Detained coup suspects seriously ill: Lawyer

http://www.zimonline.co.za/

by Nokuthula Sibanda Friday 03 April 2009

HARARE - Two members of a group of six men accused of trying to topple
President Robert Mugabe in June 2006 and currently detained at Chikurubi
Maximum Security prison are seriously ill, a lawyer said on Thursday.

The two suspects, arrested together with former senior army officer Albert
Matapo, have not been well for some time and are still to be taken to
hospital.

"Two of the six suspects are seriously ill," one of their lawyers Charles
Warara told ZimOnline. "However, the other suspects are all doing fine. I am
not sure what is the cause of the illness but as you know the situation at
our prisons is not the best.

"We have also approached Joint Monitoring and Implementation Command (JOMIC)
for assistance and I must say we may be getting some good response from
them."

JOMIC is a body set up by ZANU PF and the two factions of the MDC to monitor
the implementation of a September 15 power sharing agreement that led to the
formation in February of a unity government between Mugabe and Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai.

JOMIC is also mandated among other tasks to ensure that the inclusive
government releases all political prisoners.

Matapo was arrested by the police alongside six other suspects Shingirai
Mutemachani, a private in the army; Nyasha Zivuku; Oncemore Mudzurahowa;
Emmanuel Marara; and Patson Mapfure on allegations of plotting to recruit
members of the armed forces to stage a coup against Mugabe.

After overthrowing Mugabe, the six allegedly planned to invite then Rural
Housing Minister Emmerson Mnangagwa - now Defence Minister in the new unity
government - to take over as president while lead coup plotter Matapo would
declare himself prime minister, according to the state.

The six men denied the charges, saying they were meeting to discuss forming
a new political party when police arrested them in a Harare suburb.

Political analysts dismissed the alleged coup as either a diversionary
tactic by the government to sway public attention from deepening economic
hardships or part of the vicious power struggle in the ruling ZANU PF party
over Mugabe's succession.

Mnangagwa heads a faction of ZANU PF that is tussling against another led by
former army commander Solomon Mujuru for the control of the ruling party and
the country in the post-Mugabe era.

None of the men accused of plotting to overthrow the government had any
meaningful influence in the military with only one of them, Mutemachani, an
active junior member of the army.

The alleged ringleader Matapo left the army in 1992 and stayed in Britain
for years before he returned to Zimbabwe after falling foul of immigration
laws in Britain.

Zimbabwe's prisons have been long known to be virtual death houses with
hundreds of inmates reportedly dying in the jails because of diseases and an
acute shortage of food.

With the government preoccupied with trying to find money to buy food,
essential medicines, fuel, electricity and for salaries for hundreds of
thousands of its workers, prisoners are a forgotten lot.

An outbreak of pellagra disease in 2007 killed at least 23 inmates at the
notorious Chikurubi Maximum Security Prison. Pellagra is a vitamin
deficiency disease caused by shortage of vitamin B3 and protein.

Overcrowding has only helped worsen the situation with the country's 55
jails said to be holding anything above 35 000 inmates at any given time
which is more than double their designed carrying capacity of 17 000
inmates.

A parliamentary committee that toured Chikurubi and other prisons in 2006
was shocked to find inmates clad in torn, dirty uniforms and crammed into
overcrowded cells with filthy; overflowing toilets that had not been flushed
for weeks as water had been cut off due to unpaid bills. - ZimOnline

NSSA to disburse pensions in hard currency

http://www.zimonline.co.za/

by Andrew Moyo Friday 03 April 2009

HARARE - Zimbabwe's compulsory social safety body, the National Social
Security Authority (NSSA) on Wednesday said it had approved a new foreign
currency denominated payment system for the 142 835 pensioners on its books
that will see them getting US$25 per month.

"We have approved a retirement pension of US$25 per month, if anybody
retires today we will pay US$25 per month," NSSA general manager James
Matiza told reporters in Harare, adding that the US$25 was enough to take
the pensioners through the month.

"We have carried our investigations and found out that this money will be
enough to buy their basics."

The US$25 per month means elderly people, who have endured the severe
effects of a decade-long economic turmoil marked by hyperinflation and
shortages of basic commodities will continue to live below US$1 per day in a
country where even the greenback is severely devalued.

The Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) has said a family of six
requires at least US$454 per month to survive in Zimbabwe.

To make matters worse, a majority of the pensioners have to travel long
distances to collect their pensions at the nearest offices, often incurring
more than the US$25 in travel expenses, as NSSA is not decentralised.

"We have reached an agreement with ZIMPOST so that pensioners will collect
their money at the nearest post office," Matiza said.

Matiza said NSSA had been forced to eat into its reserves last year because
of hyperinflation but the authority had managed to collect US$600 000 in
February and the situation was looking better with the conversion to foreign
currency payments after the establishment of the unity government between
President Robert Mugabe and Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai in February.

In a statement on Thursday the ZCTU welcomed the payment of pensions in
foreign currency but urged NSSA to "assess the state of the economy and come
up with realistic figures" for pensioners.

"ZCTU welcomes moves by NSSA to start paying pensions in foreign currency
with effect from next month," the statement said, adding; "After the
dollarisation of the economy, most pensioners were now destitute because the
local currency was no longer acceptable. At the same time we urge NSSA to
assess the state of the economy in order to come up with realistic figures."

The NSSA pension scheme was started in the 1990s for all in employment
except the public and uniformed services and those in domestic service and
according to Matiza it had 2,1 million members in 2002. - ZimOnline

Mnangagwa fails to show up in court

http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=14522

April 3, 2009

Defence Minister Emmerson Mnangagwa plays truant.

HARARE - DEFENCE Minister Emmerson Mnangagwa did not show up in court
Thursday, The Financial Gazette has reported.

The prosecution saying it has faced difficulties in bringing the minister to
testify in a case in which he is said to have been a beneficiary of inputs
looted from the Grain Marketing Board (GMB).

State prosecutor Benson Taruvinga told the court: "We have been having
difficulties with the witness..I will liaise with my superiors."

This was despite assurances that the Minister, a State witness, would appear
on Tuesday.

Defence lawyer Itayi Ndudzo was agitated by Mnangagwa's absence and said if
he fails to turn up by next Friday, the State should proceed with the case.

"One of my clients is very ill. He cannot just continue coming to court,"
Ndudzo said.

Magistrate Lillian Kudya told the prosecution she would be resigning from
the bench soon and wanted to conclude the matter before she leaves.

It is the State's case that Jeffrey Tabva, a former Central Intelligence
Organisation operative and one  Andrew Raymond Williams connived to
prejudice the GMB of 720 x 50 kg bags of urea fertilizer, over 30 000kgs of
flour, more than 70 metric tonnes of mealie-meal and 600 x 50kg bags of Silo
mealie-meal, saying they had been sent by among other senior Zanu-PF
officials, Mnangagwa.

The contraband was allegedly meant to strengthen Zanu-PF's election campaign
last year. The party lost both the parliamentary and the presidential
elections held on March 29, 2008 - the first electoral defeat since
independence in 1980.

New-Drilled Wells In Harare Bolster Zimbabwe's Battle Against Cholera

http://www.voanews.com

By Marvellous Mhlanga-Nyahuye
Washington
02 April 2009

Zimbabwe's fight against a longrunning and deadly cholera epidemic has been
boosted by about 70 boreholes installed around Harare by the United Nations
Children's Fund and which are now dispensing clean water to residents still
not served by the public water system.

But UNICEF communications officer Tsitsi Singizi said the boreholes are a
medium-term solution and that water service cuts set back efforts to end the
cholera epidemic.

World Health Organization said in its latest update on the epidemic that
4,127 have died of cholera since August 2008, while the cumulative total of
cases had risen to 94,277.

Singizi told reporter Marvellous Mhlanga-Nyahuye of VOA's Studio 7 for
Zimbabwe that the Harare City Council must urgently tackle lingering water
problems in the municipal water system over which it has reassumed control
if outbreaks in the capital are to end.

Hot Seat interview: Minister of Water Resources and Development Sam Sipepa Nkomo

Temporary legal status for Zimbabweans

http://www.sabcnews.com

April 02 2009 , 9:08:00

Zimbabweans who have entered South Africa seeking political asylum and
employment will be given a "special dispensation" permit, the Department of
Home Affairs said today.

"The permit confers on them the right to stay in South Africa for a
period of six months, it confers on them the right to schooling or
education, it confers on them the right to work and access to basic health
care," said Home Affairs director general of Immigration Services, Jackie
MacKay.

"We have taken an important decision which acknowledges that migration
patterns between South Africa and Zimbabwean have probably changed
permanently," said Home Affairs Deputy Minister Malusi Gigaba.  Zimbabweans
will need to apply for the permit at Home Affairs and provide proof of their
nationality. If they do not have official identification, they will go
through testing.

"They will go through what we call a country verification test with
the assistance of the UN High Commissioner on Refugees. They have certain
tests they do to ascertain a person's nationality.  And based on that advice
they will be able to tell us whether a person is a Zimbabwean or not," said
MacKay.

"We have this special dispensation because of the undocumented flow of
illegal migrants from Zimbabwe into South Africa and we are trying to
regularise the flow of people coming and going," he said.

The special dispensation may lessen the pressures the large numbers of
Zimbabwean migrants has created. MacKay said many Zimbabweans who apply for
political asylum are, instead simply looking for employment.   But once
given asylum, they are barred from returning to Zimbabwe. This forces them
to stay in South Africa when they might prefer to live  in this country for
only a short amount of time.

"Most Zimbabweans are not asylum seekers, they are economic migrants.
So what they want to do is to come into the country do some work and go back
home and take money back.  We also believe this special dispensation will
result in foreign currency going into Zimbabwe and assist in building up
that country," said MacKay.

Six month permits  The special dispensation will be a six-month
permit. Whether it is renewed will not be based on the applicant, but rather
the economic situation in Zimbabwe. "After six months we will review what
the situation in Zimbabwean is, can people go back, has the economic climate
improved?" said Mackay.

Gigaba said police would not be allowed to arrest Zimbabweans who had
the special dispensation permits but proof of the permit would be needed.
"Just because you say you are a Zimbabwean national doesn't mean they can't
arrest you," said Gigaba. - Sapa

Mudzuri warns of power cuts in winter

http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=14560

April 3, 2009

By Raymond Maingire

HARARE - Zimbabweans should brace for more power cuts this winter season
following plans by government to redirect nearly 17 percent of the country's
current electricity consumption towards winter cropping.

Energy and Power Development Minister, Elias Mudzuri said Wednesday
government seeks to incapacitate Zimbabwe's embattled commercial farming
sector with much-needed energy.

Mudzuri said 200 megawatts of electricity would be redirected towards this
year's winter cropping, something that will leave households and businesses
constrained for power.

Zimbabwe currently consumes 1 180 megawatts of electricity against the
projected maximum demand of 1 140 MW for this month.

"We will deliberately direct 200 MW of power towards farmers during this
winter cropping season," Mudzuri told Parliament Wednesday.

He was responding to a question by Gweru legislator, Amos Chibaya who asked
what government was doing to ensure farmers had adequate electricity to see
through the approaching winter cropping season.

Mudzuri added, "The country will experience power cuts whilst we direct the
electricity to farmers."

The minister said his ministry had however introduced a system in which
consumers of electricity would be informed of impending power cuts in
advance to avoid inconvenience.

Zimbabwe is eager to resuscitate its once vibrant agricultural sector that
has hugely been affected by a combination of farm seizures by President
Robert Mugabe's supporters since 2000 and unreliable power supplies to
irrigate crops.

Meanwhile, government is seeking US$38, 5 million to repair a total of 1 483
distribution transformers and 56 power transformers that have been damaged
through acts of vandalism countrywide.

In Harare alone a total of 300 transformers need replacement in the low and
high density suburbs.

According to the energy ministry, the Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority
had identified eight transformers out of 39 that serve Mabvuku and seven out
of 30 for Tafara had been vandalized. Mabvuku and Tafara were the two most
severely affected high density suburbs.

Know Your Ministers: Misihairabwi-Mushonga, Mutasa

No Money Yet

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com


Thursday, 02 April 2009 21:05
SOUTHERN African Development Community (Sadc) countries will struggle
to raise the US$2 billion Zimbabwe urgently needs over the next 10 days
despite committing themselves to the task, regional leaders admitted during
their extraordinary summit in Swaziland on Monday.

This comes amid reports that international donors are mulling an
interim rescue package to be channelled through the private sector to avoid
a potential tug-of-war between President Robert Mugabe and Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai over control of the funds.

Sources said the donors were anxious about Mugabe's commitment to
meeting the requirements of the power-sharing deal and the central bank's
role in the country's financial affairs.

Sadc officials and diplomats who spoke to the Zimbabwe Independent at
King Mswati's Lozitha Palace where regional leaders discussed Zimbabwe's
bailout said while the leaders agreed to help their troubled neighbour, the
region could not raise such sums at short notice.

Sadc approved a Zimbabwe economic recovery plan of about US$10 billion
over the next two to three years. However, they agreed that US$2 billion was
needed urgently to save the new inclusive government from paralysis.

But with the exception of South Africa the money simply isn't there.

Leaders of the unity government last week admitted they would face a
debilitating crisis even before their first 100 days in office are over if
they did not get funding.

Sadc gave a thumbs up to the Short Term Emergency Recovery Programme
(Sterp) announced by government three weeks ago and agreed that about US$10
billion would be needed to fund it. Zimbabwe had initially tabled a figure
of US$8,5 billion but Sadc rounded it up to US$10 billion.

Sadc established a committee of ministers of finance comprising South
Africa, Zambia, Democratic Republic of Congo, Botswana, and Zimbabwe as well
as the Sadc executive secretariat to coordinate support to the Zimbabwe
recovery process.

The committee was tasked to visit major capitals in Europe, Asia, and
North America as well as financial institutions to mobilise support for
Zimbabwe.

Sadc leaders said they would support Zimbabwe in implementing Sterp in
the form of budget support, lines of credit, joint ventures and
manufacturing.

Only South Africa, whose economy is at least 24 times bigger than all
Sadc economies combined, appeared able to put something on the table.
Pretoria immediately put forward a R500 million line of credit and R300
million in budget support to help Zimbabwe.

Sources at the summit said the other Sadc leaders admitted they had no
money.

"That is why these leaders emphasised the need to lift sanctions on
Zimbabwe because they realised that was the best way to address the problem,
rather than through their own contributions which they admitted would be
inadequate," an official who attended the closed session said referring to
balance of payments support.

One Sadc leader told his delegation that "we committed ourselves, but
we will just give the very little we can afford".

A senior Sadc official said regional leaders had "good intentions, but
lacked the capacity" to deliver on their promises.
Zambian President Rupiah Banda admitted when he arrived home that
although they wanted to help it would be difficult to raise the money.

Acknowledging Sadc has no money, Finance minister Tendai Biti told
journalists at Lozitha Palace that it was not the money that mattered most,
but the principle of regional solidarity with Zimbabwe's plight.

Tsvangirai has apparently appealed to G20 leaders meeting in London to
help Zimbabwe deal with the economic crisis. But they have money problems of
their own.

Meanwhile, diplomatic sources in Harare told the Independent that
donors wanted to channel the interim aid through banks and humanitarian
organisations, thereby by-passing the fiscus.

Government sources this week said this was a potential source of
conflict in the unity government as ministers were already complaining that
their ministries had no funds.

"One has to understand that Zanu PF has survived this far due to
fiscal support and administrative back-up from the civil service," said a
party source. "The challenge today for the party is having access to funds
to run pet projects through the ministries of Youth, Women's Affairs and
SMEs."

Most of the aid by the West, the sources said, would go towards
enhancing industrial production, while humanitarian organisations would be
capacitated to revive social sectors such as health. Little of this money
will go to central government.

The handling of funds coming from donors is expected be discussed at
the cabinet retreat starting in Victoria Falls today.

The sources said the Western countries and multilateral financial
organisations have agreed to work with the inclusive government, but have
set benchmarks the new administration should meet before they can release
the money to revive Zimbabwe's flagging economy.

BY DUMISANI MULEYA AND CONSTANTINE CHIMAKURE

UZ Fails to Reopen - Again

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com


Thursday, 02 April 2009 20:26
THE University of Zimbabwe failed to open this week for the second
time this year as the institution struggles to mobilise vital resources.

Besides the resources, few students had registered to commence studies
on Monday while the majority could not to raise the proposed fees of between
US$150 and US$400 set by the Ministry of Higher and Tertiary Education.

The university also has an acute shortage of lecturers.

Ruzivo Midzi, secretary-general of the Association of University
Teachers, told the Zimbabwe Independent that both academic and non-academic
staff at the UZ had not reported for work as they were entangled in a salary
dispute with the college administration.

Midzi said: "For several months the staff have not been receiving
reasonable salaries and it was only in February that we were paid in foreign
currency after a directive from the Minister of Finance (Tendai Biti) but
now we are still to receive our March salaries.

"It is not about the salaries only. It is about the whole institution.
The place looks abandoned with long grass and shrubs growing all over the
campus. There is scarcity of water - no single toilet is functioning there.
There is no sanitation whatsoever."

Midzi said they had advised the administration that it was not wise to
open the university this week before a number of outstanding issues were
addressed.

"The administration insisted that the Ministry of Higher and Tertiary
Education had promised that government was going to give them money. The
administration was a bit naïve, there is no money for bond paper and it has
proved difficult for outsiders who want to collect their transcripts. They
have to bring their own bond paper," he added.

Midzi said they were looking at being paid at least US$2 500 monthly.

"This demands a great will on the part of the government. All state
universities are a human resource database in this country. If we cannot
train the accountants, doctors and lawyers where will the country get the
experts from? If government does not come in the future of UZ is bleak," he
said.

UZ acting director of information and public relations Ruby
Magosvongwe this week said the varsity could not open because of lack of
resources.

She said the unavailability of resources had pushed students to fund
their own facilities, referring to a group of medical students under Health
Volunteers for Africa who recently donated a consignment of antibiotics and
other medical sundries for the university clinic.

Magosvongwe confirmed that the UZ had postponed opening to a date yet
to be set.

"We issued news releases that the UZ was not opening this week due to
insufficient resources. The halls of residence and the university have no
water and thus the institution cannot be opened," she said.

The UZ opened briefly in February but was closed after students
demonstrated against the exorbitant fees in foreign currency.

BY WONGAI ZHANGAZHA

Media Commission in Place by Month-end

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com


Thursday, 02 April 2009 19:56
THE Zimbabwe Media Commission (ZMC) and the Zimbabwe Human Rights
Commission will be in place before month-end as part of the implementation
of the global political agreement (GPA) signed by the country's three main
parties last year.

The GPA - signed by President Robert Mugabe and the leaders of the two
MDC formations - Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara - gave birth to the
formation of the inclusive government in February.

Two more commissions, the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) and the
Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission, would also be put in place.

Gorden Moyo, the Minister of State in the Prime Minister's Office,
told a meeting of civic leaders organised by Freedom House to debate the
role of civil society in the unity government that the four commissions
would be in place in three weeks.

Moyo said the commissions would be expected to immediately commence
their mandates.

"Now that the Parliamentary Standing Rules and Orders Committee is in
place, the inclusive government will within the coming three weeks set up
the Zimbabwe Media Commission and the Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission and
the two commissions are expected to start work immediately," Moyo said.

The Standing Rules and Orders Committee was set up two weeks ago and
is expected to appoint members to the commissions and forward their names to
Mugabe for appointment.

The setting up of the ZMC would be expected to speed up the opening of
the media space to allow new and independent players in the industry that
has been choked by repressive laws put in place by the Zanu-PF government.

The ZMC is also expected to lead the process of media reform, but most
importantly to register new media houses.

Already NewsDay, a proposed daily newspaper project by Zimbabwe
Independent and the Standard newspapers owner Trevor Ncube, has indicated
its readiness to register and is already in the process of recruiting staff.

Turning to the tenure of the inclusive government, Moyo said it would
end once a new people-driven constitution has been put in place.

"The tenure of this all-inclusive government will expire after the
drafting of a people-driven constitution and elections will be held after
the new constitution has been approved," Moyo said.

Government officials who addressed the three-day civil society meeting
were Prime Minister Tsvangirai, his deputy Arthur Mutambara, Constitutional
Affairs minister Eric Matinenga, Deputy Minister of Media, Information and
Publicity Jameson Timba, and Justice deputy minister Jessie Majome.

Ministers from Zanu PF were conspicuous by their absence at the
meeting.

BY LOUGHTY DUBE

Chanakira, Moxon War Escalates

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com


Thursday, 02 April 2009 19:56
THE Kingdom Meikles Africa Ltd (KMAL) wrangle pitting Kingdom Bank Ltd
founder Nigel Chanakira and specified former group chairman John Moxon has
intensified after the two men failed to reach a deal at a meeting to iron
out their differences in South Africa last month, documents in our
possession suggest.

This was after Chanakira set tough conditions for Moxon as a way
forward.

At the meeting held on March 2, Moxon demanded the demerger of KMAL as
soon as possible, the appointment of directors to the Meikles Africa Ltd
(MAL) board and the lifting of his specification.

 But Chanakira urged him to consider returning home and face the
music, which could mean imprisonment.

Chanakira, however, described the meeting, at the Mount Nelson Hotel
in Cape Town, as "useful, frank and constructive".
Moxon demanded that the  KMAL board should instigate a demerger of
KMAL into Meikles Africa Ltd and Kingdom Financial Holdings (KFHL) as soon
as possible.

After the demerger, Moxon demanded that all "ex-MAL" directors resign
from the KFHL board and vice-versa.

In a letter dated March 5, Chanakira wrote to Moxon: "As a way forward
for KMAL, you (Moxon) suggested the following: Meikles family companies
would like and would vote for the demerger of KMAL into Meikles Africa Ltd
(MAL) and KFHL."

Chanakira said he was agreeable to the proposal but suggested that
Moxon first return to "engage the authorities" or meet with investigators in
South Africa.

Chanakira said should the demerger occur, Moxon could lose more in the
event of MAL getting entangled in government indigenisation schemes.

"A demerger of KFHL from KMAL albeit MAL would be extremely vulnerable
to indigenisation laws, particularly Tanganda which you concurred would
require a separate ownership structure," Chanakira said.

The documents to hand do not say, although Chanakira seems to believe,
the farmland owned by Tanganda might be seized by the state. It is also not
clear what ownership structure Moxon had proposed for the tea-maker to make
it vulnerable to a takeover.

MAL controlled Tanganda Ltd, formerly a listed agricultural business.

Moxon's other demands were that the MAL board be "reconstructed" since
it would now be smaller after a spate of resignations and retirements.

He urged Chanakira to refrain from legal attacks and issuing press
statements.

Should the need to deal with the press arise, he suggested, "only
joint statements be released".

Chanakira proposed that Moxon engage the authorities by either
returning to Zimbabwe or meeting with investigators in South Africa, thus
placing Moxon between a rock and a hard place.

Chanakira has demanded, among other things, that the Cape Grace Hotel
be sold to Moxon  family companies Mentor Africa or Cool Bay at a value  to
be approved by unrelated shareholders.

 In addition, Chanakira wants a settlement for indigenisation option
rights held by Valley Field of up to 51% of KMAL, all outstanding salaries
and benefits which the banker had not been paid since the inception of KMAL,
and the return of US$22 million held at the RBZ from KFHL to MAL.

Chanakira said he had nothing to do with Moxon's specification.

"I do however feel it appropriate to emphasise once again that
notwithstanding any belief you may hold to the contrary, it is simply not
within my power to 'revoke' the specification order granted against you.

In the context of a settlement I would be prepared to recommend to
KMAL that it make appropriate
submissions to the relevant authorities with a view to having that
order removed (subject of course to your full co-operation with the
investigators)," said Chanakira.

Chanakira said in light of Moxon's reluctance to return to Zimbabwe
for fear of imprisonment, he (Chanakira) agreed to meet Zimbabwean
authorities to pave a way forward.

"I (or in retrospect now, KMAL board, and you or your
lawyers/representatives) meet with Zimbabwean authorities to negotiate a way
forward. KMAL board negotiates for the recovery of funds from Cool Bay and
Mentor Africa in shares and cash," added Chanakira.

Chanakira also wants KML to recover a R60 million loan to Cape Grace
and its outstanding management fees amounting to R2 million.

Chanakira says in the letter that: "Any agreement that you and I may
ultimately conclude in relation to our shareholding, would have to be in the
best interests of KMAL and not, merely be convenient to us."

He promised to take a draft MOU, a truce from Moxon, to the board and
seek guidance.

 The dispute between Moxon and Chanakira marks the end of a long
business relationship and eventual marriage between KFHL, who in the past
have depended on their partner's huge cash resources to finance key
capitalisation concerns, and Meikles Africa Ltd in December 2007.

The merger sailed through last year resulting in the birth of KMAL.

Moxon and Chanakira first clashed after the former tried to
unilaterally sell off the group's prestigious Cape Grace Hotel at the V&A
Waterfront in Cape Town.

After Chanakira led resistance to the sale of the asset, Moxon
declared war on him and called for an EGM to have the banker, industrialist
Callisto Jokonya and Rugare Chidembo, removed from the KMAL board.

Chanakira then accused Moxon of externalising US$18,6 million and R21,
2 million and alerted police to possible fraudulent conduct, which led to
Moxon's specification.

BY CHRIS MURONZI

Report Implicates Mutasa in Farm Disruptions

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com


Thursday, 02 April 2009 19:56
FORMER Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement minister Didymus Mutasa has
been implicated in the ongoing farm disruptions.

This came to light in a damning Commercial Farmers Union report
submitted to Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai last week highlighting farm
disruptions that have reportedly seen farmers abandoning their homes and
going into hiding.

The Report on Farm Disruptions Volume XVII dated March 27 and
submitted to Tsvangirai's office the same day, accused Mutasa of leading a
Land Inspectorate Commission which was allegedly interfering with farming
activities on white-owned commercial farms.

"This special report has been produced to highlight the gravity of the
situation occurring in the commercial farming sector of Zimbabwe during
March 2009 following the swearing in of the new Transitional Inclusive
Government," reads the report.

"What has become very evident from the reports coming in is that there
is a very active group, which we understand is called the Land Inspectorate
Commission, allegedly headed by the previous Minister of Lands (etc),
Minister (Didymus) Mutasa, and assisted by two of his relatives, being the
lawyer Gerald Mlotshwa and Temba Mliswa, who we believe holds the position
of Secretary of Lands for Mashonaland West in the Zanu PF party."

Reports of lawlessness last month, the report stated, continued with
at least two black rhinos killed in the Save River Valley Conservancy.

Efforts to get comment from Mutasa or Mliswa were in vain as their
mobile phone numbers were not reachable.

Tapson Dzvetero, a lawyer at Antonio & Associates, speaking on behalf
of Mlotshwa, said he could not comment on the matter.

The Attorney-General Johannes Tomana, "a chief magistrate, senior
police officials and Ministry of Lands officials", according to the report,
conducted workshops across the country where they instructed prosecutors,
police and lands officials at district level to "fast-track" prosecutions of
remaining farmers.

"It would appear that this is to make way for the immediate occupation
by persons in favour of the Zanu PF party and many of these new
beneficiaries are alleged to have been involved in the recent political
violence.In the end it is the country which will again suffer by having to
import the majority of its bulky strategic foods," claimed the CFU.

"It is essential that a moratorium be called immediately on the
prosecutions of white farmers and an immediate cessation of the violence in
the productive farming sector."

Several commercial farmers including 77 interveners at the Sadc
Tribunal case challenging government evictions, have been targeted in the
reported farm disruptions that ensued after the formation of the inclusive
government. Farms in arable Mashonaland provinces, according to the CFU,
have been listed in the "fast-track" exercise.

Addressing a press conference on Wednesday, Tsvangirai promised to
deal with the reported farm disruptions through the Joint Monitoring and
Implementation Committee.

"This is a matter of concern to us," Tsvangirai said. "Chaos is the
last thing that should be in our minds. There is a process on land reform we
have to follow.I have assigned the Joint Monitoring and Implementation
Committee to address the issue."

Tsvangirai's remarks came barely a week after he condemned
perpetrators of "acts of theft" using "fraudulent offer letters" to evict
commercial farmers. He warned that those engaged in these activities would
be brought to justice.

"Of particular importance is restoring the rule of law, without which
we will not make progress on any front. I have tasked the Ministers of Home
Affairs to ensure that all crimes are acted upon and the perpetrators
arrested and charged. For too long a culture of entitlement and impunity has
stained our society, but after the signing of the Global Political Agreement
no crime will go unpunished."

Responding to the Questions Without Notice session in parliament last
week, Lands and Rural Resettlement minister Herbert Murerwa disputed reports
of "farm invasions" but admitted "disturbances" at farms whose former white
owners were served with eviction orders.

Opening the Friedrich-Ebert Stiftung Stakeholders meeting last Friday
in Harare, German ambassador Albrecht Conze bemoaned unnamed government
officials for undermining the inclusive government through violation of
property rights.

"Not everyone in the new government is committed to the respect for
individual property rights. This may be an internal affair as long as
legislation and practice only affect citizens of this country," said Conze.

"But it becomes a bilateral issue for all those countries that have
concluded investment protection agreements with Zimbabwe, and whose
investments are being unlawfully molested and disrupted in their business
affairs."

BY BERNARD MPOFU

Civic Society, Business Petition GNU

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com


Thursday, 02 April 2009 19:39
CIVIC organisations and business groups have asked government to
effect immediate changes that address socio-economic problems and consider
their participation in the coming constitutional reform process.

The coalition of civic societies and business, among them the Business
Council of Zimbabwe (BCZ) and the National Association of Non-Governmental
Organisations and donors, met Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai last week in
the capital at the Friedrich-Ebert Stiftung Stakeholders Conference and
raised their concerns with the inclusive government.

Recommendations of the conference were submitted to Tsvangirai for
consideration at the three-day government retreat in Victoria Falls that
begins today.

The business community recommended to government a review downwards of
taxes and tariffs paid by companies, the restoration of the rule of law,
availing of working capital and institutional reforms.

They also proposed what they termed a three-key vision which
attributes a vibrant economy with capacity utilisation of at least 60%,
improved food security and promotion of a good and sustainable national
governance framework.

The national governance framework, according to BCZ, included a new
constitution, an independent judiciary and a non-partisan media.

"BCZ also raised concerns about the need for adequate funding as
government has little or no resources generally," BCZ chairperson Kumbirai
Katsande said.

"A working party is to be set up in the next few weeks to coordinate
and lead the efforts of the private sector in contributing to the
constitution-drafting."

Civic organisations involved in gender issues demanded a 52%
representation of women in all structures of governance in reflection of the
demographic make up of the national population.

The pressure groups also demanded 52% of repossessed land be allocated
to women.

The women's groups recommended that cotton companies should reserve a
quota of lint for the domestic market to reduce prices of sanitary ware.
They also demanded a reduction in service charges and the provision of wide
family planning options.

Officially opening the one-day summit last week, Tsvangirai assured
stakeholders that this week's government retreat would "reinforce the
growing sense of team work" and promote accountability of the power-sharing
pact despite rolling the economic recovery programme on a "negative starting
point".

"This government does not view these summits as an end in themselves,
but rather as means through which we will develop a comprehensive work plan
for each ministry, defined deliverables to which the ministers and your
government can be held accountable," Tsvangirai said.

The stakeholders conference, Tsvangirai added, would result in the
formation of the National Economic Council in line with the Global Political
Agreement.

"We must acknowledge that we are initiating our programme of economic
development from a negative starting point and as such it is important that
we manage expectations of what we will be able to achieve," Tsvangirai said.

He added that no progress would be made if there was no restoration of
the rule of law.

"However, there are many things that we can do to advance this agenda
that cost no money. To enforce the rule of law is free; to work with former
opponents for betterment of our country is free; to pass reforming
legislation to promote investor confidence is free.

"Thus our development agenda must not be held hostage by our
significant fiscal restraints. Indeed, implementing these steps that cost
nothing will pave way for economic growth," he said.

Mass Public Opinion Institute national director and University of
Zimbabwe political science professor Eldred Masunungure said issues like
amending media laws would be a "litmus test" for the inclusive government.
"Outstanding issues in the global political agreement that require no
funding should be the starting point of this retreat," Masunungure said.

"We must see a fundamental change in terms of thinking and behaviour.
Government does not need any funding to amend the Access to Information and
Protection of Privacy Act or the Public Order and Security Act. This is a
litmus test for the inclusive government."

"Without these changes, Masunungure argued, "it is impossible to shame
sceptics."

Apart from amendments to the pieces of legislation, the inclusive
government is yet to resolve outstanding issues on the appointment of
permanent secretaries, provincial governors and ambassadors.

BY BERNARD MPOFU

Zanu PF Ministers in Accountability Dilemma

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com


Thursday, 02 April 2009 19:27
ZANU PF's culture of secrecy in government operations reflects badly
on its ministers as they are now faced with problems of being accountable
for their ministries, political analysts have said.

The analysts said Zanu PF ministers were still deeply embedded in a
culture of getting away with anything and accountability was still alien to
them hence their failure to answer questions in parliament. According to a
group of lawyers --Veritas -- many parliamentary questions asked last week
were answered at a superficial level or not at all.

The lawyers said this demonstrated that either the ministers were not
fully briefed by their ministries or that they were glossing over situations
that sparked the questions.

One such example, the lawyers said, was of the Minister of Mines and
Mining Development Obert Mpofu's response to questions by Kambuzuma MP
Willas Madzimure on the diamond rush in Chiadzwa.

Mpofu was asked to explain the circumstances surrounding the
engagement of the army by government to drive out illegal miners at Chiadzwa
diamonds fields and the high-handed manner in which the soldiers handled the
situation.

In his response Mpofu said the security forces were deployed to
Chiadzwa to "flush out" about 30 000 illegal diamonds dealers, including
foreigners.

He said that only three dealers died, but not at the hands of the
soldiers. The death toll was contrary to reports by non-governmental
organisations like Partnership Africa Canada (PAC) which earlier this month
released a report titled Zimbabwe, Diamonds and the Wrong Side of History,
claiming that 78 dealers were killed by soldiers and five died from cholera.

Political analyst Eldred Masunungure said failure by Mpofu to explain
the use of the army in Chiadzwa was not a question of him not being in touch
with his ministry, but a lack of accountability that existed before the
inclusive government.

Masunungure said: "That culture is still deeply embedded among the
crop of ministers from Zanu PF. It might not be the question of the minister
doing it deliberately but that the minister will not be fully compelled to
be accountable because, earlier, there was no such culture of
accountability.

"The inclusive government is something that demands a new mindset, in
calculation of notion and practice of accountability."

He said there was need to inculcate the culture of accountability in
political leaders and civil servants whom he said were not lazy, but did not
perform due to lack of motivation.

Masunungure said it was difficult to believe that the government would
only come up with a number of three people for those who died in Chiadzwa.

"I read one report that speculated that around 500 people could have
been killed in Chiadzwa," Masunungure said.

"I would be highly sceptical of the figure three. That is a gross
understatement about the deaths at Chiadzwa and it shows lack of a deep
sense of accountability on the part of the ministry."

Another analyst who preferred anonymity said the issue of
accountability has been a major problem over the years with the executive
not taking parliamentary business seriously as they look at backbenchers as
junior partners.

He said: "The ministers look at the legislature as a junior in the
governance system so they don't take the work of committees seriously. There
is this perception that parliament is a junior partner in governance.

"This is such an attitude where ministers do not respond to questions
and if they do, they give meaningless answers. The ministers do not bother
that they are in violation of standing rules and orders which guide the work
of parliament."

He said the standing rules need to be tightened and punitive action
should be taken against ministers who deliberately do not respond to
questions.

During last week's parliament question time, Justice minister Patrick
Chinamasa was more forthcoming when he was asked to explain what the
Ministry of Justice was doing about the death of prisoners due to hunger and
cholera.

The minister admitted that there was a high rate of malnutrition in
the country's prisons especially in Chipinge, Beitbridge, Harare Remand and
Masvingo Central prisons and the main reason for this was inadequate
funding.

"I need to be honest; the economic hardships that our people have been
facing are hitting hard on prisoners. There are no uniforms, no food and the
requirements could not be met because of shortages of resources," said
Chinamasa.

Southern African Parliamentary Support Trust director John Makamure
said with the formation of the inclusive government, there was need for a
spirit of togetherness and accountability to move the nation forward.

"Parliament should be able to execute its constitutional mandate
without interference from the other two arms of the state (the executive and
the judiciary)," Makamure said.

"Therefore it requires that if members of parliament ask questions in
the House the ministers should respond in a meaningful manner in line with
the spirit of working together and separation of powers."

BY WONGAI ZHANGAZHA

Retreat a Strain on Govt's Empty Coffers

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com


Thursday, 02 April 2009 19:27
POLITICAL and economic analysts have described as a waste of scarce
foreign currency the retreat the government has arranged for cabinet
ministers, their deputies, and permanent secretaries in the resort town of
Victoria Falls starting fFriday.

President Robert Mugabe and Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai were
Thursday night expected in Victoria Falls to join the retreat, which the
85-year-old leader will open.

The retreat comes against a backdrop of the formation of the inclusive
government whose mandate is to get Zimbabwe back on its feet after a decade
of political and economic turmoil partly induced by a chaotic land reform
programme since 2000.

The retreat, according to Tsvangirai's spokesperson James Maridadi, is
being held to brainstorm on the recently-launched Short Term Emergency
Recovery Programme (Sterp) so as to dovetail it with existing economic
policies.

Also lined up for discussion will be a policy framework that enables
the government to deliver on its expectations within 100 days.

Analysts interviewed by the Zimbabwe Independent criticised the
retreat saying the situation in the country could not sustain a fete of such
a magnitude.

Eric Bloch, a Bulawayo-based economist, said the retreat was necessary
but it would add a strain to the country's "empty treasury".

"I understand the need for the retreat but it is an added strain to
the country's treasury. There is no need to over-emphasise on the need to
cut state expenditure as we are not yet prepared to fund such a meeting,"
Bloch said.

"The funds could have come from a donor but government should
prioritise its expenditure. The bill to entertain the bloated cabinet will
run into tens of thousands of US dollars which the country is not prepared
to lose at the moment. Accommodation for the ministers alone will cost more
than US$20 000 daily; what about food, hiring conference facilities, daily
allowances, stationery and other incidentals?"

Enquiries by the Independent revealed that the Elephant Hills Hotel, a
luxury hotel in the resort town, is charging an average of US$120 a night
for accommodation while breakfast and lunch cost US$15 and US$12
respectively.

An accommodation bill for about 150 officials expected to attend the
meeting is estimated at US$18 000 a night, while food will cost around US$4
500 a day.

Another economist John Robertson said it was worrying why a government
would embark on such a spending spree when the nation is in dire need of
funds for recovery purposes.

"I cannot imagine where the government got the money from, but what I
can assure you is that the country's coffers have no money at the moment,"
he said.

"The meeting could have been done at a much cheaper venue with the
same result. But the trip is nothing if compared to the money they used to
buy top of the range Mercedes Benz for the cabinet ministers and one wonders
where the money is coming from," said Robertson.

The government recently bought top of the range S-Class Mercedes Benz
for the bloated cabinet which analysts condemned saying they should have
settled for more modest cars.

National Constitutional Assembly chairperson Lovemore Madhuku said the
government should disclose the source of the funds because the country is
not prepared for extravagant expenses at the moment.

"The government should come into the open and tell us where they got
the money from. If the funds were sponsored, fair and fine, but if it is
coming from the country's coffers, then we have a very big problem here. But
even if the funds were donated, they should have weighed priorities,"
Madhuku said.

He added that it was "disturbing" that the cabinet had not come up
with a concrete formula to govern the country by now.

"Those people (ministers) hold meetings every Tuesday and we then
wonder what the purpose of those weekly meetings is. They should have a plan
to govern the country by now; we are talking of more than 60 days these
people have been in office doing nothing. It's disturbing," said Madhuku.

BY HENRY MHARA

Parly to Debate Alleged RBZ Excesses

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com


Thursday, 02 April 2009 19:27
PARLIAMENT will on Wednesday debate the alleged unauthorised use of
Africa University (AU)'s foreign currency by the Reserve Bank resulting in
the stalling of projects at the campus.

The central bank allegedly abused the funds that were deposited in the
Mutare-based university's foreign currency account (FCA).

According to the House of Assembly order paper for next week, MPs
would debate the case.

The order paper did not state how much was allegedly abused or the
source of the hard currency.

Finance minister Tendai Biti, a critic of central bank governor Gideon
Gono, is expected to give an explanation of what happened to the AU funds.

The central bank is answerable to the Ministry of Finance. The alleged
misappropriation of AU funds came barely a week after Deputy Prime Minister
Arthur Mutambara told civic leaders that an International Monetary Fund team
that was in Zimbabwe recently claimed that the central bank owed Zimbabweans
US$1 billion in unaccounted-for funds after the dollarisation of the
economy.

Mutambara said the government would soon amend the Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe Act and reform the bank before deciding on the fate of Gono.

He said the IMF team had raised concerns on some "areas of activity"
by the central bank.

The alleged raiding of FCAs by the central bank is nothing new. The
Global Fund for the Fight against HIV and Aids, Tuberculosis and Malaria
last year initially declined to allocate further funds to Zimbabwe after the
central bank allegedly misappropriated money the World Health Organisation
had deposited with it.

The Global Fund demanded that Zimbabwe return US$7,3 million it had
misused.

The missing US$7,3 million was part of the US$12,3 million that was
allocated to Zimbabwe last year for distribution of drugs. The debate in
parliament on the missing AU foreign currency would come at a time when
there are growing concerns about alleged abuse of state funds by the central
bank.

An ongoing audit of the farm mechanisation programme has already
revealed corruption implicating some of the bank's senior officials, among
them head of the Agricultural Mechanisation and Small to Medium Enterprises
Support Division, Mordecai Masakwa.

Masakwa, who is on the run, is accused together with a farmer of
fraudulently acquiring four generators, a motorbike, 15 knapsacks and other
implements valued at US$35 100 through the farm mechanisation scheme.

Parliament on Wednesday is also expected to continue questioning Home
Affairs ministers Kembo Mohadi and Giles Mutsekwa on alleged use of torture
by state security agents.

BY LOUGHTY DUBE

Aid prospects Dim Despite Sadc Nod for Zim Rescue Plan

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com


Thursday, 02 April 2009 17:47
SADC may lack the resource capacity to fund the revitalisation of
Zimbabwe's battered economy, but its decision on Monday to approve a US$8,5
billion financial aid plan and to set up a regional team to engage donors
may go some way to resolving the funding dilemma, analysts have said.

But it is unlikely to unlock the Washington treasure chests.

The Sadc summit in Mbabane, Swaziland, failed to come up with a
financial rescue package for Zimbabwe, with South African Foreign minister
Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma telling journalists after the meeting that member
states would soon determine how much each would contribute towards the plan.

This was a shift from earlier commitments by the bloc whose Council of
Ministers met in February and whittled down a US$5 billion aid plan Zimbabwe
had requested from Sadc to US$2 billion.

The Sadc leaders were expected to ratify the package in Mbabane.

The Zimbabwe delegation to the meeting, among them President Robert
Mugabe, Finance minister Tendai Biti and Economic Planning and Development
minister Elton Mangoma, presented a revised plan including the US$2 billion
in short-term aid to jump-start the comatose economy.

The figure rose to US$8,5 billion from the originally discussed US$5
billion after Zimbabwe produced its Short Term Emergency Recovery Plan
(Sterp) that contained some additions that required urgent attention.

"Basically what Sadc have done is to approve our plan and they will
use that plan to source the money from other quarters," Mangoma was quoted
as saying. "But we have also approached South Africa separately to help us
with credit lines and balance of payments support to get our economy back on
track as soon as possible."

South Africa has agreed to give Zimbabwe a R500 million line of credit
that would operate as a revolving fund. This line of credit would be topped
up depending on how it is used.

Another R300 million would be provided for budget support and would be
released in three trenches of R100 million.

UK-based Zimbabwe lawyer and newspaper columnist Alex Magaisa said it
was easy to take a dismissive view of Monday's Sadc summit given that there
was nothing concrete that emerged from it except further pledges to mobilise
international assistance.

"You have to acknowledge as Biti stated that Sadc is as a matter of
principle accepting and reiterating its responsibility for the new
administration in Zimbabwe which is a strange product of its facilitation,"
Magaisa said. "They persuaded the world that it would work and they cannot
now be seen to be abandoning the baby. Then you also have to appreciate that
expecting Sadc to do much by way of financial assistance is rather like
expecting abundant rains in the middle of the Kalahari Desert."

He said aside from South Africa and Botswana most of the countries in
the region, such as Malawi, have to heavily rely on donor support.

"The simple fact which must be admitted is that Sadc does not have the
resource capacity to fund the redevelopment of Zimbabwe. That is why they
are talking about mobilisation and for each country to decide what it can
provide. It's akin to poor villagers who pledge to donate to their neighbour
whose hut and crops have been destroyed," Magaisa argued.

"Each one, however poor, will pledge what little he can give. To my
mind, any mobilisation efforts need to be supported by whatever humble
assistance that Sadc itself can give if they can put their own funds at
risk. That surely would be a show of confidence in the new Zimbabwe
administration. It would be easier for them, in that case, to persuade
others to join the queue."

Another political and economic commentator, Zimbabwean-born South
African businessman Mutumwa Mawere said when Sadc weighed in on the
Zimbabwean issue, it was clear that resources were not on the cards.

He said the need for consensus in framing the cause of the Zimbabwean
crisis as a derivative of sanctions and land reform, therefore, became
critical in paving the way for a negotiated agreement on the inclusive
government.

"Once you have accepted that sanctions have a direct bearing on the
crisis, then one cannot expect Sadc, being irrelevant to the cause of the
crisis, to provide the resources for the turnaround," Mawere argued.

"The simple argument is that the West has to pay for what it caused.
One has to accept that the position of Zanu PF and Mugabe is that the land
reform is irreversible. The global political agreement has endorsed this
position. If sanctions were imposed to assist in asserting the rights of
white farmers, then the formation of the inclusive government and the
endorsement by Sadc vindicate the position of Mugabe."

He suggested that the West should re-think its position on Zimbabwe
because the inclusive government, although imperfect, was now a reality and
could be used as an instrument for restoring the country to stability.

"The alternative now may be too costly at a time when the world is in
turmoil. The West has the capacity and capability to assist but more
importantly it has been engaged with Zimbabwe on humanitarian support
without which the impact of the crisis would have been much worse," Mawere
argued.

"Mugabe's face in lobbying the West may not be useful but the new
players can at least say that the beginning of the end has started and
support is required to maintain momentum and deliver the change that
Zimbabweans and the world can believe in."

He added that Sadc knew that Mugabe and Zanu PF had no answers to the
country's crisis and, therefore, the inclusive government with the support
of the regional bloc could at least begin the process of restoring
legitimacy and credibility of the government.

Magaisa said for Zimbabwe to get international financial aid it must
work to remove sanctions it imposed on itself.

He said there was urgent need to review and remove the repressive and
punitive laws and practices that caused enormous damage to the people's
freedoms and the image of the country.

"Zimbabwe is a global laughing stock because of things that have
happened in the last 10 years and those perceptions need to be transformed
by changing the way we do things," Magaisa said.

"No amount of denial will change those perceptions. Let us be candid
and accept that political prisoners, farm invasions, hate speech and any
form of violence must end. We know why we are where we are and much of it is
man-made and we also know that with sufficient will-power we can end these
retrogressive acts."

He said the country can beg more and louder, but nothing would come
its way until those conditions which caused erstwhile partners to impose
restrictions end.

Political scientist Michael Mhike said Sadc's summit on Monday mapped
the way forward for Zimbabwe.
He said a team approach involving Sadc representatives and Zimbabwean
players adopted by the regional bloc would defuse the Zanu PF claims and
allow people like Biti to say that without the support of the international
community, Zimbabwe's prospects are gloomy.

"There is no doubt that this framework will make it difficult for the
West to continue to argue that there is no progress in Zimbabwe," Mhike
said. "What is more important is that Zimbabweans have to come to a
realisation that reforms are urgently called for and unless there is change
of direction and attitude, financial aid will add no value to what the
country needs at this defining hour."

He said even Sadc would agree that Zimbabwe needed a new face and new
policies to lift itself out of the current quagmire.

Mawere was of the opinion that the role of the central bank and the
state of the constitutional order have to be part of the new conversation.

"A commission of inquiry to look into the abuses of state power has to
form part of the new contract and it cannot be the case that the voices of
Zimbabweans are ignored and allow the West to register their distaste at the
inconvenient truths that have become part of what is to be expected in the
country," Mawere said.

"The concerns about human and property rights abuses have to be
concerns that are shared by Zimbabweans as is the state of the rule of law
in the country."

In an editorial comment on Tuesday, a day after the Sadc summit, South
Africa's Business Day said the West should set out clear and detailed
conditions that must be met before funding can begin, starting with the
concessions Zanu PF made in the original unity agreement but has so far
failed to fulfil.

"If and when that modest hurdle is cleared to everyone's satisfaction,
funds could be provided in tranches, with monitoring systems in place to
ensure the money is used wisely and the Zanu PF securocrats do not revert to
their bad old ways," the newspaper said.

"Getting the economy producing again is the immediate goal, but full
recovery demands a legitimate government, which will not be the case in
Zimbabwe until properly supervised elections have been held."

But economist Isaac Dziya was of the opinion that the international
community would not provide the funds until Zimbabwe dealt with its debts.

"The country will struggle to get balance of payments from anywhere,
as long as we owe the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank close
to US$125 million," said Dziya.

"We may plead to have this debt written off but this will be a tall
order because of the country's bad political record. But if we improve the
country's image, maybe the same institutions will look at us with a
different eye and write off the debt."

BY CONSTANTINE CHIMAKURE

Govt Spurned Economy-saving Advice, Says Gono

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com


Thursday, 02 April 2009 18:38
RESERVE Bank of Zimbabwe governor Gideon Gono on Thursday blamed
government's failure to listen and implement the RBZ's advice for the
country's economic decline.

Gono was briefing legislators on the bank's operations and challenges
since his appointment in November 2003.

Gono, who after his two-hour presentation declined to take questions
after earlier saying the forum was "open to any questions and criticism",
said the bank's policy framework index showed that only about 25% of the RBZ's
proposals were implemented by government.

"Zimbabwe is fighting an economic war which like any other nation it
desires to win. It would have been a different story had government listened
to some of the bank's proposals," said Gono.

Gono said only 25% of their proposals were implemented.

"The balance (75%) was not. Had it been the other way round we could
be telling a different story," Gono said.

Legislators were disappointed at Gono's sudden departure as they had
questions to ask him.

"It appears he only wanted to defend his actions by lecturing to us.
Why did he run away from questions? It gave an impression that he wants
things his way," one MP said.

Questions they wanted Gono to respond include his clash with Minister
of Finance Tendai Biti, the restructuring of the bank, quasi-fiscal
operations and his alleged resignation.

The catalogue of policy advice given by the Reserve Bank to government
includes:

lstabilisation of agriculture production to promote food security;

lThe fight against inflation through a combination of demand
management, supply side as well as other structural interventions;

lInvestment promotion through institution of friendly pieces of
legislation in the areas of mining, indigenisation and empowerment, with a
solid assurance for the respect of private capital and property rights;

lUnity of purpose among social partners, that is government, labour,
business and civic society to promote productivity;

lFinancial sector discipline in the provision of savings and
investment financing packages;

lZero tolerance for corruption and underhand dealings in the economy
at all levels;

lEnhancement of agricultural productivity through farm mechanisation;

lEfficiency in the management of parastatals and local authorities;

Gono said government's failure to fully implement these suggestions
contributed to the bank's failure to protect and strengthen the local
currency.

"The Reserve Bank failed to protect the local currency. Failure with a
big 'F'. The demise of the local currency shows that the country continues
to need international support," Gono said.

Gono said since 1980, Zimbabwe had received US$522 million from the
International Monetary Fund, US$1,34 billion from the World Bank and US$524
million from the African Development Bank.

He said sanctions had resulted in increased suffering among
Zimbabweans and reduced capacity utilisation in industry.

"Sanctions negatively affected the image of the country through
negative perceptions by international financial markets," said Gono.

Gono dismissed claims that sanctions on Zimbabwe were ring-fenced and
targeted at only a few individuals.

He said companies were finding it difficult to access lines of credit
because of the perceived country risk.

"As a result Zimbabwean companies are having to pay cash for imports,"
Gono said.

"In the past 10 years, Zimbabwe has basically been on its own. The
country has also relied on the resilience of its own economy and its people.
Due to declining external budgetary support, Zimbabwe's budget deficit has
largely been financed from inflationary domestic bank sources," said Gono.

BY PAUL NYAKAZEYA

The Tyranny of the Majority

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com


Thursday, 02 April 2009 18:38
FRIDAY March 27 started like any other day for corporate Zimbabwe.

The convening of an extraordinary general meeting (EGM) by Econet did
not make the day extraordinary in any way for local investors.

Normally, these meetings last for 10 minutes with the only area of
interest to analysts being the trading update. Otherwise the formal business
is usually too ceremonial, choreographed and boring to say the least.

The chairman opens the proceedings by revealing that he has got some
proxies, probably pre-empting any question of whether or not there is enough
support for the resolutions.

He reads the resolution and gets someone - usually a member of the
executive - to propose it before another interested party seconds it.

Voting is usually by a show of hands, by both those in favour and
those against. In most cases, no one bothers to count the votes since it
would not really change anything.

Nothing is queried and "there being no other business to transact at
this EGM", the chairman declares the meeting closed.

To many, the Econet EGM was not expected to be any exception to this
procedure. This was not because the investors viewed the transaction as the
next best thing to the formation of the inclusive government, but because
the major shareholders always have their way in such circumstances.

Although some minorities might have had reservations, they lack the
numbers to change the outcome.

The meeting was to consider a proposed instalment sale agreement in
which Econet Wireless Global (EWG) would supply telecoms equipment, which is
manufactured by ZTE of China and valued at US$93,9m, to Econet Wireless
Zimbabwe (EWZ).

EWG is a company incorporated in Botswana and is the corporate parent
(46,32%) of EWZ's holding company, Econet Wireless Holdings Limited (EWHL)
which is listed on the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange (ZSE).

EWG is led by Strive Masiyiwa and the company owns several telecoms
businesses in Africa, New Zealand and UK among other places.

The ZSE-listed entity, EWHL through its subsidiary EWZ, has had
several transactions involving the major shareholder and related parties
before.

In 2003, EWHL acquired, in exchange for its 918 705 438 Class A
ordinary shares, 100% of TSM whose only asset at that time was the 14% stake
in Mascom valued at US$14m. Some analysts at the time argued that Econet was
paying too much for the stake.

A year later, around December 2004, the investment in Mascom was sold
to Econet Wireless Limited - incorporated in UK for US$14m. Management
argued at the time that the Botswana mobile market with 32% penetration was
saturated while Zimbabwe had more demand for mobile lines.

Although some shareholders were uncomfortable then, the transaction
went ahead unhindered.

Earlier on, EWHL shareholders had approved a transaction which gave
the company 5 047 581 (50,48%) of EWL, a business then worth more than
US$75m.

The regulators allegedly took time to approve the transaction
resulting in EWHL establishing an offshore trust account that would hold the
50,48%.

It is not clear how this issue was resolved or whether the 50,48%
asset still belongs to the local company.
Recent annual reports are apparently silent on this unless this writer
missed it somehow.

Shareholders and analysts have not, to my knowledge, demanded to know
what happened to this transaction.

Given this history, it was then refreshing to see minorities, notably
Old Mutual and Terra Partners, rising to the occasion on Friday.

The price tag of US$94m was queried with some of the shareholders
reckoning it was too high. That the major shareholder, EWG, was the seller
of the equipment raised more eyebrows.

Was it an arms length business transaction between the two and if so
how much profit did EWG realise on the deal?

Equally if the equipment was subsidised, what was the extent of the
subsidy from the corporate parent?

The rationale for importing towers and shelter for US$20m was also
questionable given that the items can be supplied locally at reasonable
prices.

The circular's silence on the advisory charges did not help the matter
either given the perceived conflict of interest.

The fact that minorities correctly demanded and were granted an
opportunity to vote through a secret ballot, as opposed to the usual show of
hands, was in itself encouraging.

Whereas the results of the vote are in dispute, with some shareholders
claiming they were "rigged" while an official notice from the company says
there were "above board", the significance of the turn of events on Friday
cannot be downplayed.

Major shareholders, company boards and management should not be
allowed to trample on minorities.

Granted, the majority carries the day in a democracy.

However, the dictum of majority rule should not be used to justify
disregarding the opinion of minorities especially with regards to corporate
governance issues.

Otherwise it could lead to what is known as the tyranny of the
majority in politics.

This is a scenario in which the majority advances its interest
regardless of those of the minority as happens in the case of tyrannical
despots.

Major shareholders of public companies must not behave as if they are
running a tuck-shop where they can do exactly as they please.

When proprietors take their business public, they should expect public
scrutiny, must not be economic with either facts or truths and should know
that even a guy with 100 shares deserves to have his opinion respected.

Any person who is averse to this should delist their company. They
cannot both have their cake and eat it at the same time.

In July 2008, a local weekly quoted Econet Wireless founder Strive
Masiyiwa correcting the misconception regarding ownership of a public
company in the wake of media reports that he was buying into RTG, when in
fact it was Econet which was buying.

He said, "I do not own Econet, I am just a large shareholder in a
public company owned by thousands of other Zimbabweans".

He is reported to have gone on to say that it was unfortunate that
people continued to treat companies like Econet, which are now large public
companies as though they are privately owned. Rightly said Sir.

Nonetheless it is not usually the people but rather the major
shareholders who treat listed companies as sole proprietorships. They
disregard everyone including their boards and management.

Kingdom Meikles Limited recently revealed that certain facts
surrounding the funds earmarked for investment were unknown to both the
management and board.

Could this be true? If it is, then it should be unsettling to
minorities. To think that the people on company boards and management can be
unaware of material issues regarding the company they are paid to manage is
gobsmacking to say the least.

This should give the minorities more resolve to find out exactly who
runs the show in the companies in which they are shareholders.

BY RANGA MAKWATA

More Load-shedding as Zesa Imports Decrease

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com


Thursday, 02 April 2009 18:13
ZIMBABWE will experience increased load-shedding in the short-term due
to reduced imports of electricity from Democratic Republic of Congo's Snel
and maintenance work at Kariba power station.

In an interview with businessdigest this week, Zesa chief executive
officer Ben Rafemoyo said they had engaged Zambia and Mozambique to increase
electricity supplies to mitigate the effects of reduced imports from the
DRC.

"We have been losing about 100 megawatts daily for the past week
because we have not been receiving electricity from Snel due to network
challenges. We were hoping the situation will improve early next week," said
Rafemoyo.

Snel has been doing business with Zimbabwe for the past 10 years.

"We had a fruitful meeting with the Congolese to renew our contract
with them. At present we are receiving 150 megawatts from HCB in Mozambique
which has been constant. We are also receiving power from Zambia of between
50 -200 megawatts as and when it is available," Rafemoyo said.

Zimbabwe needs about 2 389 megawatts daily but has been generating
plus or minus 1 700 megawatts leaving "required imports" of 689 megawatts or
28,8%.

Last year internal generation averaged 1 000 megawatts.

Rafemoyo said demand for electricity was increasing at an average of
3% annually in the medium to long-term.

"Estimated annual demand growth is around two percent (short-term) and
3 to 3,5%" he said.

Rafemoyo said the maintenance at Kariba which started last Friday was
expected to last until May 30.
During the process electricity generation will decline by about 125
megawatts. "We will have to bring demand to the level of supply," he said.

Rafemoyo said the repairs were necessitated by critical, planned,
statutory annual maintenance, which has to be undertaken on the generator
and generator transformers, which was now due.

Rafemoyo said the power utility had put in place measures to mitigate
the impact of the power outages through power imports.

"Arrangements have, however, been put in place to alleviate the
situation through increased power imports and a possible increase in power
generation at Hwange, which will be subject to the availability of plant and
coal supplies," he said.

BY PAUL NYAKAZEYA

Show Real Leadership not Wasteful Retreats

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com


Thursday, 02 April 2009 19:13
WHAT is the cost of the coalition government's retreat or even treat
that starts today and runs for the entire weekend in Victoria Falls and who
is footing the bill?

This question has become both urgent and important against the
background of growing public interest in a number of high profile and high
budget so-called summits that some government ministers have been hosting
under murky circumstances at five star hotels across the country.

Over the last month there have been well-funded and highly publicised
summits on water, women and youth, tourism along with ministerial dinners in
such sectors as science and technology among others.

The cost and source of the funding for these summits and dinners are
raising eyebrows not least because the 50-day old government itself says it
is broke.

How is a financially bankrupt government that is unable to adequately
and fairly remunerate its civil service be as self-indulgent as to splash
scarce foreign currency on itself at an expensive tourist resort such as
Victoria Falls with reckless abandon?

There is something rather sinister afoot here.  To be sure, the
funding of the Victoria Falls cabinet retreat this weekend has not come from
or through Treasury and the same is true of the various summits and dinners
that some ministers have hosted in the name of the coalition government in
recent weeks.

Apparently, the funding is coming from some donors who preach
transparency and accountability during the day and practice the opposite at
night.

These donors that have decided to sidestep, marginalise and undermine
government structures in favour of creating parallel processes, are working
through some well known individuals, Jill Day and Eddie Cross, who have been
active in coordinating the summits and ministerial dinners that have been
hosted in the name of the government without involving it.

While not much is known about Jill Day's politics outside her public
relations credentials, the whole world knows that Eddie Cross is responsible
for policy coordination in the MDC T, which is a leading partner in the
coalition government.

Therefore, there are at least two people - Cross and Day - who
definitely have first hand information about the cost of the Victoria Falls
retreat and the ministerial dinners and summits and their source of funding.

A discussion document prepared in October 2008 by the so-called
"like-minded donors" in Zimbabwe, soon after the signing of the Inter-party
Political Agreement on September 15, 2008, provides vital indications not
only about who is funding the costly summits, dinners and retreats and why
they are funding them in the name of the coalition government.

According to the highly opinionated 21 page document, the like-minded
donors agreed to do three things in Zimbabwe:

lIncrease dialogue with key actors in the country (through such
strategies as sectoral summits, ministerial dinners and cabinet retreats);
l Undertake needs-assessments and identify joint donor initiatives
and;
l Develop and design various political phases that Zimbabwe should go
through after the formation of the coalition as conditions for donor
re-engagement with the country.

The summits, ministerial dinners and this weekend's retreat in
Victoria Falls are apparently the first major task of the above
three-pronged approach to Zimbabwe by the like-minded donors.

This approach is designed to foster and increase their dialogue with
key actors in the hope of laying the ground for their agenda, whatever it
is.

One interesting disclosure in the October strategy document of the
like-minded donors is the claim that they discussed the dialogue strategy
with Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai after which they approached the World
Bank Multi Donor Trust Fund (MDTF).

It would seem from the document that the funding of the summits,
ministerial dinners and Victoria Falls retreat is coming from the
like-minded donors through MDTF which is working with non state actors
outside the Treasury.

The fact that these like-minded donors want to foster dialogue with
key actors in Zimbabwe is not by itself a bad thing.

Indeed, the coalition government has indicated that it is ready to
engage the international community, including the like-minded donors to
chart a new relationship based on mutual respect beginning with the lifting
of the illegal economic sanctions that have caused untold suffering among
ordinary people throughout the country.

This was the same message that came from this week's Sadc summit in
Swaziland which among other things resolved to give Zimbabwe economic,
moral, political and diplomatic support.

What is wrong and objectionable about the approach of the like-minded
donors is that it is not transparent and is done in a manner that can only
succeed in weakening government structures under the weight of parallel
initiatives.

Whatever the like-minded donors think they are doing, it is not an
example of good governance.

While this is bad but expected, what is worse and unexpected is that
there are some ministers and officials in the coalition government, many of
them new or young and perhaps naive, who are either willingly or ignorantly
being lured by the elusive smell of the green bucks of the like-minded
donors to undermine their own precarious government that needs help from all
its members if it is to survive.

Nothing could be worse than such treachery: in simple parlance it is
called selling out.

Putting aside these donor bred issues that threaten Zimbabwe's
stability, it is shameful and a demonstration of poor leadership at the helm
of the executive that the whole cabinet has been made to congregate in
Victoria Falls without any good cause.

That they will indulge in wasteful spending is a given but what are
they going to be talking about? Is this an opportunity for the like-minded
donors to pry into the mind and secrets of the cabinet?

The claim that cabinet will use the Victoria Falls retreat to
strategise on the recently launched Short Term Emergency Recovering Plan
(Sterp) is as unconvincing as the suggestion that the retreat will be used
to come up with a roadmap for the coalition government's 100 days action
plan.

Unless cabinet believes in putting the horse before the cart, it does
not make sense to strategise about a plan that has already been launched.

By the same token, the notion that the cabinet will use the Victoria
Falls retreat to draw up a roadmap for its first 100 days in office when it
is already half-way through its journey is delinquent.

Those behind this delinquency must understand that the public can see
through their charade.

The clock is ticking and doing so pretty fast.  So far, and this is
some 50 days since its formation, the coalition government has very little
to show for its existence beyond the hosting of expensive summits,
ministerial dinners and a high profile cabinet retreat in Victoria Falls.

On the ground ordinary people continue to be dogged by livelihood
questions.  Factories remain closed with no sign of when or how they will
reopen.

There are no visible or concrete plans for winter cropping and yet the
season has started.  Civil servants continue to receive a socialist
allowance in which everyone gets US$100 with no indication as to when the
coalition government will start paying salaries to its battered workers.

There's new mischief on the farms with the like-minded donors and
their supporters defining the rule of law to mean no legal enforcement of
offer letters.

Incidents of political violence have been on rise and yet they are
going unreported because the victims now are Zanu PF supporters.  The
illegal economic sanctions remain.

These and related issues need real leadership and not wasteful
retreats at exotic resorts meant for tourists and not policymakers.

There is still a lot of goodwill out there for the coalition
government but it is not permanent or limitless and time is running out.

lMoyo is an independent MP for Tsholotsho North.

BY JONATHAN MOYO

Eric Bloch: Govt Fuelling Inflation Recurrence

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com


Thursday, 02 April 2009 18:30
SINCE the start of the new millennium, Zimbabwean inflation has soared
upwards at a horrific pace.

From one of the world's then highest rates of annual inflation of
55,9% in January 2000, inflation crossed the 100% barrier in November 2001,
with annual inflation having risen to 103,8%.

A little more than four years later, in April 2006, Zimbabwe's annual
inflation had surged to what was then an astronomic level of 1 193,5%, but
only 18 months later reached the mind-boggling degree of 14 840%.

Even this almost incomprehensible extent of inflation appeared to be
insignificant four months later, when in January 2008 annualised inflation
reached 100 580,2%, whilst five months later, in June 2008, it exceeded the
million mark, being 11 200 000%. In the very next month it hit an
unbelievable 231 million percent.

For the following six months, no official inflation data was
available, the Central Statistical Office finding it impossible for it to
source sufficient price details to issue authoritative inflation and
Consumer Price Index statistics.

However, Professor Steve Hanke of Johns Hopkins University in the US,
using a "real" exchange rate matrix, computed that in November 2008,
Zimbabwe's annual inflation amounted to 65 novemseptilllion percent (being
65 followed by 105 zeros!).

Even if inflation was only a quarter of that calculated by him, it was
nevertheless countless zillions percent. Never anywhere in the world has
such monolithic inflation been sustained.

It was, therefore, verging upon the miraculous that only two months
later, after more than nine abominably inflationary years, in January 2009
Zimbabwe actually experienced a deflation for that month of 2,3%, and
followed that with a further monthly deflation, in February 2009, of 3,1%.

Although various factors contributed to this remarkable inflation
metamorphosis, the most pronounced was that as the internationally
relatively stable currencies of the United States dollar, the British pound,
the South African rand and the Botswana pula became the prominent medium of
commerce in Zimbabwe, product availability progressively increased.

This not only virtually reduced the black market to the verge of
extinction, thereby eliminating the profiteering driven by exploitation of
consumer desperation to access essentials in short supply, but also
stimulated price competition within the formal sector.

Examples of price reductions are many, including that over a 10-week
period the average price of mealie meal declined from R10 per kg to less
than R5 per kg, eggs reduced in price by approximately 50%, as did bread,
flour and cooking oil, whilst poultry and meat prices fell by at least 40%.

Concurrently, because rentals became foreign currency denominated,
they stabilised, instead of cascading.

Regrettably, however, the message has not fully penetrated the
corridors of government, of many parastatals and of some local authorities.

How on earth can government justify almost US$700 for a passport,
which is more than twice the charge of most countries the world over?

Similarly, it is economically criminal for government to impose a
charge for registration of a company of at least US$700, and particularly so
when, as amongst the key platforms for economic recovery are investment
stimulation and also transition of informal sector operations into the
formal sector.

These are but two of innumerable examples of highly inflationary
escalations in governmental charges.

Equally, many of Zimbabwe's parastatals have become price berserk.

In February 2009 the Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority (Zesa)
announced an intended, retrospective to January, increase in electricity
tariffs to an average of US9 cents per kilowatt-hour, provoking justifiable
fury nationwide amongst residents, commerce and industry.

Reacting to that fury, on March 20, 2009 the Minister of Energy and
Power Development Engineer Elias Mudzuri announced a reduction, effective
from February, to an average of US7, 53 cents per kilowatt hour, with
domestic consumers therefore paying, on average, US$23,22 per month, as
against the previously intended US$37,20, although charges to institutions,
industrial and commercial consumers would be subject to greater charges.

Although there was some substance to the reduction, the intended
charges continued to be irrationally and unrealistically high, provoking
further negative consumer reaction, and hence a few days later Zesa's
spokesman, Fullard Gwasira, announced that for January and February the
charge would be US4, 1 cents per kilowatt, with the new tariffs thereafter
becoming effective from March.

The question that must be asked is: how a government that is
supposedly highly focused upon a greatly needed, overdue economic recovery
can allow a parastatal to charge such excessive tariffs?

That they are too high is indisputable, when the rate in South Africa
is an average of US$2,6 cents, or 34,5% of that chargeable by Zesa, and when
rates throughout the region are very similar, albeit not identical, to the
South African tariff.

Not only are the new tariffs an exceptionally harsh burden upon a
populace already heavily afflicted by years of hyperinflation, but they are
an immense constraint upon the viability of operations of commerce, the
manufacturing, mining, tourism and agricultural sectors.

Moreover, they severely minimise the prospects of industrial price
competitiveness in export markets. All of those consequences are yet further
deterrents to much needed investment.

Zesa is not the only parastatal that is operating its pricing policies
as if in cloud cuckooland. TelOne and Zimpost are other prime examples.

Not only are Zimbabwe's telecommunications untenably poor, with
recurrent service breakdowns affecting the making and receiving of telephone
calls, the receipt and transmission of e-mails, access to the Internet and
an almost continuous inability to effect international calls, but for such
appallingly poor services Zimbabweans are expected to pay rates far above
those generally prevailing internationally, and massively in excess of the
charges in neighbouring territories. Zimpost is equally now charging
gargantuan postal and service charges.

How on earth does it justify a rental for a post office box of US$105?

Most local authorities are also going madly overboard in charges
municipal rates for water supplies and refuse removal (although it is very
commendable that last week the City of Bulawayo, in presenting its 2009
Budget, proposed charges which have been increased to a markedly lesser
extent than it had envisaged during the preceding few months, albeit that
further downward revision is needed).

Whilst it is incontrovertible that the local authorities have been
victimised by inflation to as great an extent as has the populace, and that
they are faced with very considerable operational costs, exacerbated by the
extent that spending is now very necessary on infrastructural
rehabilitation, nevertheless the imposition of charges which equate to
seeking to squeeze blood out of a stone is unacceptable.

The admirable progress that has spectacularly been achieved in
reducing inflation will be wholly undermined and reversed if government,
parastatals and local authorities do not apply realism and rationality to
the determination of their charges.

Deliver democracy to remove sanctions

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com


Thursday, 02 April 2009 16:48
THE coalition government has put together a team to engage the United
States and the European Union to lift the sanctions imposed on the former
regime of President Robert Mugabe.

The team is composed of high ranking officials from the three
political parties in the inclusive government, namely Tendai Biti, Welshman
Ncube, Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga and Simbarashe Mumbengegwi.

There is nothing wrong for the coalition government to constitute a
team to work on the removal of sanctions.

There is also nothing wrong for the political elite in this government
to call for the lifting of sanctions so that foreign aid starts coming our
way.

But there is everything wrong with a government that does not feel
compelled to first deal with the democracy deficits and human rights
failings of the former regime which have led to the sanctions before coming
up with a team calling for the removal of the sanctions.

The sanctions debate needs to be put into proper context. Sanctions
were imposed on the political elite because of corruption, blatant human
rights violations and successive stealing of elections by the former regime
of President Mugabe.

The deficit in democratic governance in Zimbabwe explains why the EU,
US and other Western powers slapped Zimbabwe with sanctions. So common sense
tells us that if the new government has now assembled a team to call for the
removal of the sanctions, it means the rule of law has now been restored and
that human rights abuses have stopped and the once corrupt political elite
is now more accountable.

The MDC ministers and Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai are better
advised that it is premature to call for the removal of sanctions because
the political terrain has not yet changed in any fundamental way.

There is need for the new government to set in motion a national
programme of action that restores the confidence of the international
community and the world that indeed President Mugabe and his cronies still
in government have reformed.

It is true that the MDC inherited depleted national coffers. There is
need for an audit of the financial records of key state institutions as a
way of restoring donor confidence.

There are conditionalities that have to be met before donors disburse
their funds. Donors do not pour their money into a bottomless pit.

Donor funds follow closely where there are safeguards; in other words
funds are disbursed where there are mechanisms for transparency and
accountability.

The foreign aid that Minister Biti desperately needs is tied to reform
of state institutions, including the Reserve Bank. Some countries have asked
for the removal of Gideon Gono as governor of the central bank before any
money is disbursed.

This is understandable given the lack of accountability and
arbitrariness with which business was conducted at the central bank. There
is definitely need to right these wrongs before the "anti-sanctions"
ministerial team flies off to Brussels, Paris, London or Washington DC.

The sanctions-authoring international community needs to be convinced
that Mugabe, the long-time human rights violator, has changed his ways
before substantial funds are availed. A host of reforms need to be
undertaken on many fronts, including liberalising the media, reform of the
security services and the judiciary.

Zanu PF zealots like Johannes Tomana, Tafataona Mahoso and current
service chiefs have no role to play in a new Zimbabwe. They have to be
lustrated as part of national healing and building bridges in a polarised
society.

The new government was sworn-in in February and it has not yet
delivered anything tangible in opening up democratic space and reform of
national institutions. Farm invasions continue unabated in the countryside,
political activists, including Gandhi Mudzingwa, Prime Minister Tsvangirai's
former aide, are still being incarcerated on trumped up charges.

Roy Bennett, is being victimised by Zanu PF elements who do not agree
with his nomination to serve in the inclusive government. Tertiary college
and university students continue to have their academic freedoms trampled
upon.

The sanctions will stay as long as Zanu PF thinks the MDC is a junior
partner in the coalition government and that Tsvangirai is an "international
public relations officer" or a "Senior Minister".

Zanu PF wants everyone to buy the exhausted argument that the
sanctions imposed on President Mugabe and his cronies that surround him are
"illegal". Who defines the legality of the sanctions, the sanctioning
authority or the recipient?

The sanctions imposed on the former regime of President Mugabe are
legal because they were imposed on a coterie of corrupt officials, sponsors
and perpetrators of human rights abuses in Zimbabwe.

The US has already made its position clear in this regard. Robert
Wood, the US State Department spokesperson says: "We have not yet seen
sufficient evidence from the government of Zimbabwe that they are firmly and
irrevocably on a path to inclusive and effective governance, and as well as
respect for human rights and the rule of law."

Wood also added that the US government "has a long way to go before
easing sanctions with that (inclusive) government". The US also said that it
is concerned about the suffering of the Zimbabwean people and any aid would
be directed towards alleviating this suffering.

A clear roadmap towards the removal of the sanctions would address the
deficit in democratic governance, equitable power-sharing between Prime
Minister Tsvangirai and President Mugabe, conclusion of all outstanding
appointments of governors, ambassadors and permanent secretaries, reform of
state institutions, restoration of the rule of law and respect for people's
freedoms.

There is need for the transitional government to set in motion a
process for constitutional reform and fresh elections. Without these
changes, I do not see donors falling over each other to assist Zimbabwe
except by way of extending humanitarian aid.

*lPasirayi is the Co-ordinator of the Centre for Community Development
in Zimbabwe (CCDZ). The views expressed in this article do not necessarily
reflect the views of the CCDZ.

BY PHILLIP PASIRAYI

Editor's Memo: Selling Zimbabwe's Damaged Goods

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com


Thursday, 02 April 2009 17:35
LATELY, many countries and companies have embarked on perception
management exercises which are usually referred to as rebranding.

These include the strongest and the weakest nations. The process can
be quite subtle as was the quest by the Germans to revive national pride
through the soccer World Cup in 2006.

In most developing countries though, the process is explicit. It is a
quest by government to jettison yesteryear's ballast of infamy.

It is getting rid of stereotypes and clichés and of classic images
that hinder progress. The quest is to replace them with new, fresher,
future-oriented, designed ones. Nigeria, notorious for graft and cyber
fraud, has lately been brainstorming on rebranding. So has Serbia, infamous
for war criminals, nationalism and inflation akin to Zimbabwe's.

It seems that Zimbabwe will soon be catching the rebranding bug. Last
week Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara at a tourism shindig proposed
the rebranding of Zimbabwe, but also itemised the obstacles.
"We want to rebrand Zimbabwe, but what are we known for?" asked
Mutambara. "How are we perceived by the rest of the world?"

"We are known for violence, farm invasions, disregard for the rule of
law, electoral fraud, cholera, an unheard of rocket-propelled inflation,
gigantic corruption and mafia-style abductions and kidnappings of
journalists, human rights activists and anyone seeking democratic space."

Mutambara's statement raises a fundamental poser about the task to
hand in the quest to launder Zimbabwe's image.

In a corporate setting, direction on the mode of rebranding comes from
shareholders or managers who would have agreed on which stereotypes to
off-load.

Advertising or rebranding a country is a bit more complicated than
that. The citizens should be the obvious shareholders, and the people they
choose to represent them are supposed to create the advertising campaign and
decide on the nature of rebranding.

Therein lies the problem. Politicians in a contested environment like
ours do not always agree on fundamental issues.

Rebranding Zimbabwe is therefore not going to be an easy task of
putting together an advertising campaign laced with catch phrases and
slogans.

We have gone this route before. Government through the Zimbabwe
Tourism Authority has presided over a futile perception management campaign
to lure tourists to Zimbabwe.

This has involved flying in foreign travel writers, holding beauty
pageants, hosting musicians like Joe Thomas and Luciano and sending attaches
to source markets.

The benefits have been minuscule compared with the investment in the
campaign. The exercise lacked one key aspect.

It was not premised on the admission that there was something wrong
with our current Zimbabwe brand. The campaign had its roots in denialism and
the attempt to justify every obtuse policy by government. It was designed to
defend the indefensible - the same woes that Mutambara mentions above.

It is therefore not surprising that the campaign failed to attract
tourists.

In planning to promote a product for better sales, pundits of
marketing usually tend to look at the product's good sides and its
competitive advantages and try to promote those in a striking, creative and
honest way.

However, this strategy usually works only if you have a good product
to begin with.

But if you have damaged goods to sell, you also have to look at the
product's bad sides and denounce them first in order to get to the stage
where you promote the good sides.

Acknowledging the possibility that there is something wrong with your
product and trying to remove those things is something that the government
and those involved in the quest to re-brand the country have to seriously
consider.

The good news is that this part doesn't cost all that much. It is
derived from building national consensus in identifying the bad patches of
our current existence.

Key to any process of rebranding therefore is not preaching to the
converted but to those in our society who do not see anything wrong with the
status quo. It is openly talking about the bad things associated with the
product Zimbabwe.

Mutambara's list is comprehensive: violence, farm invasions, disregard
for the rule of law, electoral fraud, cholera, hyperinflation inflation,
corruption and mafia-style abductions and kidnappings of journalists, human
rights activists and anyone seeking democratic space.

To get rid of the bad associations, one has to find the opposites to
all of them and promote them and stick to them. In fact, it's so obvious
nobody ever thinks of that.

In short:
Put an accent on a peaceful future with former "enemy nations", deal
decisively with those causing disruptions on the land, promote productivity,
invite the international community to observe elections, invest in social
services, adopt pragmatic economic reform, stop using nationalistic rhetoric
to justify repression, denounce those using it, admit the mistakes from the
past and mistakes in the present.

That's the rebranding we need. We do not need Luciano or Joe Thomas to
achieve this!

BY VINCENT KAHIYA

Muckraker: Murerwa's Arming Tale a Work of Fiction

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com


Thursday, 02 April 2009 17:19
ANC president Jacob Zuma, fighting for his own political life, made an
interesting observation about President Mugabe last weekend.

He criticised Western powers for holding back aid to Zimbabwe while
Mugabe was still in power. "This is very unfair to the Zimbabwean people,"
Zuma told Reuters in an interview.

"Because here is Mugabe, he is a factor. He is there," Zuma said. "He
leads a party that has been in government for over 20 years."

So what can we infer from this? That Mugabe should continue in office,
not because he won an election but because he has already been there for 20
years!

This is how regional leaders think.

Zuma said it was wrong to hold back aid. "When there was an election,
it is not as if not a single human-being voted for Mugabe in Zimbabwe. He
had a very big percentage himself. He has a sizeable support."

So the person who wins "a big percentage" gets to hold on to power.
And although Mugabe didn't win an election, he has "sizable support". With
that "sizable support" he is now able to undermine agricultural production
and, according to reports, refuses to swear in Roy Bennett.

So the party that won the general election and the presidential poll
last March has to suspend its reform agenda because the person who lost is
declared "a factor" by regional leaders.

We recall President Kgalema Motlanthe providing assurances that
Bennett would not be detained on his return to Zimbabwe. We also recall
assurances being given by Zimbabwe regarding political prisoners.

Now we have Sadc leaders saying it is "unfair" of the Western powers
not to provide aid to the unity government. But are the people of Zimbabwe
suggesting that the West is being unfair? Do you hear that said anywhere
outside the columns of the state media?

If you ask people what they want they will tell you that they want the
MDC to actually govern, for an end to kidnappings and political violence,
for an end to farm invasions, and for a restoration of the rule of law.

Last weekend Lands minister Herbert Murerwa was trying to tell us that
there had been a "sudden influx of land beneficiaries" who had been holding
on to their offer letters issued more than three years ago.

The beneficiaries "gained confidence and started occupying their farms
after it became clear the land issue was irreversible," Murerwa
disingenuously suggested.

What does that tell us about the confidence Zanu PF supporters had in
their own government?
Provincial governors had not seen any new cases of land invasions,
Murerwa said, confident that they would be as blind as he is if asked! There
had been some "disturbances", they conceded.

Murerwa said most of these "disturbances" occurred on those farms
whose owners had appealed to the Sadc Tribunal for relief from harassment.

Those farms had been acquired "long back" and were now state land, the
minister declared. The new owners had simply failed to occupy the farms,
Murerwa said.

Anybody who believes this tale needs their heads examining.

And it is indicative of the no-change stance of the state media that
the Sunday Mail was able to print this partisan rubbish without once
speaking to somebody who may have contradicted Murerwa's convenient claims.

The author, by the way, was Emilia Zindi who failed to declare an
interest. She is a beneficiary of land reform.

This confirms our view that journalists and judges should not occupy
farms whose ownership is defined by ministerial statements.

One of the complaints against the previous owners is that they kept
planting a new crop. This pattern of planting and harvesting created
"anxiety" among those wanting to take over, we are told. We weren't told
what methodology they would use other than planting and harvesting!

Then we had a Herald reporter telling us that government was setting
up an advisory board to immediately work on the indigenisation of the
tourism industry in line with its policy of empowering indigenous people to
hold a 51% minimum stake in each sector. So they will now do to tourism what
they have done to every other industry. Kill it!

Empowerment and Indigenisation minister Saviour Kasukuwere said the
tourism industry must become "compliant" with government's policy.

This, it was made clear during a national stakeholders meeting, would
involve dispossessing white tourism players who enjoyed a "money-spinning
monopoly since" the 1950s. They were now using blacks as fronts, we were
told by Martin Dinha.

Potential investors from outside the country would be offered a list
of local partners, it was explained elsewhere.

You can imagine the potential for business chicanery here. Overseas
investors and the tiny handful of whites remaining would be told who they
could do business with if they wanted to keep their stake.
Investors beware.

Some of the people speaking at the stakeholders conference were
politicians involved in excusing land seizures and intelligence officers.

You have been warned. Indigenisation Zanu PF-style is another name for
looting.

Reports that security around the prime minister will be beefed up is
not good news for the residents of Harare.

The reports say Morgan Tsvangirai will soon be allocated an ambulance
and a police car with a beacon to warn other motorists to get out of the
way.

Security minister Sydney Sekeramayi refused to comment on the reports
but they look plausible. The public associates large and noisy motorcades
with presidential self-importance.

There have been numerous reports of assaults on motorists who don't
get out of the way fast enough. It was to be expected that with a new
government a climate of humility would prevail.

Tsvangirai, it was hoped, would confine himself to the minimum number
of vehicles needed, the least wailing, and respect for other motorists.

Alas, it seems Tsvangirai's handlers are proffering poor advice. This
is not the way a man of the people behaves.

Next he will be having tinted windows fitted so, like the president,
he is spared the intrusive realities of the capital's collapse.

This all started in 1984 when popular Tanzanian Prime Minister Edward
Sokoine was killed in a car crash. His vehicle was rammed. Motorcades were
seen as the answer to security worries.

No self-respecting Tanzanian prime minister would after 1984 travel
without sirens and motorcycle escorts. But the residents of Dar-es-Salaam
hate them.

Here, the nation showed impressive solidarity with Tsvangirai in his
recent bereavement. But those around him should not inflict on Harare's
public another abusive and wasteful motorcade which we rather thought would
soon be, in the beloved words of Herald writers, "a thing of the past".

Given Russia's obsequious press, it was not surprising that RT should
regard a rather tame BBC interview with President Medvedev as a "grilling".

Andrew Marr asked Medvedev about Russia's investment climate after the
BP wrangle, the British Council's closure, and the trial of Mikhail
Khodokovsky.

He allowed the Russian leader to get away with platitudes and failed
to follow up, for instance on the perception that Khodokovsky was being
punished for opposing Vladimir Putin.

And can you imagine a seasoned interviewer hoping the Russian
president's visit to the G20 in London "goes like a storm"! This is what the
Russians regarded as a "grilling"!

Throughout, Medvedev was pleasant and composed, laughing
good-naturedly at questions such as who was in charge in the Kremlin, he or
Putin. He was, he said.

Hardly riveting stuff.

Another BBC interviewer, Andrew Harding, also bypassed a few obvious
questions in a clip on the economic crisis in the DRC.

He interviewed a man who had been laid off by a mining company. He had
a family of nine to support, we were told. Now he wouldn't be able to send
all his children to school. Indeed!

Sadc finance ministers are to form a committee so they can visit those
countries that have imposed sanctions to ask them "in a vigorous way" to
lift the sanctions, President Mugabe told us on his return from the Sadc
meeting on Monday.

This is of course delusional. Those countries imposing sanctions have
already made it abundantly clear that there will have to be a sea change in
the Zimbabwe government's behaviour before sanctions can be lifted.

That includes an end to farm invasions, restoration of the rule of
law, release of political prisoners and freedom of the media.

The state press, still unable to recognise certain realties, has been
in denial this week. First, as pointed out earlier, it claimed that farm
invasions were simply a matter of new owners taking up their leases.
Threats, break-ins and theft were all conveniently ignored.

So was the refusal of the authorities to assist victims of these
occupations. Welshman Ncube should avoid damaging his party's reputation by
attempting to explain away these vicious attacks as resulting from people
unreasonably hanging on to land. That at least was the Herald version!

The Herald should also understand that something may indeed be lawful
but that doesn't make it right. Is it seriously suggested that a policy that
destroys commercial agriculture is right or good?

The Herald on Tuesday then claimed there were no political prisoners
(because the government said so!) and "there were no known cases of the
intimidation of the media".

So the case in which the Standard is being prosecuted along with
Arthur Mutambara for "making false statements prejudicial to the state" is
of no relevance?

Is it not intimidating when a politician in the midst of an election
campaign writes an opinion piece for a newspaper and then gets prosecuted
because his views are at variance with those of the president who is also a
candidate?

The Herald should stop trying to defend the indefensible. And make no
mistake, those who are being asked to lift sanctions will be fully briefed
on human rights violations in Zimbabwe.

Brutal assaults on demonstrators, detention in shocking conditions,
and the failure to prosecute kidnappers will be high on their agenda.

They will "vigorously" tell the visiting team what needs to be done.
And if it includes Simbarashe Mumbengegwi it is unlikely to be taken
seriously.

The Herald slipped in this concluding sentence to its article headed
"Western donors endorse inclusive government". It said "The EU imposed
sanctions on Zimbabwe after Harare embarked on a successful land reform
programme."

Firstly, is there a single person in Zimbabwe today who seriously
believes that the agrarian disaster called land reform has in any way been
successful?

Not even Zanu PF believes that! And why is it assumed that the EU won't
recall why it imposed sanctions in the first place?

Does the Herald suppose that EU leaders won't remember Pierre Schori
and his expulsion from Zimbabwe whilst heading a EU observer mission during
the 2002 election?

The mission saw evidence of political violence and electoral
manipulation. Perhaps the Herald thinks that's the same as land reform!

Anyway, the visiting team seeking the lifting of sanctions had better
brush up on its facts before it approaches EU capitals!

At last the mask of solidarity that China has been wearing in Africa
fell away last week. The South African authorities, under heavy pressure
from Beijing, refused to issue a visa for the Dalai Lama who was due to
address a peace conference organised by Nobel Peace Prize winners Nelson
Mandela, Archbishop Tutu and FW de Klerk.

The South African government argued that the visit would distract
attention from their hosting of the Fifa soccer world cup.

The denial of the visa in fact did just that. But it also exposed the
sinister role China plays in undermining democracy in Africa.

The Sunday Times last weekend carried an article on Chinese
involvement in Guinea.

"Guineans are increasingly suspicious of Chinese investment," the
article said. "Many see Chinese companies as just as exploitative as those
from the West."

"After the military took power in December it raided Chinese companies
suspected of selling fake medicines, but the raids degenerated into open
looting of Chinese businesses, tapping a vein of resentment long
 suppressed."

The article featured a Guinean called Conde (35) who had been digging
into hard rock for two months but had yet to receive any pay from his
Chinese taskmasters.

"We work like slaves," he said, "and like slaves we are not paid. The
Chinese bring nothing good to Guinea."

And there we were looking to them for salvation!

Comment: Sanity Needed on Farms

http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com


Thursday, 02 April 2009 17:19
ZIMBABWE needs to firmly restore and adhere to the rule of law. About
this there can be no debate in the long-term. People need to feel safe in
their own country at all times. It is also good for business.

We are however getting worried about how this process can be achieved
since the installation of the inclusive government comprising Zanu PF and
the two MDC formations.

It would appear that the MDC-T, and Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai
in particular, is under immense pressure from importunate "stakeholders" to
meet certain unrealistic expectations as a way of "proving and
 demonstrating" that he has, not just responsibility but authority as well
in the new administration.

He must show that he is "in charge", that he has "authority".

In the past few weeks there has been agitation for the MDC or
Tsvangirai to do something about political detainees, restoration of the
rule of law and renewed farm "invasions".

There is in fact competition among the "stakeholders" to set the
agenda for the MDC and Tsvangirai to justify, if not to prove, that they did
not make a big mistake in joining the inclusive government.

Tsvangirai will need to rise above this misguided herd instinct. It is
instructive that the increase in farm "invasions" occurs at a time
Tsvangirai has been accused of "capitulating" in the fight for total power,
and not during the negotiations.

This is meant to buttress a "third force" theory about people in Zanu
PF who want to sabotage the inclusive government.

We can only feel sorry for Tsvangirai. We understand his dilemma.
While he understands the requirements of the law that those who have been
arrested must follow due process, there are many who are opposed to the
transitional government who still view him as an opposition leader fighting
the government in the streets.

To such constituents, we can offer a short message. Tsvangirai cannot
order the release of people who have been detained by the police without
interfering with the administration of justice and assuming dictatorial
powers. The law is an ass.

Co-Home Affairs minister Giles Mutsekwa explained this issue in an
online interview this week when he said the law would be allowed to take its
course regarding those MDC-T supporters still detained or who are out on
bail. Similarly, he said it would be wrong for the police to arrest those
who claimed ownership of certain farms unless and until it was proved that
their offer letters were fake.

To us both Tsvangirai and Mutsekwa have adopted a more constructive
approach against the public posturing demanded by "stakeholders".

We believe the way forward, instead of fruitless belligerence and
confrontation by those pushing other agendas, is for Tsvangirai to build a
"consensus" with President Mugabe, the Council of Ministers and Cabinet on
how to deal politically with the issue of political detainees.

The same applies to the issue of renewed farm invasions.

They need to agree on how to deal with those still detained as
required under the global political agreement.

Nothing positive will be achieved by activists and foreigners telling
us they want political prisoners released before aid, and Mugabe telling
them "we have no political prisoners".

Who defines a political prisoner? The land reform process also needs
to be finally resolved. This calls for honesty among ourselves on key
issues.

How many white commercial farmers remain on their farms; what is the
scale of productivity? How many farms have been taken over since 2000?

Who occupies which farm and what is happening on the farm? What is the
status of the new farm claimants and how many of their "offer letters" are
genuine?

There is no point in entertaining somebody who produces today an offer
letter issued in 2003 and he still hasn't staked his claim.

Such a claim should be invalidated and this requires a political
consensus, not police action. The land reform programme cannot be reduced to
a matter of partisan policing.

The resolution of these questions requires a moratorium on new farm
claims and occupations. The leaders can decide how long this moratorium is
going to be but it should be enough to verify the authenticity of some
"offer letters", the rate of take up on the farms and the level of
productivity by both resettled farmers and white commercial farmers still on
the land.

There is a strong belief that there are enough unproductive farms
already occupied which can be reallocated to those who are qualified and
have a desire to farm.

We don't believe there is a political party which benefits from
current claims of disturbances on the farms at a time when there are food
shortages. We need sanity back on the farms.

There is no question that those who are found to have used fraudulent
"offer letters" should be prosecuted.

The same applies to those who have abused free government inputs for
the past nine years. Those who have failed to produce should be kicked out.

As Mugabe said long back, farms which were once productive cannot be
reduced to "weekend braai resorts" while the nation starves. It is time we
see action overtake rhetoric on that front.

Zimbabwe's shops stock up as Harare drops restrictions

http://www.busrep.co.za

April 3, 2009

By AUDREY D'ANGELO

There are hopeful signs of recovery in Harare, with shops able to restock
now that trading in foreign currency is legal and price controls to rein in
inflation have been abandoned.

But a spokesperson for Pick n Pay, which owns 25 percent of Zimbabwean group
TM Supermarkets with 54 stores countrywide, said: "Although greatly improved
from the empty shelves of last year, inventories are still very low, with
the supply of goods being mostly inconsistent."

The company said trading conditions in Zimbabwe were still very challenging,
as local retailers had great difficulty securing the credit they needed to
restock, and "with social conditions as they are, consumers are struggling".

Pick n Pay was "optimistic, as we always have been", about a recovery,
although experts expected it to be a long and difficult process. The group
hoped the country's retail trade would continue to be resilient.

Tommy Edmond, the chief executive of Tourvest, which has investments in
tourism facilities in Victoria Falls, said: "The situation there is better
than it was from the shopping point of view, although the improvement is not
yet quite as great as I hear it is in Harare. Tourism numbers are not yet
rising, but any improvement is a step forward."

Edmond said Tourvest had no plans at present to extend its investments
beyond Victoria Falls, which had operated as though it was a separate
enclave, still attracting tourists despite the dire situation in the rest of
the country.

But when tourist numbers begin to rise, "we shall need more infrastructure
there".

Glenda Zvenyika, Comair's communications manager, said flights between
Johannesburg and Harare were 80 percent full, but there had not yet been any
upward spike in demand.

"We are hoping for encouraging developments that will bring more investment
into the country and attract more travel there," she said.

Rodger Foster, the chief executive of Airlink, which flies to Harare,
Bulawayo and Victoria Falls, said there had "definitely been an uptick in
demand for seats and we are getting very good passenger loads. This is
particularly the case for Bulawayo, a centre of the mining industry, and
forward bookings for there are excellent."

However, Zimbabwe had externalised its economy in recent years, he said,
with Zimbabweans working abroad and bringing money back in.

Letter to the Prime Minister

The Right Honourable Morgan Tsvangirai

The Office of the Prime Minister

Private Bag 7700

Causeway, Harare

Zimbabwe.

2^nd April 2009

Re: Zimbabwe’s Deplorable Prison Conditions An Outrage

Dear Prime Minister,

The disturbing documentary that aired on Tuesday 31 March 2009 at 9.30 pm on SABC, and is now being broadcast on various international websites, is extremely damaging to the image of the Government of Zimbabwe.

Sir, it is incumbent upon your esteemed office, as the head of government to immediately dismiss the Minister of Justice, Patrick Chinamasa and sack the Prisons Commissioner, Major General Paradzai Zimhondi.

Furthermore, these two must be criminally prosecuted under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, which defines ‘crimes against humanity’ as:                                                                                                                                       “particularly odious offences in that they constitute a serious attack on human dignity or grave humiliation or a degradation of one or more human beings. They are not isolated or sporadic events, but are part of a government policy (although the perpetrators need not identify themselves with this policy) or of a wide practice of atrocities tolerated or condoned by a government or a de facto authority.”

In particular, the Minister of Justice, Patrick Chinamasa, who is guilty of inhumane neglect, on Wednesday, issued an idiotic statement on RadioVOP that insults our very intelligence. Chinamasa accused the SABC documentary team of fabricating the story. He inferred that the pictures shown were not from Zimbabwe prisons but elsewhere in Africa. He restated that no one is allowed inside Zimbabwe’s prisons with cameras.

Chinamasa’a spoke on behalf of your government, and therefore any further silence on your part is acquiescence to his tirade and renders the GNU liable.

Mr. Prime Minister Sir, if ordinary law-abiding citizens are starving, what of the nutritional requirements of prisoners, most of whom are political activists. Please may you urgently establish an independent commission of inquiry and a transparent audit of Zimbabwe’s 35 000 prisoners and 55 prisons. Mandate the commission to prosecute all persons involved in the creation of prison unsanitary conditions, chronic malnutrition, inhumane treatment and deplorable torture of prisoners.

Zimbabwe’s image rebranding exercise, luring tourists and hopes of attracting foreign investments through the recently announced STERP initiative, has been damaged by the documentary’s revelations. The very people the GNU wishes to entice back now need further reassurances that your government shall adhere to the canons of the rule of law.

The firing of these officials must the first bold act that sends an unambiguous message to all the criminals you inherited in your government from ZANU (PF) that you stand on the side of justice.

Zimbabweans yearn for meaningful reform and lasting change.

Be the leader that society expects you to be, proving to us that your office has authority. This shall in turn boost our waning confidence in the GNU.

Warm regards,

Phil Matibe.