Six months on from the agreement by
Mugabe and Tsvangirai to swallow their differences, the country is at a
crossroads
http://www.zimonline.co.za
by Lizwe Sebatha
Monday 10 August 2009
BULAWAYO -Failure by President Robert
Mugabe's ZANU PF party to resolve the
issue of his succession could plunge
Zimbabwe into Somalia-type anarchy,
with military coups the means to acquire
power, Finance Minister and former
opposition politician Tendai Biti has
warned.
Biti, secretary general of Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai's MDC
party that
formed a power-sharing government with ZANU PF last February,
said there was
chaos in Mugabe's party over his succession.
The
Finance Minister -- who spoke as last week's death of Vice President
Joseph
Msika reignited the vicious battle to succeed Mugabe as leader of
ZANU PF
party and possibly Zimbabwe -- suggested that any one of the rival
factions
competing to take control of Mugabe's party when and if the veteran
leader
steps down could instigate a military coup.
"The succession debate in
ZANU PF should be resolved very urgently as it can
result in a military coup
in this country. It is not a secret that there is
chaos in ZANU PF about
succession," said Biti at a weekend meeting with
business leaders in
Bulawayo.
He added: "We don't want a military coup because of a failure
to replace the
leadership. Zimbabwe will be like Somalia and Ivory Coast if
the succession
issue is not urgently dealt with.a failure to deal with this
issue will
affect future generations of Zimbabweans."
There was no
immediate reaction from ZANU PF to Biti's comments.
Msika, who was one of
two vice presidents of Zimbabwe and ZANU PF, died last
Wednesday after being
unwell for most of the past four years. He was 86.
Analysts said Msika's
death - coming five months ahead of a ZANU PF elective
congress in December
-- could worsen the succession debate that seemed
closed when Mugabe in June
told his squabbling party that there would be no
change of guard in the top
leadership until there was "better unity".
Several ZANU PF provincial
executives that nominate leadership candidates
had already said they would
retain the entire party presidium with Mugabe at
the top. But with Msika's
death they will now be forced to nominate a
candidate for the second vice
president's slot.
Anyone chosen to re-place Msika will, together with the
other vice
president, Joice Mujuru, be a step closer to the top job. -
ZimOnline.
August 10, 2009
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai confers with his deputy Arthur Mutambara at Heroes’Acre with, behind Tsvangirai, Harare Mayor, Muchadeyi Masunda
By Raymond Maingire
HARARE – President Robert Mugabe on Monday again lashed out at Western countries for alleged attempts to divide Zimbabweans while seeking to recolonise the country.
Mugabe also warned his MDC partners within the current inclusive government against the dangers of becoming too friendly with the western nations, saying they would never relent in their efforts to recolonise Zimbabwe.
“Let everyone in the inclusive government and in the country generally know that our nation will never prosper through foreign handouts,” Mugabe said.
“No nation ever did with merely a dime here for drugs, a dime there for food, perhaps, a farthing there for politics.
“Let us be clear, great enduring nations are built on their own endowments and efforts.”
Mugabe was addressing over 10 000 mourners during the burial of Vice President and veteran nationalist, Joseph Msika.
Msika died last Wednesday at the age of 85 when he succumbed to hyper tension. He had spent 46 days in intensive care.
The burial ceremony, the first to witness such crowds since that of former vice presidents Joshua Nkomo and Simon Muzenda during the past 10 years, coincided with the annual Heroes Day celebrations.
The ceremony was also witnessed by diplomats accredited to Zimbabwe and foreign dignitaries who included South Africa’s Vice President, Kgalema Motlanthe.
There was a very conspicuous attendance by the two Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) parties.
The MDC has traditionally boycotted the burial of Zimbabweans unilaterally declared national heroes by Zanu-PF.
MDC leader and Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, his two deputies Thokozani Khuphe and Arthur Mutambara, who leads the smaller MDC led a huge delegation of party officials who included cabinet ministers and parliamentarians.
Former Finance Minister, Dr Simba Makoni, now leader of the newly launched opposition Mavambo/Kusile/Dawn, was also among those who attended Msika’s burial.
Perhaps for the first time during the burial of a national hero, no one was dressed in Zanu PF party regalia, something that was viewed as an acknowledgement by Zanu-PF that Msika’s hero status was above partisan politics. This could also have reflected on Msika’s status as being PF-Zapu in origin and not a true-bred Zanu-PF cadre.
Mugabe said, “We are not a poor country. Our history would not have been this troubled if we were. We have resources. Let us learn from our bitter history.
“Zimbabwe is a free country. Zimbabwe needs not be tied to any one corner of the world, least of all a corner of former imperialist and racist colonizers. We are not part of Europe and the United States.
“Anyway, are these the only parts of our world we should deal with? Kwadzinorohwa matumbu ndiko kwadzinomhanyira! (We should not rush back into the arms of our enemies).”
He thanked SADC and the AU for brokering the unity agreement between his party and the former opposition MDC, leading to the formation of the inclusive government.
President Mugabe continued, “We are part of SADC and the continent of Africa. The West seeks to divide us and to disturb our peace. They have never welcomed the understanding we were able to build on our own without tutelage.
“They have never wanted the grand principles we sought to protect and defend in the Global Political Agreement.”
Mugabe, who continues to use the burial of national heroes to attack western nations opposed to his iron fisted rule, said Zimbabwe was being punished for forgiving Ian Smith and his racist followers during Zimbabwe’s independence.
Smith, now late, was the country’s last white leader. He waged bitter and bloody campaign against nationalist movements led by Mugabe and former PF-Zapu leader, the late Dr Joshua Nkomo.
Mugabe said, “We all forgave Ian Smith and his community of racist settlers, thus teaching the so-called civilized world greater love, greater morality, greater values, greater healing above bitterness and wounds of drawn out conflicts.
“Ask yourselves why and how we now have regimes of sanctions being imposed on us in reciprocation to our magnanimity.”
He said Zimbabwe would never go back to becoming a British colony adding that Zimbabweans would have failed Msika if they reneged on pursuing the values for which Msika sacrificed his life from the tender age of 19.
“Joseph will not die for as long as the land remains surely ours,” said the Zimbabwean leader.
“Should it ever slip through our reckless fingers, let him rise to torment us and this nation. We will have failed him greatly. The land, Joe, will never go away again. Never, ever. We promise you!”
Msika, the third vice president to die in office since 1999, was one of the pioneer nationalists during the era of minority white rule.
As a PF-Zapu delegate he attended the Lancaster House conference in 1979 which eventually led to Zimbabwe’s independence in April 1980.
He was appointed Vice President in 1999 after the death of yet another pioneer nationalist, Nkomo.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Lance Guma
10
August 2009
The MDC provincial leadership in South Africa says it is
'stunned' by
weekend revelations that South Africa's National Arms Control
Committee is
considering the sale of rounds of ammunition to Zimbabwe. The
allegations
were first made by the opposition Democratic Alliance who said
the arms
committee had approved a number of 'dodgy deals' with Iran, Syria,
North
Korea, Libya, Venezuela and Zimbabwe. Committee Chairman Jeff Radebe
denied
any deals with Iran and North Korea, but confirmed they were
considering
selling arms to Zimbabwe.
Sibanengi Dube the Publicity
and Information Secretary for the MDC in South
Africa said there was no
doubt in their mind that Mugabe would use the arms
to 'butcher MDC
supporters and leaders.' He said it was "way above our
wildest imagination
that South Africa, whose President and SADC Chairman
Jacob Zuma is the
Chairman of SADC, a guarantor of the Global Political
Agreement being
implemented in Zimbabwe, could supply ammunition to
trigger-happy Zanu PF
Sadducees." Dube said they would also lobby the top
leadership in the MDC to
put the brakes on the deal.
African National Congress Chief Whip in
Parliament Mathole Motshekga
justified the proposed sale by saying 'contrary
to the DA (Democratic
Alliance) disinformation, there is no arms embargo
imposed against either
Zimbabwe or Syria by the United Nations Security
Council.' Dube however told
Newsreel, common sense had to prevail. He said
the country was desperate for
things like food, drugs, power and an
improvement in infrastructure, instead
of wasting money on arms.
Last
week, the Democratic Alliance accused Mugabe of preparing to go to war
against the MDC ahead of the next elections. Two of their MP's, Wilmot James
and Kenneth Mubu traveled to Zimbabwe on a fact finding mission and reported
that credible sources had told them Mugabe was also trying to procure
ammunition from South Africa, and was in discussions with Venezuela, Cuba
and North Korea about funding a 'war chest.' The MP's called on South
African President Jacob Zuma to impose an arms embargo on
Zimbabwe.
Opposition shadow defence Minister David Maynier who blew the
lid on South
Africa's dodgy deals, and now faces a government investigation,
has
meanwhile hit back saying the deals confirm, "that the ANC government is
either exhibiting, selling or has sold arms to a number countries with
dubious human rights records, several involved in regional conflicts and a
great many under the undemocratic rule of a dictator."
http://www.zimonline.co.za
by Chenai Maramba Monday 10
August 2009
HARARE - Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai's MDC
party has called for
comprehensive security sector reforms to "depoliticise"
Zimbabwe's army and
police and transform them into professional forces that
owe allegiance to
the nation and not political parties.
The MDC that
has a difficult relationship with top commanders of Zimbabwe's
security
forces said a new and independent board should be appointed to
oversee
senior police and army appointments and promotions in order to
enhance
professionalism in the forces.
''MDC calls on the defence forces to be
depoliticised so that they serve the
interests of the nation above those of
any political party," Tsvangirai's
party said, in a statement issued at the
weekend and as the country prepared
to honour its security forces during the
Defence Forces holiday tomorrow.
"The MDC believes that the Defence
Forces Commission should be overhauled so
that a new board with independent
and qualified members be appointed in
consultation with commanders of the
Zimbabwe National Army and the Air force
of Zimbabwe.
"In this view,
it should be the responsibility of this commission to review
and oversee
senior appointments and promotions, as well as general working
conditions
and salaries of all personnel.''
Zimbabwe's top security commanders have
refused to salute or recognize
Tsvangirai and for months refused to attend
National Security Council (NSC)
meetings because the former opposition
leader is a member.
And on several occasions Zimbabwe's top generals have
threatened to stage a
coup should Tsvangirai takeover over
power.
When the MDC leader defeated Mugabe in a first round presidential
election
in March 2008 the security forces responded by waging a campaign of
violence
against Tsvangirai's support base, forcing the former opposition
leader to
quit the decisive second round presidential ballot.
Mugabe
won the ballot uncontested. But his victory was rejected
internationally
including by African countries who pressured the veteran
leader to open
power-sharing talks with Tsvangirai and that eventually saw
the old foes
agreeing to form a government of national unity last
February. -
ZimOnline.
http://www.mg.co.za
MANDY ROSSOUW AND JASON MOYO - Aug 10 2009
06:00
President Jacob Zuma is set to ask the Southern
African Development
Community to drop Thabo Mbeki as its mediator in
Zimbabwe.
It is a sign that South Africa's stance on its northern
neighbour has
shifted.
Observers said Zimbabwean President Robert
Mugabe will find there is a new
sheriff in town when Zuma visits his country
soon.Zuma is expected to visit
Zimbabwe in response to an invitation from
the Zimbabwean government, but an
official state visit is not yet on the
cards.
Those around him said this week that he is keen to deal with the
Zimbabwean
situation as quickly as possible, in part to stem the flow of
refugees to
South Africa, but also to show Mugabe that Mbeki's softly-softly
approach is
a thing of the past. They said Zuma is in contact with Mbeki
about Zimbabwe,
but that the relationship is "uncomfortable" and it would be
better if the
former president were out of the picture.
Mbeki's loss
of domestic power also means he is taken less seriously in
multilateral
forums such as SADC, which gives Mugabe some leeway, some
people
fear.
Morgan Tsvangirai, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) leader
and
Zimbabwe's prime minister, visited Zuma last week at Luthuli House to
complain about the lack of progress in implementing the settlement agreement
signed in Zimbabwe late last year.
Tsvangirai is said to have
complained about Mugabe's disregard for clauses
in the agreement concerning
the removal of central bank governor
Gideon Gono and Johannes Tomana, the
attorney general. He also apparently
complained that the public service is
stalling the approval of key
appointments in his office.
Zuma is
expected to be tough on Mugabe, despite a personal relationship
formed in
Mozambique during the struggle era. "Zuma will not allow Mugabe to
parade
him in front of everyone and say 'This is my friend'," said a close
aide.
Zuma is adamant that he must meet the leader of the other MDC
faction,
Arthur Mutambara, before he meets Mugabe, so he is well briefed to
confront
Mugabe with the critical issues. "Zuma is fed up. He wants to see
this thing
moving," the aide said, adding that the main contrast with the
Mbeki era was
that Zuma "takes Tsvangirai seriously". Thabo used to think
Tsvangirai [was]
politically immature.
Zuma says that may or may
not be the case, but he is there and we have to
work with him." The aide
said that Tsvangirai's Western backers have exerted
a powerful influence on
Zuma's approach to Zimbabwe. "Zuma knows the money
for upliftment from the
West will come only through Tsvangirai. And he can
see that the West is
willing to help -- they're now getting closer to making
real
contributions."
The South African leader is expected to keep a close
watch on the succession
battles in Zanu-PF because of a possible internal
revolt against Mugabe. The
role of Joyce Mujuru, one of Zimbabwe's two
vice-presidents, and her
husband, Solomon, as well as that of the army,
would be carefully monitored.
A joint committee comprising Zanu-PF's top
leaders, Deputy President Kgalema
Motlanthe and Gwede Mantashe, the ANC
secretary general, was set up last
year to "keep the channels of
communication open between the two
revolutionary parties", but has
apparently withered on the vine.
Despite this, Zanu-PF still maintains
that the change of leadership has not
changed the nature of its relationship
with the ANC. "We were in the
trenches with the ANC long before the MDC was
conceived.
You must know that, even though there may be some hesitation,
our friendship
is much deeper than people think," a senior member of the
Zanu-PF politburo
said.
Zanu-PF has pointed to comments by Zuma
condemning Zimbabwe's isolation as
evidence that there will be no change of
policy under his leadership.
But MDC spokesperson Nelson Chamisa said
Zuma is close to the aspirations of
the Zimbabwean people. "He identifies
with our aspirations for free
elections. He identifies with our desire for a
vibrant opposition and a
thriving economy. To us, he is a symbol of those
aspirations."
Other senior MDC officials recalled this week how
Tsvangirai had gone for
what they said was "a whole year" at the height of
the Zimbabwe crisis
before Mbeki would meet him.
Such is the
animosity towards Mbeki that some of Tsvangirai's lieutenants
still blame
him for the split in the MDC in 2005.
Tsvangirai is meeting regional
leaders ahead of the SADC summit next month.
He met Botswana's President Ian
Khama after his Zuma meeting and is
scheduled to make further regional tops
during the next four weeks.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Violet Gonda
10 August
2009
The commemoration of National Heroes Day on Monday coincided with
the burial
of the late Vice President Joseph Msika, who died last week aged
86. The
late Vice President was given full military honours as his white
casket,
draped in a Zimbabwe flag, was lowered into the
ground.
Thousands of people thronged the shrine including, Prime Minister
Morgan
Tsvangirai, Deputy Prime Ministers Thokozani Khupe and Arthur
Mutambara,
Cabinet Ministers and the families of those buried at Heroes
Acre.
Former South African President Kgalema Motlanthe and Vice
Presidents from
Tanzania and Botswana, the Namibian Deputy Prime Minister
and Mozambican
Minister of Home Affairs were among the foreign guests who
attended the
ceremony.
Our Harare correspondent Simon Muchemwa said
the Heroes Acre was filled to
capacity, with some people having to sit on
tree branches.
President Robert Mugabe told mourners the late Vice
President was a great
fighter, and a principled and fearless leader who
spent 46 days in the West
End Clinic in Harare, until he finally died last
Wednesday from
hypertension.
Deputy Prime Minister Mutambara told SW
Radio Africa that Msika was a
'stabilising force' in the inclusive
government, and an 'honest, frank and
father figure who will be missed in
the government.'
However, some have portrayed the late Vice President as
'perhaps the only
Zimbabwean who could outdo Mugabe when it came to verbal
vitriol.' The UK
Telegraph wrote: "The targets of his bile included
journalists, farmers, all
young Zimbabweans - who had allegedly failed to
match his standards of
patriotism and devotion - and white people in
general."
The paper went on to say, while Mugabe would routinely refer to
white
Zimbabweans as 'greedy exploiters,' Msika bluntly declared: 'Whites
are not
human beings,'' and described the then opposition MDC party as a
'terrorists
group.'
When asked for his reaction to this, Mutambara
said, Zimbabweans have gone
through a period where people have been fighting
against each other through
words and fighting through violence. "We have
lost lives in our country and
we have gone through a very bad patch. It's
time for Zimbabweans to work
together and put our past behind. Msika was
very keen in the inclusive
government, keen to encourage Zimbabweans to work
together in spite of the
issues that happened in the past, and was critical
in bringing ZAPU and ZANU
together."
Meanwhile, our correspondent
Muchemwa said, in an unusually short speech at
the Heroes Acre, Mugabe
attacked Western countries for failing to recognise
the inclusive
government, while regional bodies such as the African Union
and SADC have
recognised 'efforts being made' by the new government. He
said: "The British
have said they will never be slaves, so they should not
be slave
masters."
According to Muchemwa, Mugabe's speech appeared to criticise
the MDC-T's
re-engagement strategy with the West. The MDC has been going to
Western
countries looking for aid but has only managed to receive pledges
for
humanitarian assistance and specific projects. Western countries have
refused to give money directly to the coalition government until they see
real change and democratic reforms in place.
Mugabe said: "Let
everyone in the Inclusive Government be clear that no
nation will ever
prosper through handouts, with a dime here for drugs, a
dime there for food
and perhaps a farthing here for your budget."
He added: "Kwadzinorohwa
matumbu ndikokwedzino mhanyira." (They run back to
their
abusers).
Meanwhile, the two MDC's have criticised the partisan manner in
which
national heroes are conferred in Zimbabwe, which to date has been the
sole
prerogative of those in ZANU PF.
The parties said there must be
an inclusive national policy and an
independent body with set parameters and
clearly defined yardsticks to
determine who qualifies to be a national hero
or heroine.
Mutambara said it is an 'insult to our intelligence and our
collective
wisdom' to have a heroism framework that is defined by ZANU PF
alone.
The Deputy Prime Minister said a 'National Heroes Selection Board'
is going
to be created that will be above politics, is non partisan, and
would
involve the private sector and civil society. He concluded: "We must
make
sure that our National Heroes Acre is not a ZANU PF shrine but a
National
shrine. As a National shrine it must be above partisan aspirations
and
partisan interests. This is work in progress."
http://www.portalangop.co.ao
8/10/09
9:44 AM
Angola
Luanda - The first meeting and official presentation of
the Working Group of
SADC Defence Inspectors starts this Tuesday, in Luanda,
to analyse and
approve documents that will rule the institution's
function.
According to the general inspector of the Angolan Armed
Forces (FAA),
general Rafael Sapilinha "Sambalanga", for this meeting there
had been
confirmed the presence 11 of the 13 SADC member countries, and are
already
in Luanda the general Defence inspectors of Botswana, Zimbabwe,
Malawi,
Lesotho, Zambia and Namibia.
Representatives from
South Africa, Swaziland and Mozambique are expected
Monday while others are
coming on Thursday. An inspector from Uganda will
attend the meeting as an
observer.
Madagascar, also a member State, was suspended by the
regional organization
(SADC) because of the political instability in the
island nation.
http://www.voanews.com
By Patience Rusere
Washington
09
August 2009
The formation of Zimbabwe's Movement for Democratic
Change led by Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai says a new compilation of
victims of 2008
post-election violence shows as many as 500 of its members
lost their lives
during that turbulent period.
The Tsvangirai MDC has
established a follow-up team to document all victims
unreported at the time,
said its welfare coordinator, Brighton Matimba.
Previous estimates from the
MDC as to how many fatalities were caused by
post-election violence put the
number around 200.
Most independent accounts of the violence say the vast
majority of victims
were members or officials of the Tsvangirai MDC
formation, and that the
violence was mainly carried out by youth militia or
war veterans linked to
the former ruling ZANU-PF party. But there were
indications the military and
security forces took part in or supported the
violence.
Pishayi Mucharaya, Manicaland spokesman for the MDC formation,
told reporter
Patience Rusere of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that the former
opposition
party won't wait for national healing and reconciliation to run
its course
to document what happened.
http://www.viewlondon.co.uk
Zimbabwe is at risk of suffering a series
of military coups as witnessed in
Somalia if political in-fighting
continues, the country's finance minister
has warned.
Tendai Biti
claims the country is on the brink of serious conflict due to
the failure of
the Zanu-PF party to find a successor for president Robert
Mugabe and other
senior political figures.
Speaking at a meeting held in Bulawayo,
Zimbabwe's second city, to review
his mid-term fiscal policy statement, Mr
Biti told business leaders that the
failure by the party to resolve its
succession debate could result in
feuding factions which may ultimately
resort to military coups to claim
power.
"The succession debate in
Zanu-PF should be resolved very urgently as it can
result in a military coup
in this country. It is not a secret that there is
chaos in Zanu-PF about
succession," he said.
"We don't want a military coup because of a failure
to replace the
leadership.
"With the kind of a history of violence
and brutality associated with
Zanu-PF, Zimbabwe will be like Somalia and
Ivory Coast if the succession
issue is not urgently dealt with...a failure
to deal with this issue will
affect future generations of
Zimbabwe."
Somalia and Ivory Coast both continue to face instability due
to
long-running political crises.
In May, the Zanu PF politburo, the
party's highest decision-making body, set
up a committee to look into the
issue of choosing new leaders.
Analysts said it was the clearest sign yet
that the party could finally open
debate on the election of a successor for
the 85-year-old leader.
However last month, Mugabe was declared a supreme
leader of Zanu-PF by one
of the feuding factions led by defence minister,
Emmerson Mnangagwa,
effectively dealing a severe blow to any hopes of a
leadership renewal of
the party that has led the country since
1980.
The issue of selecting Mugabe's successor has threatened to split
Zimbabwe's
former ruling party amid behind-the-scenes jostling by party
heavyweights
for the top post.
The infighting worsened following Zanu
PF's dismal performance in last
year's elections where it lost its
parliamentary majority for the first time
since independence to the Movement
for Democratic Change (MDC).
Mugabe also lost the first round of the
presidential elections to his then
rival Morgan Tsvangirai, a setback that
forced him into a coalition
government.
The 85 year-old has said he
would not step down until he is convinced that
his departure will not lead
to the collapse of Zanu PF.
© Adfero Ltd
10 August 2009 08:19 GMT
http://www.zimonline.co.za/
by Charles Tembo Monday 10
August 2009
HARARE - President Robert Mugabe on Monday
accused Britain of wanting to
dictate terms to Zimbabwe's power-sharing
government and said Harare may
have to reconsider relations with London and
its Western allies.
Mugabe called on Zimbabwe's new unity government to
stand up to the West,
appearing to reject efforts by Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai who has been
pushing to restore relations with Western nations
that are capable of
providing badly needed financial aid to
Harare.
Speaking at the burial of former top ally and vice president
Joseph Msika,
Mugabe said: "Let everyone in the inclusive government know
that our nation
will never prosper through foreign handouts, no nation ever
did with merely
a dime here for drugs, a dime for food, a farthing here for
disease and
another farthing for your budget. Nations are built on their own
endowments.
"We must assert ourselves as the inclusive government, we
must say no you
(Britain) cannot come to us as principals to tell us what to
do. We say no
to British rule, no to colonialism."
Tsvangirai and
another former opposition leader Arthur Mutambara, who both
attended Msika's
burial, agreed to form a power-sharing government with
Mugabe last February
to try to tackle Zimbabwe's multi-faceted crisis.
Analysts say the
coalition government offers Zimbabwe the best opportunity
in a decade to
restore stability and end a devastating economic and
humanitarian crisis
that had seen the once prosperous country suffer rampant
inflation, acute
food shortages, record unemployment and deepening poverty.
But the
administration, which says it needs US$10 billion to revive the
economy,
could fail to deliver on its promise unless it is able to unlock
vital
financial support from Western donor governments that have remained
reluctant to provide aid until they see evidence that Mugabe is committed to
genuinely share power with Tsvangirai. - ZimOnline
http://www.voanews.com
By Patience Rusere
Washington
09 August
2009
Turmoil has continued within the formation of Zimbabwe's
Movement for
Democratic Change led by Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara
with former
St. Mary's legislator Job Sikhala declaring himself party
president,
claiming the support of disgruntled members.
But Mutambara
MDC spokesman Edwin Mushoriwa dismissed Sikhala's assertion
saying only a
party congress can vote out a president. He noted that Sikhala
was suspended
from the party more than two months ago for alleged political
misbehavior.
Sikhala told reporter Patience Rusere of VOA's Studio 7
for Zimbabwe that
members of the breakaway MDC formation think Mutambara has
aligned himself
too closely with President Robert Mugabe and object to the
recent expulsion
of several party lawmakers.
http://www.herald.co.zw/
Zvamaida Murwira
10 August
2009
Harare - The Parliamentary Select Committee on Constitution Making
Process
has failed to constitute and assign stakeholders to the various
thematic
committees within the two weeks' time frame it has set for
itself.
This has fuelled anxiety as some people feel that the committee
might fail
to complete the task at hand within the stipulated time
frame.
The select committee had made an undertaking during an
all-stakeholders
conference on July 14 this year that it would have the
various committees in
place within two weeks.
This was after the
conference had failed to conduct the process owing to
chaos that
characterised proceedings during the opening day among other
reasons.
Committee co-chairperson, Mr Douglas Mwonzora admitted at
the weekend that
they had failed to meet their set target.
He
attributed the failure to a number of reasons most of which he said were
beyond the committee's control.
Mr Mwonzora, however said the
committee had finished the allocation of the
various thematic committees to
political parties.
The parties are now expected to second Members of
Parliament from their
ranks to chair the 17 committees.
"We were
supposed to announce the chairpersons of these thematic committees
yesterday
(last Thursday) but we failed because Zanu-PF has not finalised
its
process.
"We will be delayed because most of them will be attending the
funeral of
Vice President Msika," said Mr Mwonzora who is the Nyanga North
Member of
the House of Assembly.
He also attributed the delay to
budgetary constraints but they had since
secured some commitment from
development partners.
"The first reason had to do with budget. The second
reason was that there
were few demands from civic society which we had to
consider and we have
accommodated their concerns," said Mr
Mwonzora.
"The other reason is that we have asked civic society to give
us names for
people who will be deputy chairpersons and members and you will
appreciate
that this process is very slow and will take long."
The select
committee convened an all-stakeholders conference last month, as
the final
stage of the first phase of the constitution making process.
The second
stage should see the various thematic committees moving around
the country
to get input on what the public wants to be included in the new
constitution.
The third and final phase will be the writing and
adoption of the
constitution through a referendum.
The new
constitution will culminate in fresh elections in line with what was
agreed
by the three principals to the Global Political Agreement
http://sundaystandard.info
Botswana
by Sunday Standard reporter
in Bulawayo
10.08.2009 11:17:50 A
A monthly cost of a food basket in
Zimbabwe for a family of six has
increased owing to distortions in the
country over the international
exchange rates.
A food basket for a
family of six went up to US$148.30 from last month's
figure of US$138.05, a
quick reminder that the country's ten year economic
nightmares are still not
out of the woods despite a unity government formed
February.
This
also highlights that the majority of Zimbabweans are still going hungry
and
cannot afford food basics since they earn less than US$200.
Zimbabwe
dumped its hyper-inflated local currency in favour of regional and
international stable currencies like the South African rand, the Botswana
pula, the United States dollar and the British pound.
However, the
most used currencies are the rands and the US dollar as other
currencies are
scarce in the country. As a result, this has caused
distortions on the
exchange rates, especially with the recent firming of the
rand against the
US dollar, thereby leading to a spike the cost of most food
basics.
A
firming rand means food basics imported into the country from S.A become
expensive for local consumers since most shops and supermarkets would be
pegging their goods using various US$ to rand exchange rates.
"In
June, the food section for a family of six was US$138, 05 and in July it
rose to US$148, 30, owing to the firming of the South African rand and
distortions that characterized the fuel market," said Consumer Council of
Zimbabwe (CCZ) Executive Director, Rosemary Siyachitema.
However, the
cost of living for July dropped by one percent from June.
CCZ executive
director attributed the marginal decline to the
re-introduction of actual
usage bills by utilities, instead of estimates.
"This shows a marginal
decrease of one percent. We attribute this decrease
to the re-introduction
of issuing of actual usage bills to consumers by
utilities such as the
Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority," she said.
She said the soaps and
detergent section had dropped although the change was
not
remarkable.
"Products under the soap and detergent section dropped from
US$15, 17 in
June to US$15, and 06 last month."
The rent, water,
education, clothing and footwear basket also experienced a
reduction from
$349 to $344 as a result of the introduction of actual usage
bills and
continued supply of imports on clothing and footwear, bringing
competition
resulting in low prices.
Ms Siyachitema applauded service providers for
re-introducing actual usage
bills.
Meanwhile, CCZ has begun conducting
surveys in major retail outlets to help
consumers make rational decisions
when buying products.
"As CCZ, we have begun conducting marketing surveys
in the country's
supermarkets so that we provide consumers with data on
where they can buy
goods at fairly reasonable prices. In addition, we also
urge the transacting
public to compare prices before buying," said Ms
Siyachitema.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
10
August 2009
By MDC SA Publicity & Information Secretary
The MDC
leadership in South Africa is stunned by weekend revelations that
the South
Africa's National Arms Control Committee (NCACC) is considering
authorizing
the sale of rounds of ammunition to Zimbabwe.
The revelations
were made by DA MPs who were in Zimbabwe on a three day fact
finding mission
recently. NCACC Chairman, Minister Jeff Radede, was quoted
in the press over
the weekend confirming that they were considering selling
bullets to Mugabe.
ANC Chief Whip, Mathole Motshekga openly justified arming
Mugabe saying:
"Contrary to the DA disinformation, there is no arms embargo
imposed against
either Zimbabwe or Syria by the United Nations Security
Council."
We
are hereby appealing to the ANC led government to immediately stop
doubting
that Mugabe would use the arms to butcher MDC supporters and
leaders. This
is a fact which is beyond any contest. This is not
speculation. We can not
afford the luxury of a debate when people are being
butchered. This is way
above our wildest imagination that South Africa,
whose President Jacob
Zuma., is the Chairman SADCC, a guarantor of the
Global Political Agreement
being implemented in Zimbabwe, could supply
ammunition to trigger-happy Zanu
PF Sadducees. Zanu PF's high propensity for
the blood of its opponents has
never been doubted by anybody since the
Chimurenga liberation struggle of
the 1970s. The ANC knows this. We urge the
ANC government to be considerate,
compassionate, exercise caution and good
judgment. The ANC need not to wait
and lament when there is blood in the
streets of Harare, Bulawayo, Gweru,
Masvingo and in the villages of
Muzarabani, Tsholotsho, Chirumanzu, Gutu,
Chivi, and Mberengwa.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Alex Bell
10
August 2009
Calls to suspend the trade of Zimbabwe's diamonds have been
renewed in the
past week, as the military grip on Chiadzwa's diamond fields
tightens.
The government has ignored the directives made as a result of
an
international diamond investigation to completely demilitarise the
diamond
fields, in order to end ongoing human rights abuses there. Instead,
Human
Rights Watch has reported that new military units have been rotated
into the
zone, where numerous abuses and hundreds of killings have been
reported.
A delegation of the Kimberley Process, an international group
governing the
global diamond industry, sent a review mission to Chiadzwa
more than a month
ago to assess Zimbabwe's compliance with internatonal
diamond trade
standards. After two weeks spent interviewing survivors of
abuse and
witnesses to murders and torture, the review team found Zimbabwe
to be in
violation of these standards. The delegation then urged the
government to
take corrective action by demilitarising the area by July 20
or face
suspension from the body.
But such action has not been taken, and
calls to immediately suspend
Zimbabwe are again gathering momentum. Tiseke
Kasambala, a senior researcher
with Human Rights Watch explained on Monday
that rights abuses and smuggling
are continuing, while even witnesses to
earlier abuses carried out in
Chiadzwa, who gave evidence to the Kimberley
Process delegation are now
being harassed and threatened.
"We have
received disturbing reports that a key local witness who gave
evidence of
abuses to the Kimberly Process review mission, Chief Newman
Chiadzwa, went
into hiding after menacing actions by members of the army,
including death
threats and threats of eviction from his home," Kasambala
explained.
She
continued that despite indications in early July by Mines Minister,
Obert
Mpofu, that units of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces would be removed from
Chiadzwa, they instead have consolidated their presence. In a public
statement on July 10, senior Zimbabwe army and police officials declared
that they would not leave the diamond fields. Kasambala said there is
evidence that three days later, the military rotated its Kwekwe-based Fifth
Brigade into the diamonds fields to replace the Mutare-based Third
Brigade.
Human Rights Watch has called on the government to immediately end
the
harassment in Chiadwza by the military, but Kasambala said the
responsibility will rest with other members of the Kimberley Process, who
have the power to refuse to trade in Chiadzwa diamonds. She added that an
interim report that followed the July review mission to Chiadzwa needs to be
made public.
"The Kimberley Process took an important first step in
condemning government
conduct in Marange," Kasambala said. "Faced with
evidence that Zimbabwe is
ignoring its concerns, it should publish the
review mission report. Then it
should take the next logical step, and
suspend Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe is clearly
not going to take the necessary
corrective actions on its own."
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Alex Bell
10 August
2009
The Commercial Farmers Union (CFU) has compiled a blacklist of known
land
invaders for apparent national healing processes, as the renewed
offensive
against the commercial farming community continues.
The list
was revealed in a CFU report unveiled at the group's annual general
meeting
in Harare last week. The report follows the government's continued
refusal
to protect farmers from ongoing attacks and harassment by powerful
army
generals, government officials and ZANU PF loyalists.
CFU Vice President Deon
Theron said in the report: "This is probably one of
the most important
records which we are keeping, and will be extremely
useful in the
future."
"During our compilation of this list of names, whether beneficiaries
or
perpetrators of violence, which have been taken from our above reports,
it
has been shown that there are a number of names that repeatedly appear on
many of the reports," Theron said.
"This has clearly shown that those
individuals are not merely beneficiaries
of property, but are suspected of
being the major organisers of the ongoing
conflict."
CFU President,
Trevor Gifford has said the information was being sourced for
national
healing purposes.
"At some stage in the future," said Gifford, "justice and
reconciliation
would be part of the healing, and without justice there would
be huge
difficulty in getting reconciliation."
The CFU says it has
recorded more than 1800 incidents on farms between
August 2008 and June this
year, including violent attacks, vandalism and
looting of property, assaults
on farm workers, burning of crops and
incidents in which the police have
flatly refused to assist farmers.
According to the CFU, only 400 white
commercial farmers remain on the farms,
and of these, up to 170 are
currently facing prosecution for defying
government's order to vacate their
farms, which have been designated for
reallocation. A total of 66 farmers
have been convicted and these include
their workers.
The government
meanwhile, has defiantly refused to honour a judgment passed
by the SADC
Tribunal in Windhoek in November last year, which barred the
State from
further repossessing white owned land. The government further
rubbished a
March 5, 2009 judgment by the same tribunal, which held it in
contempt of
its first order and referred the matter to the upcoming SADC
summit.
http://www.ekklesia.co.uk/node/10066
By staff
writers
10 Aug 2009
Human rights campaigners in Zimbabwe believe they
have a 50:50 chance of
seeing the rights of gay, lesbian and bisexual people
protected in the
country's new constitution. This would overturn existing
Zimbabwean law.
Sexual acts between men are currently prohibited in
Zimbabwe. While sexual
acts between women are not mentioned in law, all
forms of homosexuality have
been denounced by the country's president,
Robert Mugabe.
However, it is thought that the Movement for Democratic
Change, which now
shares in government, may be willing to consider a major
change as part of
the country's current constitutional review.
"We
live in hope," said Keith Goddard, director of Gays and Lesbians of
Zimbabwe
(GALZ), which has around 400 members.
He told Britain's Guardian
newspaper that "we've probably got a 50:50
chance". He hopes that the
National Aids Council's recent call for the
decriminalisation of homosexual
practice will assist their campaign.
The influence of South African
television on Zimbabweans is also thought to
be helping to change attitudes.
South Africa was the first country in the
world to prohibit discrimination
on grounds of sexual orientation in its
constitution.
However,
Goddard suggested that there was an atmosphere of "hysterical
homophobia" in
the country, due in part to Mugabe's rhetoric. He said that
the network of
people supported by GALZ includes many who are "very hidden
and very
scared".
Mugabe has repeatedly attacked homosexuality as a Western
import, although
gay, lesbian and bisexual Africans are keen to
disagree.
The gay Nigerian Christian activist, Davis Mac-Iyalla has
insisted that
"homosexuality has existed in Africa from the beginning". He
suggests that
it was homophobia, not homosexuality, that was introduced into
Africa by
Western colonisers and missionaries.
http://www.herald.co.zw
Monday,
August 10, 2009
Business
Reporter
ZIMBABWE is on course to meet its own power requirements and
will generate
close to enough for domestic consumption by December. a
Cabinet Minister has
said.
Economic Planning and Investment Promotion
Minister Elton Mangoma said
enough power was key to ensure enhanced
productive capacity.
"Government is targeting to increase capacity
utilisation in all productive
sectors. We therefore need to ensure enough
power supplies," said Minister
Mangoma at the launch in Harare of a
partnership between Mandel Training
Centre and Gordon Institute of Business
Science.
"By December this year, we will be able to meet (electricity)
demand," he
said.
Hwange Power Station, which generates about 65
percent of Zimbabwe's
electricity, has been incurring significant energy
losses in recent years
due to a variety of factors such as coal shortages
and frequent plant
failures.
HPS has the capacity to generate 920
megawatts. Kariba South Hydro Station
can generate up to 750 megawatts and
three small thermal power stations
located in Harare, Bulawayo and Munyati
in the Midlands province have
capacity of about 120MW.
While Hwange
and other three small power stations need repairs, they have
not been fully
operating largely due to coal shortages.
Minister Mangoma said Government
was in "serious" discussions with HCCL to
increase coal supplies to thermal
power stations. He indicated Government
was facilitating a US$80 million
loan for Zesa Holdings for coal purchases.
Kariba South Power Station has
remained the flagship of the country
generating electricity at full
throttle.
Over the years, Zimbabwe has been facing severe shortages of
electricity,
resulting in massive load shedding with ripple effects to the
economy.
Energy experts suggest it was necessary that Zimbabwe fully
exploited vast
natural resources, such as coal in the generation of power,
while at the
same time moving away from incurring unnecessary costs in
importing
electricity.
The country imports additional power from the
Democratic Republic of Congo
and Mozambique.
Zimbabwe has the largest
coal reserves in Africa, outside South Africa and
the largest methane gas
reserves in east and southern Africa.
The two resources are capable of
generating sufficient electricity for the
country to the extent of retaining
a surplus for export. There are also
expansion plans in place to increase
generation plant capacity. Hwange Power
Station will be expanded by
additional two units each of 300MW.
A joint venture company between ZPC
and an unidentified local company will
spearhead the expansion development
in addition to coal mining. The
coal-mining project will go a long way in
alleviating the coal supply
constraint currently besetting the thermal
stations.
The 1 400MW proposed Gokwe Power project can now take off with
feasibility
studies having been done.
At Kariba South power station,
there are plans to add two more units of
150MW each. This will increase the
installed capacity at Kariba South to 1
050MW.
ZPC is also seeking
partnerships from the region and beyond to develop the
Batoka Hydro Project
on the Zambezi River. The project requires the
cooperation of Zambia to take
off.
Six months on from the agreement by
Mugabe and Tsvangirai to swallow their differences, the country is at a
crossroads
Schools and hospitals returning to life. Food in the supermarkets and queues at the tills. Investors flying in and refugees coming home. Independent newspapers due for launch and international media broadcasting openly. Book fairs, poetry slams and jazz festivals drawing crowds. A president and prime minister laughing together as they call for national healing. This is Zimbabwe in August 2009.
Politically motivated beatings turning families against themselves. Villagers bartering chickens in the absence of a new currency. MPs, lawyers, journalists and students under arrest. Corruption rampant and another cholera outbreak predicted. A president rebuilding his tools of oppression and a prime minister said to be in danger of assassination. This, too, is Zimbabwe in August 2009.
Six months after Robert Mugabe and his arch-rival, Morgan Tsvangirai, publicly swallowed their enmity and tried to speak with one voice, southern Africa's problem country is still a contradictory and confusing place. "We are at a fork [in the road]," said Tendai Biti, Tsvangirai's most powerful lieutenant. "Going left could be going towards a new Zimbabwe. Going right could be doing a cul-de-sac and going back to square zero."
At the centre of the intrigue is the game of political chess between Mugabe and Tsvangirai, who describes it as "the only game in town" if Zimbabwe is to survive. The Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) leader believes there is no alternative to the power sharing agreement salvaged from last year's general election. Robbed of victory at the ballot box, Tsvangirai was sworn in as prime minister in February in a compromise that allowed Mugabe to extend his 29-year rule.
It has been trench warfare ever since between the MDC, which runs ministries such as education and health, and Mugabe's Zanu-PF, which still controls the army, police and judiciary. "It's purely a marriage of convenience," said one Harare residents' activist. "Don't expect any babies soon."
The results were summarised by a regional newspaper as the good, the bad and the ugly. Perversely, the unity government was blessed in inheriting a country at a nadir after eight years of degradation, meaning that almost anything it tried would represent improvement. Hyperinflation of 89.7 sextillion per cent had killed the Zimbabwean dollar, but the adoption of the US dollar and some prudent policies have since helped stabilise the economy, forecast to grow 3.7% this year.
An MDC official said that tax returns to the treasury had risen from $4m (£2.39m) a month in January to $60-70m now, still some way short of the $120m needed to run the country. Among foreign donors, Britain alone is providing $100m of targeted aid this year. Supermarket shelves that were once bare are stocked high again, though 94% unemployment means many people cannot afford to shop.
Some 2.8m pupils are back at school as teachers finally receive a monthly wage, albeit just $100-$165 to work in crumbling classrooms. Zimbabwe University came back to life last week after six months in darkness. Hospitals and clinics are functioning again, with doctors and nurses back at work.
But the revival comes with caveats. About 70% of the population does not have access to clean water and the cholera outbreak that killed more than 4,000 people is widely predicted to return with the rainy season towards the end of the year. The decay of agriculture appears to be slowing but farm invasions continue. Some villagers are forced to barter to survive because the US dollar is so rare.
The law of unintended consequences has brought another threat to Zimbabwe's streets. Residents of Harare speak of rising crime, particularly armed robberies and carjackings. They blame army deserters, who have training and weapons, or returning refugees who have "learned the tricks" from crime capitals such as Johannesburg. The malaise in the banking system – cash machines are defunct and credit cards useless – forces people to hoard US dollars in their homes.
Raymond Majongwe, general secretary of the Progressive Teachers Union of Zimbabwe, said: "Every other day you hear of a robbery and a shoot-out. In South Africa, you can be sure that the victim has a gun and a lot will fire back. Here the victims are not psychologically prepared, so it is a walk in the park. We don't want to see the violence in South Africa going on in Zimbabwe. We must deal with it decisively once and for all."
A national "corruption pandemic" is also deepening, according to the watchdog Transparency International Zimbabwe. Mary-Jane Ncube, its executive director, said that bribery was widespread in the police and law courts, MPs of both sides were implicated in corrupt land deals, and payments intended for teachers and nurses were being rerouted via "ghost workers" to Zanu-PF militias. "There is no one who is not on the take. The unity government is making no difference."
Nor should the headline victories in the economy and public sector be mistaken for political reform. Last month, Mugabe and Tsvangirai presented a harmonious façade as they called for a South African-style process of national healing and reconciliation. Behind the scenes, however, the fight is ugly and, in the words of one activist, "Mugabe still holds the reins to the right horses".
Last year, an election year, there were 203 politically inspired murders, according to figures compiled for the MDC. The Zimbabwe Human Rights Forum gives the more conservative estimate of 107. In the first six months of this year, the MDC says, there have been 30 such deaths, most from injuries sustained last year. The forum puts this year's death toll at one.
And yet a steady flow of reports of assaults and intimidation continues. Zanu-PF strongholds assert that MDC supporters are not welcome and that the unity government is a Harare phenomenon they do not recognise. There are conflicts within families: Ebba Katiyo, an MDC activist, said she survived an axe attack by a Zanu-PF gang led by her own uncle.
Kennedy Mhuri, 39, a teacher, was accused of denouncing Mugabe to his pupils at a primary school in the town of Kwekwe in Midlands province. He said that the local Zanu-PF leadership planned to break down his door in the middle of the night and abduct him. He fled and has been on the run ever since.
"At first I panicked," he said. "I walked for 20km to avoid public transport so no one would see me. I am now dodging from city to city and constantly looking over my shoulder. I'm sure they won't stop until they get me. Then I don't know what they'd do. They'll torture me until I accept I actually did what they say I did. These people can do anything, including taking people's lives."
The leadership is not immune. Tendai Biti, the finance minister praised for choking off Zanu-PF's sources of funding, received a live bullet in the post and his gardener was beaten up outside his gate. Many Zimbabweans still find it hard to believe that the March car crash that hurt Tsvangirai and killed his wife was a mere accident, even though Tsvangirai himself has described it as such.
Media reform is also one step forward, one step back. The BBC and CNN have been allowed back into the country and there are slow moves to license two daily independent newspapers. But the state-owned Herald continues to pour bile on the MDC.
Eddie Cross, policy co-ordinator for the MDC, said: "We never thought this would be anything but a fight. We've certainly not been disappointed." He rejected the criticism, coming from the MDC's own ranks, that Tsvangirai has been seduced by office and is firmly under Mugabe's thumb. "This is an immensely strong man. The loss of his wife and grandson [also killed in an accident] hit him like a poleaxe but he's picked up the pieces. He has incredible resilience."
But it is 85-year-old Mugabe who has recently taken to reminding the population that he is still "head of state and government", "commander-in-chief of the Zimbabwe defence forces" and now "supreme leader" of Zanu-PF. The hope that he will go quietly appears wishful thinking. Raymond Majongwe said: "The most important thing Tsvangirai has realised is that Mugabe is part of the solution. Anyone who thinks that the problem can be resolved without Mugabe is a dreamer."
Some observers believe it is in the interests of both protagonists to delay the constitution making process, and therefore the next election, for as long as possible. Another divisive ballot could plunge the country back into anarchy and reverse the unity government's fragile gains.
"If you were to have an election in the near future, it would be the same disaster as last time," said one diplomat. "This is bigger than Mugabe now. Zanu-PF and the MDC have a common interest in rebuilding the economy. And there's a lot to be said for the view that there are worse figures than Mugabe in Zanu-PF."
Few would dare to predict a winner in the elaborate chess game between Zimbabwe's rival kings. For now, it seems, the best anyone can hope for is a stalemate.
http://hrforumzim.com/frames/inside_frame_special.htm Download this document Summary
Many years of direct and
structural violence in Zimbabwe have left the country with a physically and
emotionally wounded people; property destroyed; populations condemned to the
Diaspora as political and economic refugees and many internally displaced
peoples. Attendant on all this is the politics of violence and intolerance,
which pervades Zimbabwe's political space and peoples. The Global
Political Agreement (GPA) between the two MDC formations and ZANU (PF) in
September 2008 provided the necessary reprieve to ask questions about the
transition of the country into a democracy. The space or opportunity brokered by
the GPA motivated the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum (the Forum) to set out a
series of meetings in its Taking Transitional Justice to the People Program to
consult and educate Zimbabweans who have gone through epochs of state sponsored
and politically motivated violence in their lives on the nature and processes of
transitional justice. The exercise was not in any
way structured to begin processes of transitional justice or national healing in
Zimbabwe. However, it was set to begin consultations, educate and equip citizens
with the necessary and background information on transitional justice and
redress in all its forms. From January-June 2009 the Forum visited thirteen
constituencies and met and discussed with people from all backgrounds; teachers,
police officers, mothers, youths, elderly people, clergymen, traditional leaders
and other professionals. The Forum conducted sessions in schools, town halls, in
both rural and urban settings. Public discussions were held in English, Shona,
Ndebele and Tonga speaking communities. In these open forum discussions, people
expressed themselves in their language of choice. In the consultative
meetings, actors, sponsors and victims of violence were discussed. The
participants noted the manifestations of these violent acts in rape, torture,
murder, extortions, kidnappings, blackmail, disappearances, destructions of
property, humiliations, selective food and agricultural input distributions and
so many other methods. Actors in violence were identified as men, women and
youths, soldiers in uniforms, the policemen on duty, secret police and youth
from the National Youth Training Service commonly known as the "Green Bombers"
among others. The victims also cut across sections of Zimbabweans from all walks
of life. Four hundred and forty two
(442) people took part in the discussions stretching over six months. 47.1% of
the participants were women and 52.9% were men. The participants just below the
age of twenty years were 2.16% and those above the age of sixty constituted only
7.69% of the participants. It can be inferred that those below twenty years may
not have been involved because they could have been at school or college during
the sessions or they were not interested and those above sixty could have been
apathetic to political discourses or may simply not have been able to travel to
the venues. The Forum approached its
program in a manner that informed the participants about the concept of
transitional justice, how it works and has been applied in other settings.
Participants were given opportunities during the brief presentations to
contribute in the debates. The transitional justice approaches that dominated
the Taking Transitional Justice to the People's discussions were truth
commissions, reparations, truth for amnesty and prosecutions. The participants
made interesting contributions that should be used to inform and shape the
direction of transitional justice discourses in Zimbabwe. What became clear was
that people want to talk about their past and they need the platform to do so.
What they were not sure about was the possibility, in light of the fact that
ZANU (PF) still wields enormous power to scuttle the process before it even
begins. Accordingly, there were calls for thorough institutional reforms
particularly the security sector, which they said was blatantly partisan,
unprofessional and cannot be trusted. The participants proffered comprehensive
options for security sector reforms, which they believed, could rescue these
institutions from partisan influencing. It was difficult to agree on
the starting period for this transitional justice. The participants and victims
constantly referred to the two phases - the recent past (1998 - 2008), and the
distant past (1980s and back into the Rhodesian era). While challenges in
handling the Rhodesian violations were acknowledged, there were serious concerns
that leaving the era uncovered was an injustice on its own. It was pointed out
that the seeds of current violence and impunity were sown during that time. A
small group of about 50-60 people per meeting was randomly invited to attend the
meetings. The selection was not controlled/scientific in any way. This explains
the gender representation at the discussions. Furthermore, the facilitators
needed small manageable groups to be effective. However, in the rural areas
articulate teachers and other professionals attended these meetings and
contributed to the lively discussions. Visit the Zimbabwe Human
Rights NGO Forum fact
sheet
Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum
June 2009
- Acrobat PDF version (945KB)
If you do
not have the free Acrobat reader on your computer, download it from the Adobe
website by clicking here.
http://www.southafrican.co.uk
What Glasto is to the Brits,
Zimfest is to the Zimbos. Without doubt,
there is no other fixture in the
summer calendar that elicits such passion
and excitement.
By Gordon
Glyn-Jones
Perhaps the secret is that every penny raised goes to
helping people
in Zimbabwe. Or perhaps the insane Zimbabweans just miss
hanging out
together. Whatever. as soon as the word goes out, literally
thousands of
Zimfestniks nail the date into their diaries. This year the
South African
will be launching their new Zimbabwean brand www.zimbabwean.co.uk
The
reason we became official media sponsor this year is that Zimfest
is an
event that brings together Zimbabweans from across the cultural
spectrum and
welcomes non-Zimbabweans who are mad about Zimbabwe. It is the
biggest
international celebration of Zimbabwean arts, music, sport, great
food and
culture in one field.
Every year Zimfest improves in depth and
quality and this year is set
to be the biggest and best ever. We have been
told that the logistics will
be handled in their entirety by an external
company who have done many such
similar festivals. Last year 5000 people
turned up and the vibe was truly a
one-love experience. This year looks to
be even better.
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August 10, 2009 By Geoffrey Nyarota LOCAL government Minister Ignatious Chombo is currently embroiled in a
king-size wrangle with his estranged wife, Marian Chombo. The two are slugging it out over property, which is not unusual when man and
wife fall out and engage lawyers at considerable expense to seek an equitable
distribution of property acquired over the years. What is most amazing about the
Chombo dispute is the quantum of property the minister has acquired since he
forcefully inherited a well-developed commercial farm without paying a cent for
it. At the centre of the matrimonial dispute is a farm extending over 3 098
hectares or 7 655 acres. The Leadership Code adopted by Zanu-PF in 1984 stipulates that an
official of the party cannot own or have beneficial interest in more than 50
acres of land. The code was adopted 16 years before the land invasions of 2000
when the majority of the leaders of the then ruling party instantly became
beneficiaries of large tracts of land. Some have since become multiple owners of
large commercial farming estates. Also in dispute in the Chombo case are three houses and two apartments all in
Harare, as well as two stands at Shawasha Hills, wherever that is. Mrs Chombo
also wants an equal share of an undisclosed number of cars, an unspecified
tanker, horses, beef cattle and dairy cattle, that is apart from a poultry
project, a piggery and a goat project. For a government minister Chombo has become an extremely wealthy man,
notwithstanding that the salaries of cabinet ministers in Zimbabwe are not far
from minimal. The University of Zimbabwe where Chombo lectured before he became
a powerful cabinet minister has suffered a severe brain drain over the years
because of the extremely poor salaries paid to lecturers. Zanu-PF held its famous Second People’s Congress from August 8 to 13, 1984.
The adoption of the Zanu-PF Leadership Code was one of the highlights of the
congress, which was held in the rather incongruous – for a socialist party –
ambience of Harare’s renowned Borrowdale Race Course. Chombo’s unmitigated quest for and relentless accumulation of wealth is at
total variance with the tenets of the Zanu-PF code of ethics. Not that he is the
only culprit. More stupendous fortunes have been made by several of the Zanu-PF
leadership. President Robert Mugabe and his lieutenants, Emmerson Mnangagwa, Solomon
Tapfumaneyi Mujuru, Gideon Gono, Phillip Chiyangwa, to name but a few, have
become excessively wealthy, which in a land of abject poverty is shameful. For the benefit of readers who might not have seen or even heard of the
Zanu-PF Leadership Code and in order to jog the memories of those who drafted
and adopted the document at Borrowdale back in 1984, herewith some highlights
from the document. In terms of the Leadership Code, the following categories of Zanu-PF
officials were considered as leaders. All members of the Zanu-PF Central
Committee and members of the party’s provincial, district and branch executive
committees are included. So too are members of the Women’s League, the National
Executive Council and the party’s Youth League, all of them at national,
provincial and district level. The Leadership Code also embraces cabinet ministers, deputy ministers and
provincial governors and members of the public service commission and the
judicial services commission. Commissioned officers of the army, the air force, the police and prison
services – that is all members of the JOC - are also regarded as Zanu-PF
leaders. All civil servants of the rank of executive or administrative officer
and above are also regarded as leaders and therefore expected to abide by the
terms of the Zanu-PF code of ethics. Last but not least is a category of leaders that includes employees of
parastatals, local and municipal authorities equivalent to the rank of executive
or administrative officer and above in the public service. The whole list of leaders amounts to thousands of officials. At a time when talk or allegations of corruption among the leadership of
Zanu-PF had not become quite widespread Zanu-PF therefore set strict benchmarks
to prevent its spread. “Zanu-PF regards corruption as an evil disease destructive of society,” the
code says. In this regard, the code specifically decreed that a leader cannot “accept or
obtain from any person or for any other person a gift or consideration as
inducement or reward for doing or failing to do ……any act in relation to the
party’s business or the business of the government or for the purpose of showing
or forebearing to show favour or disfavour to any person in relation to the
affairs of the party or government”, Quite a mouthful that but there is no obfuscation; the meaning is clear.
Furthermore, a leader cannot “give or offer a gift to any person as an
inducement to that other person to do a favour or as a reward for a favour he
has obtained or been promised”. Neither can a leader “make collusive
arrangements with commercial or other persons or secretly obtain consideration
for himself or for another person or fail to disclose the full nature of the
transaction to the party or to government”. In terms of the code a leader cannot “decline to disclose his personal
financial affairs or other assets to a properly constituted party or government
body of officials investigating corruption”. I would not be surprised if some Zanu-PF leaders reading this article might
think that I am making up all this stuff to spite or out of pure hatred for
Zanu-PF. If I remember well the late Maurice Nyagumbo achieved the singular
distinction of being the only top Zanu-PF official ever to offer to publicly
disclose his asserts. Sadly he committed suicide in 1989 after he was shamed in
the Willowgate Scandal. The Leadership Code dwells at length on the issue of relentless acquisition
of property. “Zanu-PF believes that a leader who concentrates on acquiring property, or
who personally engages in the exploitation of man by man, rapidly becomes an
ally of the capitalists and an enemy of socialism; and of the masses of the
population,” the code categorically states. By this statement Zanu-PF declared back in 1984 that politicians such as
Mugabe, Mutasa, Mnangagwa, the two Mujurus and Chiyangwa, who have become
conspicuously wealthy, would soon become enemies of the masses. Except as required by his official position, the code states rather strictly
that a Zanu-PF leader cannot:- It is not amazing that in later years Zanu-PF was forced to resort to
violence, coercion and manipulation of the media to maintain its hold on power,
once it became apparent to the electorate that the leadership of the ruling
party was in wholesale breach of the benchmarks that it set for itself. It is stated in the Leadership Code that Zanu-PF “firmly upholds the
principle of equality of man”. A leader of the party, therefore, whether
publicly or privately may not advocate or practice tribalism, regionalism,
sectionalism, nepotism, racialism and sex discrimination. Hundreds of instances can easily be cited where Zanu-PF has been guilty of
tribalism, regionalism, nepotism, racialism and sex discrimination in total
breach of its code of ethics. In principle, while the objectives of the
Leadership Code, if somewhat over-ambitious, were commendable; the wholesale
failure to uphold its tenets by the Zanu-PF leadership is scandalous. As for Chombo, he needs to acquaint himself with the Zanu-PF Leadership Code
before he briefs his lawyers to advise his estranged wife to apply to government
for the allocation of yet another farm to the Chombo
family.
It is the end of winter, sunshine is slowly gaining in length, day by day,
giving welcome respite to the winter chill settled in our bones. The landscape,
dry and dusty, mirrors the mood in our land. We are closing in on three decades
of “independence” and the end of winter is always a time to reflect on our
“heroes and martyrs”. Our
yet to be liberated state controlled, Zanu dominated media has been churning out
hours of dreary and predictable stories of excruciating martyrs like Chenjerai
“Hitler” Hunzvi and Border Gezi in the minutes before each fiction filled news
broadcast, playing hackneyed liberation songs and endless hours of badly written
praise poetry, read by fawning sycophants; all of it so irrelevant in a country
mired in poverty and despair. So I sit here on the eve of “Heroes and Martyrs Day” wondering who the real
heroes are in Zimbabwe. Is the legacy we leave for our children only one of
despair and mayhem? I think not, for in the centuries to come, children at
school will see the villains placed exactly where they belong, and will look at
websites just like this to remember the true heroes of Zimbabwe. The
real heroes and martyrs are not the ones who have descended into the pit of
corruption, violence and tyranny. No, it sthe people who each day show
remarkable resilience and fortitude, these are the unsung heroes. There are but a few women buried in Heroes Acre, yet it is Zimbabwe’s women
who keep our country propped up. True martyrs who we can read about are women
like Zodwa Sibanda and Sheba Dube, both bona fide war veterans who later
committed their lives to humanitarian causes, childrens rights, political
freedom and were part of the early cadre of Woza. Women
like Jestina Mukoko and Memory who
refused to be silenced by a regime bent on silencing any who dare to stand up
for truth and justice. A woman of the cloth, Sister Walsh who bravely stood
before bulldozers in Murambatsvina. Meryl Harrison who ignored the threats of invading Zanu youth to save dogs,
cats, horses, the animals so mistreated at the start of this decade. Beatrice Mtetwa who courageously spends her life dedicated to ensuring that
justice is not forgotten. Justice Rita Makarau who, although has not always
fought against Zanu corruption, stood up and dared to expose the pitiful state
of our prisons. There are also the women who remain voiceless but make up the backbone of our
nation, the hundreds and thousands of gogos who in their twilight years are
forced to give shelter and love to bands of orphaned children, sharing the
little they have. There are the women who have fled across our borders and long
to be reunited with their loved ones, but must stay away to feed their
children. There are the women who go to school every day to teach, despite paltry
salaries, determined not to let the tradition of a country bent on the
principles of education. The women who keep our infrastructure hanging together
despite the determination of a regime that has no regard for its citizens. The real legacy of Zimbabwe flows from the mothers of our land who refuse to
give up and who will carry us through to a time of change and sunshine. This entry was posted by Still Here on
Monday, August 10th, 2009 at 11:09
am