The Zimbabwe Government and independent international observers are agreedPersonally, I think that since they are now acknowledging the results are
that the just-ended harmonised elections did not produce an outright winner
in the presidential race. It is unlikely that the on-going recount will
substantively alter that position.
Accordingly, it stands to reason that, the transitional government of
national unity, negotiated by the two leading contending parties, under the
mediation of Sadc, supported by the international community, should be led
by the incumbent president.
For the above scenario to materialise, there needs to be a major paradigm
shift in the thinking of three major players.
It is up to Sadc, assisted by the progressive international community, to
ensure that such a shift does take place.
The three players are the ruling Zanu-PF party, the opposition MDC-T
party, and the UK/US establishments.
International Herald Tribune
By
Jonathan Zimmerman Published: April 23, 2008
ACCRA,
Ghana:
'It's time for Africa to step up." That's what Secretary of State
Condoleezza Rice told a news conference last week, speaking of Zimbabwe's
post-election deadlock.
President Robert Mugabe most likely lost the
March 29 contest, but his
handpicked electoral commission has refused to
release the results. "Where
is the concern from the African Union and from
Zimbabwe's neighbors?" Rice
asked.
I put the same question to a
Ghanaian colleague the other day, and she
grimaced. "Everyone wants Mugabe
gone, but nobody wants to do anything about
it," she said. "Too
risky."
Part of the risk, of course, comes from democracy itself. If
Zimbabwe
successfully topples its longtime tyrant, other African despots
fear, their
citizens might be emboldened to do the same.
But there's
more. Especially in Ghana, sub-Saharan Africa's first
independent nation,
Mugabe represents one of the last links to the heroic
struggle against
colonialism. But that struggle brought all kinds of evils
in its wake, which
many Africans would just as soon forget.
It also brought Mugabe to Ghana,
where he worked as a teacher in the late
1950s and met his first wife. Like
many other freedom fighters, Mugabe was
inspired by the pan-African
doctrines of the Ghanaian independence leader,
Kwame Nkrumah. To throw off
the colonial yoke, Nkrumah believed, African
nations had to join
together.
"I started telling people how free the Ghanaians were, and what
the feeling
was in a newly independent African state," Mugabe told a 2003
interviewer,
recalling his return home in 1960. "I told them also about
Nkrumah's own
political ideology. Unless every inch of African soil was
free, then Ghana
would not regard itself as free."
But Ghana itself
wasn't "free." A year after independence, Nkrumah's
government enacted a law
allowing it to jail anyone suspected of harming
national security. By 1960,
Nkrumah had bestowed a new title upon himself:
Osagyefo, meaning "Redeemer."
As the savior of Ghana - and, by extension, of
Africa - he could do whatever
he wanted to.
So he crushed a railway strike, deeming it a "neocolonial
conspiracy." He
banned opposition parties, interfered with the courts and
jailed several of
his leading critics. Two of them died in prison under
mysterious
circumstances.
Instead of addressing this painful history,
however, most Ghanaians prefer
to airbrush it out. The new national currency
features drawings of Nkrumah's
two prison victims alongside Osagyefo
himself, as if the three of them were
bosom buddies. At Nkrumah's mausoleum
here in Accra, an elaborate exhibit
omits any mention of his dictatorial
behavior. It does note in small type
that Nkrumah was deposed in a 1966
coup, but the visitor is left to wonder
why.
So it's no wonder,
really, that African leaders are reluctant to condemn
Mugabe. Like Nkrumah
and so many others, he was a valiant anti-colonial
figure who ended up
tyrannizing his own people. Who wants to be reminded of
that?
That's
why southern African leaders gave Mugabe a standing ovation at a
summit
meeting last August - just months after his police beat opposition
leader
Morgan Tsvangirai so badly that he had to be hospitalized. And that's
why so
few of them have rallied behind Tsvangirai, despite reports that he
tallied
more votes than Mugabe last month.
To be sure, Kofi Annan, the former UN
secretary general and a Ghanaian, has
condemned Mugabe's thuggish actions.
So has Jacob Zuma, leader of South
Africa's ruling African National
Congress.
But South African President Thabo Mbeki continues to stand by
Mugabe, his
old comrade-in-arms, insisting that "there is no crisis" in
Zimbabwe. And
Mugabe himself has played the anti-colonial card to the hilt,
even
suggesting that Tsvangirai was joining hands with Britain, Zimbabwe's
former
colonial master, in a plot for "regime change."
In many ways,
Mugabe's recent behavior echoes Kwame Nkrumah at his worst:
paranoid, brutal
and repressive. At the same time, the post-election debacle
in Zimbabwe
confirms the wisdom of Nkrumah's original pan-African vision. On
this
long-suffering continent, no single nation can win its freedom unless
all of
the others help. Too bad they're not doing it.
Jonathan Zimmerman, a
professor of history and education at New York
University, is teaching this
semester in Accra, Ghana. He is the author of
"Innocents Abroad: American
Teachers in the American Century."
VOA
By Joe De Capua
Washington
23 April
2008
In Zimbabwe, the state-run Herald newspaper published an
opinion piece today
calling for a government of national unity led by
President Robert Mugabe.
Pro-government commentator Obediah Mukura
Mazombwe says neighboring
countries should help broker a deal, political
tensions make it difficult
for a presidential run-off between Mr. Mugabe and
MDC opposition party
candidate Morgan Tsvangirai. Weeks after the election,
results in the
presidential race still have not been released, despite talk
of a run-off.
The MDC says it won the election outright.
Some
question the validity of the opinion piece, saying Mazombwe holds no
official position in the ZANU-PF ruling party.
For an analysis of
what appeared in The Herald newspaper, VOA English to
Africa Service
reporter Joe De Capua spoke to independent analyst Herman
Hanekom. From Cape
Town, he reacted to the call for a national unity
government led by Robert
Mugabe.
“I find it rather strange because (Tendai) Biti, the
secretary-general of
the MDC, yesterday (Tuesday) in an interview, said that
the MDC, if they’re
in power, will install a government of national unity,
but not including
Mugabe. He will have to gracefully retire from politics.
So we have the
government-supported newspaper and the opposition in conflict
with one
another again,” he says.
The article suggests that political
tensions make a run-off impossible.
Asked whether this might be a way for
ZANU-PF to admit defeat and yet save
face by having Mugabe party of a
national unity government, Hanekom says,
“Yes, I think you’ve got a point
there, that they definitely have been
defeated but they don’t know how to
handle the issue. They’re trying their
best through [the] delayed
announcement of results and recounting at the
insistence of ZANU-PF of
certain constituency votes, hoping to find
sufficient errors to get them in
the majority again. But I think the fact
that the results for parliament
were posted outside the polling stations,
that to gerrymander the results
now will give their game away. So, I don’t
expect that we will even hear
results this week, maybe one or two, but not
more.”
On attempts to
end the political crisis in Zimbabwe, Hanekom says, “They
(ZANU-PF)
definitely are playing for a second round of presidential
elections, where I
am quite sure they have sufficiently cooked the books,
but now how to
release those figures without provoking what I will call
violent reaction
from the opposition is the problem that they are struggling
with at the
moment. However, the longer they keep it in abeyance, the
greater the
suspicion on the final count that the electoral commission will
release,
which of course brings into play the question of credibility of the
election
results and then the candidates.”
Hanekom says he doesn’t foresee
large-scale violence against the Mugabe
government, but rather “independent
little pockets” around the country. “The
major problem I see at the moment
for the MDC is that both Biti and Morgan
Tsvangirai are outside the country,
which leaves us to look upon the party
as suffering from a leadership void
at the present moment, regardless of
modern communication
techniques.”
Tsvangirai is visiting Mozambique, after recent trips to
Ghana and Nigeria,
trying to gain support from other African countries.
New York Times
By CELIA W.
DUGGER
Published: April 24, 2008
JOHANNESBURG — Zimbabwe’s government
quickly distanced itself from an
editorial in the state-run newspaper on
Wednesday that called for a
transitional unity government headed by the
country’s longtime strongman,
Robert Mugabe, until new elections could be
organized.
Victims of violence alleged to have been committed by
pro-government
supporters sought help at an opposition organization in
Harare, Zimbabwe on
Tuesday.
Zimbabwe has been plunged into political
crisis since its disputed elections
last month, with the government refusing
to announce who won the race for
president. Still, the ruling party has
repeatedly argued that neither Mr.
Mugabe nor his chief rival, Morgan
Tsvangirai, won a majority of the votes,
forcing the two into a
runoff.
But on Wednesday, The Herald, the state-run newspaper often used as a
mouthpiece for Mr. Mugabe and the ruling party, described the country’s
political dynamics as “so distorted that holding a free and fair election
runoff in the immediate term is literally impossible.”
Swiftly
disavowing that position, Deputy Information Minister Bright Matonga
told
the BBC on Wednesday that the editorial had not been sanctioned by the
government, and that the ruling party, ZANU-PF, was still gearing up for a
runoff.
Despite its grip on the nation, the ruling party has endured
rifts and
recriminations over its poor showing in the elections,
particularly its
losses in the lower house of Parliament. The mixed signals
from the
state-run paper and the government raised the possibility of
continued
divisions within the ruling apparatus.
For its part,
Zimbabwe’s main opposition party, which says it won an
outright victory in
the March 29 elections, immediately rejected the
proposal and any resolution
of the crisis that left Mr. Mugabe in power.
Meanwhile, in Britain, Prime
Minister Gordon Brown said in Parliament that
he would “promote proposals
for an embargo on all arms to Zimbabwe,” but
gave no further details. Amid
the political crisis in Zimbabwe, its
government has been awaiting a
shipment of Chinese-made bullets, mortars and
other weaponry, but the
prospect of the delivery when opposition supporters
are being beaten and
harassed has raised an international uproar. On
Tuesday, China said it might
turn the shipment around.
At the behest of the ruling party, Zimbabwean
authorities have undertaken a
recount in 23 parliamentary constituencies —
enough to swing back control of
Parliament to ZANU-PF.
The leading
opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change, has
denounced the
recount as an effort by ZANU-PF to steal an election it lost
and reclaim its
majority in Parliament.
The idea of a unity government was put forward in
The Herald by Obediah
Mukura Mazombwe, an academic at a university that
counts Mr. Mugabe as its
chancellor.
The article argued that a
power-sharing government be formed, with Mr.
Mugabe at its head. It also
pressed for an end to sanctions that largely
freeze the foreign assets of
Zimbabwe’s top officials and bar them from
traveling to Western
nations.
“Whilst the ruling party must stop behaving like a wounded
buffalo,” the
article said, “the opposition party must stop its hysterics
and lapses into
delusion.”
But the opposition categorically rejected
any government headed by Mr.
Mugabe.
“We are prepared to engage
progressive forces in ZANU-PF, but the future of
Zimbabwe must exclude
Mugabe,” said Nquobizitha Mlilo, a spokesman for the
Movement for Democratic
Change. “He’s the author of the problems we have.”
Over the past decade,
as Mr. Mugabe’s rule has become more authoritarian and
the country’s economy
has crumbled into ruins, he has counted on the open
support or tacit
acquiescence of other African leaders, but that solidarity
appears to be
cracking.
Still, it is far from clear that any outsiders — even those in
his own
region — can influence Mr. Mugabe or the military leaders around
him.
South Africa’s president, Thabo Mbeki, has acted as the main
mediator in the
crisis and has pursued a policy of “quiet diplomacy” that
many critics here
have likened to appeasement of Mr. Mugabe.
But
Jacob Zuma, who last year defeated Mr. Mbeki for the leadership of South
Africa’s governing party, the African National Congress, on Tuesday called
for other African leaders to “move in to unlock this logjam.”
Mr.
Zuma, who is expected to become president of South Africa, the region’s
most
powerful country, if he is not convicted on corruption charges, harshly
criticized the Zimbabwean government for failing to disclose who won the
presidential race, saying the country’s electoral commission was destroying
its credibility.
Mr. Zuma was in Europe this week and was due to hold
discussions with Mr.
Brown in London on Wednesday.
The efforts of a
Chinese ship to deliver Chinese-made arms to Zimbabwe this
past week have
also drawn an open rebuff from another important player in
the region, Levy
Mwanawasa, the president of Zambia, who heads a bloc of 14
southern African
nations.
Mr. Mwanawasa has called on other countries in the region not to
let the
ship dock in their ports — and has told China it should “play a more
useful
role in the Zimbabwe crisis than supplying arms,” according to a
spokesman
for the Zambian government. “We don’t want a situation which will
escalate
the situation in Zimbabwe more than what it is,” the spokesman
said.
Mr. Mwanawasa’s statements, made to reporters as he returned from a
regional
conference in Mauritius, were remarkable because few African heads
of state
have been openly critical of Zimbabwe.
The bloc he heads, the
Southern African Development Community, has come
under sharp criticism for
failing to censure the Zimbabwean government for
refusing to publish the
results of the presidential election.
Jendayi E. Frazer, a senior
American diplomat, was to arrive Wednesday in
South Africa to talk to
regional leaders about the need to press Zimbabwe to
release the results of
the election and end the political violence in that
nation.
The
United States has been lobbying the governments of Angola and Namibia
not to
allow the ship bearing armaments to dock and unload. At a news
briefing on
Tuesday in Washington, Tom Casey, a State Department spokesman,
said
American officials had taken up the issue with China as well.
“We don’t
think it’s appropriate at this point, given the political upheaval
that’s
occurring in Zimbabwe, for anyone to be adding extra tinder to that
situation by providing additional weapons to Zimbabwe security forces,” Mr.
Casey said.
It was still not clear Wednesday where the ship, which
was still at sea, was
headed as protests against the delivery continued. A
spokesman for Namibia’s
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Isak Hamata, said
Wednesday in a telephone
interview that its government had received no
request to allow the ship to
use its port facilities.
China’s Foreign
Ministry in Beijing said Tuesday that the ship carrying the
arms — owned by
a large Chinese state-owned company, Cosco — might return to
China because
of the difficulties in delivering the goods.
South Africa’s High Court on
Friday temporarily barred transport of the arms
across South Africa from the
port of Durban to landlocked Zimbabwe after an
Anglican archbishop argued
that the arms were likely to be used to crush the
Zimbabwean opposition
after last month’s disputed election.
South Africa’s dock workers also
said they would refuse to unload the
shipment, a call backed up by the
country’s powerful coalition of trade
unions. On Friday, the ship, An Yue
Jiang, left Durban for the open seas,
and on Tuesday South Africa’s Defense
Ministry said it was somewhere off
Africa’s west coast.
Jiang Yu, a
spokeswoman for China’s Foreign Ministry, said at a news
briefing in Beijing
that the shipment was part of “normal military trade”
between Zimbabwe and
China, and called on other nations not to politicize
the issue. But
acknowledging the resistance to the shipment, she said China
was considering
shipping the arms back to China.
The fear of human rights and religious
leaders in Zimbabwe is that the
weapons would be used to repress the
opposition.
Church leaders in Zimbabwe said Tuesday that organized
violence had been
unleashed throughout the country, including abductions and
torture of
opposition supporters, and called on the Southern African
Development
Community, the African Union and the United Nations to
intervene.
“We warn the world that if nothing is done to help the people
of Zimbabwe
from their predicament, we shall soon be witnessing genocide
similar to that
experienced in Kenya, Rwanda, Burundi and other hot spots in
Africa and
elsewhere,” the church leaders said in a statement, Agence
France-Presse
reported. The statement was signed by the Evangelical
Fellowship of
Zimbabwe, the Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops’ Conference and the
Zimbabwe Council
of Churches.
International Herald Tribune
By Alan Cowell Published: April 23,
2008
LONDON: One of South Africa's most senior political
leaders lent support
Wednesday to the idea of forming a national unity
government in Zimbabwe to
resolve its deepening crisis.
The
politician, Jacob Zuma, the head of the ruling African National Congress
and
potentially a future president of South Africa, said both the United
States
and Britain had undermined their own ability to play a role in the
Zimbabwe
political crisis because of the vehemence of their criticism of the
government.
Zuma was speaking in an interview here shortly before
Prime Minister Gordon
Brown of Britain urged the imposition of an arms
embargo on Zimbabwe. In the
interview, Zuma warned against any "forceful
intervention" in Zimbabwe's
crisis.
Zuma was asked to comment on an
article in Zimbabwe's state-owned Herald
newspaper on Wednesday proposing a
government of national unity grouping
President Robert Mugabe and his
opponent Morgan Tsvangirai, but led by
Mugabe.
The two bitter
adversaries fought presidential and parliamentary elections
on March 29 but
the outcome of the presidential vote has not been announced,
while Mugabe's
ZANU-PF has challenged the results of 23 constituencies in
the parliamentary
ballot, most of which Tsvangirai initially seemed to have
won.
The
stalemate appears to have spilled into increasing violence with
widespread
claims by human rights groups and church figures that opposition
supporters
have been beaten and arrested in advance of a likely run-off in
the
presidential vote.
Zuma is visiting several European countries and has spoken
out frequently in
favor of renewed intervention by southern African leaders
to restart some
form of dialogue between Mugabe and Tsvangirai.
His
readiness to comment has been taken by some analysts as a departure from
South Africa's previous "quiet diplomacy" followed by South African
President Thabo Mbeki, which seemed to favor Mugabe and shield his
oppressive regime from criticism.
But Zuma denied that "quiet
diplomacy" had failed, saying South Africa had
decided "not to stand on
rooftops and criticize Mugabe" in order to be able
to talk to both sides in
the dispute. "Quiet diplomacy has not failed," he
said. "Zimbabwe is our
neighbor. We need to engage Zimbabweans on both
sides. It would not have
been prudent for us to stand there and criticize
them. How could we have
engaged with both sides if we did so?"
He added: "We decided to engage
Zimbabweans quietly and it was dubbed quiet
diplomacy. We can produce a
better report than anyone else on what
happened."
Asked if the idea
of a national unity government in Zimbabwe was premature,
Zuma said: "I
don't think it is premature because you are dealing with a
situation where
we are almost three weeks after the election and there has
been no
announcement of the results." Regional diplomacy had not resolved
the
crisis, he said, "so we have to say what do we do?"
"The natural thing is
that there should be discussions," he said. The call
for a unity government
"is not premature, it is actually appropriate at this
time," he
said.
Zuma said the presidential election appeared to have produced a
very narrow
margin between Mugabe and Tsvangirai, meaning that both men
commanded
significant support among Zimbabweans.
But he was keen to
avoid the impression that he was initiating the call for
a unity government,
which was a model used to resolve Kenya's bloodstained
post-election crisis
earlier this year.
"I'm not necessarily making a call," he said. "This is
what should be looked
at as one option."
He was speaking shortly
before a scheduled meeting with Brown, the British
Prime Minister, who has
accused Mugabe of stealing the Zimbabwean election.
Zuma said: "The
unfortunate thing for Britain was the extreme position
Britain took in
relation to Zimbabwe. It then became difficult for Britain
to play any role
without people being suspicious."
The British attitude, he said, "in a
sense undermined the role it could play
in Zimbabwe" and the United States
authorities "also took the same position
as Britain."
"I'm not saying
they are disqualified" from influencing events in Zimbabwe,
Zuma continued,
but "their action undermined the possibility of their
playing a meaningful
role in Zimbabwe."
The interview with Zuma took place before Brown, the
British prime minister,
speaking in Parliament, referred to the saga of a
Chinese vessel carrying an
arms shipment bound for Zimbabwe, which South
African port workers in Durban
refused to unload.
"Because of what
has happened in South Africa, where there is an arms
shipment trying to get
to Zimbabwe, we will promote proposals for an embargo
on all arms to
Zimbabwe," Brown said, without giving further details.
In the interview,
however, Zuma declined to characterize the actions of the
South African port
workers in Durban as a form of sanction and said it had
been inspired by a
sentiment among them that, if they unloaded the arms
bound for Zimbabwe,
they would exacerbate the crisis there.
"There is a situation in Zimbabwe
which is not like a normal situation,"
Zuma said. "If the situation was
normal, the arms trade is a normal thing."
But he spoke out firmly against
South African military action against
Zimbabwe.
"I don't think Mbeki
must apply force in Zimbabwe," he said. "This is what
countries in the world
are urging South Africa to do and it is wrong. I
don't think if you are a
stronger country you must then use force.
Negotiations and persuasions is a
necessary thing to do rather than use
force."
"All that we should do
from the outside is to help what the Zimbabweans do,"
he said.
He
took issue, however, with the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission, blaming it
for
the delays in publicizing the results of the March 29 election.
Zuma
said: "The Electoral Commission has discredited the elections. It ought
to
remain as an independent body. By the manner in which it has operated, it
has caused a lot of doubt in its independence."
"It has not explained
why it is not releasing the results," he said.
He also suggested a role
in mediating the Zimbabwe crisis for African elder
statesmen such as former
President Sam Nujoma of Namibia, former President
Joaquin Chissano of
Mozambique and others from Botswana and Tanzania.
And he acknowledged
that Zimbabwe's economic plight, which has forced
hundreds of thousands of
Zimbabweans to flee across the razor wire frontier
fence to South Africa,
betokened a political failure.
"We need to govern a country in such a way
as it does not lead people to
cross under the barbed wire," he said. "Once
that happens it means
politically things have gone wrong and we have got to
correct them."
Zuma is widely tipped to succeed Mbeki as South Africa's
leader if he is
acquitted on corruption charges at a trial later this year.
Asked if he
believed the trial would exonerate him, he said: "Absolutely, I
am
innocent."
Yahoo News
By DAVID STRINGER, Associated Press Writer 1 hour, 22 minutes
ago
LONDON - Prime Minister Gordon Brown on Wednesday called for an
international arms embargo on Zimbabwe, following a Chinese ship's efforts
to deliver arms to the southern African nation.
Brown outlined
the plan as he met for talks in London with Jacob Zuma, the
leader of South
Africa's dominant political party.
The proposed embargo comes after South
African dock workers refused last
week to unload a Chinese ship carrying
arms bound for Zimbabwe because of
worries that Zimbabwean President Robert
Mugabe plans to use them against
political opponents.
"Because of
what has happened in South Africa, where there is an arms
shipment trying to
get to Zimbabwe, we will promote proposals for an embargo
on all arms to
Zimbabwe," Brown told lawmakers during his weekly question
session.
Union, church and human rights leaders across southern
Africa rallied
against allowing the Chinese freighter to dock at ports in
any of landlocked
Zimbabwe's neighbors.
They were bolstered by
behind-the-scenes pressure from the State Department,
which said it had
urged countries in southern Africa not to allow the ship
to dock or unload.
It also asked the Chinese government to recall the vessel
and not to make
further weapons shipments to Zimbabwe until the postelection
crisis is
resolved.
The Zimbabwean government has not published the results of the
presidential
election held more than three weeks ago, and the opposition
says that is
part of a ploy to steal the vote. There are reports of
increasing violence
and Mugabe's government is being accused of cracking
down on dissenters.
The prime minister is seeking support for what he
views as a de facto
embargo already imposed by many of Zimbabwe's neighbors,
said a spokesman
for Brown's office, on condition of anonymity in line with
government
practice.
"We've seen action not just in South Africa, but
also in Mozambique,
Namibia, Angola and from the Southern African
Development Community," the
spokesman said.
Officials were not
immediately able to give specifics on how the proposed
wider embargo would
be enforced.
The proposal did not win support from Zuma, who said he does
not believe a
wider embargo is necessary yet.
"I don't think we have
reached the stage where we have to call for an arms
embargo," Zuma said as
he left the meeting with Brown.
Archbishop Thabo Makgoba, leader of South
Africa's Anglicans, called on the
U.N. Security Council Wednesday for an
arms embargo against Zimbabwe "on the
basis that a heavily armed Zimbabwe
would threaten peace, security and
stability in southern
Africa."
Zimbabwe's opposition Movement for Democratic Change claims
postelection
violence has displaced 3,000 people, injured 500 and left 10
dead. There is
no way to verify the claims because of reporting restrictions
in Zimbabwe.
IOL
April 23 2008
at 08:08PM
Maputo - Zimbabwe's opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai,
during a
visit to Mozambique on Wednesday, appealed to former African
leaders to
intervene in Zimbabwe's post-election standoff.
Tsvangirai met former Mozambican president Joaquim Chissano and the
leader
of the opposition Renamo party Afonso Dhlakama in the capital Maputo
to
discuss tensions in Zimbabwe following last month's presidential
elections.
Tsvangirai has claimed victory over President Robert
Mugabe in the
election - a claim Mugabe's party rejects. The state election
body has
withheld the official results for nearly a month.
Chissano told reporters that Tsvangirai had asked him, as chairman of
the
African Forum of Former African Heads of State and Government, for his
help
in ending the deadlock.
"I clarified to the MDC leader that the
Zimbabwe issue is at this very
moment being dealt with through SADC
(Southern African Development
Community) leadership," said Chissano, who has
been close to Mugabe in the
past.
"The most we can do is to
make ourselves available to regional leaders
to take part in any initiatives
they wish," Chissano said.
"We will follow the events, we'll be in
touch and, if possible, we'll
act. But for now there is nothing we can
do".
The 56-year-old opposition leader was due to meet Wednesday
evening
with President Armando Guebuza.
Tsvangirai is touring
African countries to curry support for his
victory claim over Mugabe.
Mugabe's Zanu-PF says neither Tsvangirai nor
Mugabe won the election
outright and that a runoff vote is needed.
The Zimbabwe Electoral
Commission has ignored international appeals to
release the results of the
election, while agreeing to carry out a partial
recount of the votes. -
Sapa-dpa
Reuters
Wed 23 Apr 2008,
17:26 GMT
* Brown, Zuma call for poll results
* Britain wants arms
embargo
* Transitional government proposal
By Cris
Chinaka
HARARE, April 23 (Reuters) - Britain and South Africa's ruling
party leader
Jacob Zuma made a united call on Wednesday for an end to the
election
stalemate in Zimbabwe, stepping up pressure on President Robert
Mugabe to
release results.
Zuma, who has emerged as the most
outspoken African leader on Zimbabwe, held
talks in London with British
Prime Minister Gordon Brown, one of Mugabe's
harshest critics.
"We
resolved on the crisis in Zimbabwe to redouble our efforts to secure
early
publication of election results," they said in a joint statement after
their
meeting.
"We call for an end to any violence and intimidation and
stressed the
importance of respect for the sovereign people of Zimbabwe and
the choice
they have made at the ballot box."
Opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) leader Morgan Tsvangirai
said he won the election
outright and accused Mugabe of delaying results to
rig
victory.
Zuma's backing from Brown could anger Mugabe, who said former
colonial
master Britain was plotting with the opposition to oust
him.
Britain called for an arms embargo on Zimbabwe while analysts
dismissed as
unlikely a proposal that Mugabe should lead a unity government
until new
polls.
Brown said he would propose an arms embargo, joining
calls by South Africa's
Anglican church leader and Amnesty International. He
repeated British
accusations that Mugabe was trying to rig the elections and
said this was
"completely unacceptable".
The United States has led
international calls for Africa to do more to end
the Zimbabwe crisis.
Washington's chief Africa diplomat, Assistant Secretary
of State Jendayi
Frazer, was due in South Africa on a previously-arranged
regional
tour.
German Chancellor Angela Merkel added to growing pressure on
Mugabe, who
faces the toughest challenge to his 28-year rule.
"I
think the situation for the people (in Zimbabwe) is unacceptable. We want
a
fair election result," she said at a news conference with Rwanda President
Paul Kagame.
AFRICAN LEADERS
Zuma, who has distanced
himself from the "quiet diplomacy" of South African
President Thabo Mbeki
over Zimbabwe, has called on African leaders to take
action to unlock the
stalemate.
Zimbabwe's neighbours, previously passive despite the collapse
of the
country's economy, this week took a harder line towards Mugabe,
refusing to
allow a Chinese ship to unload arms headed for the landlocked
country.
The election crisis has given Zuma a golden opportunity to
improve his
international image and influence.
Tension increased in
Zimbabwe over the disputed election as pressure
intensified for results to
be announced from a presidential vote more than
three weeks
ago.
Pro-government commentator Obediah Mukura Mazombwe introduced new
uncertainty by suggesting Mugabe should lead a transitional government to
end the deadlock while new elections were organised.
He said the
solution should be mediated by Zimbabwe's neighbours. But
analysts said
Mugabe and his ZANU-PF party were pressing ahead with plans
for a runoff
vote against Tsvangirai.
If adopted, Mazombwe's idea would delay even
longer any outcome from an
electoral process that Zimbabweans hoped would
end their misery under an
economic collapse that has saddled them with the
world's highest inflation
rate -- 165,000 percent.
No results have
been announced from a March 29 presidential vote which the
opposition says
it won, while the outcome of a parliamentary poll is also in
doubt because
of partial recounts. Officials said the first of 23 recounts
had confirmed
victory in one constituency for the ruling ZANU-PF party,
which lost control
of parliament for the first time in the election.
The recounts could
overturn the MDC parliamentary victory.
Analysts said Mazombwe holds no
position in the ruling ZANU-PF party and his
comments may not have official
backing.
The MDC, human rights groups and Western powers accuse ZANU-PF
of launching
a campaign of post-election violence. Tsvangirai says 10-15 MDC
supporters
have already been killed in the crackdown.
The government
has clearly indicated it expects a runoff -- necessary if
neither candidate
wins an absolute majority. Such a vote would be held three
weeks after the
result is announced.
Cape Town Archbishop Thabo Makgoba called for a U.N.
arms embargo against
Zimbabwe, saying the plight of its people was
heartbreaking.
He said the delay in releasing election results eroded
"any remaining trust
the people may have in the electoral
process".
Archbishop Makgoba, in a clear reference to Mbeki's softly
softly approach
to Zimbabwe, said South Africa's leaders appeared to many
outside the
country to be "heartless and unmoved by the suffering of
Zimbabweans".
(Additional reporting by Cris Chinaka, Adrian Croft in London
and the Berlin
bureau; Writing by Barry Moody; Editing by Michael
Georgy)
UPI
Published: April 23, 2008
at 9:50 AM
HARARE, Zimbabwe, April 23 (UPI) -- The Zimbabwean ruling Zanu-PF
party said
Wednesday it won the first of the 23 recounted districts by a
single vote.
The official Zimbabwean electoral commission said a recount
of the vote in
the Goromonzi West constituency handed Zanu-PF, the ruling
party of
Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe, a victory by one vote, the BBC
said.
The opposition Movement for Democratic Change, whose Morgan
Tsvangirai ran
against Mugabe, says the recount is an attempt to refute its
parliamentary
election.
An editorial in the state-owned Herald
newspaper calls for a power sharing
transitional government to take power
with Mugabe at the lead.
"It stands to reason that, the transitional
government of national unity,
negotiated by the two leading contending
parties … should be led by the
incumbent president," The Times of London
quotes the newspaper.
Tsvangirai's party opposes the calls for a unity
government saying it won
the March presidential elections outright. The
election results haven't been
released.
Kenya Today
By
KITSEPILE NYATHI, NATION Correspondent, HARARE, Wednesday
Last updated: 15
minutes ago
Embattled Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe has been forced to
postpone the
convening of the 13th summit of Common Market for Eastern and
Southern
Africa (Comesa) where the country’s deepening post election crisis
was
expected to dominate proceedings.
Zimbabwe was expected to take
over the chairmanship of Comesa from Kenya at
the organisation’s summit that
was scheduled for 5-22 May in the resort town
of Victoria Falls.
But
after regional leaders turned the heat on Mr Mugabe in the aftermath of
the
three week delay in the release of results of presidential elections
showing
the veteran ruler losing to opposition leader, Mr Morgan Tsvangirai,
the
government announced that the summit had been put on hold
indefinitely.
Mr Tsvangirai whose Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
also defeated the
ruling Zanu PF in parallel parliamentary elections has
been on a whirlwind
tour of African countries urging them to pile pressure
on Mr Mugabe to hand
over power.
Some of them are Comesa members and
were expected to raise the issue at the
summit.
In a statement
published in the state media on Wednesday, the government
said the new dates
for the summit would be announced after the political
impasse had been
resolved.
“Due to the necessity to fulfil constitutional requirements as
a result of
the recently held harmonised elections, the government of
Zimbabwe has
decided to postpone the convening of the Common Market for
Eastern and
Southern Africa summit to a later date,” said Mr Joey Bimha, the
Secretary
for Foreign Affairs.
Exercise might delay
The
Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) has ordered a partial recount of
votes
in 23 constituencies and the exercise might delay the announcement of
the
presidential election even further.
Zanu PF says Mr Tsvangirai’s victory
margin did not carry him over the 51
percent threshold thereby making a
run-off necessary. The run-off should
have been held 21 days after the
polls and it is now unclear when it will be
conducted because of the delays
in the announcement of the results.
“This (the cancellation) follows a
realisation that the original summit
dates might coincide with the
uncompleted electoral process,” Mr Bimha
added.
During Zimbabwe’s 28
independence celebrations on Friday last week, Mr
Mugabe whose government is
under sanctions from Western countries protesting
human rights violations
blamed on his ruling Zanu PF had said he was looking
forward to taking over
the chairmanship of Comesa.
Meanwhile, Zimbabwe’s main international
trade fair began on Tuesday with no
foreign leader expected to grace the
occasion as has been the tradition in
the past, adds Reuters.
But the
government was quick to emphasise that this did not mean other
countries
were shunning President Mugabe’s increasingly isolated government.
Western
companies will again boycott the Zimbabwe International Trade Fair
(ZITF) as
they have done since 2000 in protest against Mugabe’s
controversial economic
policies and human rights accord.
Mr Mugabe will Friday open the fair in
the second city of Bulawayo for the
second year running. The last foreign
head of state to official open the
ZITF was Tanzanian President Jakaya
Kikwete in 2006.
Meanwhile, Mr Tsvangirai has called on all of Africa’s
leaders to
acknowledge he won last month’s disputed election, and promised
an
“honourable exit” for President Mugabe.
Speaking on the sidelines
of a UN trade and development conference in Ghana,
Tsvangirai repeated
accusations that Mr Mugabe’s government had launched a
post-poll security
crackdown against opposition supporters, killing between
10 and 15,
arresting hundreds and driving thousands from their homes.
“Zimbabwe as I
speak is burning. President Mugabe and his band of criminals
have unleashed
violence on the people as a punishment for choosing to vote
for change,” he
told a news conference in Accra. Zimbabwe’s government
denies launching a
crackdown.
International pressure has been building for Mugabe to
announce the poll
outcome, but Tsvangirai said more was needed. “Our
reputation as a continent
may suffer serious disrepute if we ... allow
Robert Mugabe to undermine the
results of the democratic election by
refusing to transfer power knowing he
has lost the popular support of the
people,” he said.
“We are calling ... on every head of state in Africa to
stand in defence of
the people of Zimbabwe,” he added.
africasia
HARARE, April 23 (AFP)
Media groups in Zimbabwe on Wednesday deplored a government
crackdown that
has led to the jailing and beating of journalists as a bid by
the regime to
spread fear after disputed elections.
"The security and
safety of journalists is under serious threat in this
country, judging by
the trends in recent weeks," said Takura Zhangazha,
spokesman for the
Zimbabwe chapter of the Media Institute of Southern
Africa.
"We
condemn the deliberate attempts to muzzle the media," he said.
Foster
Dongozi, secretary general of the Zimbabwe Union of Journalists
(ZUJ), said:
"Journalists have been abducted, beaten and illegally detained
and we
condemn this abuse of power."
The crackdown was "to strike fear in the
hearts of journalists," he said.
Several journalists have been jailed and
beaten since the March 29 elections
as the increasingly isolated African
regime continues to enforce strict
controls, granting accreditation to all
but a handful of foreign media.
The one journalist known to be still in
prison is freelancer Frank
Chikowore, who was charged on Monday along with
scores of opposition
activists with violent incidents linked to a strike
declared by the
opposition.
The Brussels-based International
Federation of Journalists (IFJ) said in a
statement that it believed the
charges against Chikowore were "without
merit" and has called for his
immediate release.
"We are very worried about the worsening conditions
journalists face in
Zimbabwe," said Gabriel Baglo, director of IFJ's Africa
office.
The New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists has said
there is a
"pattern of arbitrary arrests" and has called on the authorities
"to end
this pernicious trend and release Frank Chikowore
immediately."
Among the attacks listed by media groups was that of ZUJ
president Matthew
Takaona, who was beaten up by soldiers in Harare's
dormitory town of
Chitungwiza where he had gone to buy cornmeal.
In
another incident, freelance journalist Stanley Karombo was detained for
three days after state security agents took him away from a stadium in
Harare where President Robert Mugabe was giving an Independence Day
speech.
Former ZUJ secretary general Luke Tamborinyoka, now director of
information
for the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), has
also been
jailed over last week's strike.
The MDC has declared
victory in both the parliamentary and presidential
elections in Zimbabwe,
but veteran leader Mugabe and his ruling ZANU-PF
party have signalled they
will battle to stay in power.
"Our fear is that as we go to the
presidential run-off the state will step
up its crackdown to ensure that
whatever corruption and misdeeds are
happening go unreported," Dongozi
said.
The incidents with Zimbabwean journalists came on the back of the
arrests of
New York Times correspondent Barry Bearak and British freelancer
Stephen
Bevan who were accused of reporting without accreditation and later
released.
Another journalist, The Times of London's Africa
correspondent Jonathan
Clayton, was detained on arrival at Bulawayo airport
and held in prison for
eight days before being deported to South Africa.
ZADHR
Zimbabwe Association
of Doctors for Human Rights
Violent Assault and Torture Remains
Unchecked
23 April 2008
Further to the two statements ZADHR issued
last week we report a further 81
cases of organised violence and torture
which have been seen and treated by
members of the Association in the three
days ending Monday 21 April 2008.
This is not a cumulative total – this is
the number of cases seen in these 3
days alone. The total number of cases
seen since 1 April 2008 is 323. It
seems likely that there are substantial
numbers of similar cases occurring
across the country which have not
presented to ZADHR members and are
therefore not represented in these
figures.
54 of these cases occurred in Harare, Chitungwiza or Epworth, 20
in Glen
View alone. 13 more occurred in Mudzi and Murewa, 4 in Mount Darwin,
and 6
in different areas of Manicaland.
By far the commonest alleged
perpetrators are now the uniformed forces (ZRP
and ZNA).
Fourteen
(17%) of these 81 patients were women. They include a 7 year old
girl who
suffered a fracture of her right radius and ulna on falling down
while
running after her father who was being chased by members of the
security
forces, and a 10 year old boy with a probable dislocation of the
right elbow
resulting from being kicked by a soldier who was trying to kick
someone
else. One 47 year old woman reported being sexually assaulted.
Soft
tissue injuries again predominate, with 6 probable fractures. These
include
the case of a 39 year old man who was abducted from his home at
midnight,
was beaten and suffered a fractured left ulna, fractured ribs on
the left
side, and a pneumothorax underlying the rib fractures. A
pneumothorax is
when air leaks out of the lung through a hole in the lining
of the lung,
caused for example by a broken rib, and collects in the virtual
space
between the linings of the lung and the inner surface of the chest
wall. It
can rapidly threaten life because it may enlarge and cause collapse
of the
lung itself and distortion of the large blood vessels arising from
and
draining into the heart. This patient required a tube to be inserted
into
his chest to prevent that complication.
4 cases of falanga were recorded.
Falanga is torture in which the soles of
the feet are repeatedly beaten with
a hard object such as a baton or bar.
There is often severe tissue damage
beneath the skin, within the sole of the
foot, which never fully heals,
resulting in walking being painful for the
rest of the victim’s
life.
Physical injuries are the most visible. Many of these patients
report
extreme psychological stress which itself results in both mental and
physical symptoms. The stresses reported include many having had their homes
and property completely burnt, being forced to roll in muddy or
sewage-containing water, running and hiding in ‘the bush’ from fear of
assault, being abducted and detained with beatings continuing over several
days with no knowledge of when it will end, and having no knowledge of the
safety of spouse or children. One 64 year old man presented with full-blown
‘Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder’, the major manifestation of which was his
being incapable of speech.
Some of the reported physical and
psychological wounds will take a long time
and require much care and
attention to heal.
ZADHR condemns the continuing violent assault and
torture on Zimbabwean
citizens, in particular that allegedly perpetrated by
security forces. We
continue to appeal to the UN, AU and SADC to engage with
the authorities to
bring an end to this systematic assault on large numbers
of Zimbabweans.
ZADHR further appeals to the Zimbabwe Medical
Association, the World Medical
Association and other concerned national
medical associations to condemn
these acts of violence, and engage their
Governments in working towards
resolution of the crisis in Zimbabwe.
The Point, Gambia
Wednesday, April 23, 2008
And
what exactly did the government of Zimbabwe want with three million
rounds
of ammunition, 1,500 rocket-propelled grenades and 2,500 mortar
rounds? It
is now clear beyond any reasonable doubt that Robert Mugabe will
not let go
of power without a fight. This massive stockpile of weapons and
ammunition
was not intended to feed his people it was intended to suppress
them. For
this reason it is horrifying to hear that some African leaders are
still
refusing to condemn him outright. This man is a menace to his people
and
should be forced by all African leaders to simply accept the results of
the
elections and step down.
Well done to the Zambian President Levy
Mwanawasa who has urged other
African leaders not to allow the ship carrying
the aforementioned arms for
Zimbabwe to enter their territorial waters. Mr.
Mwanawasa said the tension
in Zimbabwe, following last month’s disputed
elections, should not be
allowed to escalate further. This is the correct
approach. For any African
leader, not to openly demand that Mugabe step
down is a disgrace.
Post-election violence has displaced 3,000 people,
injured 500 and left 10
dead, according to MDC secretary general Tendai
Biti.
Human rights groups say they have found camps where people are
being
tortured for having voted “the wrong way”.
Is this democracy?
Is this kind of behaviour acceptable? The answer to both
these questions is
a resounding no! It is for this reason that Mugabe must
go. He is a dictator
and his people need to be freed from the yolk of his
presidency.
Hiding behind talk of the white man interfering whenever
he is critisised by
the West is a sham. The people of the world critisise
him because of what he
is doing to his people not because they want to take
the land from the
people of Zimbabwe. There is no doubting the horrors of
colonialism but this
must be consigned to the past. The best way for Africa
to take revenge for
the wrongs done on the continent is to continue
developing into the vibrant,
democratic and progressive society that it is
becoming.
Robert Mugabe must also consigned to the past. He is drunk on
power and
damaging the lives of his people for his own selfish purposes.
This is not
leadership or good governance. It is greed and madness.
The Telegraph
By Peta Thornycroft in Harare
Last Updated: 2:47pm BST
23/04/2008
President Robert Mugabe’s onslaught against his
own people is
spreading into Zimbabwe’s poorest rural areas where children
have joined the
rising toll of innocent victims.
People
carrying bundles of possessions have fled their villages for
the relative
safety of Mutare, the country’s third city found 160 miles
south-east of
Harare.
The surrounding province of Manicaland is a stronghold of
support for
the opposition Movement for Democratic Change, making it a
target for gangs
loyal to Mr Mugabe as they seek to guarantee his victory in
the presidential
poll.
About 350 fugitives from the ruling
Zanu-PF party’s mobs were camping
outside the MDC’s office in the city. Many
others were in a local hospital.
Fungai Sithole, 64, is from the
village of Nyanadazi, 60 miles south
of Mutare.
Struggling to
speak, he said that Zanu-PF youths had dragged him from
his hut and
subjected him to three days of torture.
His ordeal was so great
that he could not recall the details, nor how
he had managed to reach the
hospital.
A hospital visitor said that Mr Sithole had a “huge”
wound on the back
of his head, adding: “His medical records show that his
back is damaged. He
is in too much pain and cannot walk.”
But
the children of those who have fled the violence are suffering
most.
At a stroke, they have been deprived of their homes and
whatever
meagre supply of food their parents had managed to secure amid the
poverty
of rural Zimbabwe.
Jessy Sazukwa, only 21 months old
and small for her age, was sleeping
peacefully in the hospital.
The tiny girl’s home on a formerly white-owned farm was burned to the
ground
by Zanu-PF youths this week.
Malnourished babies have been brought
into the hospital after their
parents fled the violence.
But
those who are caring for them are struggling to cope.
“We don’t
have any resources in Mutare, I don’t know where the
international community
or the NGOs are. We have no food or blankets for all
those who need
feeding,” said a hospital worker.
“There is so little available in
Mutare. Some of the babies are
clearly malnourished and we are buying them
clothes in the market.”
Almost four weeks after polling day, no
official results from the
presidential election have yet been
released.
Independent observers believe that Morgan Tsvangirai, the
opposition
leader, defeated Mr Mugabe, although not by a sufficient margin
to avoid a
second round. Under the Electoral Act, however, the run-off
should have
happened last Saturday.
Instead, the authorities
are concentrating on recounting the vote in
23 constituencies.
This exercise was completed in one seat held by Zanu-PF - and the
ruling
party’s victory was reconfirmed.
The wave of violence, masterminded
by Zanu-PF using a national network
of command centres, is designed to
guarantee victory for Mr Mugabe if a
second round is eventually held.
Patrick Chinamasa, the justice minister,
told the state press that the
government knew nothing of any violence.
“Why go to the media and
splash unsubstantiated pictures and stories?
At present we are not aware of
any such violence,” he said.
Gordon Brown said yesterday that
Britain favours imposing an arms
embargo on Zimbabwe.
If
agreed, this would prevent a shipment of Chinese arms from reaching
the
country.
IOL
April 23 2008 at
02:35PM
There has been a clear increase in the number of
Zimbabweans trying to
cross the border illegally into South Africa since the
March 29 election,
the SA National Defence Force said on
Wednesday.
The Defence Force have three companies which total more
than 500
soldiers patrolling the border in support of police border
operations and
have already up to the start of the week apprehended 1780
Zimbabwean trying
to cross the border illegally.
"There is a
clear increase in foreigners crossing the border," Major
General Barny
Hlatshwayo said in Pretoria during a briefing on the internal
and external
operations of the SANDF.
The SANDF said it was
not planning to send more soldiers to the area.
"The situation
doesn't warrant, at present, to deploy more forces,"
department of defence
head of communication Siphiwe Dlamini said.
Hlatshwayo said the
commander in Limpopo responsible for the border
operations had indicated
that he was satisfied that no additional troops
were needed.
"He is happy to conduct business as usual," Hlatshwayo said. He added
that
the defence force was monitoring the situation in co-operation with the
police.
The responsibility of securing the borders have been
taken over by
police and the SANDF expected to stand down the last three
companies
patrolling the Zimbabwean border by March next year.
On a question whether there were any contingency plans for military
intervention in Zimbabwe, should the situation decline rapidly, Dlamini said
no instruction had been received from government for such a
contingency.
"The political processes have not been exhausted," he
said.
SABC
April 23,
2008, 17:30
The US government has dispatched the Assistant Secretary of
State for
Africa, Jendayi Frazer, to the Southern African Development
Community (SADC)
region to exert pressure on regional leaders to save the
people of Zimbabwe.
Frazer arrived in South Africa this afternoon, in a
bid to persuade
government to urge Zimbabwean officials to release the
presidential election
results.
However, SABC reporters were barred
from getting her pictures. Analysts say
there is little that the world's
powerhouse can do to resolve the current
political impasse in
Zimbabwe.
The American Embassy declined to elaborate on Fraser's meeting
with
government. She is expected to address the media tomorrow.
VOA
By Lisa Schlein
Geneva
23 April
2008
Former U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan has criticized
African countries
for not pressuring Zimbabwe's President, Robert Mugabe, to
release the
results of last month's presidential elections. Mr. Annan had
more positive
comments regarding the resolution of the political crisis that
erupted in
the aftermath of Kenya's presidential elections late last year.
Lisa Schlein
reports for VOA from Geneva.
Former U.N.
Secretary-General Kofi Annan calls it totally unacceptable for
officials in
Zimbabwe to withhold the results of the presidential election
more than
three weeks after the vote took place.
He says the neighboring countries
have to exert the necessary pressure to
get this issue resolved.
The
opposition Movement for Democratic Change says its candidate, Morgan
Tsvangirai, won March's presidential vote outright, a claim President Robert
Mugabe's ruling ZANU-PF party denies.
Mr. Annan says African
governments cannot turn a blind eye to what is
happening. He says they must
intervene.
"The countries of the region have to come together and find a
way of doing
it and not treat it as an internal problem of Zimbabwe alone,"
he said. "An
internal problem that creates three million refugees in South
Africa alone,
an internal problem that creates almost an economic collapse
and forces
people to leave the country can no longer be defined as an
internal problem.
There is a regional dimension. There is a human rights
aspect that
governments in the region have to take seriously and the African
Union as
well."
Annan says he regrets the United Nations and the
African Union have not
taken any effective or serious action to diffuse the
political crisis in
Zimbabwe.
Turning to another part of the
continent, the former U.N. chief has kinder
words to say about the manner in
which Kenya's political crisis has been
resolved.
He says the
international community got it right in this instance. He says
visits from
high-level leaders to Kenya were discouraged and only he was
left to mediate
a deal between the two rival political parties.
After several months of
wrangling, President Mwai Kibaki and opposition
leader Raila Odinga named a
40-member cabinet as part of the national-unity
government.
Annan
says he believes the government will succeed because Kenyan civil
society
and the people are more engaged in the country's political life.
"I
walked away from Kenya last Saturday very encouraged," he said. "I am
confident they will make it work. I think we should give them a chance. I am
very confident they can do it. And, the two leaders, President Kibaki and
Prime Minister Odinga have different incentives to make it
work."
Annan notes the instability in Kenya had a bad impact on the
economies of
its neighboring countries. He says these governments have an
incentive to
make sure Kenya does not fall apart.
IOL
April 23 2008
at 10:21AM
By Fiona Forde
Dr Kenneth Kaunda would
willingly negotiate in the Zimbabwe crisis if
he were given the nod from the
appropriate powers.
"If I got the call, I would go. Right now," the
former Zambian
president told The Star at his Lusaka home last weekend. "I
don't want an
explosion."
Almost four weeks after Zimbabweans
cast their vote in the
controversial poll, the elderly statesman says he
struggles to understand
why a verdict has not been forthcoming.
"I don't understand how an election can take place and they don't have
an
announcement. I don't know what's happening. There's something missing.
And
there is some form of a crisis (because of that)." He is loath to
suggest
that he is pushing for change. "That's for Zimbabweans to decide.
It's their
duty to ask for it, not ours."
That they may have already asked for
it, but that their wishes are
falling on deaf ears, is not for him to decide
either, he says, "because I
don't know" what is happening behind the scenes
in Harare right now. "And we
need to know."
However, he agrees
the situation requires "urgent attention", because
"it can go wrong. We need
the country to start moving. And it's not moving
at all at the
moment."
The name of the statesman, who will celebrate his 84th
birthday on
Monday, has been bantered around in various quarters in recent
weeks as one
of a number of eminent persons who might negotiate in the
critical election
aftermath, following failed attempts on the part of
incumbent regional heads
to broker a solution to the conflict.
Although long seen as an ally of Robert Mugabe in the region, the
elder
statesman's latest views on Zimbabwe suggest his reasoning on the
crisis
could go well beyond his reckoning of the past.
If Kaunda were to
travel to Harare - which he notes is not his
decision but that of Joaquim
Chissano, the chairperson of the Africa Forum -
it would not be merely to
talk to Mugabe, "but to the entire leadership of
the whole country, those in
authority, those in opposition … to try and find
a solution. It's gone
beyond the point of just speaking to one person. We
must speak to everyone,
to all groups. That is what is required."
Three months ago Kaunda
was part of a four-man team who travelled to
Kenya in the aftermath of the
disputed poll, under the banner of the Africa
Forum.
Along with
Chissano of Mozambique, he joined former Botswana president
Ketumile Masire
and Benjamin Mkapa of Tanzania to assess the unfolding
crisis.
Although their contribution to a settlement in the Nairobi conflict
was
minimal, he believes a similar mission is what's begging in Zimbabwe
today
to help break the electoral impasse.
"If us old timers, the
retirees, went there, we could begin to talk.
But this is something that
must be done properly. I'm not looking for a job.
But I am concerned now.
Everybody is concerned."
Kaunda will not be drawn on what the
direction such talks could and
should take if they were to happen - "I can't
advise him (Mugabe) through
the press," he says with due
caution.
"Although I am a believer in (a government of) national
unity,
whatever I might contribute, I must say it there, in Zimbabwe, not
now."
Like Mugabe, Kaunda served close to three decades in office
before he
was voted out in 1991 on the back of grinding poverty, a
drastically
weakened kwacha and growing intolerance for his policy of
single-party rule
that he had instigated in 1972.
No sooner had
he changed the rules that kept him in power for 27 years
than he was forced
to face defeat in the country's first multi-party
elections.
To
the outside world Kaunda was a benign dictator. To the people of
Zambia he
is still the man who set them free. To this day, it is hard to
find anyone
on the streets of Lusaka who doesn't talk about "the old man"
with enormous
affection.
He gave them free education and free health care, and
despite his
mistakes they will tell you he was a far cry from Frederick
Chiluba, the man
who ousted him from power and forced him to accept defeat
on November 2,
1991.
"That was the situation in Zambia and I
left," Kaunda says.
"I said to myself, whatever happens it must not
appear that I am
hanging on to power. I must leave and find out later what
happened."
To this day he still believes that there were votes cast
in his favour
that were never duly registered. "But I really cannot say what
happened in
Zambia is similar to what is happening in Zimbabwe because I
don't know.
There is nothing from Zambia that we should use to apply to any
other
situation outside Zambia."
Just as he believes the
"retirees" could go a long way to ending the
unfathomable election
aftermath, Kaunda also argues that Britain could do
much by talking to
Mugabe at this stage.
He himself would welcome the opportunity to
liaise with Gordon Brown
to pave the way for that vital
liaison.
Kaunda is one of many who still feels that the failure on
the part of
the British to honour the land agreement reached at Lancaster
House in
London in 1979 goes a long way in explaining much of Mugabe's own
failure to
successfully head the neighbouring country in a sustainable
manner.
Although Zambia had gained independence in 1964, Kaunda
stayed close
to other liberation movements in the region which were still
struggling to
free themselves from colonialism.
"Do onto others
as you would have them do unto you. That is what
guided me," he says. When
Mugabe and Joshua Nkomo dug in their in heels in
1979 and refused to attend
the scheduled talks in London - "We don't trust
that woman (Margaret)
Thatcher," they told Kaunda - it was the founding
father of Zambia who urged
them to make the journey.
"When Margaret Thatcher heard that, I
think she was worried that they
might create some problems and she said I
must be there," he recalls. "If
there are any problems that might arise, you
will be there to help us," she
instructed Kaunda. And so he witnessed the
Lancaster talks first hand.
Those talks paved the way for the
elections that took place the
following year when Mugabe swept the polls and
became Zimbabwe's founding
leader. But Kaunda recalls the crucial agreement
over land that was reached
around that table in London at the same
time.
"Look, this question of land in Zimbabwe is our problem, the
problem
of the British Government, and therefore don't touch it," he
remembers
Thatcher telling the African delegates. "We will handle it
ourselves in the
first ten years."
Mugabe and Nkomo agreed.
"The settlers had taken all the major
portions of land. How could the
freedom fighters be expected to buy them
out? It was their (British
government) duty, to pay for them to get them
out."
However,
Britain reneged on the land deals in the years that followed.
After
Thatcher's demise in 1990, John Major continued with the land
negotiations.
"But then when my fellow Socialists, the Labour Party, took
over (in 1989)
they dropped that agreement."
"How could they, just like that,
withdraw," he asks. "It's criminal."
"If Mugabe had done anything wrong, why
didn't they go to him and discuss
this matter with him?
"The
British Government rebuked Mugabe and they have a duty to discuss
this
matter with him now," is Kaunda's firm view.
In 2007 the former
Zambian president was due to travel to Scotland on
matters relating to the
charity he now runs. He had hoped to meet with
Gordon Brown, as the incoming
premier, "to address him, as I understood this
situation" and to urge him to
talk to Mugabe.
But last-minute health complications prevented him
making the
long-distance journey, "and I lost that opportunity." But he
would still
welcome a meeting with Brown, even at this late
hour.
Although many more would argue that it was not only the land
issue
that led to Zimbabwe's critical economic and social decline a decade
ago
that has left its people destitute, Kaunda chooses to see it
differently.
"There is no other reason at all. If he was playing
the land
distribution weapon, the British Government had the responsibility
and duty
to say, 'Look, Mugabe, we had agreed this and this. Why are you
doing it
this way?' they should have asked him."
Once again, he
argues that they should have talked to him, rather than
turn their backs on
him. Reason with him, rather than rebuke him.
Kaunda leaves little
doubt that whoever or whatever can contribute to
ending the current
conflict, the time to act is now. Twenty-six days of
disturbing silence on
the part of the Zimbabwean Electoral Commission are 26
days too many. And
recent reports of renewed violence and intimidation do
not inspire
confidence in an imminent peaceful solution to what should have
been a
democratic process. "It's a sad case. And we didn't expect this to
happen,"
he concludes. "We have to go there and talk."
This article was
originally published on page 10 of The Star on April
23, 2008
UN Integrated
Regional Information Networks
23 April 2008
Posted to the web 23 April
2008
Harare
Scores of nongovernmental (NGO) and humanitarian
organisations are
threatened with collapse after Zimbabwe's central bank
failed to release
money required for their operational costs.
Cephas
Zinhumwe, chief executive officer of the National Association of
Nongovernmental Organisations (NANGO), the national NGO umbrella body, told
IRIN the financial situation for his members was "desperate".
The
Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) in September 2007 demanded that all
foreign
currency deposits of foreign funded NGOs and humanitarian
organisations were
kept by the central bank on their behalf. The
organisations then had to
maintain 'mirror' accounts, which reflected the
amount of foreign currency
in their local banks, which was then reconciled
by the central
bank.
Zinhumwe said when the programme was introduced, organisations
would apply
to the central bank to access foreign currency. Foreign
embassies and United
Nations agencies were excluded from the RBZ's foreign
currency management of
accounts.
"Initially, it took about three days
to get foreign currency cleared by the
RBZ. As far as I know, it now takes
more than three months before being
cleared to use your money by the RBZ.
Some of our member organisations have
not been able to access their money
since the beginning of the year and they
say they are facing closure because
they have not been able to pay workers,
rentals and to run programmes for
which they are funded," Zinhumwe told
IRIN.
Initially it took about
three days to get foreign currency cleared by the
RBZ. As far as I know, it
now takes more than three months before being
cleared
He said since
last year, NGOs had tried, without any success, to meet with
the RBZ
governor Gideon Gono.
Zinhumwe said the RBZ strategy to manage the
foreign currency had
exacerbated the foreign currency shortage and impacted
negatively on an
already collapsing economy.
"Indications are that
since that decision was taken, foreign currency
inflows have reduced
dramatically. Some organisations are looking at the
option of opening off
shore accounts but there are very stringent
requirements that have to be met
in order to get such accounts. But the
situation is very grave. Another
month or two of this then NGOs will close
en masse," he said.
Thabani
Moyo, the information officer for Crisis Coalition, a grouping of
pro-democracy organisations, said the move was a deliberate attempt by the
government and the RBZ to financially throttle NGOs.
"The government
has for years accused the NGO sector of supporting the
opposition MDC. The
same government tried two years ago to shut down NGOs
through the proposed
NGO Bill which was never signed into law," Moyo said.
Election
costs
Moyo said in the run up to the 29 March presidential and
parliamentary
elections the ruling ZANU-PF government had used scarce
foreign currency
reserves to bribe voters ahead of the poll.
"The RBZ
was responsible for the purchase of farming equipment and buses
which were
used by the ruling ZANU-PF to entice and bribe voters. The RBZ
cannot use
the people's money to prop up the ruling party."
Vukile Mkushi, a
programme officer for a civic society organisation that he
declined to name,
told IRIN he had not been paid since the beginning of the
2008.
"By
the end of April, I would have exhausted all my savings because we are
now
in the fourth month without receiving a salary. My wife who is paid in
local
currency has been keeping the family going and I am getting frustrated
with
the RBZ for failing to give us our money," he said.
The scarce
availability of foreign currency is also affecting people living
with HIV
and AIDS.
Lindiwe Mhunduru, the spokesperson for the country's largest
medical aid
service provider, Cimas, told The Herald, the state owned daily
newspaper,
that her organisation had stopped supplying antiretroviral (ARV)
drugs for
HIV positive clients.
"The inability to get hard currency
to import ARVs has in part caused the
disruption. Some of the drugs that are
manufactured locally were in short
supply and we could not buy the
quantities which we required."
Now I am told that my medical aid company
cannot access foreign currency to
provide the life saving (ARV)
drugs
Mhunduru said foreign currency was needed to both import the drugs
and to
equip local manufacturers to ensure adequate supplies, while other
ARV drug
manufacturers had stopped production because of a government price
control
regime that forced companies to sell commodities at unrealistic
prices.
This, according to Mhunduru, had forced medical aid service
providers to
approach the government. "We understand that medical aid
societies and
service providers have set up a task force which is preparing
a paper
detailing foreign currency requirements for pharmaceutical and other
service
providers to be submitted to the government."
Reverend
Maxwell Kapachawo, Zimbabwe's first religious leader to publicly
disclose
his HIV status, told IRIN "My salary has not come in as one of the
people
who work in the NGO sector because of problems at the Reserve Bank.
"Now
I am told that my medical aid company cannot access foreign currency to
provide the life saving (ARV) drugs. The Reserve Bank should do all in its
power to provide foreign currency so that ARVs are available at affordable
prices."
[ This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the
United Nations ]
africasia
MAPUTO, April 23 (AFP)
Zimbabwe's opposition chief Morgan Tsvangirai called
for an "inclusive
government" on Wednesday following disputed elections but
stopped short of
backing a power-sharing deal with President Robert
Mugabe.
"We want an inclusive government, we are in a transition,"
Tsvangirai told
reporters in Maputo after meeting Mozambican President
Armando Guebuza in
the latest stop on a regional diplomatic tour aimed at
raising support.
But Tsvangirai said the question of a national unity
government, which was
suggested on Wednesday by state-run Zimbabwean
newspaper The Herald -- a
government mouthpiece -- "does not arise at the
moment."
"I am sure that the ongoing political impasse can be solved," he
added.
Tsvangirai also called for an end to the post-election violence
that his
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) says has taken the lives of 10
opposition activists since the March 29 polls.
The MDC was the winner
of the parliamentary elections and Tsvangirai says he
also won the
presidential race against Mugabe, the official results of which
have not yet
been announced.
Both elections are still up in the air amid a partial
vote recount.
In Mozambique, Tsvangirai also met with Afonso Dhlakama,
head of the
opposition former rebel Mozambique National Resistance (RENAMO)
movement,
and former president Joaquim Chissano, a Mugabe ally.
"I do
not advise Tsvangirai to take up arms. He needs to tell regional
leaders
that he will set up a government of national unity," Dhlakama told
reporters
after meeting Tsvangirai.
MDC's Information Director Arrested, Charged; Student Journalist Fined
Before Release; Misa Condemns Discriminatory Treatment of Detained
Journalist
Media Institute of Southern Africa
(Windhoek)
PRESS RELEASE
23 April 2008
Posted to the web 23 April
2008
Freelance journalist and registered media student of the
University of
Witwatersrand, Stanley Karombo, was arrested on 18 April 2008
at Gwanzura
stadium in Harare's suburb of Highfield while taking notes
during Zimbabwe's
28th independence celebrations.
At the time of his
arrest, the police contemplated charging Karombo for
contravening the Access
to Information and Protection of Privacy Act
(AIPPA). However, the charge
could not be sustained and was changed to that
of "conduct likely to cause
public disorder".
Karombo, who spent three nights in police custody
at the Harare central
police station's law and order section, was later
forced to pay a Z$14
million (approx. US$470) "admission of guilt"
fine.
Karombo was released on 21 April.
In a separate development,
on 21 April freelance journalist Frank Chikowore
was finally charged with
public violence, appearing in court almost a week
after his arrest together
with six other accused persons, among them the
opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) party's director of
information and publicity, Luke
Tamborinyoka.
Chikowore was remanded in custody until 22 April, when
Magistrate Olivia
Mariga was expected to make a decision on whether to grant
the accused bail.
The allegations of public violence relate to the torching
in Harare's suburb
of Warren Park of a long-distance bus that was travelling
from Botswana on
15 April between 3:00 and 4:00 a.m. (local
time).
According to his lawyer, Harrison Nkomo, engaged by MISA-Zimbabwe
under its
Media Defence Fund facility, the police initially wanted to charge
Chikowore
with contravening the repressive Access to Information and
Protection of
Privacy Act (AIPPA) by practicing journalism without
accreditation.
However, Chikowore is duly accredited with the
state-controlled Media and
Information Commission (MIC) and was similarly
accredited by the Zimbabwe
Election Commission (ZEC) to cover the elections
held on 29 March.
Nkomo said the police had also contemplated charging
him with malicious
injury to property as well as attempted murder before
settling for the
charge of public violence.
According to the "Herald"
newspaper of Zimbabwe, the public (or political)
violence charge encompassed
"suspected MDC (opposition party) activists who
were arrested on various
allegations including setting ablaze a Mandaza Bus
Service coach last week,
barricading roads, stoning vehicles and circulating
inciting
messages".
Chikowore was on freelance work reporting the elections when
he was picked
up with various other people.
The "Herald" reported on
22 April that "according to official police
records, the Criminal
Investigation Department (CID) Law and Order Section
has dealt with 33 cases
of violence, most of them stemming from the failed
stay-away called for by
MDC-T last week."
So far, some people had appeared in court with one of
the cases having
already been finalised. Eleven people had since paid
"admission of guilt"
fines while 13 were still under
investigation.
MISA strongly condemns the selective treatment being
handed out to
Chikowore. It is clear that people on similar charges have
been released on
bail or on payment of a fine. The MISA lawyers are in the
process of
preparing an urgent bail application for the journalist to be
delivered 23
April. MISA maintains that the present charges brought against
the
journalist are ones for which a detainee should be released on bail
pending
trial, and that Chikowore should be dealt with according to the
provisions
of the law.
BACKGROUND:
According to his wife,
Chikowore left their home in Harare's suburb of
Warren Park early in the
morning on 15 April on his way to work only to
return later in the company
of seven police officers, four of whom were in
riot gear and three in
plainclothes. The police then reportedly searched the
house and confiscated
a laptop, recorder and camera.
New case (Tamborinyoka) and update to the
Chikowore and Karombo cases:
http://www.ifex.org/en/content/view/full/92920
SW Radio Africa
(London)
22 April 2008
Posted to the web 23 April 2008
Tererai
Karimakwenda
People Against Suffering, Suppression, Oppression and
Poverty (Passop) is a
South African organisation that has embarked on a
campaign to demand the
restoration of democracy in Zimbabwe.
The
group is also demanding an end to what they called a "Mugabe coup",
making
reference to the refusal by the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission to
announce
results from the Presidential poll.
Braam Hanekom from Passop said
they will organise protest actions
consistently until they achieve their
goal. He told Newsreel that the
campaign started on April 17 with a
demonstration at the Inter-Parliamentary
Union meeting that was held at the
Cape Town International Convention Centre
last Thursday.
The event
was a gathering of parliamentarians from all over Africa. Hanekom
said the
speaker of South Africa's National Assembly, Baleka Mbete, chaired
the IPU
meeting. He praised Mbete for her recent comments acknowledging that
there
is indeed a crisis in Zimbabwe, adding to the list of African leaders
who
are beginning to speak publicly about the abuses of the Mugabe regime.
But
they chose this occasion for their demonstration to send a strong
message to
other African parliamentarians.
Hanekom criticised the government of
President Thabo Mbeki for failing to
deal with the problem of so many
Zimbabweans fleeing from the chaos, into
South Africa. Simply deporting them
is not a solution.
Passop was especially appalled by the xenophobic
attacks that took place in
the Diepsloot area of Cape Town this month. At
least 30 shacks were
destroyed and more than 100 people displaced. Of even
greater concern were
reports that a meeting took place between the police, a
local councillor and
the community ahead of the attacks.
At the
meeting the South African locals allegedly declared that the attack
would
follow. But the police took no action. In fact they responded several
hours
after the attacks had started. Witnesses said the police were laughing
at
the scene and they apparently arrested 20 Zimbabweans for being
undocumented, and not the South Africans who were attacking.
Next on
the agenda for Passop is a demonstration at the Angolan Embassy.
Hanekom
said this was decided after hearing reports that Angolan troops are
on
standby to go to Zimbabwe to assist Robert Mugabe. Passop want the
Angolans
to know there is no war in Zimbabwe and therefore no need to send
troops.
africasia
LUSAKA, April 23 (AFP)
A top official from Zambia's governing
party was suspended on Wednesday
after he called for the forcible removal
from power of Robert Mugabe, the
president of neighbouring
Zimbabwe.
Geoffrey Chumbwe, chairman of the Movement for Multiparty
Democracy for
Lusaka province, was suspended with immediate effect after
President Levy
Mwanawasa expressed his concern at his remarks, said the
MMD's acting
chairman.
"As a party, we regret this irresponsible
statement," the acting chairman
Jeff Kande said.
"In view of the
serious nature of the statement, Chumbwe has been suspended
with immediate
effect until further notice."
Chumbwe, who called for Mugabe's ouster
after accusing him of trying to
cling to power following last month's
disputed election in Zimbabwe, has
refused to apologise over his
comments.
Mwanawasa also distanced himself from Chumbwe, who is a member
of the
executive committee of the governing party, saying his statement does
not
represent the views of his party or government.
"In fact I was
personally embarrassed when I heard the statement," Mwanawasa
said, urging
his senior party officials to stop commenting on the Zimbabwe
crisis.
Mugabe has come under increasing international pressure as
the March 29
presidential poll results have yet to be revealed, amid reports
of
election-linked violence.
Posted: 23 April 2008
Amnesty International said
today (23 April) that all shipments of
small arms, light weapons and
ammunition ordered from China by the Zimbabwe
Government must be halted as
there is a real risk that it may lead to
increased human rights violations
in Zimbabwe.
Oliver Sprague, Amnesty International UK's Arms
Programme Director
said:
'Until the present wave of state sponsored
violence comes to an end
and the rule of law is established, no weapons
should be supplied to
Zimbabwe.
'In addition no other pieces of
security equipment - including tear
gas, water canons - should be sold to
Zimbabwe during this turbulent time.
In the past, Zimbabwe Riot Police have
used excessive force against human
rights defenders with such equipment to
suppress the right to peaceful
protest.'
Amnesty International
welcomed the trade union movement's appeal to
its members not to offload the
cargo if the ship docks at any African port.
The organisation also supported
the legal and civil action taken by members
of civil society - in solidarity
with victims of state sponsored violence in
Zimbabwe - to stop the delivery
of arms to Zimbabwe.
Oliver Sprague continued:
'The
mobilisation of civil society has proved critical in view of the
inaction of
governments to put an end to arms trade to countries where there
is a
pattern of gross human rights violations.
'All political leaders in
southern African must urgently support the
efforts of civil society and
demand an end to state-sponsored violence in
Zimbabwe and the return of the
rule of law.'
The An Yue Jiang Chinese cargo ship carrying arms
supplies to
Zimbabwe, highlights the absence of a global treaty to ensure
proper
regulation of the conventional arms trade.
Following a
vote of 153 states in favour to one against, Member States
of the United
Nations are considering the feasibility, scope and parameters
for a global
Arms Trade Treaty that would prevent the irresponsible trade in
conventional
arms, and Amnesty International and its partners are appealing
for such a
treaty to contain provisions to fully respect international human
rights and
humanitarian law.
Following the elections held on 29 March 2008,
Amnesty International
has documented serious human rights violations
committed by soldiers and
police in Zimbabwe against opposition
supporters.
Soldiers, police, so-called 'war veterans' and
supporters of the
ruling party, ZANU-PF have assaulted and tortured people
who have been
accused of not having voted 'correctly'.
Though
some victims have reported these crimes to the police, no
arrests have been
reported and it appears that perpetrators continue to
commit abuses with
impunity.
Background
The International Action Network
on Small Arms - a coalition of which
Amnesty International is part - has
issued a petition relating to the
Chinese consignment of arms heading to
Zimbabwe. For more information,
please visit: http://www.iansa.org/stoptheshipment/
On 10 April 2008 the arms shipment arrived aboard a Chinese cargo
ship - the
MV 'An Yue Jiang' - in Durban, South Africa.
The ship's owner was
the Chinese Ocean Shipping Company and it was
carrying cases of weaponry and
ammunition in six containers. The shipper of
the arms was Poly Technologies
Inc of Beijing China, the delivery address on
the shipping documents was the
Zimbabwe Defence Force, Harare, and the point
of origin on the cargo
manifest is Beijing, China. The cargo in question
consisted of 3080 cases of
arms. The Arrival Notification described the
contents as
follows:
7.62 x 54mm Ball - 1000 cases containing 1 million
rounds
7.62 x 39mm Ball - 1331 cases containing 2 million
rounds
RPC7, 40mm Rockets - 250 cases containing 1500
rounds
60 mm mortar bombs - 227 cases containing 2703
rounds
31mm mortar bombs - 176 cases containing 581
rounds
31mm mortar tubes - 93 cases containing 31
items
Legal action to stop this Chinese arms consignment was taken
on 18
April by concerned South Africans with the support of human rights
legal
organisations in a bid to constrain the authorities from allowing
transhipment of the arms through South Africa to Zimbabwe.
The
application was brought in the Durban High Court on the grounds of
South
African national law, which prohibits arms transfers that may
contribute 'to
internal repression or suppression of human rights and
fundamental freedom'
or 'to governments that systematically violate or
suppress human rights and
fundamental freedoms'.
An interim ruling was issued on 18 April to
confine the arms to Durban
harbour pending a final court hearing but the
ship sailed away. Currently
many governments, including in the Southern
African Development Community
(SADC) region, and organisations worldwide are
appealing for the arms
transfer to be prevented to Zimbabwe, but it is
feared that the arms cargo
may be delivered to Zimbabwe through another
route.
The Citizen
23/04/2008 18:08:09
PRETORIA - The delay in the release of Zimbabwe’s
presidential results might
be a violation of the African Charter on Human
and Peoples’ Rights, the
African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights
said on Wednesday.
In a statement released from The Gambia on Wednesday,
the commission said
the delay also flew in the face of the Southern African
Development
Community principles on elections.
“The African
Commission is of the view that the right to vote and
participate in
government is not limited to the casting of a ballot paper
but invariably
includes the individual right to know, and in a timely
manner, the outcome
of the voting exercise,” it said.
“The African Commission is concerned
that the delay in the publication of
the results has the potential of
undermining human rights and the rule of
law and may compromise an already
volatile and tense situation.”
The commission called on the Zimbabwe
government to provide the Zimbabwe
Elections Commission with all the
necessary assistance it may require to
enable it release the elections
results immediately.
The commission’s authority rests on the African
Charter, which was adopted
by the African Union’s predecessor, the
Organisation of African Unity.
It however still reports to the Assembly
of Heads of State and Government of
the African Union.
- Sapa
Trócaire
Date: 23 Apr 2008
Join our call for the Zimbabwean election
results to be peacefully honoured
now!
The Zimbabwean air is becoming
unbearable, even in Harare. The government
have shown that they have no
intention of losing this fight, and the waiting
is made all the more
frustrating for the many who believe the result is
already
known.
Even though the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission has still not
announced the
result of the Presidential election on March 29, people’s
interest in the
result is waning. It seems the longer we wait, the higher
tensions rise, and
the more difficult the next period will be.
But
lack of interest in the actual result is down to the lack of credibility
of
the process, rather than mere complacency. Zimbabweans are very sensitive
to
claims that they are passive victims in this drama. Since early this year
Trócaire partner organisations and other civic organisations have been
working tirelessly on voter education and mobilisation, election monitoring
as well as humanitarian response. These organisations are not working on
either side of the political chasm.
The current situation in
Zimbabwe, according to one Trócaire partner, is now
one of tension and fear
marked with beatings and even torture.
The independent newspapers, or
what remain of them in an increasingly
paranoid state, have been carrying
stories of beatings of suspected
MDC-voters for a few days now. In some
cases being suspected of voting the
‘wrong way’ is enough to have you taken
by the so-called war veterans (who
claim to be have fought in the liberation
struggle of the 1970’s but who are
popularly thought to be opportunists) or
‘green bombers’ (youth militia).
There are firm reports of MDC activists
from rural areas being taken from
their homes and threatened with
castration. Their cows set on fire and the
eyes of their goats gouged out.
Their homes torched and their family
scattered.
What has
disappointed, but possibly not surprised, many people here is just
how far
Robert Mugabe will go to remain in position. The news of the arms
shipment
that he (or his military apparatus, which most believe to be the
true power
in the country) ordered from China solicited many grave words.
It is now
likely that the arms will never make it to Zimbabwe, thanks to the
solidarity of Durban’s dockworkers, the South African church and the
governments of Mozambique and Angola. But the questions remain: what weapons
can the government obtain by other means (such as air), and what would it
take for them to use them against an increasingly agitated
population?
But there is defiance and resistance. One prominent
commentator told
Trócaire about small resistance groups being set up in
villages to defend
against government-sanctioned thugs. But more
significantly, civil society
organisations are stressing the importance of
non-violent action. Women’s
groups, journalists and others are reminding the
population of their rights
and ability to tackle this situation
peacefully.
Humanitarian agencies have little or no access to the most
remote areas,
many of their Zimbabwean employees are afraid to go to work
and, politically
motivated violence aside, the security situation is having
real
repercussions for the most vulnerable.
The actions of the
regional governments of Southern Africa and civil society
have prevented
Chinese weapons from landing in the hands of the military
here and are to be
commended. This kind of solidarity and concerted action
on the part of the
region needs to continue and even be stepped up. Today’s
call by Caritas
Internationalis for an international arms embargo against
Zimbabwe
consolidates attention on the international community’s role.
Churches
and civil society in Zimbabwe are desperately trying to draw
attention to
the crisis in Zimbabwe. International attention has been
welcomed, but more
action, such as the call for an arms embargo which
Trócaire supports, must
be taken. The humanitarian and security situation is
bad – and
deteriorating.