http://www.zimonline.co.za
by Cuthbert Nzou Friday
14 August 2009
HARARE - Zimbabwe's ambassador to South Africa
Simon Khaya Moyo is tipped to
become ZANU PF national chairman when the
incumbent John Nkomo replaces the
late vice president Joseph Msika at the
party's congress in December.
ZANU PF insiders yesterday said it was
faiti accompli that Nkomo would
become the vice president ahead of Mines
Minister Obert Mpofu and Bulawayo
governor Cain Mathema, while Moyo would
takeover the chairmanship.
The insiders said Nkomo and Moyo belong to a
faction in ZANU PF led by
Defence Minister Emmerson Mnangagwa and were
guaranteed to be elected at the
congress.
The Mnangagwa camp is
fighting to succeed President Robert Mugabe and take
charge of ZANU PF with
another faction headed by retired army commander
Solomon
Mujuru.
Mnangagwa wants to be president, while Mujuru is pushing for his
wife
Joice - already a Vice President of ZANU PF and Zimbabwe - to takeover
from
the 85-year-old Mugabe when and if the veteran leader leaves
office.
"The Mnangagwa faction has the support of seven provinces, which
are more
than enough to decide the party's presidium," a senior politburo
member
said. "It is on this strength that Nkomo and Moyo will be elected
vice
president and chairperson respectively."
Nkomo was previously
associated with the Mujuru camp but appears to have
switched sides in the
ever-changing ZANU PF succession battle.
In terms of the party
constitution, provinces nominate the president, the
two vice presidents and
national chairman. Candidates with the support of
more than six provinces
are automatically elected into the presidium.
Mnangagwa does not have the
support of the three Mashonaland provinces, a
crippling disadvantage given
the provinces are the last bastions of ZANU PF
support.
The politburo
sources said contrary to reports that Mnangagwa was also
eyeing the
chairmanship, the defence minister was fully backing Moyo and had
put an
elaborate plan in place to secure his and Nkomo's resounding victory.
The
sources said the Mujuru faction which is backing Mpofu to replace Msika
would put up a fight, even though their chances are next to
zero.
Msika died last Wednesday after a long illness and was buried at
the
National Heroes Acre on Monday.
ZANU PF deputy spokesperson
Ephraim Masawi yesterday said it was too early
to speak on the would-be
people to succeed Msika.
"We are still mourning our vice president to
start discussing his would be
successor," Masawi said. "We will deal with
the matter at the appropriate
time."
Moyo at the weekend wrote a
newspaper article self-praising himself and
chronicling his role in the
liberation struggle of the country, while Nkomo
had countless interviews
narrating his closeness to the late Msika. -
ZimOnline
http://www.zimonline.co.za
by Simplicious
Chirinda Friday 14 August 2009
HARARE - A
Zimbabwean black empowerment pressure group on Thursday
said it would lobby
the government to turn down expatriates coming to join
foreign-owned
companies operating in the country, saying the southern
African country had
qualified personnel to run such firms.
Affirmative Action Group
(AAG) secretary general Tafadzwa Musarara
told ZimOnline that his
organisation will start lobbying the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs to deny
work permits to foreign workers coming to take up
administrative positions
in the foreign-controlled firms that he said did
not support local
governments efforts to empower local blacks.
"We are going to be
lobbying the immigration department and we will
oppose the issuance of
permits to foreigners flaunting indeginisation laws,"
said
Musarara.
"Foreigners should train our local people and prepare
them to take
over and we are convinced that we have enough of our own who
can now run
these foreign companies in high positions."
The AGG
- whose members are closely linked to President Robert Mugabe's
ZANU PF
party - regards itself as a vanguard of black empowerment in
business,
education and employment.
The militant pressure group two weeks ago
allegedly harassed
executives at a German-owned courier firm's Harare
offices over shareholding
of the company and demanded that the company
should appoint a Zimbabwean to
head its local operations.
This
led to the German embassy in Harare to protest to the Zimbabwean
government
over the incident.
The southern African country's economy, which
has been on a free-fall
for the past decade, badly needs foreign
investors.
In June, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai travelled to
Europe seeking
to mend relations between Harare and Brussels which had
deteriorated after
the bloc imposed sanctions on Mugabe and his previous
ZANU PF government
over allegations of human rights abuses.
Erstwhile enemies Mugabe and Tsvangirai formed a fragile coalition
government in February to try to reverse Zimbabwe's multi-faceted crisis. -
ZimOnline
http://www.zimonline.co.za
by Cuthbert Nzou Friday 14
August 2009
ARARE – The European Commission (EC) yesterday
allocated US$12 million (€9
million) to safeguard access to food for
vulnerable people affected by the
breakdown of essential services in
Zimbabwe.
The funds will be channelled through the Commission's
Humanitarian Aid
department under the direct responsibility of Commissioner
Karel De Gucht.
Karel De Gucht, Commissioner for Development and
Humanitarian Aid, said:
“Though the food security situation has started to
improve slightly,
Zimbabwe continues to face a protracted emergency. Urban
populations are
particularly vulnerable due to lack of access to land. It is
therefore
crucial in this period that ongoing food security interventions
are
reinforced and consolidated in order to reach the populations in
need.”
The funds would be used to provide short-term food security and
livelihood
support. They are part of the Short Term support Strategy for an
amount of
(US$156 million) €120 million to be implemented by the European
Commission
following the visit of Prime Minister Tsvangirai and his
Governmental
delegation to Brussels on 18 June 2009.
The food supply
and availability has improved for the 2009/2010 season
thanks to a good
harvest, the dollarisation of the economy and the
liberalisation of the
cereals market.
The money from the EC came a few days after a joint
Zimbabwe government and
United Nations food assessment revealed that the
southern African nation
will have a cereal deficit of 180 000 tonnes between
now and 2010.
The United Nations office for the Coordination of
Humanitarian Affairs
(OCHA) in a report said Zimbabwe would not have enough
food to feed its 12,5
million people and described the situation as
“acute”.
“Even with commercial imports, there will be a 180 000 tons
cereal deficit
for 2009-2010,” the OCHA said. “According to an assessment by
the UN Food
and Agriculture Organisation (FAO), World Food Programme (WFP)
and
Zimbabwean government, only 1,4 million tons of cereal will be available
domestically, compared to the more than 2 million needed.”
Even
assuming that 500 000 tons would be imported, there will still be a
significant gap.
The FAO-WFP assessment found that in spite of
increased agricultural
production this year, with the maize crop estimated
to have more than
doubled, high food insecurity persists in
Zimbabwe.
The study warned that this winter's wheat harvest was only
expected to yield
12 000 tons, the lowest ever, due to the high cost of
fertilizers and seeds,
farmers' lack of funds and the unreliable electricity
supply for irrigation.
“Some 600 000 households will also be receiving
agricultural help – supplied
by non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and
funded by 10 donors – in the
form of seeds, legumes and fertilizer,” OCHA
said. – ZimOnline.
http://www.mg.co.za/
JASON MOYO - Aug 14 2009
06:00
Morgan Tsvangirai could finally be winning over
Zimbabwe's hardline army
generals, but he may have to risk this new-found
détente by proposing army
reforms and pressing for the names of the killers
of hundreds of his
supporters to be published.
On the eve of the past
two presidential elections, the army top brass
publicly vowed never to
salute Tsvangirai even if he won the poll. Although
none of them publicly
commented on the unity government, they were widely
viewed as "residual
elements" -- Tsvangirai's phrase -- opposed to reform.
But on Tuesday, in
a packed stadium to mark Defence Forces Day, Tsvangirai
finally got his
salute from the generals.
A meeting between Tsvangirai and the army top
brass late last month had
"broken the ice" and the army generals now
recognise the prime minister, his
spokesperson, James Maridadi, said on
Tuesday.
"We hope this marks the beginning of a good working
relationship," Maridadi
said.
President Robert Mugabe said his
generals were behind the unity government:
"The defence forces support the
inclusive government, because it was born
out of the wishes of the people of
Zimbabwe, whom the soldiers serve every
day in their course of
duty."
But Tsvangirai now faces a dilemma; a plan to reform the defence
forces may
reverse the progress he appears to have made in reaching out to
the powerful
military.
The Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) has
put forward new proposals it
says will increase the independence of the
security forces. It wants an
"overhaul" of the military, according to
spokesperson Nelson Chamisa, "so
that they serve the interests of the nation
above those of any political
party".
Under the proposal, the defence
forces commission, which oversees
appointments to senior army positions,
would be "overhauled so that a new
board with independent and qualified
members be appointed in consultation
with commanders of the Zimbabwe
National Army and the Air Force of Zimbabwe.
It should be the responsibility
of this commission to review and oversee
senior appointments and promotions,
as well as general working conditions
and salaries of all
personnel."
Tsvangirai, under pressure to find justice for
victims of last year's
election-related violence, also faces pressure on how
to deal with a dossier
prepared by his party listing the names of supporters
killed in violence, in
which the army is said to have been
involved.
Many in his party want the report published as part of a
"national healing"
exercise, but this could stoke tensions with the army and
his Zanu-PF
partners in government.
Tsvangirai is finding it
increasingly tough to balance pressure for more
comprehensive reforms and
the need to gain the confidence of elements that
remain opposed to the unity
government.
He has appointed a special cabinet committee to lead efforts
to heal old
wounds before any new election can be held. But at the few
meetings the
committee has held, victims of violence have demanded justice
before
reconciliation.
The Zimbabwe Human Rights Forum estimates that
107 people were killed in the
violence, in which rights activists and the
opposition claim the army played
a leading role.
But the MDC's new
report claims that more than 200 supporters were murdered
and names senior
army officials and top government figures as perpetrators.
Radical MDC
officials want the report published and the perpetrators
arrested before any
real reconciliation can take place. But Tsvangirai is
wary of the impact
this would have on an already unstable coalition.
Speaking at a recent
reconciliation summit, he said although he backed
punishment for past
crimes, this would have to be extended to crimes
committed even during
Zimbabwe's liberation war.
http://www.voanews.com
By Thomas
Chiripasi & Blessing Zulu
Harare / Washington
13 August
2009
Disarray within the formation of Zimbabwe's Movement
for Democratic Change
led by Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara
increased on Thursday as the
party's leadership issued an ultimatum to the
House speaker to oust three
lawmakers the grouping has
expelled.
Mutambara MDC Secretary General, Welshman Ncube told a news
conference in
Harare which was attended by the deputy prime minister that if
Speaker
Lovemore Moyo fails to declare the House seats vacant the party will
refer
the matter to judicial authorities.
But expelled Mutambara MDC
dissident Abednico Bhebhe fired back, dismissing
the National Council
meeting as a kangaroo court and vowing to convene a
special congress to
rally members to his side, correspondent Thomas
Chiripasi reported from
Harare.
The MDC formation led by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai,
meanwhile, said
its national executive council will meet Friday to discuss
problems in the
national unity government ahead of a visit later this month
by South African
President Jacob Zuma - who is also chairman of the Southern
African
Development Community until SADC's September summit.
Mr. Zuma
has been asked by the Tsvangirai MDC to mediate seemingly
intractable issues
that continue to trouble the government including in
particular the
leadership of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe and the Office of
the Attorney
General. The party is also disturbed by the rising number of
MDC lawmakers
who have been prosecuted and in some cases convicted of
serious offenses,
putting their seats and the MDC House majority at risk.
Tsvangirai MDC
spokesman Nelson Chamisa told reporter Blessing Zulu of VOA's
Studio 7 for
Zimbabwe that the meeting will also examine the general health
of the
party
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=21080
August 13, 2009
By Our
Correspondent
HARARE - An expelled Member of Parliament representing the
smaller Movement
for Democratic Change (MDC) party yesterday described his
party's leadership
as employees of Zanu-PF.
The Nkayi South MP,
Abednico Bhebhe, told The Zimbabwe Times, that Deputy
Prime Minister Arthur
Mutambara who leads the smaller MDC party and his
secretary general Welshman
Ncube were pushing a Zanu-PF agenda.
Bhebhe was responding to news of his
expulsion which was confirmed by the
party's national council meeting which
met in Harare on Thursday.
"I don't attend Zanu-PF meetings because
Mutambara and Ncube are Zanu-PF,"
said Bhebhe. "The meeting was full of CIOs
who were blocking us from getting
into the meeting. The decisions were made
by hired national council members
not the bona-fide
people.
"Unfortunately the people have made a resolution that Mutambara
and Ncube
are the ones who should go because they are not representing
anyone; they
are actually employees of Zanu-PF in the GPA
government."
Bhebhe said a special congress will be convened soon to map
the way forward
for the party, marking what could probably be a split within
the
Mutambara-led MDC, which split from the mainstream MDC led by Prime
Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai in 2005.
"We are going back to the
structures of the party who now have to mandate
the way forward at a special
congress where the two will come face to face
with the people and face the
music," said Bhebhe.
The chaos in the MDC reached new heights last week
when another high-ranking
member of the party, Job Sikhala, declared himself
the new leader of the
party saying "in war times we don't follow
constitutions".
Sikhala is suspended pending disciplinary action. He
faces charges of
publicly attacking Mutambara. Sikhala lashed out at
Mutambara, accusing him
of propping up President Robert Mugabe's
leadership.
But the former St Mary's MP refused to attend several
disciplinary hearings
saying he would prefer to quit the party than subject
himself to the
humiliation of a disciplinary hearing by a "guest to his
party" and "a
political pretender", both obvious references to
Mutambara.
Mutambara lived in the United States and South Africa until he
was invited
to lead the faction early in 2006, after the MDC split in
October 2005.
But Ncube, the MDC faction's secretary general, says the
party will soon
process Sikhala's expulsion.
"The disciplinary
committee of the party is processing the misconduct
charges against Job
Sikhala expeditiously so as to make a determination as
to whether he is
guilty of any wrongdoing in terms of our party so that
finality can be
brought to his case," said Ncube.
http://www.newzimbabwe.com
12/08/2009 00:00:00
by Trudy
Stevenson
I WAS horrified on Tuesday night as I watched ZTV, to
see "political
commentator" Wilson Mguni declare that Enos Nkala had
betrayed the
liberation struggle "by joining the right-wing Forum
Party".
If people depend on such "commentators" to construct the history
of our
county, they will be sadly and severely misled - which raises the
issue of
whose history is it, anyway?
As a founder national executive
member of the Forum Party of Zimbabwe in
1993, and the member who oversaw
its dissolution and subsequent integration
of our members into the Movement
for Democratic Change (MDC) in 1999/2000, I
can assure the nation that Enos
Nkala was never a member of the Forum Party
of Zimbabwe.
It is true
that Nkala approached Forum Party leaders (including Enoch
Dumbutshena,
Washington Sansole and Patrick Kombayi) as we were the lone
voice of
opposition to Zanu PF at that time, and he had been sadly
disenchanted with
the actions and dissimulation of that ruling party.
We had gone to the
extent of engaging him in negotiations on possible
funding to support
opposition to the regime: he had, after all, been
treasurer for Zanu PF for
some years. However, we did not complete our
negotiations and efforts in
that regard, because firstly the 1995 election
was upon us before we had
time to prepare, and secondly because there was
considerable discomfort
within our party about engaging a person perceived
to have been a leader in
Gukurahundi.
In the event, Enos Nkala backed off and took a back seat in
politics for
another 10 years or so until popping up again in the run-up to
2008,
particularly after the late entry into the fray of Simba Makoni in
February
that year.
Nkala's choice of platform turned out to be based
on smoke and mirrors, as
Makoni made a very poor showing, despite much hype
and questionable opinion
polls - so he was back to square one.
It is
my view that Nkala has outlived his moment, and should retire
gracefully
from active politics and rather become the statesman that he so
aspires to
turn into.
Trudy Stevenson is a founder member of MDC and was MP for
Harare North from
2000-2008
http://www.voanews.com
By
Blessing Zulu & Ntungamili Nkomo
Washington
13 August
2009
Serious divisions have emerged in the long-ruling
ZANU-PF party of
Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe over the succession to
the late Vice
President Joseph Msika, setting the stage for potentially
bruising battles
at the party's December congress.
ZANU-PF sources
say two rival factions - one led by Retired Army General
Solomon Mujuru and
the other by Defense Minister Emmerson Mnangagwa, a close
Mugabe associate -
have stepped up a long-running struggle to control the
party in an uncertain
future.
The Mujuru faction is said to back ZANU-PF Chairman John Nkomo to
fill the
vice presidential slot. But this would leave the chairmanship
vacant,
setting up another succession fight.
Mnangagwa lost the
chairmanship to Nkomo in 1999 and is said to be
interested in it
now.
Political sources say the Mujuru faction's strategy here is to block
Mnangagwa by arguing that Msika's position, which Mr. Mugabe controls, must
filled by a former member of the PF-ZAPU party of liberation leader Joshua
Nkomo, who preceded Msika in the vice presidency.
Some argue this is
necessary if ZANU-PF is to stanch defections by
historical members of
PF-ZAPU to a revived ZAPU led by former Home Affairs
Minister Dumiso
Dabengwa.
Following bloodshed in the mid-1980s between ZANU and PF-ZAPU -
with most of
the blood shed by PF-ZAPU members at the hands of the North
Korean-trained
Fifth Brigade - the two liberation formations merged with the
1987 Unity
Accord to form ZANU-PF.
Sources say Mr. Dabengwa was
approached recently about the vice presidency,
but rebuffed ZANU-PF over
what he termed the intransigency of President
Mugabe.
Others seeking
the post include Bulawayo Governor Cain Mathema, Ambassador
to South Africa
Simon Khaya Moyo and Mines Minister Obert Mpofu, though
considered long
shots.
Harare-based political analyst Charles Mangongera told reporter
Blessing
Zulu of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that if ZANU-PF does not handle
the
Msika succession properly, the fallout could damage the party severely
and
even spell its demise.
Elsewhere in the former ruling party,
lobbying is under way to ensure that
Mr. Mugabe is re-elected party
president at the upcoming December congress.
There is little doubt Mr.
Mugabe will be re-elected. But the ZANU-PF
provinces of Mashonaland East,
Mashonaland Central, Masvingo, Midlands and
Manicaland are taking no chances
and have already endorsed President
Mugabe's reaffirmation in the
post.
Insiders say some ZANU-PF officials are less than eager to re-elect
Mr.
Mugabe because of his advanced age but are afraid to openly challenge
him.
Mr. Mugabe turned 85 in February. He has ruled as prime minister or
president since independence from Britain in 1980.
London-based
political analyst Brilliant Mhlanga told reporter Ntungamili
Nkomo that it
is inconceivable for any ZANU-PF official to stand against
Mugabe to head
the party.
http://www.voanews.com
By Patience Rusere
Washington
13 August 2009
The
six-month anniversary of the formation of Zimbabwe's national unity
government arrived this week without much fanfare, upstaged by the burial of
Vice President Joseph Msika.
Among those taking note of the six-month
milestone was the Civil Society
Monitoring Mechanism, or CISOMM for short,
which issued a report saying that
most of the expectations of ordinary
Zimbabweans have not been met by the
so-called inclusive government formed
by President Robert Mugabe and Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai.
The
civic group is tracking the government's performance on the economy,
constitutional reform, freedom of expression, human rights and in other key
areas.
It said progress has been too slow on the reform front, that
distrust among
political players has not been dispelled, little action has
been taken to
address and heal last year's political violence and too little
has been done
to revive the agricultural sector.
For perspective on
the unity government's accomplishments and failures,
reporter Patience
Rusere of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe turned to CISOMM
Coordinator Dzimbabwe
Chimbga of the Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights, and
economic transition
expert Richard Richard Kamidza of the University of
Kwazulu Natal in South
Africa.
Despite the government's shortcomings, Chimbga noted there has
been a marked
improvement in the country's socio-economic environment.
http://www.churchtimes.co.uk/
by Pat Ashworth
14 August,
2009
THERE is a palpable optimism in Zimbabwe, the Bishop of
Croydon, the
Rt Revd Nick Baines, said as he returned this week from a visit
to his link
diocese of Central Zimbabwe.
Constant
harassment from the secret police and misrepresentation in
the media were
hallmarks of the Bishop's last visit, in 2007. A turnaround
in the
country's fortunes was now evident since the Unity Government took
office;
although there was still a long way to go, "life has restarted for
many
people," Bishop Baines said.
He described as "direct, brave and
unequivocal" an address given to
450 young Christians by the Bishop of
Central Zimbabwe, the Rt Revd Ishmael
Mukuwanda. He called on them to put
Christian identity ahead of tribal
identity.
Bishop Baines
said that he had been told on his travels last week that
2007 and 2008 had
been lost years, "when the situation was so bad that
nothing could be done
anywhere about anything". When he revisited St Patrick's
Mission, at Gweru,
he found progress on stalled projects relating to health,
water, education,
and agriculture.
While acknowledging that "it could all
collapse", the Bishop believes
that "the future is looking better than it
has at any time in the past
decade. For years, decline looked inevitable;
now, the dynamic appears to be
upward again."
There was
more good news from Zimbabwe this week. An Anglican feeding
programme has
enabled 11,000 children to remain in school, where they and
their teachers
are receiving what is often their only meal of the day.
The
serving of maize porridge containing vitamin supplements, plus a
vegetable
soup, has boosted attendance by 45 per cent in the dioceses of
Masvingo,
Matabeleland, and Central Zimbabwe. The feeding programme is being
supported
by money from the Archbishops' Zimbabwe Appeal, which was launched
in
February this year. It has raised more than £400,000.
Canon
Edgar Ruddock, director of USPG's international relations team,
witnessed
the results on a recent visit. "The scheme is run by volunteers
from the
local community, many of whom are unemployed parents. This has
helped to
strengthen relationships between schools and communities, and
there has been
a marked increase in respect for the Anglican Church." (See
below)
Canon Ruddock described the situation in Zimbabwe as
being better than
a year ago, but still fragile.
Edgar
Ruddock reports on the Archbishops' Zimbabwe Appeal:
I have
just returned from a visit to the diocese of Masvingo, in
Zimbabwe, where I
was able to witness first-hand the Appeal monies being put
to good
effect.
I visited six schools. A partnership between
church, school, parents,
and local community is enabling pupils and teachers
to receive a nutritious
meal each school day.
But I
observed this to be much more than a feeding programme. Measured
levels of
accountability at each stage of the operation are ensuring that
good
practice is being learnt. Accurate reporting is offered back from each
school to the diocese for purposes of evaluation and
improvement.
Pupil attendance has risen by up to 45 per
cent, I was told, and both
children and teachers have a much stronger sense
of motivation to learn now
they are not hungry.
Local
people have a much greater respect for the Anglican Church as a
result of
this initiative, I also heard.
Thanks to the Archbishops'
Appeal, and partnerships with USPG and
other agencies, the scheme is now
being extended. But at its heart remains
the vision of the dioceses of the
CPCA [Church of the Province of Central
Africa] and the solid commitment of
ordinary people to care for the least
in their communities.
http://www.thetimes.co.za
Moses Mudzwiti
Published:Aug 14,
2009
ZIMBABWE Education Minister David Coltart said yesterday that poor
villagers
could continue to pay school fees with goats, chickens and other
animals.
He was quizzed in Parliament on the government's position
on the
acceptability of schools demanding fees in cash and
kind.
Coltart said there was nothing wrong with such a system,
provided parents
agreed to it with school authorities.
He said
his department needed US95-million to run smoothly, but the
government had
no money.
Zimbabwe generates only US70-million a month from duties
and taxes.
Coltart said the money was essential if important school
examinations were
to be written on time and the results released on
time.
Teachers have threatened strike action if their salaries
are not improved.
Doctors and nurses at most hospitals are on strike
and there is no
likelihood of a return to work soon.
http://www.zimeye.org/?p=8021
By Mick-Gammon
Published:
August 13, 2009
(HARARE)Burn down your cities and leave our
farms, and your cities will
spring up again as if by magic; but destroy our
farms and the grass will
grow in the streets of every city in the land
(William Jennings Bryan, 9
July 1896).
How prophetic these words are
proving to be for Zimbabwe. In making this
statement, however, Bryan could
never have dreamt of a government
purposefully destroying its own farms.
The ZANU PF Government campaign to
obliterate commercial agriculture, under
the guise of agrarian reform, but
in reality in the interest of retaining
power through illegal and violent
means, has been largely effective. A
major part of this campaign has been
incessant propaganda, based on
distortions and lies, designed to give it
respectability. Further deceptions
have sought to give the impression that
the pretence of agrarian reform has
been successful. The remarkable
achievements of the commercial farmers and
the crimes and injustices they
have suffered must not be allowed to be
similarly distorted or forgotten.
Commercial farming started in then
Rhodesia in the 1890s on what was, for
the most part, virgin land. The wheel
had not previously been in use; there
were no roads or railways; there was
no electricity or telephone; there were
no fences, boreholes, pumps,
windmills, dams or irrigation schemes. The
first farmers had to discover how
to contend with diseases, pests and
parasites of livestock and crops that
were foreign to them. The climate,
soils and vegetation were vastly
different from those in the more developed
world.
From this
starting point agriculture developed faster than it had anywhere
else in the
world and the country became self-sufficient in most
agricultural products.
In many cases yields per hectare and quality equalled
or bettered those in
the developed world. The United Nations Food and
Agriculture Year Book of
1975 ranked Rhodesia second in the world in terms
of yields of maize, wheat,
soyabeans and groundnuts, and third for cotton.
Rhodesia's Virginia tobacco
was rated the best in the world in yield and
quality, while maize entries in
world championships were consistently placed
in the first three places. A
combined ranking for all these crops would
have placed the country first in
the world. The world's largest single
citrus producer was developed early in
the country's history. The highest
quality breeding stock of numerous breeds
of cattle, sheep, goats, pigs and
poultry were imported; at the same time
the indigenous cattle were developed
into highly productive and respected
breeds. Zimbabwe beef was favourably
regarded on the most discerning
European markets. Wildlife was incorporated
into farming systems to develop
a highly successful eco-tourism industry and
endangered species, such as the
black rhino, found their most secure havens
on farm
conservancies.
Zimbabwe was the world's second largest exporter of
tobacco. This, together
with exports of maize, soyabeans, cotton, sugar,
coffee, tea, fruit,
vegetables, flowers and beef, made agriculture the major
source of foreign
currency. Agriculture contributed more to the gross
domestic product than
any other industry. It was the largest employer of
labour, providing
employment for about a third of the total labour force.
Zimbabwe earned the
reputation of being the breadbasket of central
Africa.
To-day foreign aid is considered indispensable for development in
the
developing world. In Zimbabwe, agriculture developed with no such aid.
Commercial farmers also did not benefit from the free seed, fertilizer,
tillage and other inputs currently being dispensed in an effort to induce
production from the resettled farms.
The benefits accruing to the
country from the commercial farming sector
extended far beyond the value of
agricultural products and employment. The
farmers contributed to the
leadership, fabric and welfare of society out of
all proportion to their
numbers. It was largely this fact that was to make
them the prime target of
a government desperately clinging to power. Each
farm was, to a greater or
lesser extent, an outpost of civilization. Many
farms established schools
for the children of their workers; every farm was
a clinic, dispensary and
ambulance service. Commercial farmers tended to be
exemplary neighbours to
the communal area peasant farmers, providing unpaid
help in many ways. It
was from the agricultural shows organized by farmers
that the Central
African Trade Fair grew.
All these contributions to the growth of the
economy and the welfare of the
country emanated from fewer than five
thousand farmers, on less than half
the land.
After the Rhodesian
Government's unilateral declaration of independence in
1965, the tenacity
and initiative of the farmers in diversification
significantly helped the
country to survive the comprehensive sanctions that
were imposed upon it.
The few agricultural products that had hitherto been
imported were quickly
brought into production locally. And it was the
farmers who bore the brunt
of the terrorist attacks during the ensuing
Rhodesian war. They were under
continuous threat of armed attacks on their
homes, ambushes, and land
mines. Many farmers and their family members and
workers were murdered.
And yet agricultural production was unaffected.
Independence in 1980 brought
relief to most of the country but in
Matabeleland attacks by "dissidents"
resulted in even more farmers being
murdered than had been the case during
the war.
From the mid 1980s there followed little more than a decade of
comparative
normality. It is noteworthy that during the first two decades
of the post
independence period the government was encouraging the
continuance of
commercial agriculture. Nearly half of the farmers on the
land in 2000 had
purchased their farms during that period with the approval
of the
government, which had claimed first option rights on all land
sales.
The worst nightmare for the farmers was to come from 2000
onwards. In 2000
an unrigged referendum was held on the Zimbabwe
Government's proposed
alterations to the constitution. It came as an
unbearable shock to Mugabe
and his ruling ZANU (PF) party when the result
showed that they did not have
majority support. It was unthinkable that they
should ever relinquish power.
From this time on the Mugabe government made
the retention of power at any
cost its prime focus. The farmers, although
making up only a minute fraction
of the population, were seen as key
supporters of the opposition who could
influence their large labour force
and other rural people, potentially the
government's main support base. The
farmers were, therefore, first to be
punished by vindictive and brutal
attacks; then driven from their farms by
government-sponsored agents so that
they could no longer make a meaningful
contribution to the opposition. At
the same time, those incited by the
government to invade the farms, and
those to whom dispossessed land was
given, could be expected to be loyal
government party supporters. There had
previously been ample opportunity for
genuine, orderly land reform, with
offers of international donor funding,
but the land was to be used as a
political tool. Now, 20 years after
independence, this violent campaign was
suddenly instituted to retain the
ruling party's grip on power. Disguising
this under such evocative rhetoric
as "agrarian reform", "land
redistribution to the landless" and "recovery of
stolen land" has deceived
and earned the support of many naïve observers; it
has provided an excuse
for other knowing, but equally malevolent leaders, to
support these actions.
This "land reform" took the form of
state-sponsored terrorism conducted by
rabid bands of so-called war veterans
or, as political analyst John Makumbe
has put it, "ZANU (PF) hoodlums and
hired hands". The findings of the
Zimbabwe Human Rights Forum Report were
that this was a government-planned
seizure of land, not spontaneous action
by landless blacks, as claimed by
the government. In this
government-sponsored frenzy farmers and their
workers were violently
attacked and many were murdered; their property was
wantonly destroyed or
stolen, their farm animals and pets were cruelly
maimed and killed, and wild
life on the farms was decimated. Farmers and
their families lived for
extended periods in states of siege, surrounded by
threatening armed thugs.
Many farmers were illegally detained in prison.
Ultimately, the unbearable
pressure, or the direct threat to their lives,
has forced more than 90% of
the farmers off their farms.
It is difficult to fully comprehend the
enormity of what has happened to
these farmers. In addition to the abuse,
violent attacks and cold-blooded
murders, farmers in one sweep lost their
homes, their land, their crops,
their animals and their equipment; they have
had their businesses, built up
often over more than a generation, closed
down, their livelihood terminated;
all this with no compensation or
insurance coverage. According to the Human
Rights Forum Report, more than 10
000 farm workers are believed to have died
after their expulsion from farms,
as a consequence of loss of housing,
nutrition and health care on the farms.
Through all of this there was no one
to whom the farmers could turn for
help; there was not even public protest
on their behalf. There was no
recourse to law since the law was no longer
applied. Court rulings were
ignored. The police were usually fully aware
of what was happening; often
they supported or participated in the violence.
There was even a case where
a police roadblock knowingly allowed free
passage to cars carrying armed
assassins; both on their way to murder a
farmer and on their return after
the deed had been done.
Most of the farms now lie largely derelict and
unproductive. Many are
occupied, not by the peasants the campaign was
proclaimed to provide for but
by ZANU PF cronies, army, police and church
leaders, favoured in order to
win their political allegiance. Although the
farms were taken over as fully
functioning concerns, production immediately
fell to such low levels that
the country now faces widespread starvation and
is dependent on food aid.
In a radio interview the Zimbabwe Minister of
Lands and Resettlement was
asked why Zimbabwe, formerly referred to as the
breadbasket of central
Africa, was now suffering perpetual, severe food
shortages? Drought has
been the usual excuse offered for this, even in
seasons of adequate
rainfall. On this occasion the excuse given was that it
took time for new
farmers to get into production. This was in spite of the
fact that they
took over established farms, often with standing crops.
Ironically, within
days of this interview it was reported that, as a result
of dispossessed
Zimbabwe farmers settling in Zambia, within one season that
country already
had an exportable surplus of maize.
What has happened
to the economy of Zimbabwe, mainly as a result of the
elimination of most of
its commercial farmers, is now fully evident. There
are a number of lessons
in this saga for South Africa. Will they be heeded?
Zimbabwe Republic Police
PUBLIC RELATIONS DEPARTMENT
ROAD BLOCKS
Possible unlawful
harassment by ZRP details manning roadblocks.
If you feel that while
being questioned or searched at a roadblock, the
ZRP details involved have
harassed you, hinted for bribes, or been
generally aggressive, you are
advised to contact the ZRP Officers listed
below.
ALL ZRP details
should have their rank, name, and numbers on their
uniforms.
This
information was from ZRP Public Relations, after three disgruntled
motorists
requested a meeting.
The ZRP Officers were most helpful.
The Officers
also stated that there was no such thing as `spot
fines'.
If you have
a problem at a roadblock, and you consider yourself to be
within your rights,
and continue to be harassed.
DO SOMETHING ABOUT IT!
Superintendent
PHIRI Public Relations
Superintendent NCUBE0912 719 730 or 011 769
768
Superintendent KANGWARE 011 415 491
Superintendent
HODBO 0912 273 286
Spokesperson Traffic
Inspector Chigome
0912 965 030
24 HOUR Service (04) 703 631