Finance24
16/04/2006 12:13
PM
Harare - Tariro Shumba plans to spend a quiet day at home with
her
family on Zimbabwe's Independence Day, shunning celebrations hosted by
President Robert Mugabe's government at a stadium less than 20 minutes' walk
away.
Shumba is just one of thousands of Zimbabweans for whom
Tuesday's
anniversary of 26 years of independence from Britain offers little
cause for
joy in the face of an economic meltdown that has driven many into
an abyss
of poverty.
"For me it will be just another day. I
don't really see what there is
to celebrate," shrugs the 45-year-old widowed
mother of four, whose main
pre-occupation is how to keep her children in
school in the face of soaring
fees.
Mugabe's ruling ZANU-PF
party has been touting the day as another
occasion to savour the country's
triumph over British colonialism after a
bloody 1970s guerrilla war, and is
laying on celebrations around the
country's 10 provinces.
But
for many the fanfare rings hollow against the background of
rocketing prices
of basic commodity prices, house rents and transport costs
against static
salaries in the country with the world's highest inflation
rate,
unemployment of over 70%, and nagging shortages of food, foreign
currency
and fuel.
"We have nothing to show for our independence, except
overwhelming
poverty," opposition Movement for Democratic Change leader
Morgan Tsvangirai
said in an anniversary message.
The MDC has
threatened countrywide protests at an as yet unnamed date
as a mark of anger
against a crisis many blame on Mugabe's government.
"There is no
point in continuing to watch with trepidation a small
nationalistic class
... wreak havoc on the national cake," Tsvangirai said.
"Only
action and political pressure shall bring in the desired results
and lead us
to resuscitate our failed state and our dying institutions."
Political temperatures rising
The political temperature could also
be raised by an influx of
thousands of disgruntled nationals who fled to
Britain in search of jobs
while others cited political persecution at home,
but now face deportation
after the British government won a court ruling
allowing it to eject failed
asylum seekers.
Mugabe has rejected
charges that he should bear responsibility for
Zimbabwe's economic malaise,
and in turn points a finger at his foreign and
domestic opponents whom he
says have sabotaged the country's wealth over his
land reforms.
The veteran leader, one of Africa's longest-serving leaders, says the
land
redistribution programme was necessary to redress ownership imbalances
caused by colonialism.
Zimbabwe's key agricultural sector has
performed badly, with critics
pointing to disruptions linked to the
government's seizure of white-owned
commercial farms for blacks, which they
say have compounded the effect of
drought, leaving southern Africa's former
bread basket in need of food aid
since 2001.
Manufacturing,
tourism and the once-thriving mining sector have not
fared any better,
leading to the economy shrinking 40% over the last eight
years.
Critics say Mugabe, bereft of ideas on how to rescue the economy, is
likely
to use his traditional Independence Day speech to take another
pot-shot at
his opponents, and take his supporters on another trip down
memory lane to
the euphoria that surrounded the initial years of black
self-rule.
"It is that time of the year once again when
long-suffering
Zimbabweans have to bear with independence jingles and
President Robert
Mugabe predictably going into overdrive about the ideals of
the armed
struggle, national sovereignty and bringing freedom and democracy
to
Zimbabwe," wrote columnist Bornwell Chakaodza in the private-owned
Financial
Gazette newspaper.
Arthur G.O. Mutambara
MDC President
Independence Day Message: The
Case for the Resignation of the ZANU(PF)
Government.
18th April 2006;
Harare, Zimbabwe
Introduction
Fellow Zimbabweans, 18th April
1980 marked the dawn of a new era in our
country, the attainment of our
independence and freedom from colonial rule.
We should salute and celebrate
the gallant ZIPRA and ZANLA fighters, who
together with ordinary Zimbabweans,
ushered in that dispensation. The war of
liberation was an anti-imperialist
and anti-colonialist protracted armed
struggle, of which the land question
was an integral factor. The principles
of that struggle included democracy,
freedom, liberty, equality, universal
suffrage, justice, equity, and
socio-economic justice. There should be
neither debate nor equivocation on
the national importance and historical
significance of April 18th
1980.
The struggle for, and liberation of, Zimbabwe was a collective
effort.
Hence, the liberation war legacy is a shared national legacy. It
belongs to
all Zimbabweans and all political parties. It is within this
context that
any political discourse about the state and future of our
country should be
carried out. All Zimbabwean political parties must be
Zimbabwean and African
in outlook and activity. We must be freedom fighters
and soldiers for social
justice and democracy. Our struggle must be a
continuation of the liberation
war tradition.
Zimbabwean political
activists must stand on the shoulders of the founding
fathers of this nation;
such as Nikita Mangena, Josiah Tongogara, Herbert
Chitepo, Leopold Takawira,
Joshua Nkomo, and the pre-1980 Robert Mugabe. We
must salute and revere Mbuya
Nehanda, Sekuru Kaguvi, and King Lobengula. Our
parties must be patriotic
political formations that cherish and defend our
national, regional and
Pan-African sovereignty.
State of the Nation
Twenty six years
after independence, the people of Zimbabwe are not enjoying
the fruits of
liberation. Instead, starvation, unemployment, deplorable
working conditions,
unmitigated suffering, and unprecedented hopelessness
have become endemic.
There is a litany of challenges: We live in an
undeclared state of emergency
where our basic freedoms and liberties of
assembly, speech, movement, and
association are heavily curtailed by
repressive legislation. Zimbabweans live
in a state of collective fear of
violence, hunger, diseases and arrest. Basic
and essential commodities are
either unavailable or unaffordable. School
fees, property rates, rentals and
agricultural inputs are beyond reach. The
crippling fuel crisis, erratic
power supply, destruction of commercial
agriculture, food shortages, and
lack of housing are devastating the
population. Inflation has soared to
record levels of 913%, unemployment is
above 85%, while poverty levels are
above 90%. There is rampant corruption in
both the private and public
sectors, accentuated by poor public sector and
corporate governance.
Industries have either closed or are operating
below capacity. Our terms of
trade as reflected by our balance of payments,
are worsening every day.
There is acute foreign currency shortage. Investment
spending has also
collapsed, thus depressing aggregate demand. Our budget
deficits, arising
from the ZANU(PF) regime's insatiable appetite to spend,
have been monetized
thus increasing money supply and hence
inflation.
An estimated four million Zimbabweans are in desperate need of
food while
more than 3 500 die a week due to HIV/AIDS related illnesses,
including
malnutrition. Zimbabweans are now finding it very difficult to
access or
afford healthcare or to send their children to school. To add
insult to
injury the ZANU (PF) regime had the temerity to destroy the homes
and
livelihood of 20% of the population through the so-called
Operation
Murambatsvina.
The root cause of the Zimbabwean crisis is
the total collapse of the
organization and management of our national economy
which has led to the
acute inability to deliver basic public and social
services. In addition,
Zimbabwe has become a globally isolated pariah and
failed state with a
debilitating impact on the performance of business
enterprises and public
institutions. The Zimbabwean economy is in its 8th
year of consecutive
economic decline and it is now estimated that our GDP has
fallen by over 40%
over the last 8 years. Acute economic conditions have
driven many
Zimbabweans into the Diaspora, where some are living in
dehumanizing
conditions.
What is so unique about the Zimbabwean
economic meltdown is that it is
human-made by the misrule, incompetence,
dictatorship, corruption and lack
of vision of ZANU(PF) under the leadership
of Robert Mugabe. The Zimbabwean
people demand better custodians and
defenders of their independence and
freedom than this regime, whose
activities are a negation of the principles
and values of the liberation
struggle.
The people of Zimbabwe are suffering. They are sick and tired
of being sick
and tired. They demand solutions now. There is a revolutionary
mood
pregnant with expectations in the country. The people of Zimbabwe will
not
accept anything short of a revolution. They do not what change
tomorrow;
neither do they want it today. They demand it
yesterday!
The Vision
Twenty six years after independence,
Zimbabwe is in a crisis that requires
generational intervention. A new
generation of Zimbabweans must step up to
the plate and be counted. History
will never absolve them if they do not
rise to the challenge. This new
mandate is an economic one that seeks to
transform Zimbabwe into a globally
competitive and high performance economy.
It is not enough for Zimbabweans to
aspire towards economic recovery,
stabilization and survival. We must thrive
to rise up and grow into a global
economic superstar: the Singapore of
Africa! In 1957 the GDP of Singapore
was the same as that of Ghana. Today the
per capita income of Singapore is
greater than those of Germany, France and
Britain.
The vision for our country should be for Zimbabwe to become the
leading
democracy in Africa characterized by people-centered social
development and
economic growth. Our GDP and per capita income should be in
the top three in
Africa. We want a society where human rights, individual
freedoms, property
rights, women rights, workers' rights, and economic rights
are cherished and
respected. We want a nation of prosperity, economic
opportunities,
affordable high quality public services, social justice,
equity, and gender
justice. We want a country of business growth, productive
commercial
agriculture, innovative entrepreneurship, creative managers, and
productive
workers who are well paid.
In order to achieve this vision,
Zimbabweans have to develop a strategy (the
game plan) that will take them to
their desired promised land. This plan
consists of the initiatives they have
to execute in the penultimate as they
struggle towards their vision. The
required framework is characterized by a
two-pronged strategy dealing with
governance and economic issues.
The Governance Imperative
It
is imperative to address foundational issues of institution building,
and
deepening of democratic values and principles in all sectors of our
society.
We need to develop and live a new democratic culture. This will
create the
basis for sustainable change that has both form and substance. A
new,
people-driven democratic constitution is a critical pre-requisite to set
the
national terms of reference. The process of making that constitution
must
give confidence to all Zimbabweans that the outcome will reflect their
will.
A contested document is no foundation for stable governance. Key
elements of
this constitution should include; effective and functional
separation of
powers, executive accountability to the legislature, entrenched
independence
of the judiciary, a fair and transparent electoral framework,
strong and
effective protection of fundamental freedoms, liberties and human
rights,
ensuring institutional capacity for such protection.
The
legal, electoral and political environment demands the immediate repeal
of
all repressive laws, such as AIPPA and POSA, so that people can enjoy
the
full freedoms of information, association and assembly. Any
pending
anti-democratic and draconian legislation such as the
telecommunication
interception, anti-terrorism, and elections harmonization
efforts must be
withdrawn immediately. On harmonization (mooted as Amendment
18 to the
Zimbabwean Constitution), the ZANU(PF) objective is to use its
fraudulent
two thirds majority in the legislature to change the constitution
in order
to combine the Parliamentary and Presidential elections in 2010,
thus
denying the people an election in 2008. The idea is to have an
unelected
ZANU(PF) transitional president who then gains the power of
incumbency for
two years before being subjected to an election. The political
demand should
be for harmonization in 2008 not 2010.
Contestation for
power should be through political formations based on
democratic values and
principles in consensus with the generality of the
people. It is essential
that political parties have clear national vision,
macro-economic programs,
strategic frameworks, organizational capacity,
leadership gravitas, and
intellectual clarity. In addition political leaders
must walk the talk, and
live party values through consistency, honesty and
integrity. Zimbabwe
requires principled and democratic political parties
that are grounded in
non-violence, tolerance, transparency, and
accountability.
Civil
society and civic organizations must be non-partisan, internally
democratic,
and respectful of their own laws. Term limits should be strictly
adhered to
in civic, party and national constitutions. There is need to
restore
political freedoms, rule of law, personal security, and political
legitimacy
in Zimbabwe. It should be understood that the Zimbabwean
political culture
has been defined by Zanu(PF) for the past 26 years. We are
all cut from that
same cloth, hence the tendency to replicate Zanu(PF)
undemocratic practices
in all our organizations. We need to acknowledge this
and consciously create
and live a new democratic value system.
The Economic Mandate
We
need to stop the economic decline and the suffering of millions of
families
in our country. The starting point is developing an economic
recovery and a
stabilization program. A holistic approach that involves all
stakeholders and
takes into account all economic factors must be the basis
of a multi-variable
economic model for Zimbabwe's survival. There is also
need for economic
structural reform, underpinned by economic transformation
that involves
integration and coordination of the informal and formal
sectors. There is
also need for effective macro-economic policy coordination
that systemically
links monetary and fiscal policies.
Honest assessment of our current
predicament and taking ownership of our
challenges will be the starting
point. The ZANU(PF) regime is in self-denial
and does not appreciate the
extent of our problems. The biggest imposer of
sanctions on Zimbabwe is the
ZANU(PF) government; through misrule,
dictatorship, inept economic policies,
misguided foreign policy, corruption,
and sheer incompetence. These sanctions
must be lifted first before we ask
other nations to lift measures that they
have imposed on us.
There is need to develop a medium term economic
stabilization strategy which
will focus on fiscal discipline, poverty
alleviation, viable social security
programs such as housing, healthcare,
education, job creation,
infrastructural rehabilitation, and local
authorities capacity building.
Beyond recovery and survival we need to
develop long term strategic
initiatives, with sector specific programs, that
enable Zimbabwe to emerge
as an industrialized, technology driven,
competitive nation, fully
integrated into the global economy. We should use
the existing capacity of
Zimbabweans and their natural resources to compete
through the design and
construction of new and innovative products on the
world market. While
building upon our national core competencies such as
agriculture, mining and
tourism, emphasis should be on focused manufacturing
and leveraging new
technologies. These include wireless telecommunication
(e.g. Wireless
Fidelity (WiFi) and Worldwide Interoperability for Microwave
Access
(WiMax)), biotechnology, wireless power (e.g. fuel cells and
solar-thermal),
automation, nano-technology, micro-electronic and mechanical
systems (MEMS),
and electronic commerce. Some of these new technology
platforms are cheaper
and lend themselves better to countries with poor
infrastructure than
advanced countries. Hence, there is a unique opportunity
for Zimbabwe to run
where others walked. We can thus, leap-frog from the
current economic crisis
into the globally competitive and knowledge-based
economy. Zimbabwe needs an
effective science and technology strategy, rooted
in regional integration
and linked to forces of globalization.
There
is need to implement investor confidence building measures in order
to
increase trade and investment. Of paramount importance is the respect
for
property rights, rule of law, predictability and certainty of laws,
and
consistency in the application of regulations. The economic strategy
should
then be driven by extensive domestic investment (local and
Diaspora),
foreign direct investment (FDI), processed exports, value adding
economic
activities, business growth, and economic empowerment. There is need
to
engage our strategic partners in Africa, Europe, Asia and the Americas
for
investment, partnerships and global outsourcing opportunities.
Under
globalization there is no country that can thrive without dealing with
the
international community including the multilateral institutions such as
the
IMF and World Bank. We know that historically, these two
specific
institutions have espoused anti-African and anti-poor people
policies. What
is critical is to engage these institutions with the view to
extract
favourable arrangements for our country. In the current global
economy, the
IMF is ostensibly a gatekeeper. If they are not involved with
your country,
there is no investment and trade that will occur there. We
cannot go it
alone.
We need to engage everyone in the world community
of nations. This misguided
and bankrupt Look East Policy must be rejected
with the contempt that it
deserves. How can we look East when the East is
looking West? The Chinese,
Singaporean, Malaysian, and Japanese economies are
heavily dependent on, and
linked to, the USA and European economies. Zimbabwe
needs strategic thinkers
who look everywhere for opportunities, not
unimaginative despots typical of
failed and pariah States who seek economic
opportunities from one
geographical location, out of desperation and lack of
choice.
Zimbabwe's resource base and human capital (local and Diaspora)
must be
mobilized and leveraged to benefit Zimbabweans. With a deliberate
strategy
of beneficiation (value adding economic activities) we should build
new
factories, create economic opportunities and attract investors for
further
development. All our minerals must be processed locally and exported
as
refined products. For example we need to build refinery plants and
secondary
industries for our platinum, gold, and copper. In most developing
economies,
remittances from, and economic involvement of the Diaspora have
become key
strategic initiatives. We should seek to ensure that our fellow
citizens in
the Diaspora have a meaningful role to play in the development of
their
country by leveraging their remittances, expertise and networks.
However,
there is no taxation without representation. We must allow people in
the
Diaspora to vote in all national elections.
Our country is
uniquely endowed with natural wonders such as the awesome
Victoria Falls and
the majestic Great Zimbabwe. As we return to the
international fold there is
need to drive, optimize, and leverage the
tourism sector. We should make our
currency valuable again, reduce the cost
of living for the suffering families
and stop corruption and misuse of
money. We need radical transformation to
good governance with able and
efficient government at all levels in both the
private and public sectors.
We should bring stability and prosperity to our
country, which has been lost
in the years of decline and economic
collapse.
We should ensure a fair, secure and effective use of land with
new
strategies that will make the land green again. What is required is
a
democratic and participatory framework that seeks to achieve
equitable,
transparent, just, and economically efficient distribution and use
of land.
This must have emphasis on productivity, food security and
self-sufficiency.
Collateral value of land must be guaranteed by establishing
security of
tenure through the provision of title or 99 year leases. Land
should never
be used as an instrument of political patronage. With an
effective land
revolution in Zimbabwe land owners should be motivated towards
beneficiation
where emphasis is placed on secondary agriculture. Under this
philosophy, we
should encourage exporting processed agricultural products and
not raw
materials. For example; Export clothes not cotton, tinned vegetables
not raw
vegetables, flour not wheat, and furniture not timber. Instead of
selling
raw materials we should sell value added or finished products. This
will
facilitate entrepreneurship, job creation, and thus ensure income
for
Zimbabwean families and guarantee prosperity and food security for
all.
In all these economic strategic initiatives, the underpinning and
central
organizing values should be fiscal discipline, productivity,
efficiency,
innovation, creativity, beneficiation and
excellence.
Today, the 18th of April 2006, our sacred Independence Day,
it is our humble
submission that the ZANU(PF) government under the leadership
of Robert
Mugabe has violated all the principles of the liberation struggle
leading to
this unprecedented economic collapse. They have totally failed to
organize
and manage the affairs of our nation. They neither understand the
causes of
the economic crisis, nor do they have a clear vision for the
country. More
importantly, ZANU(PF) has neither the will, strategy nor
capacity to deliver
our country from economic collapse to prosperity. We
demand our human rights
and dignity today. We demand an end to the national
economic crisis today.
We demand the immediate resignation of the entire
ZANU(PF) government today.
The people of Zimbabwe must rule themselves again.
Today, the hour has come
for us to reclaim our national birth
right.
There will be neither Compromise, Retreat, nor
Surrender.
Defeat is not on the Agenda.
The Struggle Continues
Unabated.
Arthur G.O. Mutambara
MDC President
The Sunday Times - Books
The
Sunday Times April 16, 2006
Foreign
Affairs
Reviewed by ANTHONY
SATTIN
HOUSE OF
STONE
The True Story of a Family Divided in
War-Torn
Zimbabwe
by Christina
Lamb
HarperPress £14.99
pp290
What is it about men, in this case
African
men, when they get power? "They want it to put things right but then
they
enjoy it too much. They like too much being the Big Man. They forget
what is
real and what is not." These words come not from a bigoted former
colonial,
but from a poorly educated, extremely wise woman called Aqui,
living a life
of poverty in rural Zimbabwe, thinking back over the Robert
Mugabe years.
Aqui is one of three central
characters in
Christina Lamb's captivating personal history of Zimbabwe's
recent past.
Another of the three has little more than a walk-on part, yet
his shadow
hangs over everyone. Lamb has a good reason for keeping Mugabe in
the wings:
since 2002, foreign journalists have been banned from Zimbabwe,
and although
she has made many undercover visits, gaining access to the
president would
have been difficult, especially as she has been named an
enemy of the state.
The other main
character in this devilish
dance is Nigel Hough, a white Zimbabwean whose
story she tells alongside
that of Aqui. Hough was born and bred to wealthy
farmer parents in Southern
Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe), a country he regarded as
his own. He "felt blessed
to have been born in such a place". Part of that
blessing came in the form
of economic success. At 1,000 acres, the Houghs'
farm provided a good living
on some of the most fertile land on that
immensely fertile continent. By the
time Hough reached his teens, most
African countries had won independence.
In Southern Rhodesia, however, the
struggle was just beginning. Hough and
his friends were against the
insurgents. They were no more racist than most
of their kind, but they
regarded blacks as piccanins, "a kind of supporting
cast", even the most
advanced of whom still had, in the words of Ian Smith,
the Rhodesian leader,
"an awful long way to go". The journalist Max
Hastings, who covered the
ensuing independence war, described it as "the
last stand of English
suburban values in the midst of the African continent".
Hough was happy to
fight to protect that little England, hoping to join the
all-white Rhodesian
Light Infantry. But by then there was a newly
independent Zimbabwe and a new
prime minister, Mugabe.
Since then, foreign
journalists have reported
a string of calamities, from the collapse of the
"Zim" dollar (now worth
less than one pence), to rising unemployment, the
failure of education and
healthcare, the disastrous confiscation of
white-owned farms (including the
Houghs'), which have reduced a country that
once exported food to a state of
dependency. Add to that the abuse of human
rights, the suppression of the
legal system and the consequences of Mugabe's
failure to secure a majority
in the referendum on his new powers, which has
led since 2000 to the
creation of despotic
government.
Much of this has been widely
reported in the
press and covered in political histories and memoirs,
including those of
Zimbabwe exile Alexandra Fuller. Lamb's achievement is to
present the modern
story of Zimbabwe through convincing portraits from
across the racial
divide. It takes great insight and considerable
imaginative powers to
describe the unfolding story from both sides, but this
she manages with
complete conviction. So, with each twist of the tale, she
flips from Hough
back to Aqui, who she charts from raped schoolgirl to
abused wife to the
trusted and adored carer of the Hough children and then,
in 2002, to a
member of the war veterans' group that ejects the Houghs from
their home.
One of the most surprising
things that Lamb
reveals is the inevitability of the tragedy. In 1977, at
the height of the
independence struggle, Mugabe called whites "blood-sucking
exploiters". A
quarter of a century later, he was still insisting that "the
white man is
not indigenous to Africa" and should leave. The 6,000 white
farmers who held
some two-thirds of the country's productive land, which
Hough knew was "the
best farming land in Africa", must have known what was
coming, especially
when independence talks at London's Lancaster House gave
them only 10 years'
protection.
So why
did the Houghs and thousands of other
white farmers stay on after
independence? Part of the answer lies in the
land, and in Aqui's comment
about men forgetting what is real and what is
not. The Houghs thought they
were the world's luckiest people to be sitting
on such fertile and eye-
poppingly gorgeous land. Black Africans thought
that, too. While Aqui's
father had a job putting up wire fences around white
farms, Aqui grew up
"sighing with pleasure" at the thought of owning one of
those farms
herself.
But there was something beyond the
rich
farmland that held and continues to hold the Houghs and many like them,
something in the African light, in its flora and fauna, in the life it
offers and, in spite of racial issues, in its people. And here, consummate
storyteller that she is, Lamb finds some ray of hope for her protagonists.
By the end, the Houghs have lost everything and Aqui has seen her dream of
rich farmland turn to dust, but a relationship has developed between them,
one that would have seemed unthinkable a few decades ago. And as long as
these people continue to talk and treat each other humanely, there is always
the possibility of another ending for the story of whites in
Africa.
Hard
times
For black Africans in Rhodesia, even
the most
basic tasks, such as getting water, left, or medicine, were a
trial. When
Aqui's baby brother fell ill, her mother had to carry him three
hours to a
doctor. By the time they arrived, the boy was
dead.
Available at the Books First
price of £13.49
(including p&p) on 0870 165 8585
The Sunday Times April 16, 2006
When the Hough family's maid took over
their farm in Zimbabwe
they were horrified. But, says Christina Lamb, all
was not as it seemed
The two men stayed awake all night
in the farmhouse, terrified
of what might happen. They opened a bottle of
whisky but they drank little,
wanting to keep their wits about them, their
guns ready. At times the sound
seemed to swell and they were sure the 50 war
veterans singing and drumming
outside were going to burst in.
"For two days we were locked in that house, being moved further
and further
in," remembers Nigel Hough.
It was August 2002. For
two years white properties in Zimbabwe's
rich Wenimbi valley had fallen to
land invasions unleashed by President
Robert Mugabe's regime. Only one white
farm remained in its owners' hands:
Kendor, the home of Nigel, his wife
Claire and their four children.
Now the end was near. Claire
and the children were safely away
from the farm but Nigel remained with his
friend Pete Moore, a former member
of the Rhodesian SAS.
"We were really scared, not sleeping, and thought in the end we'd
have to
turn our weapons on them," said Nigel.
Even worse than the
land invasion was the fact that the Houghs'
much-loved maid and nanny, Aqui,
who was virtually a member of the family,
had been transformed into the
leader of the attackers.
Nigel, who had paid for her
children's education and had treated
her with a respect and admiration that
was virtually unprecedented between a
white farmer and his maid in Zimbabwe,
was shocked to hear her shouting "Get
out whites" and "Death to
whites".
"It was quite clear that Aqui was on the other side
and I couldn't
bear to think about that," he told me later. "I wanted to
kill her."
After 48 hours the police took the two white men
into nearby
Marondera for questioning. When they managed to slip away and
return to the
farm they found the wrought-iron gates closed and barricaded.
There was no
way they were going to get back in.
Nigel
imagined Aqui queening it over his house, having traded
places with him. But
there was nothing he could do. He knew that they had
been lucky to escape
with their lives.
Left with only the clothes they were
wearing, the Houghs were
desperate to retrieve some of their property. The
police allowed Claire to
return with Barry Percival, the headmaster of a
local Christian school.
They arrived at the house to find
that Aqui and some of the
others were having a barbecue on the lawn. The men
had drunk all the beer.
The children of Netsai, the woman who had made the
initial approach to the
house, claiming it for the war veterans, were
wearing clothes belonging to
the Hough children and playing with their toys.
Claire was furious.
Squatters followed her around closely. Each time she
focused on something to
retrieve, Netsai would claim it was
hers.
"You work out very quickly what's important to you,"
said
Claire. "What I really regret is I didn't take things that were of
personal
value to the children, their toys and little stuffed animals. Even
today
Emma (one of her daughters) talks about her little zebra that got left
behind. It was their history too and I didn't think about
that."
All the time Aqui was identifying things and saying,
"That's
mine, that's mine, I'm the most senior war vet here." As fast as
Barry and
his workers loaded things onto the truck, others would remove
them. Aqui was
flitting back and forth, handing round beers and grabbing
things for
herself.
That evening at Barry's home, Nigel
began to think about the
future. Claire had recently started working as a
teacher, so they would
scrape by on her salary for a
while.
"Compared to a lot of people, things could have been
much worse.
But I did feel that my faith in human nature had been sorely
shaken," said
Nigel.
Suddenly his mobile phone rang. "Mr
Hough, sir," came the
familiar voice. "It's
Aqui."
INSIDE the farm, things were not what they
seemed. Aqui had been
in a quandary since the invaders arrived. She was a
Mugabe supporter and a
former activist for his Zanu-PF movement in the
liberation war that led to
black rule. But who were these veterans and the
woman leading them, known as
Netsai?
"I didn't know them
. . . they wanted to intimidate me and get
me out so I told them, 'I'm also
black and Zimbabwean and also a war vet. I
have all my rights. Why are you
trying to intimidate me? If I want to stay
here I can. I participated a lot
in the war and even after the war I carried
on and did a lot of work for the
party. If I decide to work for the white
people that's my
choice.'
"I knew our people needed land and thought it was
quite right
that the government take these farms and land but it should have
been
properly worked out, not like this.
"I saw the way
these war vets intimidated people, made them
scared and wanted everything,
even my things. So from the beginning I said,
'I'm not going to let you do
anything to the property.' I told them, 'If you
start grabbing things from
inside the house, that's stealing, that's not
land resettlement.' I told
them this white person is God's being the same as
you and God doesn't want
you to do these things, so call off your dogs.
"I don't know
how I did it but I was very firm. I felt I was a
Zimbabwean too. I even
said, 'Some of you here weren't even war vets. Some
of you were sell-outs
during the war'."
But it was clear that she, alone in her
polka-dot apron, could not hold off
this gang of squatters with sticks and
axes, many of whom were drunk. "It
was very dangerous because they were
using youths, giving them dagga
(cannabis) to smoke to make them crazy. I
was very aware that they could
turn on me.
"Then I thought, if I
joined them, perhaps I could protect the Houghs so the
war vets didn't kill
them and also save some of their things. I felt bad for
Boss Nigel because I
could see what he thought of me when I was shouting
'Death to whites' and
all those things.
"But I had to be more enthusiastic than the other war
vets so they wouldn't
suspect me. I was used to motivating people from my
days in the war so I
ended up leading the chants."
Once Nigel had
gone, and Aqui was left alone with the squatters, she did
begin to wonder
about seizing the farm for herself. "Why shouldn't I have it
rather than
Netsai? I had worked for the party all those years whereas these
people had
come from nowhere."
The farm was clearly going to be taken over anyway,
which meant she would be
left without a job. She knew the Houghs had applied
for visas to Australia,
so they would probably leave and forget all about
her.
With all the whites leaving, there would be no more jobs for her
despite her
new cordon bleu cooking qualification, paid for by the Houghs.
Her children
would have to leave school without completing their
education.
"Whites might lose their farms but they got on a plane and
left to start a
new life some other place, while blacks lay down and tried
to survive on
wild fruit."
Aqui thought about her son Wayne, almost
15 and at boarding school in
Harare, also paid for by the Houghs. He was a
bright boy and she had big
plans for him to go to college and perhaps become
a doctor or an accountant.
Her eldest, Heather, longed to go to London to
study nursing. Then there was
Vanessa, who dreamt of being a top-flight
secretary.
Aqui, whose own childhood ambition was to be a nurse, did not
want them to
end up like herself. "My dreams hadn't come true. Maybe this
was a way my
children's could." So she stayed inside the house with Netsai
and the war
vets, watching and waiting for her opportunity. She did not
think it would
be hard. Some of the invaders were starting to look up to her
as a leader.
"They were not clever people . . . I cooked them meat from
the deep freeze
and milk for their tea and mealie meal the Boss had given me
so they ended
up loving me. In the meantime I managed to lock some of the
Houghs' things
in the workers' rondavels (huts) while I figured out what to
do." She was
haunted by the look of bitter betrayal Nigel had given her as
he left the
farm. "Of course I felt it was unfair that the Houghs had this
big house and
I was just a maid. I wished I had more things for my
children.
"But I am what I am, God made me like this even if it's
difficult. And after
a while I realised it would be wrong to take the farm
for I wouldn't feel
comfortable with something I didn't work for. I didn't
have a clue how to
farm."
Nor did she want the likes of Netsai and
the squatters to take things to
which they had even less right than her. "I
knew it was wrong what they were
doing and I decided to try and save some of
the things of the Houghs. I put
them in the roundhouses where I had already
put some things aside, like a
television.
"While Madam Claire and
Barry were trying to get things out, I took other
items that I knew were
important to them and I had seen where Netsai had
hidden. I had to be
careful and suddenly all these war vets came to grab
everything so I said,
'No I'm not going to let you, these are my things.'
But it wasn't working.
They said, 'How do you have all these fancy things?'
"So I opened the
deep freeze and asked them, 'Do you want some meat?' and
they said, 'Yes,'
then I chucked these big ostrich steaks to the far-away
hedge so they all
ran for it. I gave them lots of bottles of beer from the
house to get them
drunk, for I knew they would kill me if they realised what
I was going to
do."
Then she picked up the phone to explain everything to Nigel. He
didn't
believe her.
WHEN Nigel heard Aqui's voice on the phone
telling him that she had rescued
some of his furniture he at first thought
it was a trap.
"After what she had done I had decided I would never speak
to her again," he
said. "I was very bitter." He knew that some war vets who
had seized farms
had turned round and asked the owners for money, and he
thought Aqui
probably wanted the same. "They take over these farms then
realise that just
the fact of having a farm does not buy you food and pay
the school fees."
In the following weeks things got worse. War vets tried
to abduct Claire
five times. Nigel was surrounded in his car and only
escaped by driving
through them. It was so terrifying that the Houghs ended
up moving to
Harare. "It seemed to me that there were no happy endings in
this story," he
said.
In the end, however, his friend Barry went to
the farm and found that Aqui
did indeed have a pile of their belongings
locked in one of the workers'
huts. She had been telling the
truth.
Soon afterwards Barry was abducted by Zanu-PF thugs to one of
their torture
centres in Marondera. The local police inspector warned Nigel:
"We're going
to kill your friend." But the ever-resourceful headmaster
managed to escape
and left the country for England with his wife and
children.
Aqui didn't stay on at Kendor farm. Her warm, vivacious
personality led to
her being talent-spotted for a television soap opera set
in a restaurant.
She played Marjorie, a hard-nosed magazine editor always
threatening to
write a bad review of the food. Like most things in Zimbabwe,
the production
ran out of finance.
She is now back living in her old
shack in Marondera, sleeping under the
kitchen shelf and sharing the three
shoebox-sized rooms with an assortment
of her own children, her sister and
her sister's new baby. Surviving on
money sent back from England by her
eldest daughter, who works in a care
home in Southend and longs to study
nursing, she endures the collapse of the
Zimbabwean economy and can no
longer remember the last time the shops had
cooking oil, milk, sugar or
flour.
Reconciled with the Houghs, she now works for them part time. They
live back
in Marondera on the campus of the school where Claire teaches. A
new baby,
Ollie, joined the family in 2004, so there are seven Houghs
squashed into a
tiny three-bedroom bungalow furnished with the items Aqui
rescued from the
farm.
It is a far cry from their sprawling
farmhouse, and there's a battle every
morning for the one minuscule
bathroom. But it is a happy home, full of
beautiful blond-haired, blue-eyed
children reading, drawing or playing, and
the comforting smell of a chicken
roasting - at least until one of the many
daily power cuts turns off the
oven. Recently the Houghs all went to Sun
City in South Africa for a holiday
and took Aqui with them. It was the first
time that she had flown or indeed
gone on vacation.
"I went in a big plane with them and stayed in an
amazing room with a
bathroom as big as my house. We all ate at the same
table and they treated
me like a sister. It was like a dream come
true."
The Houghs have arranged visas for Australia but are reluctant to
leave. "I
really think it's dangerous to mope about the past," said Nigel.
"The good
thing about what has happened is that it makes you focus on what
really
matters, and that's your relationships with God and family. And of
course
Aqui. On one side there's still a big cultural divide and our
lifestyles are
so different. But I feel like a barrier has been broken down.
It's no longer
just an employer-employee relationship but a
friendship."
Aqui insists she wasn't tempted to keep their farm. "It
wasn't mine," she
laughs. "Anyway I don't want a palace; I just want to be
comfortable."
Although Aqui firmly believes that the land should be
returned to the
blacks, and she was recently elected to a position in the
Zanu-PF Women's
League, she is sure that what her old hero Mugabe has done
is not the
answer.
"There's no point having a farm if you don't know
how to farm," she says.
"Before, when I would get the bus along the road to
the Houghs' farm, I
would just see green the other side, fields of mealie
maize, and some nice
plump jersey cows. Instead, now if at all you see
maize, it is short and
yellow, because it has not been fertilised and not
planted at the right time
and there are no cows. Mostly the fields are black
and burnt."
When I visit Marondera, Nigel books me into a small local
lodge, and at
lunch, perhaps to impress me, he orders sadza (maize porridge)
which comes
in thick wads. He tells me that when he was at school this would
have been
"kaffir food" that no white would dream of eating.
One day
we pass his old farm, still occupied by Netsai, and he slows down.
"Do you
think you'll ever get it back?"
He thinks for a moment. "No, you just
have to move on."
Not everyone has moved on. Later at Nigel's house Aqui
is upset when one of
his white friends drops by and speaks over her head to
me as if she were not
there.
"You see things haven't changed at all,"
she says. "They still think they
are the masters." Then, ever ready to give
the benefit of the doubt, she
adds: "Maybe he is one of those who lost his
farm. And of course there are
also blacks like that who won't go near
whites; they just hate them."
© Christina Lamb 2006
Extracted from
House of Stone by Christina Lamb to be published by
HarperCollins on Tuesday
at £14.99. Copies can be ordered for £13.19
including postage from The
Sunday Times BooksFirst on 0870 165 8585
Zim Online
Mon 17 April 2006
BULAWAYO - The Media Institute of
Southern Africa (MISA) has applauded
the Zimbabwe government's decision to
support moves by local journalists to
set up a self-regulatory media
council.
In a letter to Information Minister Tichaona Jokonya, MISA
director
Luckson Chipare, commented the government for accepting voluntary
regulation
by the media, adding that his organisation believed that self
regulation was
critical to building trust and confidence between the media
industry and the
government.
Last month, Media and Information
Commission (MIC) chairman Tafataona
Mahoso told a parliamentary committee
that his commission, which is tasked
with regulating the operations of the
media in Zimbabwe, would welcome the
voluntary regulation of the
media.
"Such a process (setting up of voluntary media regulatory
council) is
sure to build the necessary trust and confidence between the
media industry
and the government.
"MISA has, since
its establishment in 1992, been a strong advocate for
the establishment of
independent media councils that enforce
industry-designed and accredited
codes of conduct. "We maintain that
self-regulation is the best system for
promoting high standards in the
media," reads the letter.
MISA
also expressed concern over the government's failure to repeal
the Access to
Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) which has
been used to
shut down four newspapers over the past three years.
"We therefore
stand ready to provide you with our input on amendments
to AIPPA as you
requested when you first took office almost a year ago,"
reads the
letter.
Human rights and media organisations in Zimbabwe accuse the
MIC of
being a partisan body that has been used by the government to stifle
the
country's small but vibrant independent media.
Zimbabwe,
described by the World Association of Newspapers as one of
the worst places
for journalists in the world, has some of the toughest
media laws in the
world.
The government has until recently been opposed to self
regulation by
journalists fearing such a process might undermine the MIC
because the state
council is widely perceived as not being fair or
professional. - ZimOnline
Zim Online
Mon 17 April
2006
BULAWAYO - It is morning rush hour in Zimbabwe's second
biggest city
of Bulawayo.
At the corner of Jason Moyo and Eight
Avenue, 54-year old Tamion
Mhlope breaks into a soulful religious hymn as he
solicits donations from
passers-by who appear detached and buried in their
own personal pursuits.
For Mhlope, who is blind, the challenge is
how to coax these hundreds
of individuals - who themselves look just as
hard-pressed as himself - to
drop a note or whatever they can give away into
his alms bowl.
"I cannot rattle a begging bowl now that coins are
hard to come by,"
he says interrupting his song in mid-verse.
Zimbabwe, in its sixth year of a severe economic meltdown which has
seen
inflation shooting beyond 900 percent, has virtually phased out the use
of
coins as legal tender.
But the disappearance of coins from public
circulation has also
presented new challenges to street beggars who are on
the increase due to
the economic crisis.
"It used to be easier
just to rattle the begging bowl containing a few
coins. Now I have devised a
way of attracting the sympathy and benevolence
of the public - I sing as
loud as I can," Mhlope says.
"The only currency of value is in note
form which one cannot jangle in
a plate," he says before breaking into song
again.
Mhlope is among thousands of blind beggars who have been
forced into
the streets in a desperate bid to keep body and soul together.
With each
passing day signalling a toughening of the crisis, begging has
become much
more desperate here in Bulawayo - in Zimbabwe's southern
Matabeleland
region.
Surprisingly, just across the street,
another blind beggar, 45-year
old Moline Sibanda clanks a few coins in a
plate pleading for assistance
from the public.
"I feel relieved
that I kept these coins. They have come in handy. My
colleagues are finding
it tough to beg without these coins" she says. But
she says she does not
expect any sympathisers to give her coins.
"Everyone knows they are
worthless. The public don't even bother
throwing coins at poor people like
us unless it is meant as an insult. Times
are tough," says
Sibanda.
Last week, the Zimbabwe government's Central Statistical
Office said
inflation had shot to a new all-time high of 913.6 percent as it
continues
its relentless march towards breaking the 1 000 percent
barrier.
Economic experts say Zimbabwe's inflation, dubbed the
"country's
number one enemy" by President Robert Mugabe, is the highest
outside a war
zone.
The main opposition Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) party and
major Western governments blame the crisis on wrong
policies and
mismanagement by Mugabe and his government particularly his
seizure of
white-owned land for redistribution to landless blacks six years
ago.
The farm seizures destabilised the key agricultural sector
which was
one of Zimbabwe's biggest foreign currency earners. Mugabe however
denies
ruining the country's economy blaming the crisis on sabotage by
Britain and
her allies whom he says are punishing his government for
initiating the land
reforms.
The worsening economic hardships
have had a knock-on effect on the
generosity of the public.
"I
can't blame the public when they appear tight-fisted," says Mhlope.
"These are difficult times but I cannot give up coming on the streets
to beg
even though the chances of getting any donation of significance at
the end
of the day are getting slimmer and slimmer every day," he says with
a sense
of resignation. - ZimOnline
Washington Times
By Marian L.
Tupy
April 16, 2006
Sometimes even the most pessimistic
observer of African affairs is forced to
admit to being surprised just how
low a particular African regime has sunk
in its treatment of its own people.
The latest chapter in the tragic story
that is Robert Mugabe's Zimbabwe has
all the usual ingredients:
incompetence, callousness, greed and barefaced
lies.
Zimbabwe's economic meltdown has been so impoverishing that the
women of
Zimbabwe can no longer afford to buy even the most basic hygienic
products.
Poor substitutes lead to infections that can be fatal in a country
where
health care has collapsed. International donors have tried to provide
relief, but they have encountered a major obstacle: Zimbabwe's
officialdom.
In 2000, Robert Mugabe embarked on a course that led his
country to
economic ruin. By expropriating Zimbabwe's farmers, he destroyed
his
country's ability to feed itself. Famine rages in the countryside,
despite
efforts of international aid agencies. Mr. Mugabe's evisceration of
private
property rights in agriculture fatally undermined other sectors of
the
economy, such as manufacture and financial services.
With private
sector production rapidly declining, Zimbabwe can no longer
sell enough
goods overseas and earn the foreign currency it needs. Most
imported items,
including gas, have become nearly impossible to obtain. The
government has
also lost most of the revenue it needs to pay the wages in
the public
sector. It therefore resorted to printing money. Inflation runs
at 600
percent, and doctors, nurses, lawyers and businessmen are fleeing in
droves.
More than 2 million Zimbabweans found a new home in South Africa
alone.
One of the more mundane, but telling examples of skyrocketing
poverty in
the country is the fact even the most basic everyday necessities,
such as
feminine hygienic pads, have become a luxury most Zimbabwean women
can no
longer afford. The country has 80 percent unemployment. People who
are lucky
enough to work earn a meager salary that averages $21 per month. A
month's
supply of pads, unfortunately, costs $5.
Use of unsanitary
substitutes has spread disease. The Zimbabwean
Congress of Trades Unions has
requested, and secured, donations of free
hygiene pads from donors in South
Africa and Great Britain.
In a farcical twist, the Zimbabwean authorities
refused to award the
shipments duty-free treatment, demanding the cargo
first be quality-tested.
It may seem astonishing that government officials
in a country undergoing
social and economic implosion should think twice
before exempting the
much-needed products from an import tariff or that they
should have the
nerve to demand quality-testing for imports from a
comparatively affluent
and well-run country like South Africa. But
bureaucrats have no shame and in
Africa doubly so.
After all,
Zimbabwe is a country where life expectancy fell from 56
years in 1993 to 30
years in 2005, yet where the government taxes foreign
medicines at an
average rate of 22? percent.
No doubt, greed also plays a role. Africa
has an army of customs
officials, whose job it is to collect import duties.
With wages low and
deteriorating rapidly in real value due to inflation,
customs officials rely
on bribes to speed shipments through or look the
other way altogether.
Thus, when a group of South African churches and
nongovernmental
organizations raised money to purchase emergency aid for the
people of
Zimbabwe in the winter months of 2005, the Zimbabwean customs
officials
demanded that import tariffs be paid. South African blankets and
food
languished at the Johannesburg airport for weeks.
Worse, the
government's Propaganda Ministry is in full swing denying
that anything out
of the ordinary is happening in Zimbabwe. The deputy
minister of
information, Bright Matonga, told the BBC's "Focus on Africa"
that people
were "creating a crisis that does not exit."
"The Zimbabwe government
won't sit back and let women suffer. We care
about our women," Mr. Matonga
said. Perish the thought. In fact, Zimbabwe's
government must hold a record
for barefaced lying.
Take operation "Murambatsvina" in May 2005, during
which Zimbabwe's security
leveled entire townships, leaving some 700,000
people homeless. The
operation caused international outcry prompting even
the United Nations,
usually less-than-vocal on African governments'
human-rights abuses, to
condemn Zimbabwe for violating international law and
urging prosecution of
those responsible. Kofi Annan, U.N. secretary-general,
called the policy a
"catastrophic injustice." In response, the government
promised to find the
displaced people alternative housing. Reports from
Zimbabwe make it clear
nothing of the sort was done.
Zimbabwe has
clearly reached a point where authoritarianism stops and
tyranny begins. It
is now an Orwellian society where government officials
engage in a all-out
war against reality and where "Room 101" is a very real
place for many of
the government's opponents.
It was, therefore, with a sense of disbelief
that many have learned that
Gideon Gono, governor of the Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe and a man whom the
Zimbabwean human-rights activists call a
"linchpin" of the Mugabe regime,
was given a U.S. Capitol reception by the
National Black Leadership
Roundtable last week and that Rep. Diane Watson,
California Democrat, and
member of the House International Relations
subcommittee on Africa, made an
appearance there. Zimbabwean people deserve
better.
Marian L. Tupy is assistant director of the Cato Institute's
Project on
Global Economic Liberty specializing in the study of Europe and
sub-Saharan
Africa.
Memory overload has resulted in a change to our petition address. It is now www.gopetition.com/region/222/7681.html
The Petition will be delivered to the British Minister of State on the 30th of June 2006. Almost 2000 signatures will be on it.
In May I will be lobbying for support in accordance with the Action Plan.
From now, and until this matter has been satisfactorily resolved, I ask all supporters to visit our recently established Blog Page www.zim-pensions.blogspot.com to comment on the distress and suffering being endured by many Zimbabwe pensioners and their families. Your comments will provide material for my weekly Blog summary and analysis.
The Blog Page will be available to bloggers worldwide. If you want their support, make your comments. Keep them brief, to the point, but significant and effective to arouse the sympathetic support we need.
Please encourage all and sundry to visit this page. It is a forum, which could become a court of public opinion, anyone with a computer can log in, comment, exchange viewpoints, or offer support.
I remind supporters that we are petitioning for payment at the historic rate of Z$2 to one pound Stirling, as recorded in the British House of Lords debate in 2001.
The Petition Site will close on the 30th of June. The Blog Page will remain as a website for comment, discussion and, hopefully, offers of pro bono legal help. It will be our only means of communication and the only way to continue the fight for our pensions entitlements. The torch has been lit by one very old man; now, all of you must keep it burning.
Raymond Billington
To post comments on the blog site:
First cllick on the web site given above. Once the site has opened, click on "Comments"(found next to the small white square envelope with a black arrow and yellow pencil symbol).
Then a new panel will be revealed entitled "Leave Your Comments" with a flashing cursor ready for your message.
When you have completed your typed message, click on "Publish Your Comment"in the rectangular blue box at the bottom of the page.
Finally, to view your posted comments on the update page, click on "Comments found from the Petition", which is located in the column with the hand-symbol, towards the bottom of the screen.
Zim Standard
By
Foster Dongozi
THE pro-Senate faction of the Movement for
Democratic Change
(MDC) has accused the Morgan Tsvangirai-led anti-Senate
camp of threatening
its members so that they defect.
Kwekwe MP Blessing Chebundo, Binga legislator Joel Gabbuza, and
newspaper
boss Sam Sipepa Nkomo are among high profile members to dump
Arthur
Mutambara's faction.
While Tsvangirai's camp said more MPs
and other senior members
were set to defect from the pro-Senate faction, the
deputy secretary general
of the pro-Senate group, Priscilla
Misihairabwi-Mushonga, said both the
State and the anti-Senate camp were
working tirelessly to destroy their
faction.
She said it
was difficult not to find anything suspicious about
Nkomo's defection and
the revival of corruption charges against him last
week.
Misihairabwi-Mushonga was reacting to reports that the
Mutambara-led faction
was collapsing following the three resignations amid
mounting speculation
that other high profile members of the faction,
including national chairman
Gift Chimanikire, would soon cross the floor.
Chimanikire was
not immediately reachable as he was reported to
have gone to his rural
home.
"That business of defections is a very old and tired
Zanu PF
strategy," Misihairabwi-Mushonga said. "I need not remind you that
Zanu PF
has used that tactic for many years during which people are made to
say they
have left the MDC to rejoin Zanu PF.
"What makes
me very sad is that some of our colleagues are
mimicking what Zanu PF does.
It is a sign that they admire Zanu PF."
Her reaction comes as
the Tsvangirai faction is planning to hold
rallies in the constituencies of
MPs in the Mutambara camp.
Tsvangirai's faction is widely
expected to unveil a timetable
for mass action aimed at forcing the
government to abandon its undemocratic
approach.
Tsvangirai is planning rallies in Dzivarasekwa where the
pro-Senate's Edwin
Mushoriwa is MP, Harare North where Trudy Stevenson is
MP, Mbare where
Chimanikire is the legislator, and Glen Norah which is under
Misihairabwi-Mushonga.
Sources in Tsvangirai's faction
said Chebundo defected just in
time as a rally was being planned in Kwekwe
to gauge the people's support.
However, in an interview with
The Standard, Chebundo said: "I
was not pressured by anybody to cross the
floor. The decision to cross was
taken after consultations with the
people."
Last week, Tsvangirai held a rally at Huruyadzo
Centre in
Chitungwiza, the perceived stronghold of pro-Senate legislator Job
Sikhala,
and attracted a large crowd.
Nelson Chamisa, the
spokesperson for Tsvangirai's camp, said:
"Our MDC does not believe in the
politics of violence and intimidation. What
we are simply saying is that
there are some absentee MPs who are now afraid
to face the people. The
people expect feedback on the congress resolutions
but their representatives
are afraid to face them."
Misihairabwi-Mushonga said: "I have
no problem with Tsvangirai's
people coming to my constituency as long as it
is going to advance the
democratic struggle. It is strange that they should
want to come to my
constituency, which is already in the hands of the
opposition. Why don't
they go to Mt Darwin and give feedback in the middle
of Zanu PF
strongholds?"
Insiders in the Tsvangirai camp
said those defecting would not
receive special treatment.
Chebundo said: "There is no way I could have been influenced by
intimidation. Remember Zanu PF supporters burnt and destroyed my businesses
in Kwekwe in 2000 so nothing can intimidate me any more. I do not agree with
the assertion that I crossed over because there were more people who were
most likely to side with the anti-Senate faction."
Nkomo
and Gabbuza were not immediately available for comment.
Zim Standard
By
our staff
MUTARE - Zimbabweans visiting Mozambique on
business complain
that police and ordinary citizens from that country are
harassing them.
This has prompted top Zanu PF politicians
from Manicaland
Province to call for urgent action to stop the alleged
abuses, which are
sometimes carried out by Mozambique
police.
Zimbabweans, unable to come to terms with the
deteriorating
economic environment in the country, have resorted to
cross-border trading
for survival.
The majority of the
cross border traders are civil servants,
especially teachers, whose earnings
have been seriously eroded by inflation.
During a recent
workshop held by top Zanu PF politicians in
Manicaland, villagers complained
they could no longer stomach the harassment
at the hands of the Mozambican
police and ordinary citizens.
The workshop, attended by Oppah
Muchinguri, who is also the MP
for Mutasa South, and Mandi Chimene a senator
for the area, was organised to
impart business skills to villagers in
Mutasa.
The cross-border traders complained that Mozambican
police
detain Zimbabweans for no apparent reasons. Others say they solicited
for
bribes and sexual favours from female cross-border traders in exchange
for
freedom to operate freely. Failure to comply with their orders can be
disastrous, the cross-border traders say.
"I have
stopped," said Angeline Makande, "I could not stand it
anymore. I was
treated as if I am not a human being."
"Cross-border traders are
finding it difficult to operate in
Mozambique because we are being
ill-treated by both the police and ordinary
citizens," said Thomas Mambo, a
cross-border trader.
Christopher Munyama, another
cross-border trader, said: "What is
most disturbing is that the police in
Mozambique treat us as if we do not
have any rights at
all."
A female cross-border trader from Mutare, who refused
to be
named, said she has since stopped doing business in Mozambique after
the
police harassed her. She also said Mozambican police at times sexually
harassed Zimbabwean women.
Zimbabweans sell basic goods
in Mozambique. Goods popular in the
neighbouring country include sugar,
cooking oil, maize meal, flour and milk.
Mozambicans prefer
Zimbabwean products, especially sugar, ahead
of their own. They say
Zimbabwean products are more refined.
An official from the
Mozambican consulate in Mutare denied that
harassment was taking
place.
He, however, said companies in Mozambique had
approached the
government complaining about cross-border traders who were
flooding the
market with Zimbabwean products.
"The
problem is that we want to protect our industries as well.
We cannot allow
cross-border traders to flood our markets with Zimbabwean
products. That
will affect our companies," the official said.
Muchinguri
promised to take the matter further up to protect
Zimbabweans.
Zim Standard
By our
staff
POLICE in Gweru beat up revelers and workers who were
returning
home from work on Friday night 10 days ago for unspecified
reasons.
Newsnet's bureau chief for the Midlands, Moses
Gumbo, was among
those who were assaulted by police at a nightclub in the
city centre. Gumbo
confirmed he was assaulted but would not give further
details.
A man who asked not to be identified was also among
those beaten
up by the police at another nightclub in the city's central
business
district. He said baton-wielding police from the Support Unit just
descended
on the place and started beating up everyone
indiscriminately.
"There was panic and confusion when the
police appeared from
nowhere and started beating up people. As people tried
to seek explanation
for what was going on, the police said they were beating
us up for 'lying'.
They said Zimbabweans are always complaining that life
has become tough and
yet we could afford to drink at nightclubs," he
said.
At popular drinking places in the high-density suburbs
of Mkoba
1 and Mkoba 6, people were also beaten up on the same day and
Saturday
night.
Workers from a cement manufacturing
company on the outskirts of
the city, who had dropped off a company bus in
Mkoba 1, were also caught up
in the blitz.
Midlands
police spokesperson Patrick Chademana was not
immediately available for
comment, but a Sergeant Bande at Gweru Central
Police Station's community
relations office said he had had similar
inquiries from members of the
public about the incidents.
"There are other people who have
asked us about this but I have
not heard about these incidents nor do I know
of any police involvement in
them," Bande said.
Speculation is however rife that the assaults were the State
security's
pre-emptive measure of dissuading the public from engaging in the
opposition's threatened mass action.
Opposition leader
Morgan Tsvangirai urged Gweru residents to
brace for mass action when he
addressed a well-attended rally at Gweru's
Mkoba Stadium a fortnight
ago.
It was estimated about 15 000 people turned up to listen
to
Tsvangirai.
Zim Standard
By
Valentine Maponga
PEOPLE who had been promised houses built
under "Operation
Garikai" at Whitecliff stand to lose out because the
government does not
have the money needed to clear boulders at the
farm.
Harare City Council architect Claudious Kurauvone,
heavily
involved in the project, said the area initially meant for Phase 1
was
abandoned because it had a lot of boulders.
"A lot of
stands had been pegged in this area but now we will
have to re-plan and make
them a bit bigger so that those people with money
and are on the housing
waiting list can blast the rocks on their own," said
Kurauvone.
Initially the area had about 8 000 stands
pegged and a list of
beneficiaries published in the newspapers, but because
of the re-planning a
number of people will not be able to get the
stands.
"The suggestion was that out of the 8 000 stands, 2
000 would be
given to the uniformed forces and a total of about 3 000 given
to the people
affected by Operation Murambatsvina," Kurauvone said.
"However, some people
are going to be displaced because the stands have to
be re-pegged under
Phase 3."
He was responding to
questions from members of the Parliamentary
Portfolio Committee on Local
Government on Tuesday who toured the project.
Kurauvone,
however, could not reveal the beneficiaries of the
almost finished
houses.
"All the stakeholders involved in this project are
going to be
called for a special meeting to discuss the issue of
allocations. About 319
houses have reached roof level out of 459 being built
under Phase 1," said
Kurauvone responding to a question by Mutare Central MP
Innocent Gonese
(MDC).
Chairman of "Operation
Garikai/Hlalani Kuhle" Task Force for
Harare Metropolitan Province Colonel
Kallisto Gwanetsa said the major thrust
of the Whitecliff project at the
moment was to complete the sewer system.
"Right now I don't
have any problems of funds disbursement and
if the reticulation system is
over, these houses would be ready for takeover
by the end of July," Gwanetsa
said.
The 16-member committee also toured Hatcliffe and
Hopley housing
projects. At Hatcliffe only 109 houses have been built out of
a target of
524. Some of the beneficiaries have already moved
in.
Occupants of core-houses built at Hopley were using Blair
toilets while awaiting connection of water and sewer pipes to the houses.
About 209 houses have been roofed, 20 are just about to be roofed, 80 are at
window level and 291 foundations have been dug.
Gwanetsa
said the majority of people affected by the clean-up
exercise in Harare were
being housed at Hopley.
Chairperson of the portfolio
committee who is Mazowe West MP
Margaret Zinyemba (Zanu-PF) however
concluded that the committee was
satisfied that the projects were
"progressing well despite numerous
challenges".
Zim Standard
By Valentine
Maponga
GOVERNMENT'S efforts to rectify its man-made
catastrophe -
"Operation Garikai/ Hlalani Kuhle" - have failed to bear
fruits as hundreds
are still sleeping out in the cold, a few weeks before
winter sets in.
For many this year's Independence Day
celebrations are a
non-event since they are more worried about survival.
Many victims of
"Murambatsvina" are still sleeping in the open and are not
assured of their
next meal.
Victims have built shacks
using plastics and broken pieces of
furniture, which they use as their
houses. Parents and their children sleep
in the open, covered with either
plastics or cardboard boxes.
Homeless people told The
Standard that they had lost hope.
Israel Mugova stays in an
open area between Glen Norah C and
Mukuvisi River where they drink
contaminated water from the river and use
the bush as latrines. He said they
have failed to secure stands under
"Operation Garikai" after the officials
told him that no one was permitted
to stay within the "illegal" light
industries, razed by police during the
clean up exercise.
"I went to Hopley several times but I could not get a stand.
Life is very
difficult after Murambatsvina. We just don't know what to do
next," said a
dejected Mugova, busy sewing jackets meant for the market.
He
said before "Murambatsvina" struck, he worked as a blacksmith
and could feed
his family and afford a few luxuries.
"I used to make tins
for sale and could feed my family from the
proceeds. I think Murambatsvina
was there to make us poorer than we were" he
said.
Mugova
stays with his wife and three children. For several
months they tried to
find alternative accommodation but failed.
Another young man
who spends most of his time crushing stones
for survival said there would be
nothing to celebrate, come Independence
Day.
"I sell
these stones to construction companies for survival
because there is nothing
else I can do. Municipal police occasionally raid
us and confiscate our
wares and the police have also threatened us with
arrest. We have no option
but to continue struggling to make ends meet,"
said the young man, who
declined to be named.
Henricas Amone Cheiro said she does not
even remember when she
came to Zimbabwe from Mozambique but ended up being
part of the impoverished
community after "Murambatsvina".
"After Murambatsvina we were told to go back where we came from,
but I don't
remember my way back because I came here with my late brother.
We have not
benefited from "Operation Garikai," Cheiro said.
These people
are some of the 700 000 who lost their livelihoods
through "Operation
Murambatsvina" as reported by the UN Secretary General's
Special Envoy Anna
Kajumulo Tibaijuka.
The majority of the people affected by
"Murambatsvina" are now
living in destitution. Most of them have just built
temporary structures
since they can't afford the rental fees in the
city.
Combined Harare Residents' Association information
officer,
Precious Shumba, said more than a thousand families were still
finding it
difficult to get decent accommodation after
"Murambatsvina".
Zim Standard
By Godfrey
Mutimba
MASVINGO - Assistant District Administrator, James
Murapa, is
under fire from newly resettled farmers, mainly war veterans in
Mazare
resettlement area, for allegedly defying government orders to vacate
a
farmhouse earmarked for a class room block.
Murapa
admitted that he was occupying the farmhouse as a
"caretaker" but denied
that there was any dispute between him and the war
veterans over the
issue.
"I am occupying the house as a caretaker but I am not
aware that
the house is a property of the satellite school. No one has
communicated the
issue to me and if it is the position, I will have to wait
to hear it from
the District Land Committee which is the relevant
authority,'' he said.
The farmers say the move has affected
several schoolchildren
from five farms in the area that were partitioned
into plots. The
schoolchildren from Beza, Biuri, Behulane, Desmondell and
Testwood farms are
learning in the open, facing harsh weather conditions as
winter fast
approaches.
War veterans from Mazare told The
Standard that Murapa, who
grabbed the farmhouse from a former commercial
farmer at the height of the
chaotic land invasions, had since been given
orders to vacate the house to
pave way for schoolchildren who are learning
in the open.
"He was told to vacate the farmhouse to make way
for our
children who are learning in the open since we were resettled here
five
years ago but he is holding on to the house. We have since appealed to
the
relevant authorities but no action has been taken so far because he is
being
protected by senior government and party officials,'' said Garikai
Chando
from Beza farm.
Another farmer, Tsungirai Tinarwo,
feared children could miss
their examination.
"Our
children will not write their examination if nothing is
done soon because
Zimsec has indicated to the school authorities that
examinations can not be
conducted in the open. Our children cannot be
affected because of one
selfish man whose children go to better schools in
town,'' she
said.
Masvingo District Administrator, James Mazvidza,
confirmed the
misunderstanding over Murapa's continued occupancy of the
house.
"Yes it's true that the Assistant DA is occupying a
farm house
which needs to be used as a school. I am coming from a meeting to
discuss
the issue and I have been assigned to talk to him while we are
waiting for a
resolution to be passed soon, so I can not tell you the
position now,''
Mazvidza said.
Masvingo Provincial
Administrator, Felix Chikovo, said under the
A1 farm policy all farm
buildings were occupied on a caretaker basis and no
person was allowed to
continue occupying a property if it is required for
use by the community for
the public good.
"It's unfortunate that the policy for A1
farms is administered
by the Ministry of Lands. Under normal circumstances
the houses are
allocated to people on temporary basis under caretakership.
If there is need
for that property to be used by the community for public
good, the people
are allowed to inform the local authorities through the
DA's office so that
it can serve the community,'' Chikovo
said.
Zim Standard
BY NQOBANI NDLOVU
BULAWAYO - THE food situation in Zimbabwe
has deteriorated
significantly with rural households surviving on wild foods
such as
mushrooms and amacimbi/madora (edible worms), says the latest Famine
Early
Warning Systems Network (FEWSNET) report.
According
to the FEWSNET report, Matabeleland South is the most
severely affected
region where villagers are now surviving on amacimbi.
"The
food security situation throughout Zimbabwe remained
precarious during
January and February 2006. Wild fruits such as mushrooms
and edible worms
did not only make a marked contribution to many rural
households food needs
but also brought in cash income.
"The households in the
districts of Matabeleland South were
among the populations that experienced
the most severe maize meal shortages
in the country. Amacimbi emerged as
expected in December and January 2006 in
the southern areas of Gwanda, Kezi
and Mwenezi. Many households in these
areas harvested amacimbi for
consumption . . ." says FEWSNET, a United
States-based food security
watchdog.
Food aid programmes by the World Food Programme and
other
non-governmental organisations "were the only dependable source of
maize for
about 52% of the rural population," noted
FEWSNET.
The organisation estimates that Zimbabwe needs 1 420
000 tonnes
of maize while grappling with a maize deficit of 197 000 tonnes
stemming
from poor harvests during the 2005 agricultural
season.
The government started importing maize from South
Africa early
last year in a bid to bridge the maize deficit and according to
FEWSNET the
South African Grain Information Services has indicated that
maize imports
average 19 670 tonnes a week.
However,
FEWSNET has warned that even if current imports are
maintained, the country
would still have a deficit of 40 000 tonnes by the
end of
2006.
"Despite considerable maize imports, the scarcity of
maize and
maize meal has intensified significantly throughout all the rural
districts," says the report.
On maize production,
FEWSNET says this year the country would
record a marginal growth from last
year's 550 000 tonnes.
The government has said that it would
record a bumper harvest
due to significant rains received across the country
during the 2005/06
rainfall season.
However, FEWSNET
argues that the agricultural production still
falls far below that of the
1990's. "Preliminary investigations reveal that
this year's maize production
will be greater than last year's but well below
the 1990s
average."
Zimbabwe used to be a net exporter of agricultural
produce but
after the 2000 land reform programme which saw President Robert
Mugabe's
government grabbing prime farming land from commercial farmers and
parceling
it to mostly ruling party supporters and zealots, the country has
been
gripped with a yearly food crisis.
Some
international organisations have also come to the aid of
the government by
providing food relief to villagers facing starvation
although the State
claims that Zimbabweans have enough food supplies.
Zim Standard
JOHANNESBURG - The Zimbabwean government has defended
using
security and intelligence personnel to oversee the revival of the
economy,
described as the fastest shrinking in the world outside of a war
zone.
Last month local media reported that a new economic and
food
security revival body, known as the Zimbabwe National Security Council
(ZNSC), which includes officials from the Central Intelligence Organisation,
the army, police, prison services and the Registrar-General's office, had
been set up to oversee and enhance the capacity of
ministries.
"There is nothing sinister with involving
security force
personnel in areas like the economy and food security: the
government is
doing what is best for Zimbabwe. Any complaints to the
contrary are only
meant to rubbish a genuine economic revival and food
security programme,"
Obert Mpofu, the Minister of Industry and International
Trade, told IRIN.
Henri Boschoff, a military analyst at the
Institute for Security
Studies, an African think-tank, said the Zimbabwean
government's decision to
involve the security services in governance was
two-pronged. "It helps to
stem any chance of a revolt from within its ranks
by taking control and
keeping those in authority informed, but the security
forces with their
trained personnel will also provide much needed leadership
and management
capacity to drive each sector."
The ZNSC,
headed by President Robert Mugabe, is a key component
of a National Economic
Development Priority Plan, comprising sub-committees
responsible for various
issues such as mobilising foreign exchange and
tourism, restructuring public
enterprises, and managing local authorities
and food security, according to
the Zimbabwe Independent newspaper.
Zimbabwe has been
grappling with food shortages for the past
four years, mainly due to erratic
weather conditions and the impact of the
chaotic fast-track land reform
programme on the agricultural sector.
A current inflation
rate of more than 900 percent is proving a
considerable hurdle, while the
lack of foreign currency has affected the
country's capacity to import even
basic requirements such as fuel,
fertiliser and
medicines.
The sub-committee responsible for mobilising
foreign exchange
has reportedly been asked to raise a minimum of US$2.5b in
three months,
beginning from March.
Contrary to popular
opinion that the flurry of stopgap measures
indicated a slide into total
economic collapse, the sub-committees would
enable government to stay in
touch with all the key sectors of the economy,
said Mpofu. He denied there
had been a militarisation of basic government
functions.
Didymus Mutasa, Minister of National Security, said the
deployment of
security personnel to civilian ministries was to ensure that
"things move";
the government needed to closely monitor the performance of
all sectors of
the economy to ensure that the goal of recovery was met. -
IRIN.
Zim Standard
By Caiphas Chimhete
PEOPLE dislodged by
the government's clean-up exercise are
sleeping in a bar in Harare's
Kuwadzana high-density suburb almost a year
after the controversial
operation, The Standard can reveal.
About 10 people, who were
working and staying at Kuwadzana 5
home industry sites before demolitions of
structures by the government
started last May, failed to secure affordable
alternative accommodation.
They pay $20 000 a night for
overnight shelter in the bar.
One person, who says he lost
all his property when bulldozers
razed his carpentry shop - which doubled as
his home - said he had been
sleeping in the bar for the past nine
months.
"We come to sleep here daily after patrons and staff
have gone
home at around 11PM. Some sleep on benches while others are on the
floor. It's
not good to be here, but at least we have a roof over our
heads," said one
of the victims who identified himself only as
Nigel.
The people, who carry bags containing their clothes
and
blankets, wake up early in the morning every day to avoid detection by
city
authorities.
Another victim, who requested
anonymity, said he was too poor to
afford the high rentals charged in homes
in the suburb.
Renting a single room in the crowded suburb
costs between $2
million and $3 million a month. But for sleeping in the
bar, they only pay
about $300 000 for the whole month.
The owner of the bar said she was "renting out" to the victims
of the clean
up operation out of sheer sympathy.
"I was just helping these
people. It's not that I want money
from them. From now on, they will not
sleep here anymore because I will be
trouble with the authorities," said the
owner, who also declined
identification for security
reasons.
Harare City Council spokesperson, Madenyika
Magwenjere,
professed ignorance of the presence of people rendered homeless
after the
demolition.
"We will send our inspectors
because it's illegal for people to
sleep in a bar. It's a health hazard,"
said Magwenjere, who added the
council had no obligation to provide
accommodation to victims of the
clean-up exercise.
According to the United Nations secretary general's special
envoy Anna
Tibaijuka's final report, 700 000 people lost their livelihoods
as a direct
result of the internationally condemned operation.
But the
government has done very little to provide people
affected by the operation
with food, water, sanitation or health services.
The
government has also failed to address the desperate
situation of vulnerable
groups that were particularly hit hard by the
evictions. These include
widows, orphans, households headed by women or
children, and the chronically
ill or elderly.
Some children have developed malnutrition due
to lack of food,
while others have fallen ill with pneumonia after months of
sleeping out in
the open.
Zim Standard
BY
DAVISON MARUZIVA
SOUTH Africa is going all out to demonstrate
that it should be
the centre of the continent's literary and publishing
marketplace, The
Standard can reveal.
With only two
months before the curtain goes up on the Cape Town
Book Fair, the event has
already officially been sold out in terms of space
available at the Cape
Town Convention Centre where it will be held.
Persistent
failure by the Zimbabwe International Book Fair
Association (ZIBFA) to rise
up to international expectations on critical
issues gave rise to the Cape
Town Book Fair. Zimbabwe's loss, once again,
becomes South Africa's
gain.
Africa University's Professor Rukudzo Murapa, who was
the chair
of the ZIBFA, yesterday said he had long ago resigned. It was not
immediately clear who is now in charge.
His counterpart
at the University of Cape Town, Professor
Njabulo Ndebele, has had a long
association with the ZIBFA and was on the
panel of jurists for ZIBFA's
recent and most successful project, Best Books
for
Africa.
The second challenge for ZIBFA is that while its
showpiece runs
from the end of July to the first week of August, the Cape
Town Book Fair is
making sure no one will steal its
thunder.
Its inaugural Book Fair will run from 17 - 20 June,
forcing the
world's literary and publishing fraternity to decide whether to
make one or
two trips to the region. For now, the new kid on the block looks
likely to
attract more attention.
Cape Town's advantage
is that it has the technical support,
marketing guidance and organisational
savvy of the largest Book Fair in the
world, the Frankfurt Book
Fair.
Buoyed by the unprecedented support it has received so
far, the
organisers last week told The Standard: "The Fair will become an
annual
event and generate unprecedented interest in African writing, reading
and
publishing."
Given the novelty factor on its side,
coupled with the world's
fascination with South Africa, Zimbabwe and the
ZIBFA can only look on with
envy.
Running under the theme
"Celebrate Africa", organisers told The
Standard that the event had already
attracted the attention of the best
selling local and international writers
as well as South African and
international publishers - key factors that
worked as selling points for the
ZIBFA, which made sure the event was a
crossroads of the world's best
writers, publishers, booksellers, buyers,
librarians and agents.
Vanessa Badroodein, the director of
the Cape Town Book Fair,
said: "It is important to recognise that Africa is
not a continent producing
an easily identifiable homogenous literature.
There is about as much
commonality between South Africa and Ghana as there
is between Germany and
Ghana. When we committed ourselves to Celebrate
Africa, we committed
ourselves to a celebration of the literary diversity of
this continent.
Just to demonstrate its pull factor, a number
of literary awards
ceremonies will be taking place during the Cape Town Book
Fair - an major
vote of confidence.
The first will be the
Mnet/Via-Afrika Awards, followed by the
Sunday Times' prestigious Alan Paton
Award for non-fiction and the Sunday
Times Fiction Award two days after the
book fair opens.
Zim Standard
By Deborah-Fay
Ndhlovu
THE Minister of Mines and Mining Development, Amos
Midzi, last
week signed a Special Grant allowing Lowenbrau to mine uranium
in Kanyemba
following a story published in Standardbusiness that his delay
to give
approval on projects was irking investors.
Midzi
declined to comment on the issue saying signing of special
grants was out of
his jurisdiction.
"Those are administrative matters that are
the responsibility of
the Mining Affairs Board," Midzi said before
referring questions to MAB
chairman, Titus Nyatsanga, who was said to be out
of the country on
business.But Standardbusiness has it on authority that a
Special Grant given
to any investor cannot be implemented without the
approval of the Minister
and that Midzi signed it after we broke the
story.
"The MAB only recommends and it's up to the Minister
to give the
final approval. Nothing can be implemented without his final
approval," a
source said.
The Standardbusiness published
a story last week that Midzi was
delaying to sign the special grant (No
10/05 HM) amid reports that
government was lobbying Russian investors to
take up the project.
Sources said Midzi - who is already
under fire from his
colleagues for announcing a 51% take-over of foreign
companies by locals -
was in his office on Sunday and going through files on
his desk, including
the Lowenbrau proposal. The Australian company made the
application last
November and hopes to invest US$5 million for initial
exploration.
Lowenbrau is a partnership between Omega Corp
Limited and an
Australian company with 70 % shareholding and locals who
include Robert
Zhuwao, Roderick Mlauzi, Nkonzo Chikosi and Charles
Matezu.
Zim Standard
Comment
FACTS can be really stubborn.
After years of flirting with the
"Look East" policy and promises of waves of
tourist arrivals from that
region, reality has finally caught up with
us.
The Zimbabwe Tourism Authority (ZTA) has conceded that
despite
the country being accorded "Approved Tourism Destination" status by
China,
tourist arrivals from that country declined by 70% - the sharpest
decline
recorded from any source market.
And as if to add
insult to injury, after all of Zimbabwe's
efforts, the Chinese tourists are
voting with their feet preferring
neighbouring South Africa and
Zambia.
London, our authorities will be infuriated to know,
is their
favourite destination!
But ever the masters at
refusing to confront reality, the ZTA
likes to believe the decline in
tourist arrivals from China is a result of
Zimbabwe failing to prepare
adequately for visitors from that region.
It is a damning
indictment of those in charge of attracting
tourists. For example, when
Zimbabwe was granted "Approved Tourism
Destination" did the country not
undertake a needs assessment survey among
the Chinese and other potential
tourist source markets from that region?
To what extent was
this drive undertaken in concert with the
other countries in the region
since there are greater prospects of
attracting tourists to the region than
to a single country?
It is our view that South Africa and
Zambia offer an image of
countries that are at peace with themselves and
that, unlike Zimbabwe, they
do not suffer from disruptions to their power
supplies to the extent
Zimbabwe does. They also do not suffer from shortages
of basic commodities
or price volatility. And they uphold the rule of
law.
Facile explanations that attribute the sharp decline to
lack of
appropriate marketing strategies and inadequate market research
conveniently
overlook two critical points: For years the Chinese have
maintained a
diplomatic mission in Zimbabwe; and a number of Chinese travel
writers
Zimbabwe has hosted. These would have suggested specific preferences
for
Chinese tourists.
But, of course, such explanations
overlook the fact that tourist
traffic peaked at some point and that this
was the result of a marketing
drive. What defies logic is that there can be
a peak and then a sharp
decline because every satisfied tourist leaving
Zimbabwe becomes a potential
ally in marketing Zimbabwe. That this is not
happening must be cause for
concern.
Reduced tourist
traffic translates into declining foreign
currency generation and this year
Zimbabwe needs foreign currency
desperately because tobacco exports will be
insignificant after only a fifth
of the crop produced six years ago is
earmarked for the auction floors,
while the mining sector has been rattled
by threats of partial
nationalisation of companies.
The
foreign currency generation outlook will continue for some
time because
there is limited planning on how to increase earnings.
Most
of the countries in the region are already preparing to
capitalise on South
Africa hosting the 2010 Fifa World Soccer competition.
There will be
considerable traffic from tourists and football teams anxious
to come early
and camp in the region.
Zimbabwe risks losing out on the
God-sent foreign currency
earnings because, where other countries already
have made a head start, it
is still to decide what role it is going to
play. The crisis in Zimbabwe's
soccer will also cost the country an
opportunity to bid for the 2010 African
Cup of Nations and the attendant
tourist traffic.
Zim Standard
sundayopinion by Webster M Zambara
NEVER have we celebrated
Independence Day with so much stress
since 1980. Everything that can go
wrong seems to have gone wrong now.
We have the highest
inflation rate in the world, at 913.6%. On
second position is Iraq whose
rate of inflation is 40%.
Teachers now earn one salary a
term, spread over three months.
Yes, because if the poverty datum line is
$35m and a teacher's salary is
$12m then that's it!
Bread
and beverages have gone up, again. Medical fees have shot
through the roof.
Our health institutions are empty, and three thousand
people die every week.
While this list is endless, the question that arises
is, are we secure and
at peace?
These issues punctuated the year-long celebrations
of our
Silver Jubilee, and as we approach Independence Day, issues of peace
and
security will be at the centre of our leaders'
adumbrations.
We have learnt to think of security mainly in
terms of our
ability to use or threaten force to hold our enemies at bay.
This we have a
distinction, no doubt.
However, much as
national security is very relevant to the
extent that maintaining the
integrity of the state is an effective way of
maintaining the security of
the people who live within its jurisdiction, it
seems a little odd that we
spend so much time talking about protecting the
nation, and so little time
talking about whether the policies we follow in
pursuit of that objective
actually increase the security of the individuals
who live within
it.
It should be noted that there has been a paradigm shift
in terms
of how security is defined since the inception of state security
advocated
in the 17th century. Simply said, it has been broadened, and as a
people we
should move with the changing times. Attention has shifted from
security of
the state to security of the people - human
security.
In its definition of human security, the United
Nations
Commission on Human Security (1993) underscores the need to protect
the
vital core of all human lives in ways that enhance human freedoms and
human
fulfilment.
Human security means protecting
fundamental freedoms - freedoms
that are the essence of life. It means
protecting people from critical
(severe) and pervasive (widespread) threats
and situations. It means using
processes that build on people's strengths
and aspirations. It means
creating political, social, environmental,
economic, military and cultural
systems that together give people the
building blocks for survival,
livelihood and dignity.
As
UN Secretary General Koffi Annan pointed out during his
recent trip to
Africa, human security joins the main agenda items of peace,
security and
development.
Annan postulated that much as human security is
comprehensive in
the sense that it integrates the above items, in its
broadest sense it
embraces far more than the absence of violent
conflict.
It encompasses human rights, good governance,
access to
education and health care, and ensures that each individual has
opportunities and choices to fulfil his or her own potential. Every step in
this direction is also a step towards reducing poverty, achieving economic
growth and preventing violent conflict.
Human security
thus brodens the focus from the security of
boarders to the lives of people
and communities inside and across those
borders. The idea is for people to
be secure, not just for territories
within boarders.
The
UNDP (1993) identifies seven aspects, that is, economic,
food, health,
environmental, personal, community and political security as
vital aspects
of a secure populace.
Human security implies the ability to
carry on a normal flow of
life activities without constant stress or worry.
A person, who is
continually struggling to meet basic material needs, living
in a precarious
balance between income and outflow, can scarcely be said to
be secure.
Similarly, a person who must constantly weigh
every opinion
he/she expresses against the possibility of punishment for
having spoken out
is also not secure. Thus, societies organised in ways that
perpetuate
poverty and inhibit free expression cannot be considered
conducive to
personal security.
They are not at peace. In
sum then, human security requires at
least a decent material standard of
living, along with reasonable assurance
that it will continue (or improve).
It means being protected against
arbitrary imprisonment or punishment for
the exercise of basic human rights
in ways that do not injure others or
prevent them from exercising these same
rights.
And, of
course, human security most certainly includes
protection against illness,
injury and death, especially from "unnatural"
causes such as criminal
activity, repression or attack by foreigners. This
is what results in
peace.
Only if a nation successfully provides security to the
individuals who live within its borders is there meaningful linkage between
human and national security.
Only then is the protection
of the artificial entity we call
"the nation" a legitimate and viable means
of protecting the real people who
give it life.
A nation
that protects its people against subjugation, illness,
injury and death
arising from attacks by hostile forces, but fails to
prevent them against
preventable disease and malnourishment or exposes them
to imminent danger of
being arbitrarily arrested, assaulted or murdered
while doing about their
day-to-day lives is certainly not keeping them
secure.
Zim Standard
sundayopinion by Marko Phiri
ETHNICITY has somewhat always
defined the hue, nature and
philosophy of African politics, and some
students of African politics insist
the white settler communities planted
these seeds of ethnic hostilities.
Since the dawn of
independence, ethnicity finds itself
straddling the continent from Cape to
Cairo with little or no attempts to
define political space outside the
ethnic frame.
We hear some say Jacob Zuma is being crucified
because of the
delicate ethnic politics within the ANC, but obviously
anti-rape activists
think not.
For Zimbabwe, however,
many years after the coming of majority
rule, the splintered Movement for
Democratic Change has seemingly
resuscitated the polemics of ethnic politics
and sucked the pro-Senate
faction into the ethnicity whirlpool, something
seen for years now within
the ruling party with the breaking down of the
Shona into numerous dialectal
loyalties.
What should
interest anybody concerning all the Ndebele-Shona
claptrap is that for ages
now the people of Matabeleland, even during the
days of luminaries like the
late Sidney Malunga, have complained about the
(deliberate) marginalisation
of the region by central government? And, of
course, that government being
Shona-led, is thus for some (ethnic based)
reason reluctant to devote itself
to developing the region.
By the ethnicity argument one would
therefore imagine that any
other political "force" that emerges from the
region would claim the hearts
and minds of the region's
denizens.
It is important that all the talk about ethnicity
defining how
Zimbabwe's political course is charted would naturally extend
also to votes
and we don't need students of psychology to tell us what the
outcome would
thus read. Is it not ironic then, for example, that the
splintered MDC has a
pro-Senate faction reportedly led by Ndebeles but still
with a Shona leader,
and if this is meant as a balancing act, this group
still cannot claim
support of the Ndebeles?
The Ndebele
warriors whose loyalties are now ostensibly claimed,
it is interesting to
note, are a constituency solely claimed by geographical
location not the
type deliberately opting for the Ndebele leaders.
Before
brickbats are hurled, this is based on the largely
ignored rallies called by
the pro-Senate faction in the City of (Ndebele)
Kings. The very fact that an
explicitly pro-Ndebele (albeit obscure)
political party was launched in the
city this year to join others that
failed to attract any votes, seemingly as
attempts to woo the Ndebele vote
points at many things being wrong with
defining politics along ethnic
emotions.
How many times
have pro-Ndebele and federalist parties emerged
since 1980 claiming the
Ndebele vote but went largely ignored? That every
political party has to be
national in its outlook is a truism, and attempts
to deliberately thus
fashion any outfit only serve to expose the flawed
reading of the
circumstances and, of course, zeitgeist.
If all voters were
so malleable and gullible this is the stuff
that could easily stoke the
rabid ethno-centricity that has left many
unmarked graves on the African
continent.
What Zanu PF has done over the years that nascent
political
parties would envy is take on board men and women it previously
battered and
bruised because they belonged to the wrong political party and
wrong ethnic
group.
Those who expected them to be loyal
to the Ndebele cause -
whatever it is - have inevitably labelled these same
Ndebele men and women
abathengisi.
As others still have
opined, the olive branch was accepted in
1987 because the Ndebele leaders
wanted to protect "their" people from a
government that defined political
loyalties through tribal and ethnic lines.
And here, some
will always refer to and recall a "secret"
document authored in the late
1970s by rabid Shonas reportedly celebrating
the group's ethnic
superiority.
It is not the scope of this discussion to delve
into that
document, but if Zimbabwe's history is to be written proper, it
would be
interesting to note that even during the formative years of the
nationalist
movement one would find Shonas in Zapu for example, and how then
are these
facts reconciled with the obsession with defining a party as
belonging to a
particular group of people?
And in the
process, as seen in the pro-Senate MDC, there is
inevitability where
imagined voters are patronised through appeasement.
Zim Standard
sunday view by Geof Nyarota
I WRITE in response to an article
by columnist David Masunda,
who wrote as Woodpecker in last week's issue of
The Standard, wherein it is
stated that Chronicle reporter Tichaona Mukuku,
now late, was responsible
for putting together the Willowgate story back in
1988 but was never
accorded recognition for his effort and
achievement.
The same allegation was previously published in
The Standard's
sister paper, The Zimbabwe Independent.
This allegation is completely false. The following, in the
public interest
and in the interest of truthful reporting and fair play, are
the accurate
facts pertaining to the Willowgate investigation.
Early in
1988 Mukuku was appointed crime reporter on the
Chronicle, where I was the
editor. I was tipped off by Obert Mpofu, then
general manager of the
Zimbabwe Grain Bag Company in Bulawayo and now a
government minister, about
the possibility of a scandal unfolding over the
allocation of new motor
vehicles to government officials, especially
ministers, by Willowvale Motors
in Harare.
I assigned our crime reporter Mukuku to
investigate what would
have been the biggest story of his professional
career. I provided him with
the necessary leads.
Over a
number of weeks Mukuku informed the editors that he was
trying his best. He
made very little progress, however, and in due course
the investigation
effectively ground to a halt.
Word reached my ear that Mukuku
(May his soul rest in peace),
far from investigating the chief suspect, Enos
Nkala, as directed by myself,
had somehow befriended him. He had allegedly
been a guest at the dinner
table of the powerful and much feared Minister of
defence.
Before I acted on this information, Mukuku himself
approached
me. He asked to be withdrawn from this particular assignment. In
my dismay I
confronted him with the allegations of his alleged unwholesome
liaison with
Nkala.
Mukuku confessed that he and Mrs
Mukuku had, indeed, been guests
in the house of Nkala at the time when he
was seeking to investigate him. He
disclosed that the couple had been the
recipients of certain gifts from the
Minister. I withhold details at this
stage.
Mukuku then tendered his resignation from the
Chronicle.
Because of the failure of our ace investigative
reporter to
unravel what appeared to be a fascinating story, because of the
sensitive
nature of the investigation and because of the potential risk
involved now
that the targets of our investigation were aware of our
interest in them, I
took the decision, acting in consultation with the
senior editors of the
paper, to pursue the matter myself.
I worked hand-in-hand with Davison Maruziva, who had just joined
the
Chronicle as Deputy Editor, and is now the editor of The
Standard.
As was widely reported from October to December
1988, Maruziva
personally investigated Nkala, Jacob Mudenda who was then
governor of
Matabeleland North and a number of officials in Harare. Mudenda
had
purchased a 30-tonne Scania P112 mechanical horse, ostensibly for his
father's
refuse removal business in the small town of
Dete.
Jonathan Maphenduka, then business editor of the
Chronicle,
contributed to the Willowgate investigation when he traveled to
Dete to
probe the Mudenda family garbage removal enterprise. Maphenduka
unearthed
the astonishing fact that the Scania was, in fact, due to replace
a
donkey-drawn cart. In any case, Mudenda sold the truck in question to
Treger's
Holdings, a Bulawayo-based company and made a huge
profit.
Meanwhile I quizzed Dave Gibson, then managing
director of
Willowvale Motors and the factory manager, Dudley Wilde. I then
pursued
Callistus Ndlovu to Romania by phone. He was the Minister of
Industry and
Technology. I spoke on several occasions to Elias Mabhena, the
deputy
permanent secretary for the same ministry. He and his Minister were
the men
at the center of the whole scandal.
On his return
from Romania Ndlovu called a Press conference,
where he launched a scathing
attack on me, claiming I had an unspecified
vendetta against him. He also
accused me of targeting Ndebele politicians.
The truth was that more Shona
politicians than Ndebele were exposed in
connection with the Willowgate
Scandal.
Mabhena warned me that the story was a hot potato.
When he
appeared before the Sandura Commission, appointed by President
Robert Mugabe
to investigate the Willowgate Scandal, Mabhena claimed he made
such
statements because he was acting under undue pressure from
me.
Above all, I obtained from Willowvale employees the full
list of
vehicles that had been allocated to government ministers and
officials. This
list formed the basis of the story.
I
then persuaded a senior police officer to furnish me with a
corresponding
list which the police had compiled at the request of President
Mugabe when
the Willowgate story initially broke. The police were dismayed
that no
action was taken after they submitted the comprehensive list of
offenders.
After he retires, the policeman in question may want to claim
credit for his
role.
I interviewed Bulawayo businessman, Manharlal Naran,
who
financed some of the purchases of vehicles from Willowvale by
politicians. I
interviewed Ashrat Aktar, the manager of the then Bank of
Credit and
Commerce in Bulawayo, who issued some of the cheques to
Willowvale Motors. I
made a breakthrough when I spoke to Don Ndlovu, Naran's
accountant, who
bought and collected from Willowvale a vehicle that he had
no intention of
acquiring and which he surrendered to Naran. Callistus
Ndlovu had arranged
the deal.
I then contacted Zidco
Motors, a subsidiary of Zidco Holdings;
Zanu-PF's trading company. I had
information that several vehicles were
diverted there on behalf of Minister
Nkala. I spoke to the managing
director, Jayant Manlal Joshi on the same day
that Maruziva confronted
Nkala.
All hell literally broke
loose. That day was 13 December 1988.
In fear of instant arrest, as
threatened by Nkala, we suspended further
investigation and went public on
the information so far amassed.
Mukuku had long departed from
the Chronicle.
When he eventually went public on the issue at
a Press
conference, Nkala complained bitterly about being "pestered by
little
Nyarota, who phoned Ministers day and night wanting to know what they
did
with their cars".
He never said "little
Mukuku".
After the Sandura Commission vindicated the
Chronicle, Maruziva
and myself, President Mugabe called a Press conference
where he admitted
grudgingly that the Chronicle had done a good job, but
suggested that I had
been "overzealous in lumping all Ministers under one
corruption headline".
He never made any reference to the now
alleged enterprise of
Mukuku.
It is a matter of public
record which two journalists unearthed
the Willowgate Scandal,
notwithstanding frenzied efforts to re-write
Zimbabwe's media history two
decades later. Their personal bylines, not
Mukuku's, consistently
accompanied the Willowgate stories.
In recognition of their
enterprise they were punished by
Zimbabwe Newspapers, acting on the
instructions of Davidson Sadza, chairman
of the Zimbabwe Mass Media Trust,
who in turn received instructions from the
late Witness Mangwende, who was
then minister of information. Mangwende was
under pressure from high
up.
Nkala declared in anger on television that I would be
dealt
with. I was, in due course, removed from my position as editor of the
Chronicle and promoted to the previously non-existent position of Group
Public Relations Executive for Zimbabwe Newspapers.
I
subsequently resigned from the company. Maruziva was also
removed from the
Chronicle, being transferred to the Herald, where it was
expected, no doubt,
that somebody would keep an eye on him.
Byron Hove, the
former fiery Zanu-PF backbencher, now late,
protested vehemently in
Parliament over the ruthless treatment of the
Chronicle editors. He tabled a
motion calling on the august house to condemn
unreservedly the removal of
Maruziva and myself from the Chronicle and to
protest at the threat to press
freedom in Zimbabwe.
Women's coalition group applauds The
Standard
THE Women's Coalition of Zimbabwe (WCoZ) applauds the
print
media in Zimbabwe for publicising issues of violence against women,
especially the alleged rape of a maid by Obadiah Msindo.
Of special note is The Standard that published WCoZ's threat to
demonstrate
if Musindo was not tried for his alleged crimes. We note that
it might be
intimidating for the police and justice delivery system to
incarcerate and
try people of high profile for cases of gender violence.
The same applies
for media houses that might fear the unknown by writing
about such
cases.
The Women's Coalition is a network of women's rights
activists
and 30 women's organizations with national structures such as Girl
Child
Network, Federation of Africa Media Women, Women's Action Group, Women
in
Parliament Support Unit, Zimbabwe Women Resource Centre and Network and
Musasa Project, to name just a few.
The members of the
Coalition work in diverse fields including
health, legal aid, access to
education, gender-based violence, torture,
skills training, poverty
reduction, research, property rights and women in
governance issues. The
Coalition has chapters in Bulawayo, Masvingo and
Mutare.
We call on the police to be vigilant and arrest alleged rapists
so that they
face the wrath of the law. We note with alarm the increased
number of
reported rape cases especially of minors. This is mostly done
under the
mistaken belief that sex with virgins cures HIV/AIDS. Our
children become
targets of rapists who tragically believe virgin blood will
cleanse
them.
We also call on the justice delivery system to mete out
fair
punishment on rapists. Many times the sentences for rape are so
lenient and
insignificant that they do not act as a deterrent for potential
offenders.
Of note is the Macheke Primary School rapist who got 22 years for
raping
four children. Such lenient sentences convey the message that we
tolerate
rape in Zimbabwe.
The Women's Coalition of
Zimbabwe would like to grudgingly
applaud the police force for finally
making sure that Msindo has been
brought before the courts to answer to
charges of rape. We hope the police
force will also move in to arrest
other alleged high profile rapists who
have evaded the long (or is it short
here) arm of the law.
Women and girl rights organisations
have a long list of alleged
offenders who have not been brought before the
courts because they have very
high and intimidating
profiles.
We urge the whole Zimbabwean community to adopt a
zero tolerance
to sexual and other types of violence against women. We are
pushing the
Domestic Violence Bill, which if adhered to, will make domestic
violence
history in the Zimbabwean community and homes. You are called on
to support
the cause of women.
No more
violence!
Women's Coalition of Zimbabwe Co-ordinating
Committee,
Harare
-------------
This
is the 'independence' we are celebrating
ON Monday last week we
lost power early in the morning. We hadn't
had breakfast at all. Electricity
supplies came back just before lunch, our
domestic helpers informed us
later.
In the evening, we rushed from work expecting to
prepare a meal
to compensate for the loss of breakfast.
However, our expectations were dashed. As we approached
Lomagundi Road,
heading north, darkness greeted us. We prayed that our
suburb was unaffected
since we had lost power in the morning. We were wrong.
Our
domestic helpers said the area had lost power around 5.00PM.
At that point
we realised the hopelessness of putting our eggs in one
basket. We were
angry yet helpless.
We consoled ourselves believing that our
turn for the week was
over, but on Tuesday evening we rushed home to be
greeted by another power
cut. As I write this letter it is after 10.00PM and
we are still without
electricity. The same happened on
Wednesday.
This crisis started me thinking. One of these days
we are going
to wake up to find ourselves without power not for hours, not
for days, not
for weeks, but for months. Then, perhaps, we will wake up to
the reality
that we have tolerated and sometimes cheered this gradual
erosion of our
standards.
This is what we will be asked
to celebrate on Tuesday this week.
Not even the most pessimistic amongst us
ever dreamt that things would
plummet this far.
There are
two explanations: No one among those we entrusted with
power has any idea of
how to take us from where we are, and the other is
that this state of
affairs profits them.
F A M
Mt
Pleasant
Harare
------------
Workers deserve
realistic wages for their toil
I WRITE in reference to recent
comments and statements regarding
farm workers' wages. In one statement, the
Minister of Public Service,
Labour and Social Welfare, Nicholas Goche, was
quoted as saying the agreed
remuneration was $1,3m.
Up to
now, I am still wondering if those who agreed to the
paltry sum live in
Zimbabwe because if they do, I would like to remind them
that in Zimbabwe a
two-1itre bottle of cooking oil costs $850 000, 2kg of
sugar is $250 000 but
in short supply, while the Poverty Datum Line is
pegged at
$35m.
In South Africa, the same farm worker earns R998, which
is about
$35m.
The examples I cite above indicate the
scenario in Zimbabwe as
regards wages. Workers in general are being
exploited by this new form of
slave wage. While the employers agree that
they need to review remunerations
nothing is being done when the cost of
virtually every commodity is going
up.
The government
agrees as indicated by President Mugabe's shock
when he heard how much the
teachers were getting, but nothing is being done.
Maybe it is
like one of those promises made in relation to the
supply of fuel when the
President said fuel would be available in a few
weeks, but is
it?
My advice to employers is that workers do not buy from
shops
specifically set up to cater for low-income buyers. Therefore, when
dealing
with the issue of remuneration there is need to move with speed
because of
hyper-inflation.
A situation where a select
few drive posh vehicles while the
majority suffer from grinding poverty is
not healthy for any country. It is
foolhardy for our leaders to believe that
workers should be patriotic when
the same workers cannot afford to feed
their families.
One does not feed on patriotism. Workers,
too, need all the
basic commodities in order for them to work
whole-heartedly.
Let me appeal to all employers to be
realistic, while to the
workers, my advice is that we should not allow the
majority to enjoy the
fruits of our sweat at our expense.
This is what Josiah Magama Tongogara denounced when he said the
liberation
struggle was not about the skin of an individual but was a fight
against a
system that was unfair.
F Munyaradzi
Hatfield
Harare
---------
Loss deprived
Mugabe of intelligent adviser
I HAVE observed with alarm the
rapid decline in education
standards in this country.
During the early years of independence, this country took the
world by
surprise because of the high quality of education.
Hundreds
of new primary, secondary and tertiary schools were
built in record time.
Every child and adult was given a chance to attend
school. Children from
other countries came to Zimbabwe because of the
quality of its
education.
Zanu PF was the party for the people because it
cared for the
well-being of every Zimbabwean. The Prime Minister and later
President of
Zimbabwe was welcomed everywhere on earth because of his
democratic
leadership.
Robert Mugabe and his party made
education affordable and
millions of children went beyond Form III. The
whole country was on an
upward trend of prosperity.
Then,
without any warning to the majority of Zimbabweans, the
First Lady, Sally
Mugabe, died leaving behind a leader with changing ideas.
Mugabe began to
lose direction in governing the country and dictatorial
tendencies began to
surface.
Petty offences such as insulting the President and
his passing
motorcade resulted in one being dragged before the courts to
face unfair
treatment from a judiciary already infiltrated by Zanu PF
backtracking on
democracy.
Independent newspapers and
anyone assumed to be against the
President were labelled enemies of the
State.
It appears as if our education died with Sally Mugabe,
who was a
beacon of educational light as she was involved in numerous
educational
projects, many of which collapsed after her passing away. Our
education
system became the first casualty of Mugabe's policies and
universities
became targets of the government's evil
control.
Student leaders were persecuted and fees for
universities were
revised making sure only a few students would be
enrolled. Thousands of
possible students have been leaving the country to
attend universities in
other countries.
The next targets
were school teachers because they were
suspected of decampaigning Zanu PF
and Mugabe. Teachers became the butt of
sick jokes by everybody, including
the "Hwindis" at bus stops.
The low salaries awarded teachers
have been Mugabe's tactical
move to force teachers to remain docile or out
of the service.
Thousands of teachers have gone to
neighbouring countries or
abroad in search of employment opportunities.
Unfortunately this has hurt
the education system in this country - once a
shining example of educational
advancement. Millions of children have been
withdrawn from schools because
of high fees re-introduced in all government
schools.
Private schools have always been a preserve for the
small elite
but even these have lost many children because of high
fees.
General political instability in the country has also
played an
important role in the decline of our education system. A glaring
example has
been the "Murambatsvina" operation, which left thousands of
families
homeless.
From these homeless families are
millions of schoolchildren who
can no longer attend
school.
The surprising thing has been the grave-like silence
of our
elected MPs and government ministers. Not a single one has been brave
enough
to question Mugabe's new policies. The behaviour of the education
ministers
is difficult to comprehend. This situation reminds me of the late
Dr
Hastings Kamuzu Banda, who was dreaded by his ministers because he
allegedly
owned a very powerful and evil talisman.
The
loss of Sally deprived Mugabe of an intelligent adviser. The
President is
now relying on dim-witted advisers, who are helping in leading
the country
to a catastrophe.
Maybe Didymus Mutasa's idea of getting rid
of half of Zimbabwe's
population is in most of Mugabe's ministers' minds,
otherwise why should the
so-called advisers lead the President
astray?
Zimbabwe has lost thousands of pupils from other
countries who
used to bring a diversity of cultures and the much sought
after foreign
currency. Our teachers have no incentives to work hard. Our
school graduates
keep on adding to the millions of jobless former
graduates.
Old furniture and books have not been replaced in
thousands of
schools, making learning very difficult. Hundreds of schools on
the farms
have been closed, depriving millions of children of an education
because of
the government's policy.
Zanu PF was once a
great party which formulated people-friendly
policies. However, the party
has been hijacked by a group of power-hungry
people whose only interest is
to make more money and to become more
powerful.
Let us
all pray that Zimbabweans are not made to believe that
their only salvation
is through another armed struggle. Our President and
the ruling party should
not make it impossible for peaceful change by
passing laws which ban
critical thinking.
In God's name, I ask Mugabe to leave
office peacefully without
plunging the country into a civil war, which will
also engulf him.
Education critic
Masvingo
------------
Where's the seized
Boeing?
ON Sunday 7 March 2004 around 7.30PM a Boeing 727-100
cargo
plane flew into Zimbabwe from Polokwane Airport in South Africa and
landed
at the Harare International Airport where it
refuelled.
The white plane with a blue stripe, belonging to
Dodson Aviation
of South Africa and marked N4610 later proceeded to Manyame
Air Base where
it was bound to collect a consignment of weapons they had
bought from the
Zimbabwe Defence Industries.
Upon
landing, however, the Boeing flight crew had switched off
lights in the
passenger cabin of the plane, raising suspicion among the
airport security
details that later pounced during the pre-loading
inspection of the weapons
- arresting 70 men and seizing the Boeing.
It lwas later
claimed that the men arrested were South African
mercenaries on their way to
Equatorial Guinea to topple the government of
President Obiang Nguema
Mbasogo.
The Boeing 727-100 worth about US$3m was forfeited
to the
government of Zimbabwe in September 2004. The media's coverage of the
mercenary saga was frenzied but as soon as the mercenaries were jailed and
their plane forfeited reports on the story fizzled out.
What became of the Boeing 727-100 that the state forfeited from
the South
African mercenaries? Could it still be parked in the open and
exposed to the
elements at Manyame Air Base since March 2004?
Or it has
been conscripted into one of the Air Force of Zimbabwe
squadrons? It's now
two years since the plane was seized and from the look
of things, it seems
the issue has been swept under the carpet and forgotten
about.
Cassius Sande
Harare
------------
A laughing stock
AT last the cat is out
of the bag! The nation at large can see for itself
that Zimbabwe's best
known political prostitute Sekesai Makwavarara is what
her first name stands
for - a laughing stock.
She conspired with Ignatious Chombo, the Minister
of Local Government, to
hound the popularly elected mayor of Harare,
Engineer Elias Mudzuri, out of
office.
While Harare is descending
into a state of decay, she is trying to spend
$35b on curtains and furniture
and now she has already splashed $100m of
ratepayers' money on satellite
television. She does not have to ask anyone
for approval.
At this
rate how can we be sure that she has not gone ahead and purchased
the
furniture and curtains she attempted to because these surprise expenses
only
surface at the stage they are supposed to be paid for?
Maybe she is
delaying presentation of the receipts until the dust has
settled down. It is
time long-suffering residents of Harare demanded their
rights back from
Chombo and made Makwavarara more accountable to them.
Failure to take these
steps can only indicate that they are not suffering.
Frank
Matandirotya
Chivhu
-----------
What secret does she
know
CAN you imagine what would have happened if an opposition mayor
moved into a
guest house without council approval and shortly afterwards
embarked on a
spending spree and proceeded to employ a dozen staff to work
at the house
without the approval of council?
As if that is not
enough the opposition mayor would go on a furniture and
curtain buying spree
and state-of-the-art satellite television, while
residents of Harare
watch.
Would Ignatious Chombo, the Minister of Local Government, look the
other way
while all this was happening? No way! He would celebrate this
God-sent
opportunity and fire the whole lot.
Now what is it that
Sekesai Makwavarara knows about Zanu PF and the minister
that renders them
impotent in the face of her flagrant abuse of ratepayers'
funds, while
proving she is ill-suited to head the authority running the
capital?
It is my view that even in Zanu PF she has served her
usefulness, whatever
that may be. Her days are numbered - thanks to her
incompetent bungling.
Tirivanhu Mhofu
Emerald
Hill
---------
There's only one legitimate
MDC
DO we need unity among opposition parties? I do not think so.
I
am surprised by a few people who have now found voices to preach unity
among opposition parties when they were the very people who brought disunity
through their actions.
These advocates of unity were
silent when they thought that the
MDC had been destroyed.
Now that the Bulawayo MDC has proved what it really is - an
ethnic clique
and very unpopular at that - panicky so-called analysts of
political affairs
are clamouring for unity among political parties.
What
opposition political parties do we have in the country? Why
should the real
MDC led by Morgan Tsvangirai unite with a failed rebellious
ethnic
clique?
Had government political plotters succeeded in
destroying the
real MDC, the likes of Silas Mangono would have remained
happily silent.
When Mangono went independent, during the last general
election, was he not
aware of the importance of unity in the
MDC?
For me, Mangono does not qualify to speak of unity
(Masvingo
Mirror 21-24 March 2006) among opposition parties because he is a
real
political grasshopper.
As far as the people of
Zimbabwe are concerned, they have only
one legitimate opposition party and
that is the one led by Tsvangirai. Past
general elections have proved and
supported my point - no genuine opposition
party has ever mounted any
serious challenge to Zanu PF in the same manner
that the MDC
has.
With or without their support, the MDC led by Tsvangirai
will
win any election, if fairly organised.
I suggest
that Mangono talks of giving the real MDC full support
and avoids confusing
the people of this country through the formation of
government-sponsored
parties.
No confusion anymore
Masvingo
--------
Gono needs serious economic
lectures
I AM very disappointed with Dr Gideon Gono, the Governor
of the
Reserve Bank, such that if he were a manager in my company I would
have
fired him not only without salary and benefits, but I would have gone
further to demand repayment of all the salaries and benefits he enjoyed
since December 2003.
How could he go about blaming
everyone else including some
astute captains of industry, bankers,
journalists and others for
accelerating the economic meltdown when he knew
all along that it was the
Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe that was sending this
country towards the edge of
the cliff by keeping the local currency printing
press busy 24 four hours a
day.
I am very disappointed
with all his economists and so-called
personal advisers at RBZ for
complicity and keeping quiet, or sheepishly
agreeing that Gono was doing the
right thing when they knew (if at all they
are that clever) what the
consequences of his actions would be.
Picture this:
inflation and interest rates are almost at the
same record level that they
got to in 2003 (at least by official
pronouncements); the dollar official
exchange rate compared to foreign
currencies has weakened by more than 3
000% since 2003; the economy has
broken world records by being the fastest
shrinking outside a war zone; the
banking sector has never recovered from
his tsunami.
I could go on and on but the simple question I
ask the Governor
is: "What have you really achieved since taking office?"
From your heart of
hearts can you still confidently feed us the trash that
"failure is not an
option"?
Of late we have had the
Troubled Banks Resolution framework
thrown into the dustbin as there will
not be any more curatorships, the
foreign currency fuel coupons system
cancelled, exchange rate liberalisation
technically frozen in its footsteps,
introduction of the primary dealership
system postponed indefinitely. What's
the meaning of all this?
I hear now you are being
strong-headed about linking the banks'
capital bases to the US dollar -
which becomes a moving target. By June
2006, we will certainly be having a
run on banks reminiscent of 2003/2004
but at what cost to the economy sir?
And to think that the RBZ is seriously
undercapitalised, yet you were
dishing out all those billions to parastatals
and local
authorities!
If you ask me, this is dismal failure! Gono
needs to attend
serious economics lectures so that he may understand the
phenomenon of
market forces and the reality that you can never fight them
and win.
There, he will learn that chopping off three, six or
nine zeros
from the Zimbabwe dollar and introducing a new currency is an
exercise in
futility if the basic economic fundamentals are in
disarray.
He will then get to grasp the exact distinction
between monetary
and fiscal activities. He will also learn that financing
government
debt/deficit through the banking system raises interest rates and
crowds out
private sector investment; printing money which is not backed by
any
productive activity causes inflation; you do not kill inflation and
"speculation" by using only one economic weapon (hiking interest rates) -
you need a combination of complementary fiscal and monetary policies which
are realistically implemented and not just talked about.
I am prepared to offer these lectures for free at his house any
time as long
as he promises to listen, follow instructions and do
assignments.
PhD Economist
Avondale
Harare
-------------
Women want to
have it easy all the time
I would like to respond to Albert
Mlambo ("MDC factions lack
gender sensitivity", The Standard, 9 April) by
way of an open letter to
Grace Kwinjeh, Lucia Matibenga, Getrude Mthombeni
and others.
I'm sure everyone is sick and tired of hearing
women in this
country moaning about "gender sensitivity", "gender
blindness", "male
chauvinism", "meaningful roles" - I could go
on.
The fact of the matter is that there are no such
things.
Women always want to have it easy, hence they create
these
labels. All of these labels are never pro-men,
incidentally.
The women of this country want to be given quotas
in everything.
I say to all women seeking preferential
treatment for political
office; get off your high horses and get a
life!
The only way to get political clout is to stop moaning,
go out
there, and form your own women's political party. After all, there is
no law
preventing you from doing just that, is there? Besides, women are 52%
of the
population.
When you have done that, don't forget
to reserve a third of the
seats for men. I will even join the party and rise
through the ranks.
Chimedzanemburungwe
Harare
April 16, 2006
By
Andnetwork .com
Zimbabwe Vice-President Joseph Msika says he is
still fit and is not
even contemplating quitting active
politics.
He says the country's leadership will not quit active
politics now
because they do not want to leave the country in the hands of
"half-baked"
revolutionaries who will not safeguard the gains of
independence.
In a wide-ranging interview at his Harare home
yesterday, Cde Msika
declared: "I am still in it." He said when it is time
for him to quit active
politics, he will inform the people
first.
He dismissed media reports that he was suffering from a
heart ailment.
He said this was the work of speculative journalists who were
being used by
imperialists.
"As you can see, I am quite, quite
fit. I did have some ailments, you
can call them, but far from being cardiac
ailments. I have never suffered
from heart problems. My doctors checked my
heart and it was okay, my lungs
were quite okay, my liver quite
okay.
"I don't know where they get this kind of information that I
am
suffering from a heart problem," he said.
Turning to reports
that he wanted to quit active politics, the
Vice-President said he would not
quit active politics until the people say
he should do so.
"As
far as I am concerned, I am still in it. I am in politics. I don't
have to
desert the people. If at any time I feel like retiring from
politics, I
don't have to hide it.
"If people say I should retire, I will, but
if they say I should not,
I will not quit, because it would be tantamount to
deserting the people.
"I have no intention to retire and I have
never thought of quitting. I
don't understand where they get all this
information.
"I know what this is all about. This is speculative
journalism. They
want to see the experienced old guard quitting, getting out
of the party
(Zanu-PF) so that they can infiltrate it and run Zanu-PF the
way they want.
Fortunately and thank God they will not succeed," said the
Vice-President.
He said the Government had a challenge to instill a
sense of
patriotism in the youths.
"This is a major challenge
and that is why we don't want to go. We
realise that we still have a lot to
do. We don't want to leave this country
in the hands of half-baked
revolutionaries and half-baked nationalists.
"We want to leave this
country in the hands of young people who will
say if Cde Nkomo did it, I
will do it better, if President Mugabe did it, I
will do it better. If this
happens, then I can retire," he said.
Turning to the country's
attainment of independence in 1980, Cde Msika
said the differences between
Rhodesia and Zimbabwe are too glaring.
"Rhodesia was a regime that
had one purpose to colonise the people of
Zimbabwe. Colonise them and
subject them to inhuman treatment, subject them
to all kinds of treatment as
they wanted them to feel that the white skin is
a sign of superiority and
that white imperialism was superior.
"They wanted to maintain white
supremacy and leave
Zimbabweans to live like underdogs," he
said adding that fortunately
"we liberated ourselves and today we are
free."
He, however, said he was not calling for the replacement of
white
supremacy with black supremacy adding that there were white people who
played a positive role during the liberation struggle.
He said
the liberation of the people in 1980 and the land reform
programme carried
out in the last six years were the major achievements of
the ruling
party.
However, he was quick to add: "I am not happy with
productivity on the
farms. I am not happy at all but land productivity is a
process. For us to
reach the level of productivity we want, it will take a
long time."
He said the country's youths "take the liberation
struggle for granted
and they subject themselves to the traps set by the
imperialists. This is
one of the most disturbing concerns.
"If
we have achieved our objective I would want to see our youths, our
young
cadres more revolutionary than President Mugabe, more revolutionary
than
Joshua Nkomo, more revolutionary than Jason Moyo, more revolutionary
than
Herbert Chitepo. This we have not yet achieved but we will continue to
fight."
The Vice-President thanked Zimbabweans for their
resilience as they
have managed to stand firm against persistent pressure
from the West.
He said the Government has not yet instilled a sense
of self-reliance
among the youths and efforts were being made to address
this anomaly.
He castigated some civil servants that he said were
letting the
Government down by engaging in corrupt activities to "fatten
their pockets".
The Sunday Mail
'He could become the most prolific
batsman since the great Don Bradman,'
said one top cricket writer long
before the young man from Zimbabwe was
picked by England - and then dropped
11 times. Looking back, says Hick in
this revealing interview ahead of his
final season, he has no regrets
Kevin Mitchell
Sunday April 16,
2006
The Observer
Graeme Hick scored his first hundred 33 years
ago. He was six years old in
what was then Salisbury, Rhodesia. If this
summer is his last in cricket -
and it looks that way - the player who was a
prodigy too long almost
certainly will add a couple more. And that will be
it. The man who might
have rivalled Sachin Tendulkar and Brian Lara among
the modern giants of the
game, but did not remotely approach that level,
will amble quietly out of
cricket as big an enigma as when he
began.
There will be moments of reflection when he will know he could have
done
better had the selectors shown more faith in him, had he done so
himself.
But not many. Hick, about to start his twenty-third season with
Worcestershire, does not see himself the way others do.
'You know, I
have never thought of myself as a great player,' he says,
shifting like a
cornered deer. 'I would be standing at slip watching some
other player
batting wonderfully and think to myself, "I can't do that". I
have a very
uncomplicated style. With hindsight, when I started playing for
England in
1991, I could tell I was not as comfortable with my batting as I
normally
am.'
It is a view as simple as his batting. No flourish. Very direct. Yet
hinting
at fragility. At 39, Hick can look back with equanimity, partly
because the
end is near, partly because the evidence screams out from the
pages of the
scorebook: 128 first-class centuries in 22 seasons (nobody
currently playing
has scored more, and only eight have in the history of
cricket), 38,437 runs
at 52.79 - but a Test record of stark
ordinariness.
Hick was dropped 11 times in a decade (he thought it was
more) and averaged
only a touch over 31 for England, placing him 25 runs per
innings behind
Tendulkar, 22 below Lara. Between Hick and that pair lie
hundreds of batsmen
with less talent but better suited to the
job.
The statistics, though, are only the sketchy outline of a tale about
a shy
and sensitive man who happened to be simultaneously blessed and cursed
with
a gift for scoring runs almost without thinking. Because his talent was
innate, he found it impossible to tinker with when it let him down. And when
it let him down there was no shortage of people ready to let him
know.
There is no escaping the only question that matters:
why?
Hick has heard it so many times, you wait for the programmed
response. But
he is polite enough to give it proper consideration, to put it
in a wider
context.
'I've been very fortunate, I think. Really, I
didn't expect to be here more
than a year when I first came. Looking at the
bigger picture now, I took the
opportunity after that. I have to say, too,
that I was a little bit
frustrated over the years. It's been a bit up and
down. That said, I'm not
one for looking back over my life. I did the best I
could at the time and
and I'm proud of what I achieved.'
Surely,
though, there were reasons. Hick thinks it had a lot to do with the
sort of
person he is, the background he comes from.
'I arrived on a scholarship
provided by the cricket association back in
Zimbabwe. My parents said it
would be a good idea to come over. I had not
done that well at school. I had
a good year in league cricket in Birmingham,
so I decided to stay for a
second term after I dropped out of school.
'I have to say it was a bit of
an eye-opener for me. I'd come straight from
a completely different life, a
schoolkid really, who'd grown up in a
disciplined society. I was 17, 18...
and I looked on it as a great
adventure. It took me a couple of weeks to
find my feet. I remember when I
came to Worcester, I arrived on Saturday and
went straight into a match.'
Worcestershire can have no complaints. They
have given him a testimonial to
go with the benefit he had a few years
ago.
If this season - starting against Nottinghamshire in the C&G
Trophy next
Sunday - is his last, he will not be going anywhere else. He has
a Level 4
coaching certificate, although he would find it hard to move
straight from
playing to telling others how to do it.
One reason, he
thinks, that he failed to score the Test runs people thought
him capable of
is that he spent seven years, from 1984 until 1991, in the
'comfort zone' of
the county game, completing a qualification period in
order to be eligible
to play for England. It took the edge off his
development as a
batsman.
'I think young guys now, they come through the system
differently, the A
team, the academy, all of that, so that by the time they
are picked to play
for England in the Test team, they know each other
already. It makes it much
easier for them. They feel at home with other
young players who have come
through.
'If you're starting your
international career now, the structure is
completely different. It's far
better than it was in the Nineties.' Then he
adds: 'Also, I was the first
player to come into the side from Zimbabwe.'
That is the nub of it. Hick
was always an outsider. He knew it. His
team-mates knew it. The media and
the fans knew it. He has not been back to
Zimbabwe since 1999 and is
saddened that they are now out of international
cricket. But this is his
home, the place where he and Jackie and their two
children are
comfortable.
Yet English coldness made it tough for him. 'I found it a
strange
environment when I came, a dressing room in a new team. I'd come
into the
England side and I'd sit quietly in the corner, minding my own
business. The
others were older, more experienced Test players. Perhaps it
was a bit
cliquish too. Different personnel. Also, at times the team's
results weren't
that great, and that creates tension.'
Hick agrees
there is little doubt he would have done better now with central
contracts,
a more competitive county championship, the academy, a
sympathetic England
coach in Duncan Fletcher (his captain in Zimbabwe's 1983
World Cup squad) -
and no Ray Illingworth.
Illingworth, chairman of the England selectors
from 1994 to 1997, was
unforgiving with Hick, even revealing the player had
cried after Mike
Atherton told him he had been dropped. 'That's just the way
I am,' Hick
says. 'I'm not ashamed of it. I show my emotions.'
It cut
no ice with the too-tough Yorkshireman. He publicly humiliated Hick
on more
than one occasion. It got to him, no question. As did the moment at
the
Sydney Cricket Ground on the awful 1994-95 tour when Atherton called him
in
on 98.
It was the most miserable of times for England. One banner said it
all: 'If
the Poms bat first, tell the taxi to wait.' Morale was low, getting
lower -
and Atherton's declaration, although not without merit in cricketing
terms,
did not help.
To this day, it rankles with Hick and remains an
embarrassment for Atherton.
Keith Fletcher, the then England coach,
recalls in his autobiography: 'Hick
should have been given more specific
instructions and not scratched around
as he did, but he was too sensitive
over the whole issue. Atherton didn't
consult me over his declaration, which
I was somewhat peeved about, but Hick
hardly spoke to me for a month. He
thought I was party to this decision and
I never disabused him because I
felt I had to stand by the captain's
declaration.'
The former
Somerset player Peter Roebuck wrote in the Sydney Morning Herald:
'England's
declaration seemed about right. Slow in the morning, they hurried
impressively after lunch. That Hick fell short of his third Test century is
neither here nor there. It is a team game, and England had batted long
enough. Hick had his chance, and failed to score from his last three
balls.'
Hick, who had batted for nearly four-and-half hours, sees it this
way: 'To
say I was disappointed would be putting it very politely. It
created a bad
atmosphere in the dressing room. It went very quiet. And even
when we took
the field, it was very flat. Athers has said since maybe it
wasn't the right
decision. We spoke about it that evening. I wasn't happy.
I've got a lot of
respect for Athers, though, and it's no big deal now.
We've talked about it
since.
'However, if I was in his position, I'd
let the chap get his hundred. We
didn't have a lot to cheer about at the
time and I think a player scoring a
hundred would have given us something to
feel good about, a bit of a lift.
We had dominated the Test and could have
won it.'
Atherton liked Hick and wrote later: 'Not easy to draw out of
himself,
problems tend to remain deep inside and confrontation is rare. I
was in the
manager's room at Trent Bridge in 1995 when Ray Illingworth
accused him of
being soft. He did not say much before slamming the door on
the way out,
but, far more importantly, he then went out to score a Test
match hundred
the next day.'
Hick could do that. He did not lack
passion. He lacked confidence - which is
hard for mortals to understand. How
could someone with so much talent
disappoint so often? At the Wisden dinner
last week, a casual straw poll
reached the consensus that Hick cared too
much, not too little. He wanted to
please, but his inner fears stifled his
game.
A friend of his remarked: 'He was capable of the most amazing
things on the
cricket field. But he didn't want a fuss. It embarrassed
him.'
This, after all, was the same player who scored 405 for
Worcestershire
against Somerset at Taunton in 1988, a day that opponents and
team-mates
alike will never forget. Roebuck recalls him 'running his
partner's singles
every bit as hard as he ran his own. It was a tremendous
team performance
too, not just an individual one.'
'I can't imagine
you will ever see a greater innings than Graeme's today,'
Ian Botham
observed. 'He's certainly the best white batsman I've seen.'
Christopher
Martin-Jenkins wrote in the Daily Telegraph: 'Possibly he will
become the
most prolific [batsman] since the great Don Bradman.'
The player himself
did not even know he had posted the best championship
score since the 424 of
Archie MacLaren (also at Taunton) in 1895. Here was
an ingenu who might just
bludgeon his way to the top. He became the youngest
player ever to score
2,000 runs in an English season. England could hardly
wait for him to
qualify. And Hick knew with each passing season his game was
losing its
sharpness. It was too easy. He desperately wanted to test
himself. Yet, when
the call came, he was guarded. 'I hope people don't
expect too much of me,'
he said.
We did. Inevitably.
Atherton's view that Hick shies away
from confrontation is not entirely
true. He has had rows, most notably with
Tom Moody in the Australian's last
season as Worcestershire's coach in
2005.
'I've got mixed feelings about all that, really. When he left...
let's just
say... let's leave it. It's a different environment in county
cricket
sometimes and you have to feel comfortable in the dressing room. I
enjoyed
it, though. I've been here 21 years and I can remember only three or
four
big bust-ups. Generally, we get on very well.'
Moody would
rather leave it, too. He is coaching Sri Lanka - 'moved on' in
the game's
argot - but there is no denying that the game creates unique
pressures, with
players living and working so close to each other for six
days a week, all
summer, often away from home. It is a scene not always
suited to reasoned
relationships between adults.
And it is Hick's life. Totally. He has done
nothing else. Will he be able to
cope when he leaves his 'comfort zone'? He
is not sure himself, although he
does not seem unduly worried. He has
dinners and golf days to host in his
testimonial year and there will be time
to think about the future later, if
the runs dry up and his hand is
forced.
But what if he rediscovers his touch? In the most extreme of
circumstances,
what if England, still struggling in the one-day game, need
him one more
time, for the World Cup in West Indies next year (Hick remains
one of the
best limited-overs bangers in cricket)?
'Hmm. I can't see
that happening, to be honest. Let's just say, if the phone
rang and they
asked me I'd certainly go, but I think it would be a backward
step. I'm not
saying I'm not still as good or better than some of the
younger players...
but it wouldn't be the right thing for them to do.'
That sort of sums up
Graeme Hick. He could have been a great cricketer. But
he will settle for
being a decent human being.