
before TIMB suspended deliveries to the floors,” Tome said. “The
floors
disregarded a working document we prepared last year that says
farmers
should come to the floors only when they are booked.”
He, however, said the
congestion is expected to ease in a fortnight
following TIMB’s
intervention.
Efforts to get comment from the Zimbabwe Tobacco Association,
an
organisation representing predominantly white commercial farmers, were in
vain at the time of going to print.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 14 April 2011 20:52
By
Pedzisai Ruhanya
BEATINGS, assaults, torture, manipulation of the party
structures,
tribalism, nepotism, cooked up voters’ rolls, intolerance, vote
buying,
elections taking place under the cover of darkness, the use of long
incumbency to remain in power and the imposition of candidates by the
party’s
top leadership. All these read like a Zanu PF script of conducting
the
national electoral process that has led to the decade-long legitimacy
and
governance crisis Zimbabwe has been grappling with.
Alas, it
is not Zanu PF this time around. The above describes how the
leadership of
the MDC led by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai (MDC-T) is
managing its
provincial congresses ahead of the party’s national congress in
Bulawayo at
the end of April.
Like the Zanu PF elite, the “democratic elite” in
the MDC have shown that
their political values and culture differ little
from their political foes,
particularly the way the culture of violence and
impunity in the party has
been left to spread within its
structures.
Apart from the Mashonaland West provincial congress where
the leadership
there was elected in a decent manner, the majority of the MDC
electoral
processes and gatherings were marked by acts of violence, alleged
vote
rigging and vote buying.
The emergence of a fine thread of
violence in the MDC has been going on for
some time and this has led to both
de facto and de jure impunity in the
party.
The party
disciplinary machinery has been rendered impotent because people
who commit
acts of violence and other violations of the MDC constitution do
it at the
behest of members of the powerful standing committee of the party.
A
case in point is the failure by the MDC disciplinary committee to bring to
book Prosper Mutseyami, the provincial organising secretary of Manicaland
and former Minister of Home Affairs Giles Mutsekwa, on allegations of
violence against party supporters, including the assault of Thamsanga
Mahlangu — the party’s national youth chairperson in 2010. Mahlangu, despite
his national position, was asked to go back to Matabeleland because he would
not be allowed to operate in a “foreign province”, Mutare. These incidents
happened during the restructuring of the party in that
province.
What stinks about the Mutseyami controversy is the
persistent allegations
that he is linked to a vigilante group made up of
party youths called
“Hunters”. This group commits acts of violence against
its opponents. It is
alleged that the Hunters do so at the behest of
Mutseyami and his handlers
in the standing committee of the party who avoid
being disciplined by the
party.
There are worrying allegations
that the MP for Mutare Central, Innocent
Gonese, is being hounded by this
group which says that he should go back to
his home province of Masvingo.
It is therefore not surprising to hear
reports that Gonese had to run for
his life during the party’s provincial
congress in Mutare last weekend
after the thugs threatened his life. They
accused him of being a “traitor”,
not because he is one, but because he does
not share their Zanu PF
tendencies in organising the party.
If it is true that the MDC is
fighting against impunity, why does it seem
apparent that those who abuse
the rights of party members are left scot
free; why are these people allowed
to continue holding party positions
without recourse to an internal justice
system?
I would want to draw similarities between Gonese’s
incarnations on tribal
grounds to that of Paul Mangwana who was hounded out
of Mashonaland West by
Zanu PF politicians and relocated to his home
district of Chivi in Masvingo
where he was elected MP in the 2008
elections.
The creation of the vigilante group, Hunters, in
Manicaland, is similar to
Zanu PF’s vigilante groups such as Chipangano in
Mbare and Top Six in
Mashonaland West.
By failing to address these
cases of impunity, violence and tribalism, the
MDC leadership is failing the
nation by mimicking Zanu PF’s political
culture that many Zimbabweans and
most of its supporters are fighting
against. Others lost their lives
attempting to create a society opposite to
that established by the Zanu PF
dictatorship.
They envisioned a new Zimbabwe that is founded on the rule
of law; a country
that does not discriminate on the basis of creed, tribe,
sex, age, colour,
political affiliation and gender.
The party
leadership is also sending a message that theirs is a struggle for
power and
not necessarily a democratic struggle because all the incidences
described
are inimical to the values of a liberal democracy that Zimbabweans
want to
establish.
This culture gives an impression that the party is attempting
to create a
pseudo democracy that serves the interests of the “democratic
elite” in the
MDC.
MDC supporters and the pro-democracy movement
in Zimbabwe have been fighting
against vote rigging and lack of transparency
in the administration of the
voters roll by the Registrar-General’s
office.
It’s sad that the MDC supporters were complaining about the same
tactics by
their rivals at the party congress. Some party structures were
manipulated
at the provincial level and endorsed by members of the standing
committee
whose interests will be better advanced by that group during the
congress.
By doing that, the MDC congress runs the risk of being divisive
and a circus
because it violates what is expected from a party that has been
fighting to
democratise the affairs of the state for more than a
decade.
It is not too late to change course.
The party is
in some instances doing business similar to the way Zanu PF has
been
behaving until the people of Zimbabwe lost patience with the regime and
decided to dump it beginning with the February 2000 constitutional
referendum.
The MDC and those who blindly condone the growing
undemocratic tendencies in
the party should appreciate that the chickens
will come home to roost, as
Zanu PF knows well. In the early 1980s, Zanu PF
and its leader President
Robert Mugabe committed wanton human rights
violations in Matabeleland and
Midlands. Those who questioned the acts of
genocide when more than 20 000
people were killed were dismissed as
sell-outs.
The party blindly claimed that it was popular and would never
lose power as
it relied on Stone Age repression.
My frank advice
to the MDC leadership is that they should read and follow
the history of all
dictatorial regimes, including that of Zanu PF, and they
will realise that
people can never be taken for granted. As a democratic
movement, the MDC
should promote a culture of tolerance of different
opinions and even the
acceptance of defeat during internal electoral
processes.
This is
critical as the party prepares itself for a possible electoral
victory in
the next national elections.
It is generally true that the accepted
norms of democracy which emphasise
non-violent solutions of problems such as
the ones arising out of the MDC
provincial congresses and the institutional
structures prevent political
parties or governments from utilising terror as
a way of resolving disputes.
The MDC leadership should make sure that
its internal dispute resolution
structures are functional and that nobody,
especially those in the standing
committee of the party, should work to
subvert it. The selective application
of party rules to protect thugs is
inconsistent with what the party stands
for and what a new Zimbabwe
requires.
If the MDC uses democratic structures in the party
constitution, its members
will realise the futility of using repression as a
tool to retain power and
decrease the benefits leaders in these rogue
provinces might have from
violating the rights of their
supporters.
Currently MDC party leaders are using violence as a tool
because the party’s
internal justice system is dysfunctional and less
dependent on the opinion
of the ordinary members, but those connected to the
“democratic elite” in
the party’s standing committee.
The MDC
standing committee should urgently appreciate that of all human
rights, the
most basic is to be free from arbitrary violence and impunity.
Pedzisai
Ruhanya is a human rights researcher based in Harare.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 14 April 2011
20:51
ANOTHER week, another dictator bites the dust.
The fall of
Laurent Gbagbo was a lesson to other rulers who don’t listen to
the voice of
the people, UZ analyst Eldred Masunungere told NewsDay.
“It is
important to listen to the voice of the people and not to suppress
that
voice,” he said. “Gbagbo was doing that in the Ivory Coast. People had
spoken loudly that they wanted someone else and he defied the voice of the
people. These are the consequences of such defiance. The lesson to all
others who are in governance is that you need to take special care of those
you govern. No one has an eternal right to govern.”
There you have it.
And what did fellow African rulers think of their
reception in Benghazi? Not
exactly a warm welcome was it? The problem is the
people of Libya recall
only too well that these rulers, currently attempting
to negotiate a
ceasefire, were on hugging terms with Gaddafi not so long
ago. And suddenly
they expect the good folk of Benghazi, on the receiving
end of Gaddafi’s
brutality, to be reconciled to the dictator and his greedy
sons. Not
likely.
As is often the case dictators never seem to learn. They dig in when
they
are supposed to dig out and this is even more true of Gbagbo. It was a
curious sight to watch him –– on Monday –– emerge from his subterranean
hideout four months after losing a democratic election to Alassane Ouattara.
Just a few weeks earlier, before he was smoked out, he had told a radio
station: “You are telling me to leave. Leave, to go where? My rival did not
win the elections. It’s me who won the elections.”
He is not likely to
thank his Paris-based advisers and apologists who told
him to soldier on
despite Abidjan being under siege from Ouattara’s forces.
“He has no
intention of standing down or giving up his power. He will in the
coming
hours have proposals for the armed opposition,” Toussaint Alain, his
European adviser had said.
Speaking of apologists, Goodson Nguni is
not doing his handlers or
unfortunate ZTV viewers any favours with his
drowsy “analysis” on Newshour.
A slouching Nguni struggles to keep the
attention of viewers including that
of the anchor, whilst spewing his
indigestible dose of propaganda.
“The MDC-T is an excessively violent party,”
he drones on, while anchor
Grace Tsvakanyi reads questions from a script
whose origins become ever
clearer.
We were amused to read a Telegraph
story about Gaddafi’s extravagance.
Gaddafi’s nurse, Oksana Balinskaya,
claimed that the Libyan leader gave his
staff Italian gold watches every
year on the anniversary of his taking
power.
“On September 1st every
year, the date when Gaddafi [assumed power], we were
given Italian gold
watches with his picture on them. People who work for him
for six to eight
years have a whole collection,” she said.
Gaddafi was a generous boss,
personally ordering that the nurses received an
allowance when they visited
New York so that they could go shopping, she
said, calling the leader
“Papa”, or Father.
“You can only tell somebody who works for Papa by their
watch,” she said.
“Watch” this space.
The Herald has attached enormous
importance to a confrontation between MDC-T
and Zanu PF youths at Warren
Hills cemetery last week. The incident, the
paper claimed, exposed MDC-T
violence at a time Morgan Tsvangirai was
describing Zanu PF as “merchants of
death”.
He was speaking at a memorial for five MDC-T activists killed in the
political violence of 2008. It is not clear where the Zanu PF adherents came
from but reports link them to a commuter company or Chipangano supporters
from Mbare.
Police spokesman Inspector James Sabau said they condemned
unprovoked
violence and would not hesitate to arrest anyone involved
“without fear or
favour”.
This is a nice irony. A welcome warning that
the police will arrest anyone
engaging in violence. It followed a ceremony
to mark the violent death of
Tonderai Ndira and four other MDC
activists.
What steps have law enforcement officers taken to arrest those who
were
responsible for those deaths? Ndira died a particularly gruesome death.
Has
his murder been investigated? Has anybody been arrested?
Perhaps the
Herald can tell us.
We were amused to see a letter to the Editor of the
Herald from someone
calling himself “Cde TJ Mapfumo of Mapfumo &
Partners, Legal Practitioners,
Eastgate, Harare.
The letter, headed
“Let’s all rally behind the anti-sanctions drive”,
occupied the place
normally reserved for the regime’s spokesmen. It said the
anti-sanctions
campaign was a “master-stroke which has come at an opportune
time in the
people’s struggle against imperial depredations”.
“It is a master-stroke in
numerous respects, the primary one being that in
conjunction with the
indigenisation and empowerment drive, the struggle
against imperial plunder
of resources is very much in earnest.”
This is as it should be, the comrade
lawyer continued, because the resources
belong to the people and “it is they
who must defeat the imperial monster”.
He proposed centres where people could
just walk in and “throw their
anti-sanctions missiles through the barrel of
the pen”.
Can you imagine this guy in court throwing his missiles around the
court
room!
What is funny is that the next letter headed “Hands off our
diamonds”
sounded very much like the last one! Either that, or there are a
number of
comrade lawyers hanging around!
Then we had Thabo Mbeki
fretting over the fate of “African solutions to
African problems”. He
complained petulantly that, “denied the right to solve
its own problems,
Africa will inevitably fall victim to ever-continuing
conflict and
instability”.
Anybody following the Libyan conflict will know just how
anxious the West is
to have Africa making at least some attempt to solve its
problems!
Herald columnist Tichaona Zindoga claims the West is
bankrolling “thousands”
of parties and organisations to see that Zanu PF
loses power.
“To this day,” he says, “albeit with some close shaves, Zanu PF
has won all
major elections against the Western-funded MDC…”
Really? You
have to be seriously delusional to make claims of that sort, but
it is a
measure of Zanu PF’s desperation that they can churn out such
whoppers.
The West didn’t endorse any of the outcomes in the elections
supposedly
“won” by Zanu PF, Zindoga complains. He should add, nor did
South Africa or
Sadc. In particular the 2008 outcome was not accepted as
legitimate.
And what of the “thousands” of bogus organisations Zanu PF has
invented ––
like the Zimbabwe Children of War Liberators Association,
Zimbabwe Coffin
Makers Association, Zimbabwe Exhumers Association, Youth in
Natural
Resources Management, the Zimbabwe Congress of Student Unions,
Journalists
for Empowerment, Destiny for Afrika Network, Zimbabwe
Revolutionary
Volunteers Front, the Federation of Civil Society
Organisations, Zimbabwe
Lawyers for Justice, Upfumi Kuvadiki, and the
Millionaires Cashflow Club?
Phew, that was exhausting. And there are dozens
more!
One item slipped our attention in coverage of last week’s
Livingstone
summit. Not a single reference to the anti-sanctions campaign in
the
communiqué. At least Sadc is no longer swallowing Zanu PF’s propaganda,
even
if it is forced down the throats of gullible locals like the Johannes
Masowe
weChishanu women and children seen signing up on the front page of
Monday’s
Herald.
Then of course there was the ruling against the
disgraceful exhumations at
Mt Darwin.
Does anybody feel sorry for Zanu PF
with all these setbacks? First the loss
of the Speakership contest; then the
humiliation in Livingstone where the
Zimbabwe delegation had to cool their
heels while everybody else talked
about them; then the ruling in Bulawayo
where the nation’s disgust at the
political exploitation of the dead was
expressed. What a terrible week for
them!
But then Nelson Chamisa spoilt
it all by giving a hostage to fortune. He no
doubt intended his cabinet note
to be amusing but doesn’t he know Zanu PF is
so desperate for some good news
that it will seize on anything that comes
its way! Is he a serious
politician or not? His lengthy explanation looked
suspiciously like the
original. In these situations the less said the
better.
Muckraker was
hugely amused by a letter to the Herald from one “Cde Cad
Mash”. He had
this to say: “Zimbabweans in the know are fighting hard to
keep the British
out of Zimbabwe’s politics. The MDCs are working hard to
smuggle them in.
Involving the British in Zimbabwe’s politics is akin to
entrusting a hungry
tiger with the treatment and recovery of its wounded
prey.”
And where was
“Cde Cad Mash” writing this patriotic epistle from? Britain of
course!
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 14 April 2011
20:48
By Eric Bloch
UPON reading Psychology Maziwisa’s
reply in last week’s issue of this paper
to my recent articles on Zimbabwe’s
indigenisation and economic laws, my
initial reaction was to ignore it and
thus accord it the contempt that it
blatantly deserved. That is not to say
that Maziwisa is not entitled to his
opinion (even when he is wrong!), but
that entitlement does not include a
right to misinterpret, misrepresent and
insult without foundation.
However, despite the deserved scorn that should be
accorded Maziwisa’s
response that was the immediate sense imbued by his
diatribe, this columnist
has since received many calls and e-mails to place
on record the many
falsehoods that constitute the Maziwisa tirade, hence
this response.
First, Maziwisa’s contention that my expressed views
are “a campaign to
champion the selfish desires of the privileged few over
the real and urgent
needs of the common man” is devoid of foundation. For 53
years, since 1958,
I have vigorously advocated the need for, and the
importance of, Zimbabwean
indigenisation and economic empowerment. However,
it always has been, and
remains, my conviction that achieving that must be
pursued in a manner
which:
Economically empowers the
majority of the populace, instead of only the
favoured,
politically-connected few, and thereby ensures economic wellbeing
for the
masses and not the oligarchy. Indigenisation and economic
empowerment must
be the vehicle of improving the wellbeing and lot of an
overwhelming
majority of Zimbabweans;
Stimulates and grows the Zimbabwean economy,
instead of subjecting it to
even greater emaciation and contraction than is
already the case;
Is pursued in a just and equitable manner which has
unequivocal,
absolute respect for human and property rights and which
accords with
international laws and norms, and with the Zimbabwean
constitution and laws.
Maziwisa demands that this columnist should
“condemn the police and the
government for pouncing on the poor and the
vulnerable … (and to) denounce
the municipal police for dispossessing black
impoverished vendors”.
He is clearly imbued with selective
hearing and reading, for this column has
often done so, such as after
government’s appalling and horrendous Operation
Murambatsvina, and after
many other such instances. On the one hand the
poor and the vulnerable must
keep, comply and conform to Zimbabwe’s laws,
but on the other hand the
authorities must apply those laws with compassion,
understanding, and
without unjustified harshness, cruelty and destruction of
property.
On specifics, Maziwisa’s contends that “government’s
plan to enjoy 51%
control of all mining activities currently in the hands of
foreign companies
is a step in the right direction”, and that “a share of
49% anywhere is a
hell of a lot”.
The hard fact, the world
over, is that holders of 49% of the shares in any
enterprise are totally
subordinated to the whims and determinations of the
holders of the other
51%.
That investors should fund 100% of the capital, the
technology and expertise
in the development of the mines, and having
sustained all the start-up risks
and costs be reduced to minority status
without say or ability to protect
that which they have invested in is
extremely unjust and unrealistic.
Government refers repeatedly to
partnership between the existing mine owners
and the intended indigenous
ownership, but a 51%-49% relationship is not
partnership; it is
subordination and subjugation!
Maziwisa then virtually implies that
there is legitimacy to theft, if it is
perpetrated by government. He states
that “debate about what constitutes
fair compensation” is a joke, and “this
is no time for jokes”. He continues
by contending, “Suffice it to say if
anyone receives a cent as reparation,
Harare would have demonstrated a show
of considerable magnanimity!”
How can any government of integrity
conceivably justify expropriating
assets, developed by the investment of
billions of dollars, without fair and
equitable compensation? How can any
government, other than one devoid of
good character and probity even
contemplate doing so? Admittedly, Zimbabwe’s
government seeks to justify
such action by contending that more than fair
compensation has been given by
virtue of the existing investors having had
recourse to Zimbabwe’s mineral
wealth.
In pursuing that specious contention, government conveniently
and studiously
disregards the fact that the mines not only sustained very
considerable cost
in accessing the minerals but, in addition, have paid
considerably for the
extracted minerals by way of prescribed royalties,
licence fees and
taxation. In addition, the nation and the fiscus have
benefited markedly
from the substantial downstream economic activity
generated by the operation
of the mines.
Maziwisa compounds his
devious and misrepresentative attack on this
columnist by repudiating the
contention “that foreign investors will feel
inhibited by the empowerment
law”, and by alleging that that contention “is
as mendacious as it is
deceitful. None of the foreign investors in this
country has expressed an
intention to pack his bags and leave the Zimbabwean
treasure
behind.”
However, I never ever suggested that existing investors have
voiced intent
to withdraw. What was stated, and is now categorically
reiterated, is that
potential foreign investors who were contemplating
investment in Zimbabwe,
be it in mining or in any other economic sector,
have been almost wholly
deterred from pursuing the possibility of such
investment.
They have, progressively since February last year,
and especially so in the
last few weeks, become more and more convinced that
such investment would be
parlous, with the threats of expropriation looming
ever greater and possible
compensation for expropriation being
minimal.
Maziwisa concludes by suggesting that this columnist “is
promoting a
peculiarly nasty agenda”. My agenda is, first and foremost, to
do
whatsoever possible to promote constructive programmes to alleviate the
intense poverty, misery, suffering and distress of most
Zimbabweans.
Moreover, for over half a century I have argued that for
that agenda to be
achieved, an indisputable requirement is wide-ranging,
meaningful, and just
indigenisation and economic
empowerment.
Maziwisa’s contrary intentions as to my agenda prove that
although his first
name is Psychology, he is in critical need of a
psychologist!
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 14 April 2011 21:00
WE
are living in interesting times, witnessing history in the making.
Political
events unfolding in the Middle East and various hotspots in Africa
are
instructive. They are enlightening insomuch as they give us fresh and
useful
insight into what happens when people are oppressed for too long.
Although
myopic denialists around President Robert Mugabe and their toadies
have of
late been claiming events in the Middle East and elsewhere in Africa
cannot
be correlated to the situation in southern Africa, the eruption of
discontent and protests in Swaziland show the demand for freedom has become
universal and repression is now globally detested.
People
everywhere, whether in Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Bahrain, Sudan, Ivory
Coast or
Swaziland, want freedom and justice. They want democracy,
accountability and
transparency. They want prosperity. They don’t want
tyrants and their record
of failure.
Despite differences in history, conditions and even
religion, there is a
common thread running through authoritarian states in
different
geo-political space: the quest for freedom. People want to be
liberated from
oppression and poverty.
As stubborn dictators
continue to fall or stumble in the Middle East and
Africa, Zimbabwe is
increasingly shifting into sharp focus, putting Mugabe
in the spotlight. The
world is closely watching to see if the winds of
change will also blow
across Zimbabwe’s political landscape and how Mugabe
is going to react and
deal with such events. It’s going to be interesting to
watch that
space.
We do know dictators are either unwilling or unable to learn
from history,
but Mugabe has a perfect opportunity to pick up some valuable
lessons from
events in Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen, and Libya, among other
countries. Even
though dictators hardly learn from history, which is why
they are always
doomed to repeat it, Mugabe has just what the doctor
ordered: a golden
opportunity to rescue himself and his threadbare legacy
from the ruins of
his failed rule.
If he squanders this chance by
becoming more intransigent and impervious to
advice, he risks exiting in a
humiliating and disgraceful way like Laurent
Gbagbo of Ivory Coast. Gbagbo
was dragged out of his bunker, wearing a white
vest and looking haggard and
terrified. He actually wailed like a banshee in
the process of his capture
–– all the phony bravado and chauvinism gone! His
wife was also seized in an
embarrassing manner.
It is interesting that Gbagbo recently said he
understood why Mugabe was
“right” to dig in through violence and
intimidation after losing the first
round of elections in 2008. Mugabe must
learn from Gbagbo and his embattled
ally Muammar Gaddafi. Of course, Mugabe
must also learn from his other two
associates, Hosni Mubarak and King
Mswati.
It won’t be easy. Mugabe, like other dictators, is surrounded
by mediocre
opportunists and lackeys; men and women with little competence
and integrity
who maintain their positions through patronage, nepotism and
boot-licking.
His diehards, who have become as dogmatic and delusional
themselves,
imitate, as best as they can, his intolerance. They will always
mislead him
into believing he is secure until the last critical
moments.
Mugabe and his clique of political dinosaurs don’t seem to
realise the world
is changing –– and changing fast. What is happening now is
history repeating
itself. During the late 1980s and early 1990s, various
dictatorships –– of
both internal and external origin –– collapsed when
confronted by defiant
and mobilised masses.
When the Berlin Wall
collapsed in 1989, other dictators also fell. Often
seen as firmly
entrenched and impregnable, some of the dictatorships proved
unable to
withstand the concerted political, economic, and social defiance
of the
people. Nicolae Ceausescu in Romania comes to mind. His police state,
so
admired by Zanu PF, collapsed like a pack of cards when push came to
shove.
Given what is happening around us and the hardening
attitude of citizens and
the international community, including Africans,
towards dictators, it is
clear Mugabe is living dangerously on borrowed
time. No matter how devoted
his dwindling band of loyalists who bury their
heads in the sand, Judgement
Day is just around the corner.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 14 April 2011
20:59
By Constantine Chimakure
IN a sagacious and powerful
address to the Organisation of African Unity
(OAU) (now the African Union)
in June 1998, liberation struggle icon and
then South African President
Nelson Mandela said: “We cannot abuse the
concept of national sovereignty to
deny the rest of the continent the right
and the duty to intervene when,
behind those sovereign boundaries, people
are being slaughtered to protect
tyranny.”
Thirteen years down the line, Zimbabwe’s President Robert Mugabe is
presiding over a country torn apart by political squabbling and is clinging
tenaciously to power through ruthless crushing of dissent, instilling fear
into opponents and unleashing political violence against the
citizenry.
When chastised by regional colleagues for his
anti-democratic actions, he
hides behind the facade that Zimbabwe is a
sovereign state and cannot be
dictated to by Sadc, or any other
country.
The decision taken by the Sadc Troika a fortnight ago to
finally take
Mugabe’s intransigence by the horns was long overdue. Now, more
than ever,
the regional bloc needs to take a cue from what Mandela said in
1998.
The intervention should come in the form of nudging –– and if
necessary ––
coercing partners in the wobbly inclusive government to craft a
progressive
and revolutionary roadmap to free and fair
elections.
The roadmap should have benchmarks, chief among them being
that no elections
should be held without a new constitution as spelt out in
the Global
Political Agreement (GPA). Attempts by Zanu PF to deviate from
the letter
and spirit of the GPA on this matter have not gone
unnoticed.
A radical transformation of the Zimbabwe Electoral
Commission (ZEC) should
also top the priority list of the envisaged roadmap.
State spies should be
flushed out of ZEC’s secretariat and the commission
should be responsible
for voter registration. Analysts have run out of words
to describe the
shambolic nature of the voters’ roll and this issue needs to
be addressed
sooner rather than later.
The roadmap must lead to
the independence and impartiality of ZEC and also
that during delimitation
of constituencies gerrymandering does not take
place.
A credible
election would entail a complete turnaround in the modus operandi
of
monitoring and enforcement of electoral laws. So far we are yet to see
any
evidence of those changes.
The roadmap must give room for
international observers to be in the country
way before and after the
elections to avert violence and intimidation. If
adequately resourced
observers are timeously deployed in the country’s over
55 districts,
violence would be significantly minimised.
Sadc must also be wary of
the influence of the securocrats in elections
which seems to go beyond the
call of duty. Service chiefs and soldiers
currently deployed throughout the
country bidding for Mugabe should go back
to the barracks and should not
have any political role to play. Their duty
is to protect our territorial
integrity, not to be political commissars of
Mugabe and Zanu
PF.
Above all, the roadmap would be in vain without real media
reforms.
Zimpapers and ZBC cannot anymore sacrifice their roles as public
media on
the altar of propping up Mugabe and Zanu PF. Why can’t we emulate
our
neighbours like South Africa, Botswana and Zambia who give airtime to
all
political parties? This abuse of the public media being used as Mugabe
and
Zanu PF’s attack dogs against his opponents must come to an immediate
end.
Sadc should play its role and should bear in mind what Mandela
said at the
OAU in June 1998: “For as long as the majority of people
anywhere on the
continent feel oppressed, are not allowed democratic
participation in
decision-making processes, and cannot elect their own
leaders in free and
fair elections, there will always be tension and
conflict.”
Zanu PF and Mugabe should also traverse “past mindsets
that seek to heap all
blame on the past and on others.”
Well said
Madiba.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 14 April 2011
20:58
By Itai Masuku
PJ O’Rourke, a journalist cum author
of renown, once said: “No drug, not
even alcohol causes the fundamental ills
of society. If we’re looking for
the source of our troubles we shouldn’t
test people for drugs, we should
test them for stupidity, ignorance, greed
and the love of power.”
He may as well have been talking about Zimbabwean
society, especially when
it comes to greed, and also some fairly stupid
decisions taken by seemingly
clever people. One hates to say “I told you so”
but it’s barely a week since
we wrote about policy inconsistency and greed
driven by some well placed
members of our society, particularly those in the
higher political echelons.
Greed, one of the seven deadly sins, is
the progenitor of corruption, itself
the centre of our economic ills in
Zimbabwe. The ink had no sooner dried on
our newspaper than government
confirmed our argument. A decree was issued
concerning the importation of
second-hand cars this week.
We say decree because, as it turns out, it is
superseding the written legal
instrument on the issue. Importation of
second-hand vehicles older than five
years was supposed to end on October
31, according to the relevant statutory
instrument.
But the Secretary
for Transport, Communication and Infrastructural
Development, Patson
Mbiriri, insists his pronouncement that the deadline is
June 30 –– which
pronouncement has no legal instrument to support it ––
holds.
Funny we should still be getting ruled by decree, just one
week before we
celebrate Independence. But as we know, the profit motive,
driven by greed,
is a very powerful one. As we have said, whenever such
controversial
statutory instruments are brought about, the ulterior motive
is to line the
pockets of some political big fish somewhere.
We
were wondering who was behind all this car import hullaballoo. Now we
have
been told of one Cde CM who intends that once car imports, mainly from
Japan, are banned, the new source will be our dear friends in the east,
China.
The comrade is already waiting in the wings with the Chinese
imports, and,
given the insatiable demand for passenger vehicles, there is a
huge killing
to be made, especially for one who has been given a head start
in the race.
Whether the vehicles will be of comparable quality to those of
Japan remains
to be seen.
The Chinese are renowned for making
good quality products for Europe and
junk for the “other” parts of the world
such as Africa; that is us. Needless
to say, we have had a preview through
the FAW buses that graced our roads
not so long ago. None exist today. By
comparison, the “chicken buses” from
AW Dahmer are still on the road,
traversing as far as South Africa.
This brings us to an important point.
We would have understood if the
ministry had taken this decision in order to
protect the local motoring
industry, which basically is involved in motor
assembly.
There are two major motor assembly plants in this country,
Willowvale Mazda
Motor Industries and Quest Motor Corporation. Historically
these two have
been the providers of small passenger vehicles in the
country.
There was supposed to have been one for assembling heavy
trucks, but this
was not to be because one politician insisted that he be
paid a “commission”
before the Swedish manufacturers would be allowed to set
up their plant.
How many such opportunities did we miss one wonders. And
the fact that some
European countries give tax credits for their companies
that had paid bribes
to African governments, doesn’t help us either. This is
because according to
the Europeans, it is a fait accompli that African
governments demand bribes
for any deals that should benefit their
countries.
Need we remind you of the Willowgate scandal whose ghosts
still haunt our
nation?
For those who might not remember, this
was a scandal caused by the shortage
of motor vehicles in the country as
Willlowvale Motor Industries was the
major assembly plant. Car imports were
virtually non-existent as foreign
exchange was in dire shortage. In fact we
had silly laws that banned people
from having foreign exchange. Sense only
dawned in 2009, 29 years after
Independence.
As such those
with access to WMMI, who were government officials since WMMI
was
government- owned, used to buy the cars cheaper and sell at three to
four
times the price. If WMMI were still producing to capacity perhaps we
would
have understood government’s move in that we would have assumed they
were
doing this to protect the local vehicle assembly industry. But we are
still
a long way from having that kind of thinking.