http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Friday, 20 April 2012 09:08
Owen
Gagare
PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe’s viability as the Zanu PF presidential
candidate in
the next crucial elections he desperately wants this year is
increasingly
becoming risky due to a combination of growing infirmity, old
age and
intensifying factionalism, fuelled by succession
battles.
While Mugabe (pictured) and his loyalists insist he is as
“fit as a fiddle”
amid growing fears of health failures and complications
associated with old
age, evidence Mugabe is struggling mounted this
week.
On Wednesday he almost fell at the National Sports stadium
during the
Independence Day celebrations, suggesting infirmity and age are
fast
catching up with him.
Although Mugabe managed to stand for about
one-and-a-half hours, inspecting
the guard of honour, and watching it march
past in slow and quick motion
before delivering his address, he almost
slipped and fell backwards while
going onto the saluting dais, but was
swiftly rescued by one of his aides.
The incident seemed to confirm reports
his close security unit has now been
ordered to always stick with him and be
on alert, especially going up steps.
It is now generally accepted in
Zanu PF that if elections are to be held
next year, it would not be
practical or reasonable to field Mugabe as a
candidate due to his advanced
age and frailty, hence his hysterical demands
elections this year, with or
without a new constitution.
However, Mugabe’s candidacy is not only
dogged by ill-health and old age. It
is also beset by growing factionalism,
fuelled by escalating power struggles
within Zanu PF.
Senior party
officials are now publicly tackling factionalism and
succession, showing
the situation is spinning out of control. In the past,
openly talking about
these issues was almost taboo in Zanu PF.
However, it is now becoming
commonplace to hear senior Zanu PF officials
talk about factionalism and
succession battles centred around rival camps
led by Vice-President Joice
Mujuru and Defence minister Emmerson Mnangagwa.
After he was
unexpectedly attacked last week by party administration
secretary Didymus
Mutasa over reports he was going to replace Mugabe who was
rumoured
“critically ill” while in Singapore recently, Mnangagwa hit back
yesterday,
saying “mentally-deranged people” were behind stories about his
political
ambitions.
“I’m surprised as you. I also read these rumours in the
papers. There is no
such thing and these are efforts of detractors bent on
causing alarm and
chaos among the authorities, both in Zanu PF and the
government,” he said
during a public lecture at Midlands State University in
Gweru. “There
fortunate thing is that we are so mature to be distracted by
such
mentally-deranged people. I, therefore, rest my
case.”
Mutasa, more aligned to the Mujuru faction, last week provided
the clearest
indication yet that Mugabe’s succession battle is heightening
ahead of
elections when he said Mnangagwa would not replace Mugabe. “We have
a
hierarchy that we follow as a party; Mai (Mrs) Mujuru is better placed (to
succeed Mugabe) as well as (co-vice-president) John Nkomo and even (Simon
Khaya) SK Moyo (party chairman),” Mutasa said. “These are the people who can
take over today. Whoever is funding this succession agenda has a wrong
motive and should not be allowed to continue doing so.”
Mutasa’s
comments exposed growing fissures within the Zanu PF hierarchy over
the
issue. Earlier this week senior Zanu PF politburo member and party
strategist, Jonathan Moyo, currently a Mugabe diehard, slammed factional
leaders, lamenting the “ugly dynamics of factionalism” in the
party.
“When all is said and done, the most critical failure of the
nationalist
movement in Zimbabwe today is the rise of factionalism to its
current
shocking levels. While this has been bad enough, what has made it
particularly worse is that the type of factionalism which has taken root
within our nationalist movement is content free in ideological and policy
terms,” Moyo said. “This is terrible because when factionalism has no
ideological or policy content it means it is only a personal project of an
individual with no public or national purpose of value and invariably ends
up becoming private, tribal or regional.”
Moyo warned Zanu PF’s
“Generation 40” to be “vigilant against being trapped
by content-free
factionalists in pursuit of patronage which of late is being
peddled under
the cover of succession politics”.
Zanu PF spokesperson Rugare Gumbo
last night confirmed factionalism was
intensifying in his party, saying
there was an urgent need to step the
crisis.
“Yes there have been
complaints and petitions from all over the provinces,
but we don’t have a
position as a party. We will meet as the politburo and
the political
commissar will present a report to enable us deal with the
complaints,” he
said.
“We are having DCC elections and we have issues in Mashonaland
Central,
Manicaland and Midlands and other provinces, so we will look at all
those
issues.”
Gumbo said the factionalism would not necessarily
undermine Mugabe and Zanu
PF during elections. “In the final analysis, we
will come together. We are
like wounded lions, when we are under attack we
will come together,” he
said.
While Mugabe addressed Independence
Day celebrations appearing well,
speculation on the president’s health has
however not died down. Although
Mugabe did not personally seek to reassure
people he was fit, some hired
youths tried to. As he walked into the stadium
a section of youths who were
seated next to the VIP section and members of
Mbare Chimurenga Choir sang
in Shona: “Havamborwarakunyeperana (He is not
sick, that’s a lie), Vakasimba
Gushongo … (Mugabe is very
fit).”
However, Mugabe’s misstep almost spoiled the party for him. A
Zimbabwe
Broadcasting Corporation camera person captured part of the
incident beamed
live, but the camera was deliberately shifted focus away
from him, while the
vision mixer moved in to change the
picture.
Mugabe read his speech for 50 minutes but it was evident
that his energy and
oratorical skills had waned. He spoke slowly and his
speech was rather
incoherent.
Although Mugabe, who has been in power
since Independence in 1980 wants
another five–year term, many people in Zanu
PF now fear he will not be a
viable candidate.
Reports say Mugabe ran for
office in 2008 against the advice of his personal
doctor who feared he would
not sustain rigorous campaigning.
Now four years on, infirmity and
old age seem to be slowing him down and
this, coupled with factionalism and
fights over succession, seems to be
making his candidacy unviable and
risky.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Friday, 20 April 2012 09:06
Faith
Zaba
FACTIONALISM within Zanu PF structures is intensifying and spreading
like
veld fire across provinces, with the latest infighting erupting in
Masvingo
yesterday.
Zanu PF provincial offices in Masvingo town were
closed yesterday by party
supporters protesting against imposition of
candidates in the District
Coordinating Committees (DCCs) elctions on
factional lines, and vote buying.
This comes soon after
demonstrations in Manicaland where hundreds of
disgruntled party supporters
protested the way last month’s DCC elections
were conducted, alleging
massive rigging, imposition of candidates, a fake
voters’ roll and disputed
results.
To end the protests, Zanu chair Simon Khaya Moyo and
political commissar
Webster Shamu were forced to address the demonstrators
on Tuesday. They were
given a two-week ultimatum to dissolve the provincial
executive, failure of
which protests would resume. Protestors are demanding
the ouster of
provincial chairperson Mike Madiro who presided over the
elections. The
clashes have widened the rift between two rival factions in
the party, one
led by Vice-President Joice Mujuru and another by Defence
minister Emmerson
Mnangagwa.
Earlier this week, Zanu PF politburo
member Jonathan Moyo described
factionalism as “the cancerous scourge”
affecting the party. Masvingo
provincial leaders last night said they
planned protests over the
imposition of candidates by the provincial
leadership.
“Party members have closed the provincial party offices
in protest against
the mismanagement of DCCs, personalising the party, the
party being run from
people’s homes and abuse of money to buy votes,” said
one provincial leader.
“There is a big demo in the offing. How can we win
elections when the house
is divided and fighting against itself? It will
collapse.”
Zanu PF lost in Masvingo and was defeated in the 2008
polls.
In Matabeleland, problems bedeviling Zanu PF Bulawayo province are far
from
over after Shamu’s visit at the weekend failed to resolve the
contentious
issue of provincial chairman Isaac Dakamel suspended almost
three weeks ago
on allegations of corruption and insubordination. Insiders
said Shamu
visited the party headquarters with the intention of re-instating
Dakamela
who was replaced by Killian Sibanda, but his bid was foiled by
influential
politburo members including Angeline Masuku and Joshua Malinga.
Zanu PF
infighting is fuelled by succession.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Friday, 20 April 2012 09:30
Wongai
Zhangazha
WHEN the MDC signed the Global Political Agreement (GPA) in
September 2008,
resulting in its leader Morgan Tsvangirai assuming the post
of prime
minister, the party was under the discernible impression he would
wield
substantial power within the unity government.
That was why
at the beginning the MDC strenuously claimed Tsvangirai was
head of
government even though he did not chair cabinet, an assertion proved
wrong
by the passage of time. A head of government by definition chairs
cabinet.
While Tsvangirai hoped for genuine power-sharing,
President Robert Mugabe
and his loyalists strategically ring-fenced the
levers of state power,
resulting in the prime minister’s post becoming
largely a ceremonial one.
Some senior MDC officials, particularly Roy
Bennett, have since acknowledged
this, lamenting Tsvangirai is just a lame
duck.
At the beginning it was assumed if Tsvangirai controlled the
Council of
Ministers he would exercise influence over government, especially
given the
initial impression that he would also chair cabinet in Mugabe’s
absence
since he is the deputy. However, a battle later erupted over that
and Mugabe
prevailed, in a move which showed the power relations in
government were in
favour of Zanu PF.
On the face of it, the GPA,
and Council of Ministers in particular, gave
Tsvangirai substantial
executive power and potential influence, depending on
how he would
practically handle the situation.
Article 20.1.5 of the GPA which
deals with the function and role of the
prime minister defines his
responsibilities. It says the prime minister,
who chairs the Council of
Ministers, has the responsibility to oversee the
implementation of cabinet
decisions, receive briefings from cabinet
committees and make progress
reports to cabinet on matters of implementation
of cabinet
decisions.
The prime minister also has to attend to matters of
coordination in the
government, receive and consider reports from the
committee responsible for
the periodic review mechanism and to make progress
reports to cabinet on
matters related to the periodic review
mechanism.
However, due his limited influence, the Council of
Ministers has become a
partisan talking shop routinely boycotted by Zanu PF
ministers whose
statements in the media sometimes show open contempt for the
prime minister.
It has become unproductive, bureaucratic and self-serving
and so lacks
respect and power. In short, it has degenerated into a debating
society.
The Council of Ministers, which consists of all the cabinet
ministers and
chaired by Tsvangirai, was designed to ensure the prime
minister properly
discharges his responsibilities to oversee the
implementation of the work of
government.
Its functions include,
among other things, assessing the implementation of
cabinet decisions,
assisting the prime minister to attend to matters of
coordination in the
government, enabling the premier to receive briefings
from cabinet
committees, and making progress reports to cabinet on matters
of
implementation of decisions.
However, following the recent boycott of
a special Council of Ministers’
meeting on indigenisation by Zanu PF cabinet
ministers, analysts say this
effectively confirmed Tsvangirai has no control
in government.
According to the state media, Zanu PF ministers were
said to have avoided
the meeting, arguing Tsvangirai wanted to take
advantage of Mugabe’s absence
to chair cabinet through the back
door.
Political analyst Gladys Hlatshwayo said the Council of
Ministers was an
important forum, but was crippled by power struggles in the
inclusive
government. “The issue really is not whether the Council of
Ministers is an
important platform or not,” Hlatshwayo said. “Even if
Tsvangirai was to
chair cabinet it was going to be the same. The main issue
is about parties
and personalities and their attitude towards the inclusive
government.”
“Zanu PF is a disruptive party which does not follow
procedures, especially
anything that seems to give Tsvangirai power. They
would want to throw
spanners in the works. If it was Mugabe who was heading
this Council of
Ministers they would all take it seriously. They just don’t
want Tsvangirai.
In the end it’s a power game.”
Other analysts
say the disabling of the Council of Ministers reflects the
power relations
between Zanu PF and the MDC. The balance of power favours
Zanu PF and hence
Mugabe more than the MDC and Tsvangirai.
In a letter to Mugabe on
February 5 providing his own assessment of the GPA,
Tsvangirai described
Zanu PF ministers’ boycott of the Council of Ministers
meeting as “a
disturbing trend”, adding this was “derailing the
implementation of the GWP
(Government Works Programme)”. He said if such
insubordination was allowed
to continue “it will make this government
totally
dysfunctional”.
Political commentator Blessing Vava said the Council
of Ministers was
“ineffective, useless and irrelevant”. Vava said: “It was
just created to
appease Tsvangirai so that he could sign the agreement under
the impression
that by chairing it he would have some power and influence.
Cabinet
ministers comprise the Council of Ministers so why should we have
another
cabinet outside cabinet?”
He continued: “My point is that
we don’t need such a body when cabinet is
there already, it creates
unnecessary confusion and tension. It has failed
to work because it has been
politicised and personalised — created
specifically for Tsvangirai, strictly
speaking not as a state institution.”
However, Tsvangirai’s
spokesperson Luke Tamborinyoka disagreed. He argued
the prime minister, as
required, has managed to supervise a number of
government projects even
though Zanu PF ministries have proved
uncooperative.
“The Council
of Ministers is a creature of the GPA, which in turn is a
creature of the
constitution of the Republic of Zimbabwe. It is important
that policy
implementation is supervised and assessed. Those choosing to
undermine the
Council of Ministers do not make it irrelevant,” he said.
“The
problem is with our shaky coalition government. Reforms that fall under
the
Zanu PF ministers have always been stalled. Otherwise, the prime
minister
has been able to supervise implementation of government policies
and
programmes. He has been in control of the GWP. He has been overseeing
social
service delivery projects, including on water, health and others.”
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Friday, 20 April 2012 09:28
Nqobile
Bhebhe
GROUP Five International, the South African firm contracted by
government to
refurbish the 800km Plumtree-Mutare road, is expected to
commence work on
the multi-million dollar project next week.
The
road from Plumtree covers Bulawayo, Gweru, Kwekwe, Kadoma, Harare and
Rusape
up to Mutare. The director of Group Five Projects International
Ltd(Zimbabwe), Ham Coetzee, said work would start mid-next week. “We are
moving the machinery to Plumtree at the weekend from Bulawayo and by mid
next week we expect to be in full production,” he said.
Coetze
also said the mega project would absorb many of the jobless local
people
along the way. “We have 250 people on the payroll of whom only 10
are
expatriates and the rest are Zimbabweans,” he said.
At least US$206
million will be sunk into the project, expected to create
massive
employment. Government sealed a deal with Development Bank of
Southern
Africa for the rehabilitation and upgrading of the Plumtree-Mutare
road.
Last year, the State Procurement Board (SPB), which that
handles government
tenders, caused a stir when it said it was unaware of the
multi-million
dollar project.
Government says Group Five International is
a renowned company that has
constructed major highways and airports in South
Africa.
Group Five entered into an agreement with Zinara and set up a
special
purpose vehicle called Infralink, which is 70% owned by the
principal
contractor and 30% by Zimbabwe’s road authority, to implement the
road
construction and modernisation project.
Massive equipment
worth millions ofdollars, which will be used to construct
the highway, will
be moved from Bulawayo to Plumtree at the weekend. The
equipment includes a
recycler, chip spreaders and computerised brushes.
Group Five offices
told the Zimbabwe Independent on Tuesday that the
recycler is the first of
its kind in Zimbabwe and has a capacity to rip off
a stretch of the old
tarmac and reconstruct it on the same day with the road
being usable the
following day.
Group Five International brought some of the equipment
from Germany. The
rehabilitation and widening programme is expected to be
complete in 36
months. Once complete, the highway would have at least nine
world class
toll plazas to recoup money used during construction.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Friday, 20 April 2012 09:27
Brian
Chitemba
AS Zimbabwe prepares for crucial elections either this year or
in 2013 after
the constitution-making process, Zanu PF is geared to use the
controversial
indigenisation programme to win back votes in areas it lost to
the two MDC
formations.
This is revealed in a letter, dated March
12, to Indigenisation minister
Saviour Kasukuwere written by suspended Zanu
PF Bulawayo chairman Isaac
Dakamela and provincial indigenisation and
economic empowerment secretary
Charles Chiponda in which the two say the
empowerment programme is aimed at
luring the electorate to rally behind
President Robert Mugabe and his party.
Zanu PF used land reform as
the centerpiece of its campaigns in the past
elections after 2000. The two
provincial leaders said the indigenisation
programme was the last political
card their party wields to get voters ahead
of watershed
elections.
“Taking into consideration that the indigenisation
programme is our party’s
tool for political mobilisation and that its
success will translate into an
electoral victory, we strongly believe that
Bulawayo will win back most of
its parliamentary seats through the
programme,” the letter says.
“However, in pursuit of the programme,
Bulawayo province is experiencing
very strong resistance from foreign-owned
mines and companies who get
support from our detractors, the independent
press, legal firms and some
misguided law enforcement agents. Our province
needs your support and stands
ready to send a delegation to your offices to
present our case.”
Dakamela confirmed writing the letter but declined
to discuss the matter.
Kasukuwere was not available for comment as his
mobile phone went
unanswered.
The letter was also sent to party national
chairman Simon Khaya Moyo,
political commissar Webster Shamu, Bulawayo
Governor Cain Mathema (pictured)
who is the party’s deputy spokesman, and
other politburo members in
Matabeleland.
Kasukuwere is on a
crusade to force foreign-owned companies, including mines
and banks, to
surrender 51% equities to locals without compensation.
His move amounts to
expropriation or nationalisation.
The indigenisation law has been
criticised for lack of clarity. For instance
Section 3 of the Indigenisation
and Economic Empowerment says it shall be
the “endeavour” of government to
ensure that every company in Zimbabwe that
is foreign-owned is at least
51%-owned locally.
Analysts say words like “endeavour” do not mean
what Kasukuwere is doing
now. Kasukuwere recently published a notice warning
that mining companies
that failed to meet last year’s September 25 deadline
should note that 51%
of their shareholding would now be deemed to be owned
by the state. However,
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai dismissed that
position, saying it was not
government policy.
Mathema, in his
address during the Governor’s Ball on Tuesday evening, said
indigenisation
was an empowerment programme to ensure black people gain the
means of
production.
“We can’t talk about Independence if we ignore
indigenisation. People say
they want freedom of expression, but that is
pointless if you don’t have the
means of production,” he said.
In
his message to mark the 32nd Independence Day celebrations, Tsvangirai
said
Zanu PF was using the indigenisation programme to gain political
mileage.
“We have disagreed in this government because there are others
who want to
perpetuate the old culture of expropriation, looting and
self-aggrandisement
clad in new and misleading nomenclature such as
‘indigenisation’,” he said.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Friday, 20 April 2012
09:25
Herbert Moyo
THE Zimbabwe Environmental Law Association
(Zela) this week called for
comprehensive legal and policy interventions to
protect and promote the
rights of communities that are displaced by mining
activities.
Zela also called for legislation to compel mining
companies to engage in
environmentally sustainable practices or to plough
back part of their
earnings into the affected communities.
Zela
director Mutuso Dhliwayo identified lack of secure tenure over land and
minerals as an “Achilles heel” in communities’ quest for fair and adequate
compensation upon displacement from their ancestral lands and called on the
state to give secure tenure to rural communities.
“This lack of
secure tenure affects communities’ ability to effectively
engage and bargain
with the state and mining companies prior to, during and
after the
involuntary displacement and resettlement processes,” Dhliwayo
said.
He said the sum effect of current laws like the Mines and
Minerals Act,
Communal Land Act Rural District councils Act and Traditional
Leaders Act is
to give communities mere access, use and management rights to
the land
rather than give them secure tenure.
“Although Section
80 of the Mines and Minerals Act and Section 12 of the
Communal Land Act
provide for compensation, it is however not a
pre-condition for evictions
and resettlement of communities,”Dhliwayo said.
United Nations
Guiding Principles on internal Displacements provide that
“adequate measures
shall be taken to guarantee those to be displaced, full
information on the
reasons and procedures for their displacement”.
International best
practice also requires that fair and adequate
compensation should be
discussed and agreed to before evictions and
relocations and this has not
been the case in Chiadzwa where relocations
began and are continuing without
compensation issues being agreed to between
the mining companies and the
affected communities.
In advocating for the need for binding
legislation to promote sustainable
development, Zela pointed out that at
present, social responsibility
initiatives are voluntary, not legally
binding.
The lobby group gave the example of Mberengwa where mining
companies had
systematically extracted emeralds, gold, chrome and iron from
the Nyala,
Masaga, Sandawana and Buchwa areas but did not plough anything
back to
ensure sustainable development.
In 2009 Zela
unsuccessfully petitioned the High Court to stop the diamond
mining
companies in Chiadzwa, Zimbabwe Mining Development Corporation,
Ministry of
Mines and Ministry of Local Government against relocating
communities before
issues of compensation were finalised.
Dhliwayo said the Ministry of
Local Government, Urban and Rural Development
failed to adequately consult
and inform the 428 families that were relocated
to Arda Transau a peri-
urban area on the outskirts of Mutare, about 80 km
from
Chiadzwa.
They were paid “pittances” of US$ 1 000 as disturbance
allowances and 150 kg
of mealie-meal, among other things. About 4 200
families face displacement
and relocation in order to pave way for expansion
of diamond mining
activities.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Friday, 20 April 2012 09:24
Owen Gagare
THE
US$750 million deal between government and Essar Africa Holdings of
India
aimed at reviving the defunct steelmaking giant Ziscosteel is frozen,
as it
emerged the Ministry of Mines and Mining Development is still
scrutinising
the agreement, infuriating the Ministry of Industry and
Commerce which is
facilitated it.
The pact, which was reached in March last year,
resulted in the Indian firm
acquiring 60% of Ziscosteel and setting up a new
company, NewZim Steel Ltd,
to take over its operations. Essar also acquired
80% of iron ore mining unit
Buchwa Iron Mining Company (Bimco) and formed
NewZim Minerals Ltd. Bimco
held the rights to iron ore claims for feedstock
into the Ziscosteel
operations.
Essar has however not started
operations at Ziscosteel, and has in recent
weeks threatened to pull out of
the deal in protest over government’s
failure to guarantee adequate iron ore
supply, which is a critical raw
material in the production of
steel.
The Indian firm wants to exploit iron ore claims at Mwenezi
Ranch in Chivhu
but the Mines ministry has blocked the move, arguing it
needs time to verify
the claims and establish the value of the mineral
deposits in the area.
In the wake of the pullout threat President
Robert Mugabe and Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai have given a directive to
Mines Minister Obert Mpofu and
his Industry counterpart Welshman Ncube to
speedily find a solution to
problems dogging the deal. A committee has been
formed and tasked with
finding solutions.
It comprises officials
from the two ministries and was supposed to be ready
with its
recommendations by Friday last week to pave way for a meeting
between Mpofu
and Ncube to iron out the sticking points.
Ncube however said
officials from the two ministries were still to meet
because the Ministry of
Mines requested more time to sort out some things on
their own.
“We had
agreed on the (April) 13th deadline. The agreement was that
officials from
the Ministry of Mines would work on what needs to be done and
then meet
officials in my ministry, before we meet as ministers. We are
still waiting
for the Ministry of Mines, but they have requested for more
time,” said
Ncube.
Ncube said the delay was frustrating Essar, which was ready to
work. Mines
secretary Prince Mupazviriho said his ministry had not completed
its
evaluation exercise, hence the delay.
“We are still in the
process of evaluating. We want to determine all the
terms of the deal as
well as the level of deposits. It may take up to the
end of the month,” he
said.
The Mines ministry has agreed to transfer Buchwa and Ripple Creek iron
ore
claims, which have 15 million tonnes and 3O million tonnes of iron ore
deposits, to Essar but the Indian firm believes they are
inadequate.
The deposit at Buchwa is said to be so deep that it
cannot be exploited
unless new technology is introduced. By the time
Ziscosteel stopped
operating, Bimco had already stopped operations at
Buchwa.
Essar believes deposits at Ripple Creek will be exhausted in
five years, by
which time the company would not have recouped their
investment. Essar wants
iron ore claims at Mwenezi Ranch, which former
Ziscosteel employee Roderick
Mumbire claims to own through a company called
Bearable Prospects (Pvt) Ltd.
The government has challenged Mumbire’s claims
in court.
Essar has pledged to restore Ziscosteel to its production
capacity of 1,2
million tonnes of steel a year within 18 months of
operations. Ziscosteel
has over the years been one of the most critical
industries in the country
and its demise hasdirectly contributed to the
collapse of several companies
in Bulawayo.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Friday, 20 April 2012 09:22
Faith
Zaba/Elias Mambo
IN a move which panders to President Robert Mugabe’s
self-serving elections
agenda, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai has added
his weight to his rival’s
feverish demands for the speedy conclusion of the
constitution-making
process, sparking fears Zanu PF will ultimately have its
way on the
contentious issue.
The two MDC formations are anxious
to hold elections under a new
constitution — something which Zanu PF is now
trying to resist although it
initially agreed when the GPA was signed in
2008.
Mugabe, who desperately wants early elections when he is still
fit to
campaign, has threatened to call for elections this year under the
Lancaster
House constitution, with or without a new constitution, if the
chaotic
constitution-making process drags on. Zanu PF factions are engaged
in fierce
succession battles at Copac, the constitution-making
process.
Interviewed by the Zimbabwe Independent this week,
Tsvangirai said Zimbabwe
cannot abandon the constitution-making process
because of a few contentious
issues, which are resolvable. He appeared to
agree with Mugabe, fuelling
reports that he was now in agreement with him on
elections this year. There
were reports which were not denied recently that
Sadc negotiator, South
African President Jacob Zuma had to intervene to stop
Tsvangirai and Mugabe
cutting a deal on elections. Tsvangirai has previously
said he had secured
an agreement with Mugabe that whoever loses elections
would not contest the
outcome.
“We are supposed to receive the
draft constitution and consider how to
finalise it,” he said. “We are
waiting for the management committee to
submit the draft. What the president
is saying is that we can’t wait until
everything is
concluded.”
Mugabe gave the management committee — made up of the
three negotiating
teams and technical experts — up to this week to conclude
the process and
hand over the final draft to the three party principals.
They are, however,
still deadlocked on three issues.
The team of
negotiators — Nicholas Goche and Patrick Chinamasa from Zanu PF,
Tendai Biti
and Elton Mangoma from MDC-T and Priscilla
Misihairabwi-Mushonga and Moses
Mzila-Ndlovu of MDC-N — failed to agree on
the structure of government,
devolution of power and dual citizenship. Zanu
PF resolved last month at its
politburo meeting not to move an inch
especially on devolution. The MDC
formations have also vowed not to
compromise.
Tsvangirai said:
“It is better that they give us the draft so that we
consider it. I am sure
that we will find an agreement on the parked issues.
If they are reduced to
a minimum, I am sure we should be in a position of
finding some sort of
accommodation. We can’t throw out the whole document on
the basis of one or
two disputes, so I think we will be able to finalise
it.”
However, based on past experience when contentious issues
are referred to
the principals, Mugabe always seems to end up having his way
or ensuring the
negotiations are stalled. At principal level, Tsvangirai has
previously
failed to secure the swearing-in of Roy Bennett as Agriculture
deputy
minister, influence of the renewal of service chiefs’ tenures, and
the
appointment of governors, judges and ambassadors, among other issues. A
number of GPA issues remain in deadlock or unimplemented in the case of
those already agreed upon.
In August 2010, Sadc leaders gave the
coalition government partners a 30-day
ultimatum to implement the GPA, but
to date none of the agreed issues have
been implemented.
Agreed
items include the implementation of the land audit and security of
tenure,
appointment of provincial governors, appointment of the board of the
Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe and the Mass Media Trust, the eradication
of hate speech, consensus on the awarding of national hero status and issues
of external interference, among others.
The principals had agreed
at the time that the only three outstanding issues
which remained were the
appointment of Bennett and the unilateral
appointments of Attorney-General
Johannes Tomana and Reserve Bank Governor
Gideon Gono, and they were going
to be resolved in a month’s time.
However, Mugabe made a U-turn and
refused to appoint governors from the MDC
formations resulting in Tsvangirai
taking the matter to court in November
2010. Mugabe has also refused to
swear in Bennett and in a sign showing that
the MDC-T had given up on the
matter, the party appointed Seiso Moyo in
Bennett’s place.
In his
speech to mark 32 years of Independence, Mugabe once again called for
the
speedy completion of the constitution-making process to pave the way for
general elections, piling pressure on Tsvangirai and others on what to do on
early elections.
“Finalisation of the constitution-making process
needs to be hastened,”
Mugabe said. “The principals in the Global Political
Agreement will be
examining the draft constitution so it can soon be put
before the people in
a referendum marking the beginning of a definite
process towards general
elections this year.”
Copac officials who
spoke to the Independent believe without Zuma’s
intervention, the principals
were unable to resolve the “parked issues”. A
member of the management
committee said: “Taking the stalemate to the
principals to try and bridge
their differences will not solve anything
because as a management committee
we represent those principals, we speak on
their behalf and what we say is
exactly what they will say so it is better
this issue be referred to the
facilitator.”
MDC-T co-chairperson Douglas Mwonzora said the drafters
have completed their
task but have failed to agree on the “parked” issues.
He said it was now up
to the principals to resolve the
deadlock.
“I can say the draft constitution is ready from the Copac
point of view but
the outstanding issues namely devolution, and dual
citizenship remain a bone
of contention from the Zanu PF representatives,”
he said.
MDC-N co-chairperson Edward Mkhosi was doubtful the draft
would be released
this week. “Our drafters have completed their duty as we
speak but the
management committee is not agreeing on the previously parked
issues. It
seems there are some disagreements within Zanu PF which makes the
whole
issue complicated, especially on the devolution of power and the
Citizenship
Act,” said Mkhosi.
“Our position, as MDC-N, is that
all these issues are resolvable but the
problem we are currently having is
that political parties, Zanu PF to be
precise, are politicising these
issues, hence they have remained parked.”
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Friday, 20 April 2012 09:10
Wongai
Zhangazha
THE MDC-T is moving to expel party members involved in
intra-party violence
which occurred in Masvingo, Bulawayo and Chitungwiza
last year as the party
seeks to curb brutality within its structures ahead
of the next elections.
The party’s national executive committee last
week discussed a report
compiled by a five-member commission led by human
rights lawyer Trust Maanda
which was set up to investigate violence which
rocked the MDC-T’s provincial
elections.
MDC-T spokesperson
Douglas Mwonzora said after the meeting that the
national executive went
through the report and resolved to punish those
involved in the
violence.
Mwonzora said: “We discussed the intra-party violence and the party
took a
stance that whoever is involved risks expulsion from the party. I
cannot
give details of the report as it is still under
discussion.”
MDC-T President Morgan Tsvangirai told Zimbabwe
Independent on Wednesday at
the Independence Day celebrations in Harare
that: “We will give you the full
information once we have considered the
whole report”.
Maanda, who headed the commission, said the report
took about four months to
compile as the commission went province by
province interviewing hundreds of
people.
“I’m not at liberty to discuss
contents of the report but we met with almost
everyone, from the lowest
party member to the highest office,” said Maanda.
“It was democracy at work
and it was very candid.”
The inquiry recommended fresh elections in
structures in Manicaland,
Mashonaland East, Chinhoyi district and Masvingo
urban following complaints
that they were not substantive during the
national congress.
Party sources said the inquiry implicated a number
of senior officials, some
of whom are members of the national executive, as
instigators of the
violence. The commission is said to have suggested that
the party disqualify
any candidate whose supporters used violence as a means
of campaigning.
Most provinces covered by the inquiry raised concerns
that the notice period
for holding their elections was less than two weeks,
despite that Section
5.5 of the party’s constitution states notice periods
should be no less than
30 days.
Districts most affected by this
short notice are Mutare Central, Chipinge
Central and Masvingo urban where
there were no structures in place up to the
time of the party’s national
congress. The issues remain un-addressed.
The provinces complained of
a lack of transparency and criteria for the
appointment of organising teams
and observers who conducted and observed the
party’s provincial
polls.
There are complaints that there was interference by some
members of the
national executive in nominations for the party’s top
positions. The
commission recommended the MDC-T be educated on political
tolerance and that
the party should focus its attention on internal
democracy as it was under
threat.
The commission also observed
that “sharp and distinct” parallel structures
existed in Manicaland between
the current provincial executive and losing
candidates. Masvingo,
Mashonaland West and Mashonaland East also had
parallel structures, though
not as pronounced.
Most members interviewed by the commission
indicated the MDC-T was riddled
with factions even though no one could
provide evidence. The inquiry
criticised the MDC-T for lacking an effective
grievance-handling procedure
ad conflict resolution mechanism.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Friday, 20 April 2012 15:36
Happiness
Zengeni
THE annual rate of inflation slowed down 0,3% to 4% in March on
the back of
softening general price levels. According to the latest
statistics,
released this week by ZimStats, the year-on-year inflation rate
for March as
measured by the Consumer Price Index, closed at 4% compared to
the February
rate of 4,3%.
This means that prices, as measured by
the CPI, increased by an average of
four percentage points between March
last year and this year. The
month-on-month inflation was at 0,43 %,
shedding 0,06 percentage points on
the February rate of 0,49%. Prices of
basic goods and services have
generally remained stable owing to the lack of
room by retailers to raise
prices because of subdued disposable incomes.
This is under the backdrop of
an illiquid economy.
Landlords have
also not been given room to increase rentals while transport
costs have
generally remained unchanged. However, since the reversal of the
surtax on
most household products, there has not been a commensurate
reduction in
inflation pass-through on the part of retailers. The decline in
inflation
has also been attributed to the weakness of the rand against the
US dollar,
which is currently in use in the country, and this is captured
through lower
prices of imports. South Africa is Zimbabwe’s largest source
market for food
and other manufactured imports.
The year-on-year food and
non-alcoholic beverages index, which is prone to
transitory shocks, stood at
5,2% whilst non-food inflation was at 3,44% in
the period under review. The
graph shows relatively stable inflation
patterns pointing to a generally
stable inflation outlook for 2012.
However analysts have questioned
the reliability of the figures as consumer
patterns vary widely across the
board. Independent inflation trackers put
the rate at around 8%. The
monthly CPI reveals the inflation rate in a
given period, based on the cost
of a “market basket” of goods and services,
from food and transport to
clothing and housing.
However, it can overstate or understate the
impact of inflation on an
individual family whose market basket may differ
from the government’s. That
family may have significantly more or fewer
health expenses or alcoholic
beverages expenses, for example. Many
economists believe that the CPI’s
basket broadly understates the real
inflation rate by as much as 2,5%.
The major fault of the CPI is that
the allocation of weights used to come up
with the CPI generally show a bias
against new products and services.
Analysts argue that communications
expenses now make up a significant
percentage in the general consumer basket
but the allotted weight is still
low on the CPI.
In terms of
weights used in calculating the index, food and non-alcoholic
beverages make
up 31,9, alcoholic beverages and tobacco four, clothing and
footwear 5,7,
housing, water electricity, gas and other fuels 16,2,
furniture household
equipment 15,1, health 1,3, transport 9,8 communications
at 1, recreation
and culture at 5,7%, education 2,9, restaurants and hotels
at 1,5 and
miscellaneous items at 3,9.
The CPI for March stood at 101,37
compared to 100,94 in February and 97,49
in March last year.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Friday, 20 April 2012
15:34
THE full implementation of the proposed development and
rehabilitation of
Zimbabwe’s infrastructure will require a US$5 billion
investment by the
private sector especially in power generation,
telecommunications, railway
and aviation services.
According to a
report released by the Africa Development Bank (AfDB) titled
Infrastructure
and Growth in Zimbabwe, close to US$5 billion of private
investment is
required for full implementation of the action plan to boost
infrastructure.
However, analysts say that is a challenge because
private sector investors
have a negative perception of the investment
climate in the country largely
owing to heightened indigenisation threats.
Currently Zimbabwe ranks lowly
on most international business environment
indices.
Economic Planning minister, Tapiwa Mashakada, (pictured)
said government
would continue to focus on the rehabilitation and
replacement of
infrastructure in 2012. Mashakada said capital budget and
innovative
private sector initiatives would be used to fund the
infrastructure
development programmes.
“The infrastructure
priorities are: energy, water and sanitation, transport,
housing and
construction, information, communication and technology (ICTs),
science,
technology and SME infrastructure,” he said.
Government aims to
restore basic services and provide an efficient and
reliable infrastructure
network to facilitate smooth business and social
operations, stimulate
economic growth and socio-economic development.
Foreign investors
have raised concern over whether the country will commit
to Bilateral
Investment Promotion and Protection Agreements (Bippas) that
have been
signed by government. Mashakada said his ministry was facilitating
the
signing of Bippas and their ratification with potential investment
destinations.
The AfDB report says the dominant role of state
enterprises in the provision
of infrastructure services was an obstacle to
an enlarged private sector
presence in these areas, especially where
services are heavily subsidised by
the state.
Nine of the
parastatals currently engaged in provision of basic
infrastructure services
will need to be restructured. “Continuation with the
current structures will
leave large areas of uncertainty for potential
private investors that, in
turn, will undermine their willingness to
consider entry into appropriate
Public Private Partnership type arrangements
with state enterprises,” the
AFDB report said.
The bank says that in order to lay foundations for
successful mobilisation
of these funds, government needs to take action on
three inter-related
fronts, subject all nine of the parastatals involved in
infrastructure
service provision to technical and financial restructuring,
the details of
which vary among these enterprises.
It also urges
the strengthening of the role of regulatory authorities in
each of the
infrastructure sectors, with emphasis on increased independence
of these
bodies; and the creation of an appropriate legal framework for the
types of
public-private partnerships that will be required for the
rehabilitation.
–– Staff Writer.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Friday, 20 April 2012 10:23
Reginald
Sherekete
THE 2012 tobacco marketing season started well on the back of
firm prices
with a total of 55 million kgs of flue cured tobacco having been
sold to
date, representing a 25% increase from the comparable period last
year.
Statistics released by the Tobacco Industry Marketing Board
(TIMB) show that
average prices at US$3,78 are 29% above last selling
season’s average.
Prices have been favourable this season peaking at US$5,70
under the
contract buying system and US$4,99 under the auction system in
2012 compared
to US$4,75 in 2011.But a low of US$0,10 per kg has been
attained in 2012 as
compared to US$0,20 in 2011.
A total of 24
million kgs have gone through the auction system at an average
price of
US$3,70 and a total of US$31 million having been sold through the
contract
system at an average price of US$3,84.
Trading at the auction floors
has remained skewed to the traditional
players, Tobacco Sales Floor and Boka
Tobacco Floors, who have both sold a
total of 16 million kgs, representing
70% of total sales through the auction
system.
New entrants,
Millennium Tobacco Floor and Premium Tobacco Floor (PTF), who
have absorbed
30% of market share,have been offering competitive prices to
growers.
Statistics of day 41 show that PTF had a higher average price of
US$3,86
above other auction floors.
The bale rejection this season decreased
to 5,3% from 7,6% in 2011 with the
bulk of rejection mainly attributed to
‘mixed hands’, ‘mouldy’ and ‘badly
handled’.
Under the procedures for the
sale of flue-cured tobacco, TIMB states that:
“Growers shall take all
reasonable care to present for sale undamaged
tobacco that is uniformly
graded, free from contamination and foreign matter
or any other non-tobacco
materials.”
Small scale farmers usually face problems in curing,
grading and handling of
their tobacco crop due to lack of resources and
adequate skills and this
results in a high rejection
rate.
Analysts say tobacco deliveries will increase in the coming
weeks due to
attractive prices currently prevailing on the market.
“Deliveries are
expected to increase in the coming weeks as growers seek to
take advantage
of the firm prices,” said an agronomist with a financial
institution.
Tobacco deliveries are estimated at 150 million kgs in
the 2012 selling
season on the back of favourable rainfall season since most
tobacco
producing provinces received considerable rainfalls.
The
Zimbabwe Farmers Union said that the rainfall season is tailing off and
most
growers are finalising the reaping and curing stages. “The tobacco
crop has
been doing well in most tobacco growing provinces. While the early
crop is
being marketed, the late crop is at reaping and curing stages,” said
the ZFU
in their weekly bulletin.
Last season, a total of 131,7 million kgs
of tobacco were delivered with
Mashonaland West province recording the
highest deliveries totalling 33,1%
of total seasonal sales. Mashonaland
Central delivered 30,6%, with
Manicaland at 18,6% while Mashonaland East
accounted for 17,6%.
ZFU also added that good rains were received in
parts of Manicaland,
Midlands and Mashonaland (east, west and central)
provinces and that the
majority of growers are now involved in grading and
bailing activities as
well as deliveries to the market.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Friday, 20 April 2012
09:40
Clive Mphambela
RESOLVING the country’s deteriorating trade
deficit will help alleviate
liquidity challenges on the local market, the
Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe has
said. In a commentary on the country’s trade
and current account
developments, the central bank says imports have grown
exponentially by
135,3%, from US$3,213 million in 2009 to US$7,562 million
in 2011, whilst
exports have risen by 177,3% from US$1,613 million to
US$4,474 million over
the same period.
Economic recovery in
the review period necessitated the absorption of
substantial imports in raw
materials, spares and machinery to support the
recapitalisation of
operations and industrial activity, resulting in
capacity utilisation
increasing from below 30% in 2009 to 57% now.
“This notwithstanding,
export performance responded modestly in the backdrop
of underlying
production bottlenecks. This negative development has resulted
in a widening
mismatch between exports and imports,” the Reserve Bank says.
It also
states that despite improved export performance since 2009, the
trade
balance has widened significantly from US$1,599 million in 2009 to
US$3,088
million in 2011.
Recent trade figures show that in 2011 motor vehicle
imports gobbled a
massive US$1,365 billion or 18% of total imports as
compared to
US$980million for machinery, US$59 million for electricity,
US$1,571 billion
for fuel and US$513 million spent on food imports.
Chemicals and other
manufactured goods accounted for US$1,013 billion and
$1,110 billion,
respectively.
Under the multi-currency system,
the major source of liquidity is export
receipts and transfers. That is
where the country gets its money from. More
exports mean more liquidity in
the economy and if the country is importing
more than it is exporting,
liquidity will diminish.
Liquidity also comes from capital inflows
through offshore loans, grants,
foreign direct investment and transfer
payments such as remittances from the
dispora. Supply side constraints in
the Zimbabwean economy in the aftermath
of the rapid contraction of
productive economic activity between 2000 and
2008 have promoted the huge
appetite for imports. The period saw the
absorption of inordinate amounts of
imports, largely finished goods such as
foodstuffs and motor vehicles which
gained prominence against a backdrop of
declining local agricultural
productivity and industrial capacity
utilisation that dropped to as low as
15%.
Analysts have attributed the rapid informalisation of the
economy to a shift
from productive enterprises to trading to which most
small businesses are
suited owing to the small capital requirements for
cross-border trading,
among other barriers to entry and exit. Many people
have gone into
self-employment as either cross-border traders or commodity
brokers,
resulting in massive imports of goods for
resale.
Post-dollarisation in 2009, Zimbabwe has seen a semblance of
recovery in the
manufacturing sector which was ruined during the economic
crisis. The sector’s
problem was compounded by outdated and obsolete
machinery and equipment, as
well as power shortages, lack of working capital
and that inputs, if
available, are usually costly. This has made local
products highly
uncompetitive.
Analysts say sustaining the
impressive economic growth rates which averaged
5,7%, 8,3% and 9,4% for
2009, 2010, and 2011, is crucial to increasing
importation of raw
materials, spares, and machinery and equipment, among
other things. It is
against this background that the country has seen a
dramatic increase in
imports over the period 2009 to 2011.
While this is happening, the
immense export growth potential of the
Zimbabwean economy continues to
suffer from lack of ability to beneficiate
primary production in agriculture
and mining, forcing the country to
continue exporting raw materials, with
mineral exports accounting for over
40% of total exports. Deterioration in
macroeconomic conditions mainly from
2000 to 2008 worsened the country’s
political risk profile, while creating
hostile conditions for
investment.
The global financial crisis, which engulfed the world
economy in 2008, as
well as repercussions of the euro-zone debt crisis in
2011 and depressed
international commodity prices helped decelerate
potential export growth,
hampering trade and growth prospects for
commodity-dependent economies such
as Zimbabwe. According to the central
bank, the deteriorating balance of
trade position has also combined with net
service and income payments to
culminate in the incurrence of unsustainable
current account deficits
amounting to 19,3%, 23,1% and 29,9% of GDP for
2009, 2010 and 2011,
respectively.
On the positive side, the
capital account rebounded to surplus levels in
2010 following a deficit of
US$623,5 million in 2009 to a surplus of
US$1,566 million in 2011 largely on
the back of increased access to both
short-term and long-term offshore
credit lines mainly secured by the private
sector. Recently the PTA bank
revealed that in the last five years it had
extended over US$600 million in
lines of credit to Zimbabwean companies.
Against the background of an
unsustainable current account deficit and
inadequate capital account
inflows, the country’s overall balance of
payments position improved from a
deficit of US$1,865 billion in 2009 to a
deficit of US$615 million in 2011.
Due to depleted foreign currency reserves
and lack of balance of payments
support, the country continues to finance
its deficit through the
accumulation of external payment arrears largely on
official external debt
obligations falling due.
Various policy recommendations have been put
forward by analysts who argue
that the current trend on the current account
needs to be urgently reversed.
In the short-term the country needs to put
mechanisms to ensure that it
earns a fair value for its mineral and natural
resource wealth.
Commentators argue that prominence should be given
to the establishment of
production facilities that enable the country to
weave its own cotton into
finished shirts, process its tobacco into
cigarettes, polish its own
diamonds and beneficiate them into high value
jewellery, and also refine its
own platinum, among other possibilities which
can be explored to add value
to our primary products.
This was
noted in the recently announced Trade and Industrial Development
Policies
launched by Government on 29 March 2012, coined their shared theme
as
“Promoting Value Addition for Sustainable Development.”
The Reserve
Bank says the growing preference for imported consumptive goods
by
Zimbabweans households has reached alarming and counter-productive
levels.
“The growing appetite for imports is not promotive of the revival
of the
country’s manufacturing sector, which is struggling to find its
foothold.
Other countries in the region such as South Africa recently moved
in to
discourage the dumping of products such as chickens from Brazil, to
protect
their local industry. In this regard, import tariffs ranging from
6,26% to
62,93% have been imposed as anti-dumping measures on low quality
chicken
products from Brazil,” the bank says.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Friday, 20 April 2012 09:55
Tony
Hawkins
MUGABE-watching has become as much an art form as
Kremlinology used to be.
When a little-known website reported that the
88-year-old Zimbabwe president
was near death in a Singapore hospital, first
the Twittersphere then
international media went into overdrive, boosting the
flagging spirits of
equity investors in Zimbabwe’s stagnant stock exchange
and raising hopes in
the mining industry that the nightmare of
indigenisation — majority
ownership by Zimbabweans – might soon be
dispelled.
It was not to be. On April 12 Mugabe arrived back in
Harare “fit as a
fiddle” — and the Zimbabwe Mail apologised and began
looking for a
replacement news editor. Nevertheless, the episode raises
again the issue of
just how — as well as when — Zimbabwe will make the
transition to a
post-Mugabe era.
There is no shortage of
scenarios.
A parliamentary committee drawing up a new constitution to
replace the one
negotiated at Lancaster House in London in 1979 will publish
its draft soon,
leading to a national referendum in September and fresh
elections in
mid-2013 or later.
But unless the draft is approved
by all three parties in the country’s
fractious, dysfunctional coalition
administration comprising Mugabe’s Zanu
PF, Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai’s Movement for Democratic Change, and
its tiny breakaway rump led
by Industry and Commerce minister Welshman
Ncube — constitutional deadlock
will continue and Mugabe will be free to
dissolve parliament and call
elections when he pleases.
He and his party want elections this year,
presumably worried that his
health will not bear the rigours of campaigning
in 2013 or beyond. But the
two wings of the MDC, with the backing of South
Africa’s President Jacob
Zuma, insist there can be no elections until a new
constitution and
electoral law are in place.
All of this suggests
that unless the president’s health fails Zimbabwe will
remain in a policy
and political vacuum that cannot be good for investment
or growth. The huge
debt overhang — foreign debt exceeds GDP while arrears
are 75% of GDP — is
unlikely to be tackled until a new administration is in
place. Earlier this
week Tendai Biti, Finance minister, admitted that his
“cash budget” was
US$93 million (about 0,8% of GDP) in deficit in Q1 2012.
Bankers and
economists want to know how this is being funded given that,
having
dollarised in 2009, the central bank can no longer print money.
Preliminary
balance-of-payments numbers show over US$1 billion in fresh
offshore
borrowing last year while investment inflows were tiny at US$200
million.
Economic recovery depends on the election of a majority
government that can
take tough decisions. Opinion polls — for what they are
worth — suggest that
given a reasonably free poll, Tsvangirai would easily
defeat Mugabe or
either of his two potential successors — vice president
Joice Mujuru, a
political lightweight, or Defence minister Emmerson
Mnangagwa. The latter
was an effective minister in challenging jobs
including justice and finance,
but he is unpopular as well as feared because
of his links with the country’s
Central Intelligence
Organisation.
This parliament’s mandate runs out in May 2013 which,
constitutionally, sets
the deadline for presidential and parliamentary
elections. For all its
confidence in its public support, the MDC fears not
only that securocrats in
the army and police will not allow a free poll, but
that elections without
far-reaching reforms will unleash an orgy of violence
as in 2008.
Mugabe’s departure, for whatever reason, would break the
logjam: if the
president goes before his term is complete the two houses of
parliament —
the Senate and the House of Assembly sit as an electoral
college within 90
days to elect a successor for the remainder of his tenure
in terms of
Constitutional Amendment Number 18, or a Zanu PF nominee takes
over although
it’s not clearly defined how in accordance with Amendment
Number 19 which
only applies so long as the Global Political Agreement
subsists.
But that would not ensure that the poll would be free since
the military,
which see themselves as the guardians of Zimbabwe’s
sovereignty, would
likely block the transfer of power to the MDC’s
Western-backed “sellouts”
and “stooges.”
It seems then that so
long as the president stays fit enough for the job,
Zimbabwe will continue
to be mired in political and economic uncertainty.
Some — from all three
political parties — believe the most pragmatic
solution would be to extend
the life of the coalition until a new
constitution is agreed or Mugabe steps
down. Pragmatic though that might be,
it would leave the country in a state
of continuous campaigning to the
detriment not just of the economy but of
governance as a whole.
The belief in Western capitals is that
post-Mugabe Zimbabwe will be a very
different country. That is based less on
thoughtful analysis of the reality
on the ground than on the naive
assumption that Zimbabwe can somehow go back
to its past of the 1980s or
1990s. But the dynamics within Zimbabwe and the
region have changed and
whoever succeeds Mugabe is not going to reverse his
policies on land or
indigenisation. It might be softened at the edges but
Zanu-PF nationalism
runs so deep that even if he wanted to turn the clock
back, which is
doubtful, Tsvangirai would not be able to do so.
Professor Hawkins
teaches Economics at the Graduate School of Management at
the University of
Zimbabwe.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Friday, 20 April 2012
09:52
Dr Ibbo Mandaza
ZIMBABWE’S post-Independence trajectory and
political and economic
experiences thereof, is typically African,
particularly with respect to the
key features that characterise the
continent’s modern history. I refer here
specifically to the twin and
interrelated factors —- the colonial legacy and
neo-colonial framework —
that have shaped and accounted for Africa’s
post-independence path, Zimbabwe
in particular, as we mark 32 years of
self-rule.
First, the
colonial legacy and the political economy it bequeathed in the
form of
largely extractive and labour-intensive economies, and a resultant
class
structure in which the indigenous people were stymied from developing
a
national bourgeoisie that would be the anchor class of the
post-Independence
enterprise of nation-state-in-the-making.
Second, the neo-colonial
framework inhered in such a political economy
rendering the post-colonial
state neither a nation-state nor a nation, but
‘‘simply a state’’ whose
political, cultural and economic structures were
linked to the interests of
the former colonial and other metropolitan
powers.
As student
leaders, activists and intellectuals associated with the national
liberation
struggle during the 1970s, many of us argued strenuously — and
almost
structurally and deterministically — that, because of the nature and
intensity of white settler colonialism in Zimbabwe and in Southern Africa as
a whole, Independence would, therefore, necessarily yield a qualitatively
different political and economic order from that experienced in other parts
of Africa.
More than three decades after Zimbabwe’s Independence
in 1980, we should be
less romantic and recognise the historical reality for
what it is;
acknowledge the twin factors outlined above and understand that
it is still
possible to confront these as part of a well-defined national
development
strategy. But this requires a level of honesty and
self-introspection,
especially on the part of those of us who have been
participants in the
post-colonial state architecture in which credit must
be given for work
done in the face of enormous odds, and likewise
acknowledgement of mistakes
made when they could have been
avoided.
It would be difficult to comprehend the problems attendant
to the
post-Independence era without a consideration of the state we
inherited as
part of the colonial legacy. Herein lies the fundamental
contradiction: The
liberation struggle sought to uproot the white settler
colonial state, and
yet the post-Independence state itself was, almost root
and branch, an
expression of that very animal.
We should not have
mistaken the change of the guards and personnel as
representing the
transformation of the state at Independence and thereafter.
This is why some
of the excesses of the post-Independence state bear such
strong resemblances
to those of the colonial era and, in a number of cases,
even
worse.
We inherited the conventional Western bourgeois state but,
unlike the latter
in which a national bourgeoisie was the anchor, the
post-colonial state was
succeeded by a class of former school teachers,
clerks, educated elite,
petty traders, etc. Hence the reliance, in those
formative years of
post-Independence, on elements of the former Rhodesian
regime, including
cabinet ministers for such key portfolios as finance and
agriculture;
leadership of the Reserve Bank and its monetary policy
oversight; the
Central Intelligence Organisation; the judicial system;
British support
through which the army and other sections of the security
and
law-enforcement organs of the state were developed and instutionalised
out
of a former guerilla group; and a public service — including the
Secretary
to the Cabinet — whose brief was continuity rather than
change.
So, continuity rather than change is what characterised the
transition from
Rhodesia to Zimbabwe, especially in the economic field —
including land and
agriculture — wherein the African nationalists were least
equipped in terms
of technical capacity and experience. The leadership in
particular had
little appreciation of the workings of the economy and, at
any rate,
completely underestimated its central importance in favour of a
pre-occupation with the ‘‘political kingdom’’.
As former school
teachers who had never perused a balance sheet in all their
working
experience, university graduates with little or no exposure to
either
statecraft or business, the Zimbabwean leadership after Independence
constituted more of a caretaker state, facilitating an economy which, two
decades later, remained quite firmly in the hands of the former white
settlers and international capital.
All this was not accidental
and relates to the colonial legacy, particularly
the Land Apportionment Act
of 1930, on the basis of which Africans were
systematically and almost
totally pre-emptied from competing with the white
settlers across the entire
economy. Often forgotten historically is the
extent to which this Act and a
raft of related legislation virtually ensured
there would be no meaningful
African bourgeoisie until the traces of it in
the 21st century. Without
such legislation and the rapaciousness with which
white settler colonialism
— and international capital —ravaged the economy
of Zimbabwe to its
advantage, indigenous capital could have grown and
overtaken the white
settlers by the turn of the 1940s. Only a reminder that
colonialism was
both political and, perhaps even more so, an economic
agenda.
Not
surprisingly, the land reform exercise that began in earnest in 2000
could
not have been without the problems so far endured. This appears to
have
been the logical prize to pay for having left a small minority in
charge of
an entire agricultural economy for 90 years of the colonial era,
plus
another 20 years afterIndependence.
In many respects, therefore, the
land reform programme itself marks an
important watershed in the 32 years of
post-Independence, and throws into
sharp focus the rise of the securocrat
state as a defence line for a former
liberation movement now on the ropes
from 2000 onwards. This was due to an
economy already on the decline (since
the 1990s) given its narrowness and
limited capacity (due to the
continuities from the colonial era),
unavoidable disruption of production
attendant to land reform, and a
growing opposition from the MDC
party.
Some of these problems might have been more easily dealt with
in the context
of the proposed new constitution of 1999/2000. But the
latter came a little
too late for an impatient MDC more concerned about
outmanoeuvring President
Robert Mugabe and Zanu PF than the merits of a new
constitution. So, as
Lloyd Sachikonye has indicated in his latest book,
Zimbabwe’s Lost Decade,
the last decade of this country’s post-Independence
period has indeed been a
wasted one, politically and economically. That
Zimbabwe has survived is both
credit to the resilience of its people and a
natural resource base without
which this country would be no better than
some of the worst countries on
the continent which have little or no hope
for a better future.
Yet the post-Mugabe era is already with us,
beginning as it did with the GPA
in September 2008 and offering as it does
so much potential on the back of
the current constitution-making exercise
and a renewed Zimbabwean natural
resource nationalism. With a more defined
focus and an attendant programme
that has job and wealth creation as its
centre, this new nationalism might
yet see Zimbabwe overcome the twin
problems referred to earlier. The new
constitution will hopefully attend to
the restoration of our national
institutions most of which had fallen victim
to a defensive state with an
increasing number of inept leaders at its
helm.
Mandaza is an academic and publisher. He was a member of the
Zimbabwean
National Liberation Movement from the 1970s to Independence and
later a
senior civil servant before he was forced into early
retirement.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Friday, 20 April 2012 09:50
Owen
Gagare
ONE of the most famous quotes from former Rhodesian Prime Minister
Ian Smith
is: “I don’t believe in black majority rule ever –– not in a
thousand years.
I repeat that what I believe in is black and white working
together. I
believe that if one day we have white rule and the next black
rule then we
will have failed and that will be a disaster for
Rhodesia.”
However, in 1980 –– four years later –– Smith was to
witness the one thing
he declared would never happen in his life time ––
majority rule ––
following a protracted armed struggle.
Thousands
of ordinary Zimbabweans and freedom fighters died, while others
were maimed
and endured untold hardship to liberate the country. Their
inspiration was
to see a free Zimbabwe, which enjoys its right to
self-determination and
development.
The liberation struggle heroes also fought to ensure the
people had a right
to determine their political destiny and President Robert
Mugabe, in a 1979
documentary, entitled Portrait of a Terrorist captured
this very well.
In the documentary Mugabe, who like many other
nationalists, believed Bishop
Abel Muzorewa had sold out by forming an
“alliance” with Smith, said he
would not have problems with the Bishop
assuming power provided he won
elections.
“The Bishop will not
win, but if miracles happen and the Bishop won, well
fine, he should lead
the country, why not? Yes we are for a democratic
system and in a democratic
system you have to accept the verdict of the
people,” Mugabe
said.
In that same documentary, the commander of Zanu’s armed wing
Zanla Josiah
Tongogara declared he did not mind who ruled the country as a
long as the
system of oppression was crushed.
“What some of us
are fighting for is to see that this oppressive system is
crushed. We don’t
care, I don’t even care whether I will be part of the top
echelon… I’m not
worried. But, I’m dying to see a change in the system, that’s
all. I would
like to see the young people enjoying together –– black,
white –– enjoying
together, in a new Zimbabwe. That’s all.”
However, 32 years after
Independence, many Zimbabweans feel betrayed. They
believe some of their
liberators have become oppressors, denying them the
very freedoms that
people like Tongogara and many others died for. They feel
Zimbabwe has
followed a typical post-colonial trajectory, like many other
African states.
The more things have changed after Independence, the more
they have remained
the same.
While acknowledging the importance of Independence Day,
some its
significance has become diluted because of how their dreams and
aspirations
have been betrayed by the national leadership.
When
Zimbabweans attained Independence in 1980, they naturally hoped for a
new
dispensation which would be characterised by change from a colonial to a
democratic framework. They hoped they would be able to elect their
governments and leaders freely and fairly.
On the economic front,
people hoped to get involved in the mainstream
economy and be part of the
anticipated prosperity. The majority also
expected to live in safety in a
state where their inalienable rights,
including the right to life and
property, as well as civil and political
liberties, would be guaranteed by
the constitution.
However, over the years Zimbabweans have seen their
aspirations evaporate
amid bitterness over unfulfilled and broken dreams.
Democracy has all but
been crushed and replaced by a new form of
authoritarianism.
The economy has been brought down to its knees,
impoverishing millions while
forcing hundreds of thousands into economic
exile mainly in the former
colonial and other metropolitan powers’
capitals.
The constitution is hardly upheld. Rights and freedoms are
arbitrarily
abridged or trampled on. Ironically, the war veterans who
fought for
democracy and freedom are now at the forefront of crushing the
same –– a
sign that the struggle has been betrayed by those who spearheaded
it and by
its custodians.
As a result, over the years,
Zimbabweans have become accustomed to war
veterans subjecting them to
violence and intimidation, while the police,
supposed to be their
protectors, are immersed in partisan politics, brutally
suppressing people’s
freedoms. Even the military and other security forces,
who fought for
democracy and freedom, are also now involved in a war by
other means against
the people.
Because of these aberrations, war veterans who deserve
respect for the role
they played in the liberation struggle are now
sometimes viewed with
derision and contempt.
To many Zimbabweans, the
January 9, 2002 declaration by security service
chiefs, just months before
the presidential elections, that they would not
accept any new president
without war credentials signified that their
liberators had become new
oppressors.
Political commentator Blessing Vava believes such
statements and behaviour
by those who liberated the country had over the
years devalued the former
freedom fighter’s contribution to the struggle and
their prestige, as well
as the meaning of Independence to most Zimbabweans,
especially the youths.
“The most fundamental point to be noted is
that Zimbabwean leaders have
deviated from the ideals and principles of the
revolution and liberation
struggle. Our liberators have turned oppressors.
They are shamefully hiding
under the jacket of the history of the liberation
struggle to destroy the
gains of the same,” he said.
“That’s why
the youth are no longer interested in such events because of the
partisan
nature of how we celebrate our national independence and how the
history of
the struggle has been privatised by a political party and leader
when the
liberation movement was broad and inclusive. Young people are more
interested in things that affect them at the moment, such as business and
employment opportunities, access to education and other social
services.
“Celebrations of independence should not be politicised or
monopolised ––
rather they should be treated as an opportunity to unify
Zimbabweans because
Independence is not for a certain political party but
for all of us,
regardless of political affiliation, religion, race or
tribe.”
Charles Mangongera, a Harare-based political analyst,
believes Zanu PF has
monopolised the Independence commemorations, while
alienating most people.
“While Independence Day is expected to be an
important national day that is
supposed to be celebrated by all Zimbabweans
regardless of colour, creed, or
political affiliation, the problem is that
Zanu PF has appropriated it as a
party event. Unfortunately Zanu PF no
longer enjoys popular appeal among
Zimbabweans and this has resulted in many
shunning the event as they do not
want to be associated with that party,” he
said.
“This is especially so among the younger generation who are
experiencing
hardships as they face joblessness and lack of opportunities.
To them
‘Independence’ does not mean much and they are smart enough to see
that such
phony programmes like land reform and indigenisation are only for
the
benefit of the political elite in Zanu PF.”
Over the
years celebrations of Independence Day have been declining and some
people
no longer even listen to what Mugabe says on this important occasion
largely
because he usually uses it to advance a party political and personal
power
agenda, instead of articulating national issues and his vision for the
future.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Friday, 20 April 2012 09:45
WHILST this
columnist has been a proponent of the notion of indigenisation
and economic
empowerment for a long time, I have consistently condemned the
policies
pursued to achieve those objectives. This is on the grounds that
their
implementation would be counterproductive and would grievously worsen
the
lot of most of the population.
Instead, I have advocated for
tried and proven indigenisation policies which
have ensured wide-ranging
economic empowerment in other countries.
Admittedly some of those successful
policies would require some adaptation
to accommodate Zimbabwean
circumstances.
Zimbabwe commenced its indigenisation drive with the
enactment of the Land
Acquisition Act in 1990, the amendment of the
constitution by the
Constitutional Commission in 1999, and the land
acquisition in 2000.
The latter was coupled with the contemptuous
disregard for the constitution’s
provisions for the protection of property
rights. The oft violent
expropriation of land rapidly emaciated the
agriculture sector, which had
been the foundation of the economy. It
resulted in the country being unable
to feed the itself adequately, in
contrast to its “breadbasket” of the
region tag.
It also caused
the loss of employment for over 300 000 Zimbabweans resulting
in further
hardship. There was a further massive and unsustainable influx
of people
into urban areas, to the extent that the massively increased
population
overstretched the ability of the infrastructure to cater for the
essential
utilities and other needs of the new urban dwellers.
Concomitantly,
it fuelled a major economic decline, resulting in millions of
Zimbabweans
seeking livelihood in other countries thereby decimating the
country’s human
skills resource.
Unwilling to learn from the failed land acquisition
process government then
proceeded to enact legislation to enforce
indigenisation of all mines, and
of all other enterprises having a net asset
value of US$500 000 or above.
Yet again, this was done with total disregard
for the constitution’s
provisions to protect property rights, and equal
disregard for many
Bilateral Investment Promotion and Protection Agreements
(BIPPAs) to which
Zimbabwe is a party.
The result was that
otherwise readily attainable economic growth was almost
wholly precluded,
and especially so as this policy became a major deterrent
to attaining
vitally needed foreign investment and to the provision of
international
lines of credit, further jeopardising the economy.
Concurrently it magnified
the decline in Zimbabwe’s relationship with the
international
community.
As a result, this column has recurrently castigated the
indigenisation and
economic empowerment laws and tended to differ with
almost anything and
everything said, or actioned, by Youth Development,
Indigenisation and
Economic Empowerment minister, Saviour Kasukuwere. This
has not been done
to be deprecating on a personal basis but out of concern
for the
intensifying ills occasioned by his statements. This aggression
against
foreign-owned entities and the usurping and disregard of the
country’s laws,
through actions not prescribed in the relevant legislation
have brought
about this condemnation.
However, for once, it must
be acknowledged that the minister has done
something right. His quoting of
remarks made by President Robert Mugabe
dismissing Western media comparisons
with the former Nazi leader, Adolf
Hitler, are very illustrative. Hitler
succeeded in the destruction of what
had been a sound economy with a great
growth potential.
Hitler dynamically sought the suffering and death
of millions, including
Jews, Gypsies, the physically disabled and others.
The minister is doing
likewise, be it intentionally or otherwise. Zimbabwe
has the indisputable
potential for a very great economy –– to the extent
that it could have the
fifth largest economy on the entire continent of
Africa. But the manner in
which Zimbabwe is pursuing the indigenisation and
economic empowerment
policies ensures that we will be unable to realise that
potential. It will
also result in continued hardships and dearth of economic
empowerment for
the majority of Zimbabweans. Zimbabwe’s economic
circumstances are
concomitant with the Hitlerite decimation of Germany’s
economy seven decades
ago.
The Global Systematic Analysis of
National Causes of Child Mortality survey
report suggests that approximately
10 799 newborn babies die annually in
Zimbabwe, primarily due to inadequate
medical services and inputs and the
shabby conditions in which many
expectant mothers live, impacting adversely
upon the unborn
foetuses.
Similarly, thousands of premature deaths continue
because of malnutrition
and inaccessibility of essential services. Only
through the consistent and
ongoing economic development and growth can these
circumstances be
addressed. However, attaining that growth is impossible for
aslong as the
minister pursues his present policies.
Hitler considered
himself to be above his country’s constitution and laws.
It appears
that Kasukuwere considers himself to be a super minister and
flagrantly
disregards the frequent directives he receives from his superiors
as well as
the constitution.
The Indigenisation Act does not accord him the
power to do what he wants
with near total disregard for prevailing
agreements to which government is
party to.
While in the past this column
found it difficult to concur with the minister’s
actions and contentions, it
must now shame-facedly acknowledge that, for
once, the minister was right,
when he associated himself with Hitler.
By Eric Bloch
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Friday, 20 April 2012
09:42
THE EU was “itching to mend Zim ties”, the Herald reported
recently. This
followed a statement from EU head of delegation Ambassador
Aldo Dell’Ariccia
saying the bloc “wished to seriously engage in political
dialogue with
Zimbabwe”.
“We hope that the dialogue will help define
further steps towards a complete
normalisation of EU/Zimbabwe relations,”
the statement said.
The EU was preparing a country strategy programme,
Ambassador Dell’Ariccia
said, “to be signed as soon as conditions allow”.
Baroness Catherine Ashton
will head the dialogue.
Now what is “itching”
about this? The EU is simply pointing out it favours
normalisation of
relations “as soon as conditions allow”. And you can bet
your bottom dollar
that those conditions include implementation of the GPA,
something the
government had hoped to ignore.
So can we have some less naïve reporting in
the Herald such as this:
“Zimbabwe government officials insist that the time
shall come when the EU
and other countries that imposed sanctions on
Zimbabwe will be falling over
each other to do business with this
country.”
As they haven’t been doing any falling over each other to date, we
can
safely assume it won’t be any time soon! What the EU has been doing is
extending aid to Zimbabwe and encouraging trade.
We were
interested to see our old friend LovemoreMataire back in print
recently
attacking his colleagues in the independent press. He was, readers
may
recall, last spotted wearing a Che Guevara beret as editor of the
fawning
People’s Voice. He is still in revolutionary mode although no longer
at the
helm of the People’s Voice on account of its demise.
His targets last week
were critics of the Zimbabwe Media Commission.
“It is my fervent view,” he
wrote, “that the commission is justified in
seeking to block the entry into
the country of such publications as the
Sunday Times and The Zimbabwean. It
must be mandatory for all foreign
publications to have offices in Zimbabwe
and register as stipulated by the
law. Not fulfilling these statutory
obligations must be viewed as a serious
act of provocation and deviant
behaviour that must be dealt with by the
relevant law-enforcement
bodies.”
So here is a journalist calling upon the state to deal with
independent
newspapers on the grounds that a “free press doesn’t entail
being an outlaw”.
It is useful to have this “deviancy of a special type” in
print just ahead
of press freedom day so the rest of the world can see how
Zimbabwe’s
regulatory authorities harass its free press by using and abusing
the agency
of state-sector reporters.
Mataire quotes BaffourAnkomah to
assist his case that there is nowhere in
the world that has a really free
press.
A case of the blind leading the blind!
And at no stage were there
100 000 whites voting which, it is suggested,
swung the vote in favour of
“No” in the 2000 referendum. This was part of
the Zanu PF mythology that
swarms of whites came back into the country to
vote in the referendum. It
had no basis in fact but Mataire swallowed it.
The source? “Everyone who
observed…” Yes, very scientific!
We liked the letter to the
editor of the Herald that said “the scions of
colonialists were clucking in
their boots”. Obviously some sort of colonial
duck. Perhaps the writer meant
“quaking”?
Then we had Isdore Guvamombe telling us we may like or dislike
President
Mugabe, but he had stood “the taste of time”. We can imagine
Isdore licking
his lips.
They are not getting any brighter at UZ either.
Five students have been
charged with “deformation of character” following
misuse of a picture taken
with the university’s vice-chancellor.
Still on
the subject of “deformation”, we were surprised to see prominent
lawyer Alec
Muchadehama’s firm dispatching writs across the city in
connection with a
suit his firm is pursuing against a newspaper while at the
same time he
heads the Voluntary Media Council of Zimbabwe. All very
confusing!
We are always amused by Zanu PF politburo member
Jonathan Moyo’s tortured
attempts to market President Mugabe as a viable
candidate for a fresh
presidential term.
In another about-turn in this
week’s installment of his now infamous
Mahosoesque articles in the Sunday
Mail, Moyo claimed that “succession is
not about individuals and is
certainly not about age but about ideas,
ideologies, policy programmes and
generation”.
This is the same Moyo who, only last August, said the old guard
should let a
younger generation which he referred to as “Generation 40” take
charge.
Moyo had admitted that it would be ridiculous to present Mugabe as a
candidate for the party in the next two or three years due to “allegations
of old age and alleged ill health” and believed the only solution is
leadership renewal.
Change, Moyo said, was one of the issues that “ties
the tongues of some
comrades in the nationalist movement in ways that betray
the revolutionary
commitment”.
Fast forward to April, 2012, and Moyo is
predictably singing a different
song.
“It is far better to have an older
man like President Mugabe with a sharp
brain and good ideas to empower the
majority of Zimbabweans than to have a
younger man like Prime Minister
Tsvangirai who has a dead brain and whose
ideas seek to protect foreigners
against Zimbabweans,” Moyo opined this
week.
Suddenly President Mugabe,
in Moyo’s view, is an older man with a “sharp
brain”, a far cry from his
Mugabe is “now too old, too tired” mantra.
“Mugabe now lacks the vision,
stature and energy to effectively run the
country, let alone his party,”
Moyo said in one article written in 2009.
No wonder Moyo wanted to stop
newspapers from republishing his old articles.
He probably finds them
offensive as well.
Among the “gems” from Moyo’s articles causing him
embarrassment are: “Why
Mugabe should go now”; “Mugabe now too old, too
tired”; “Mugabe not telling
the truth’; “Mugabe leadership doomed to fail”;
“Mugabe behaving like a
cornered rat”; “Tsvangirai defeated Mugabe”; “Mugabe
incoherent,
disoriented” and so on.
Thank goodness for the printed
word!
Amid the hullabaloo surrounding President Mugabe’s health,
the fact that he
arrived home last Thursday from Singapore aboard a private
chartered Airbus
jet, seemed to escape most people’s notice.
NewsDay
reports that Mugabe and his entourage were initially due in Harare
on
Sunday, but could not secure a flight from Singapore because of late
bookings.
According to the story, authorities in Harare contemplated
dispatching an
Air Zimbabwe plane to pick up Mugabe in Singapore, but the
plan was
abandoned due to financial and technical reasons.
What a fitting
indictment on Mugabe’s rule over the last 32 years that he is
now at the
mercy of foreign airlines to travel. Sovereignty indeed!
At Independence, in
1980, Air Zimbabwe had 15 planes and was a major player
on the regional and
international scene. The fleet has gradually been
whittled away as the Zanu
PF government wreaked havoc with the economy.
Under Mugabe and Zanu PF’s rule
the airline has become a laughing stock with
one of its planes being
impounded late last year in London by a United
States company.
Mugabe,
and his bloated delegation of around 100 people, was also stranded
in the
United States last September after four tyres of an Air Zimbabwe jet
ruptured on landing at JFK International Airport.
An AirZim official had
told the Daily News that the plane had only one spare
wheel and that the
other spare wheels were being transported from London
where Air Zimbabwe has
a workshop.
Air Zim is clearly ripe for indigenisation Cde Saviour
Kasukuwere!
Meanwhile MDC-99 president, Job Sikhala, this week
called for an
Independence Day snub as a protest against President
Mugabe.
Instead, Sikhala, on Monday was urging Zimbabweans to “mourn the loss
of our
true Independence” under 32 years of Mugabe’s uninterrupted
rule.
“The regime has presided over the deaths of more people than Ian Smith
since
1980,” said Sikhala.
He went on to say that Zimbabwe was under a
“new imperial order of black
force oppressing its own”.
“Robert Mugabe is
a tyrannical oppressor masquerading as a liberator who
must be shunned by
all right-thinking people. He has monopolised the
Independence Day to suit
his own delusionary agendas and those who gatecrash
it are ridiculed,” he
said.
It seems Cde Sikhala had changed tactics after having threatened, in
February, that he and 70 members of his party leadership would go on a
66-day hunger strike at Africa Unity Square in Harare, “until Mugabe is
gone”.
Quizzed about the significance of 66 days, Shikhala had said that
“in terms
of scientific study, it is said a person can survive 66 days
without food.
So we intend to stretch ourselves to the limit”.
Sikhala,
who has been nicknamed “Jobless” after losing the St Mary’s
constituency
seat, said: “We will be drinking water obviously” but on the
whole “we will
not talk to anybody, we will not be holding any stones or any
axes. We are
going to engage in peaceful means. If it fails and the dictator
continues,
we will go into overdrive.”
Strangely Sikhala is now talking, despite
threatening to make a vow of
silence.
Maybe this is the “overdrive” we
were told he would introduce.
Muckraker was fascinated by the
internal workings of our police force. Their
publication, The Outpost,
provided this insight to a visit of the National
Support Group to Gweru
earlier this year.
“I really hate it when people do things just because the
NSG is coming to
visit,” lamented a senior officer.
“It was not difficult
to agree with her for while some of the activities on
the ground pointed to
a different scenario (like the orderly Operational
Orders files), many of
the documents, files and books presented to the group
showed a pathetic
state of neglect which was an indictment on the policing
resolves of the
section’s commanders.
“There were entries in the Traffic Accident book
register which looked as if
they had been entered by a person whose
concentration was heavy with sleep
or drink or both.”
Finally
South African President Jacob Zuma is set to add to his teeming
harem next
weekend in a traditional ceremony in his hometown of Nkandla.
Gloria
Bongekile Ngema will become Zuma’s fourth wife after having been
engaged to
him for a number of years, reports the Sunday Times.
Zuma’s Nkandla homestead
has undergone a massive R64 million renovation
which included the
construction of six double-storey thatch rondavels for
Zuma’s wives and
family.
According to the Sunday Times, each of the main bedrooms is connected
to
Zuma’s main house by underground tunnels.
Intimate details of his
personal life were revealed at his 70th birthday
party when guests were
shown video clips of 70 questions put to him by his
daughters.
He also
disclosed that he would happily go on a date with Democratic
Alliance leader
Helen Zille.
Asked if he was done with marriage and children, he answered “I
think so” to
the first and “Yes” to the second. And how does he like his
women? “I like
one with some body.”
We’re sure you do Cde Zuma!
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Friday, 20 April 2012
09:32
SUCCESS and failure is part of life for individuals and
organisations. The
same goes for nations. Everyone has a personal balance
sheet of their
affairs, so do organisations and
countries.
Zimbabwe celebrated 32 years of independence from Britain
on Wednesday.
President Robert Mugabe addressed the main event at the
National Sports
stadium in Harare. His 1 745-word speech — long in words but
very short in
substance — was predictably soporific and incoherent, harking
back to the
history of colonialism and the liberation struggle, but saying
precious
little about the present and future.
Instead of using
the opportunity to reflect on the past and present, and
also think about the
future, it was used as a drum-beating occasion to
remind people about his
liberation struggle heroics and bravery.
Every time Mugabe speaks he
recalls his supposedly heroic life, the
struggles he has led and victories
achieved in the name of the people, in so
doing tacitly demanding to rule
for life. He always falls short of openly
demanding ruling till the end of
time.
I always like reading Franzt Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth,
especially
around Independence Day. I will return to Fanon later after
asking a few
questions and making observations about Zimbabwe’s
post-colonial reality.
In the meantime, we need to ask: Have we
realised the cherished dreams of
our freedom fighters and independence? In
the past 32 years what have been
our significant achievements? What are the
failures? What lessons are we to
learn? What is to be done going forward?
What does the future hold for
Zimbabwe?
When our freedom fighters
took up arms to dislodge the colonial system, they
wanted democracy,
freedom, development and prosperity. They envisaged a new
country in which
Zimbabweans in their diversity live together in peace and
harmony in a
thriving economy.
They also imagined a democracy based on the
constitution in which
fundamental rights, civil and political liberties, the
rule of law and
human rights are upheld. Freedom fighters would have
envisioned that if
government could not build the future for their children
then it would
surely build their children for the future.
After
independence, Mugabe’s government started off well. It expanded social
services, buildings schools, clinics, houses, roads and utility
infrastructure. It also ran the economy relatively well, hence Zimbabweans’
standards of living by African benchmarks were relatively
high.
But even then signs that the country was heading for disaster
were there.
Soon after coming into office, Mugabe — who wanted to establish
a one-party
state and a command economy — quickly resorted to systematic
repression,
using the colonial apparatus and methods, to consolidate and
maintain power.
The country soon became an outpost tyranny as he ruthlessly
embarked on an
authoritarian project which has left the nation in
ruins.
As Fanon would say, due to inevitable economic decline,
unemployment and
poverty, mainly caused by leadership and policy failures,
people began to
sulk. “From time to time, however, the leader makes an
effort; he speaks on
the radio or makes a tour of the country to pacify the
people. The leader is
all the more necessary as the party collapses,” he
says.
“This party has sadly disintegrated; nothing is left but the
shell of a
party, the name, the emblem and the motto. Today, the party’s
mission is to
deliver to the people the instructions issued from the summit.
There no
longer exists the fruitful give-and-take from the bottom to the top
and
vice-versa which creates and guarantees democracy.”
Fanon
says the leader and his party become feared by his own people who
harbour
“bitter disappointment” and live in despair, simmering with
“unceasing
anger”.
“This party, which used to call itself the servant of the people,
hastens to
send the people back to their caves. The party, which of its own
will
proclaims that it is a national party, and which claims to speak in the
name
of the totality of the people, secretly, sometimes even openly
organises an
authentic ethnical dictatorship.”
As the situation
further deteriorates, the party “sinks into an
extraordinary lethargy”. Its
members are only summoned when so-called
popular manifestations are afoot,
or international conferences, or
independence celebrations.
In
the end, Fanon concludes, the leader and his party become the “true
traitors
in Africa, for they sell their own country to the most terrifying
of all its
enemies: stupidity”. Need we say more? It’s as if Fanon had Zanu
PF and
Zimbabwe in mind when he wrote his book in 1961.
Dumisani
Muleya
dumisani@zimind.co.zw
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Friday, 20 April 2012
09:34
WHILE at the Roadport bus terminus along Fifth Street to purchase a
ticket
to South Africa, I had an unexpected opportunity to witness Zanu PF’s
coercive machinery at work as the party gears for the next high-stakes
elections.
Roadport, and the adjacent bus rank, is home to a
motley band of informal
traders — from money changers to airtime traders,
hairdressers and even
caterers trying to eke out a living from hordes of
people passing through
daily.
While parked next to the bus
terminus, and close to the crowd of informal
traders, several men wearing
familiar T-shirts appeared. They were dressed
in white Zanu PF regalia
ubiquitous during the last elections which boldly
proclaim “100%
Empowerment, Total Independence”, together with an image of
party leader
President Robert Mugabe.
One of the men, a strapping figure with
a menacing look on his face to
complement his imposing frame, was going
around reminding the traders that
they were expected at a Zanu PF meeting —-
due to start shortly — to discuss
the next elections. The tone of his voice
left no doubt that he would brook
no objection, and warned of repercussions
for those who failed to turn up.
I would have wanted to ask him to
explain how his party could “100%” empower
the hapless traders by forcing
them to close shop and frog-marching them to
their meeting. However, the
instinct for self-preservation got the better
of my curiosity. Meanwhile,
the Zanu PF bouncer’s orders threw the traders
into helter-skelter, with
some speaking in hushed tones while others
appeared to be debating whether
to attend or lie low somewhere until the
coast was clear.
A
stone’s throw from the Roadport terminus, and in clear view, was the Zanu
PF
Harare Province Headquarters where some of the traders were gathering in
the
searing afternoon sun. There they were led into singing party songs by a
brazenly energetic female cadre — precursor to a session of “political
education”.
With elections imminent, Zanu PF’s trump card remains
unchanged: Coercion.
Old habits notoriously die hard, and for Zanu PF,
pre-poll harassment and
intimidation have been the modus operandi since
1980. With the spectre of
losing power in the next elections looming large,
the temptation to resort
to harassment and violence to assure victory would
be too hard to resist for
the party. This is all despite Article 10 of the
Global Political Agreement
clearly stating “… the Parties have agreed that
there should be free
political activity throughout Zimbabwe within the ambit
of the law in which
all political parties are able to propagate their views
and canvass for
support, free of harassment and
intimidation”.
Memories of the traumatic experiences of the 2008
presidential poll
un-off — characterised by a brutal campaign largely
blamed on Zanu PF —
remain fresh in the minds of many. If events on the
ground are anything to
go by, some will be forced to relive that ordeal as
Zanu PF goes all out for
victory at all costs — including life and
limb.
Ironically, during his Independence address on Wednesday
Mugabe called for
Zimbabweans to be allowed to join political parties of
their choice.
“Membership is not forced and should never be forced. People
should belong
to the party of their choice,” he said.
Suggesting
that political violence was a closed chapter, Mugabe added: “We
must take
care and caution that the past is buried.” He could not have been
further
from the truth. The past remains alive in those that have been
traumatised
by poll violence but have received no assistance or compensation
while
perpetrators walk scot-free. The past is also alive in the form of
Zanu PF
members such as those at the party’s Harare provincial office
forcing
vendors to attend meetings or risk reprisal.
And, if those forcing
long-suffering Zimbabweans to attend their political
rallies wear Zanu PF
T-shirts bearing Mugabe’s image, the people are bound
to believe that their
tormentors are acting with Mugabe’s blessing.
By Stewart
Chabwinja