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Zimbabwe's Government Leaders To Meet Over Outstanding Issues
http://www.radiovop.com
HARARE -
President Robert Mugabe and the two MDC leaders, Prime
Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai and Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara are
meeting this
Monday for what is set to become a very tense round of talks
centering on
outstanding issues to the Global Political Agreement (GPA).
"The Monday meeting of the three principals is routine," George
Charamba,
President Mugabe's spokesperson, told this week's Sunday Mail
newspaper.
"The only difference this time around is that it is
coming against the
background of absolute anger and frustration in the
Zanu-PF Politburo at the
non-placard disposition of the MDC regarding
outstanding issues."
Charamba, who is also Media, Information and
Publicity permanent
secretary, was referring to last Thursday's meeting by
the politburo which
called on party leader, President Mugabe, to repel
further pressure from the
MDC which wants Zanu PF to commit itself into
fulfilling outstanding issues
to the GPA.
The MDC is keen to
see the unilateral appointments by Mugabe of
Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe
governor, Gideon Gono and Attorney General Johannes
Tomana revisited as they
were done in violation of the GPA.
The MDC is agitated by the
apparent refusal by Mugabe to swear in its
officials that have been
nominated to take up posts for provincial
governorship.
The MDC also wants Zanu PF to stop the systematic prosecution of its
legislators who continue to be arrested for crimes involving theft,
electoral fraud, rape, inciting public violence, among others.
The MDC says the prosecutions are a deliberate attempt by Zanu PF to
trim
its razor thin parliamentary majority.
But in what could be viewed
as an attempt to wad off more pressure
from the MDC in terms of meeting its
obligations on the issues outstanding
in the GPA, Zanu PF has tasked Mugabe
to resist further "attempts to abuse
the agreement" by the MDC.
During Monday's meeting, Mugabe is expected to ask his colleagues how
far
they have played their part in fulfilling their own obligations.
Zanu PF spokesperson, Ephraim Masawi told journalists on Friday his
party
was not happy with the MDC's failure to stop the operations of
so-called
pirate radio stations based abroad but broadcasting into Zimbabwe.
He alleged that President Mugabe acted within both the law and the GPA
when
he appointed Gono and Tomana.
Masawi further alleged it was
Mugabe's "exclusive constitutional
prerogative" to unilaterally appoint 10
provincial governors and resident
ministers.
Zanu PF says the
MDC has not done enough in actively advocating for
the lifting of targeted
sanctions imposed on the country and its politicians
by the West, an
assertion which the MDC has vehemently dismissed.
In a statement,
the MDC on Saturday blamed the imposition of sanctions
on President Mugabe's
repressive rule in the past decade, which has been
characterized by the
arrest of political opponents, journalists and the open
manipulation of
electoral systems to secure an easy victory.
"The world is clear
that the so-called sanctions are a result of Zanu
PF's past sins of omission
and commission," said the MDC.
"The onus is on Zanu PF itself to
morph into a civilised political
party that does not believe in the
primitive and feudal coercive politics of
machetes and knobkerries. The MDC
cannot be held accountable for Zanu PF's
political misfortunes and the
barbaric image it has carved out for itself in
the eyes of Africa and the
world.
"Zimbabweans, the region and the world know that it is Zanu
PF which
has violated the GPA by standing in the way of Constitutional
reform, by
maintaining a stranglehold on the public media, by persecuting
political
opponents, by reneging on agreed reform processes and refusing to
swear-in
officials legally seconded to the inclusive government by their
political
parties. The case of Hon Roy Bennett is a case in point."
Zuma steps into Zim fray
http://www.int.iol.co.za
Basildon Peta
August 16
2009 at 08:55AM
President Jacob Zuma is expected to meet
his Zimbabwean counterpart,
Robert Mugabe, at the end of August to try to
help solve serious problems in
the unity government.
Zimbabwean
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai met Zuma in Johannesburg
two weeks ago and
complained about Mugabe obstructing the unity government.
After the
meeting Zuma said the problems Tsvangirai had identified
were "weighty and
important" but could be solved.
He said he would discuss them with
Mugabe, Zimbabwean Deputy Prime
Minister Arthur Mutambara and regional
leaders.
Authoritative Zimbabwean government sources said Zuma
would land in
Harare on August 27 to meet Mugabe and open the annual Harare
Agricultural
Show.
Zuma's spokesman, Vincent Magwenya, said
he could not confirm any
meeting between Mugabe and Zuma at this stage. On
whether there had been any
telephonic discussions, he said: "Even before the
president met Tsvangirai,
there were engagements between South Africa and
Zimbabwe and discussions are
not necessarily confined to the presidential
level," he said.
Zuma will try to resolve the outstanding issues
that have dogged the
unity government before the Southern African
Development Community summit in
the Democratic Republic of Congo in
September.
Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change hopes that
Zuma's
intervention will ensure that Mugabe does not dominate the summit, as
he has
previous summits.
Among the key issues that have
threatened to derail the unity
government have been the controversial
unilateral appointments of Mugabe
cronies such as Gideon Gono and Johannes
Tomana to the key posts of central
bank governor and attorney-general
respectively.
The Movement for Democratic Change is also angered by
the
controversial targeting of its MPs in what it believes are politically
inspired prosecutions, long delays in swearing in agriculture deputy
minister Roy Bennett and appointing new provincial governors in line with a
new formula and Mugabe's attempts to muzzle a new constitution-making
process, among other things.
Critical issues
The
MDC's national executive committee was expected to meet this
weekend to
"deliberate on critical issues affecting the party and the
inclusive
government".
In a statement announcing the meeting on Friday, the
MDC said top of
the agenda of the meeting would be a "discussion on the
outstanding issues
in the Global Political Agreement, the progress or lack
of it in the
constitution-making process as well as the grab-all and
take-all attitude of
Zanu-PF, which has betrayed it as a dishonest partner
in the inclusive
government".
"The outstanding issues have been
the Achilles heel of the inclusive
government. Zimbabweans and the
international community at large have waited
patiently for visible reforms
that reflect the new order and the new
dispensation in the country," the
statement added.
"That hope has been dampened by Zanu-PF's
reluctance to clear all the
outstanding issues that continue to puncture the
wheels of change, progress
and national development.
"Zanu-PF
wants to cling to governorships in all the 10 provinces; they
want to
control the public media and all state institutions, including the
army and
the police."
"The MDC is the senior partner in this inclusive
government. We did
not join anyone's government.
"Ours is not a
unitary arrangement but an inclusive set up where
executive power is shared
equally between the president and the prime
minister."
But
despite the tough statement from the MDC, some sources within the
party say
Tsvangirai will have to persuade his party to agree to compromise
on some of
the outstanding issues, or the unity government will be wrecked
altogether.
Because Mugabe is not going to budge on the
appointments of both Gono
and Tomana, Tsvangirai is already comfortable with
the option of settling
for at least one of these two posts, a position that
Zuma will push for.
There have also been secret negotiations
between Mugabe's henchmen and
Tsvangirai's people in an attempt to bridge
the remaining differences.
This article was originally
published on page 9 of Tribune on August
16, 2009
Cash crisis hits agro industry
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk/
13
August 2009
By STAFF
REPORTER
HARARE - Zimbabwe's cash-flow crisis is impacting negatively
upon the
heavily agro-based industry - as harvested crops cannot be bought
because of
the shortage of cash.
Most farmers have just
finished harvesting their products and the selling
season has reached its
peak this month. But sources in the industry revealed
that although farmers
are rushing to sell their crops, companies lack the
capacity to pay for
crops like soya beans, maize and paprika. Some companies
are said to have
sought an audience last week with Finance Minister Tendai
Biti to negotiate
for a financial package to buy crops.
"My company buys soya beans in
large quantities for processing. But
following the dollarisation of our
economy this year, cash has been a really
challenge. We are unable to buy as
much as soya beans as we want," said
Jairos Dlomo the Managing Director of
Soya Beans Africa. Dlomo said the
price of Soya beans was becoming very
expensive and most companies are
finding it difficulty to buy the
crop.
Soya bean output was projected at more than 70 000 tonnes last
season, with
the crop selling at between $US300 and $US500 per ton.
Companies buying
paprika face similar problems. Although officials from
Paprika Zimbabwe and
Cairns could not be reached for comment, a buyer with
Paprika Zimbabwe, who
spoke on condition of anonymity, said his company was
buying the crop but
would pay farmers later.
But farmers also
desperately need cash to prepare for the coming season. The
cash crisis has
also affected the state-run Grain Marketing Board (GMB)
which is also
failing to pay farmers in time for crops delivered. The maize
price is $265
a ton.
Zim inflates gem output to evade ban: PAC
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk/
13
August 2009
By NEVER
CHANDA
HARARE - Zimbabwe exported a mere US$33 million worth of diamonds
in 2008
and will not be severely prejudiced by an impending embargo from
world trade
in the precious mineral, a leading international campaigner
against "blood
diamonds" said last week.
Ottawa-based Partnership
Africa Canada, one of the organisations that
rigorously campaigned for
Zimbabwe's expulsion from the Kimberley Process
Certification Scheme (KPCS),
said Harare's current official trade in
diamonds was so negligible that a
ban would not send tremors throughout the
struggling southern African
economy.
"Total diamond exports from Zimbabwe for the whole of 2008 were a
mere US$33
million and, therefore, the necessary embargo by the KP on
Zimbabwe's
diamonds will not undermine any future economic recovery,"
observed PAC
executive director Bernard Taylor.
The country's total
exports for 2008 were estimated at around US$1.8
billion, making the
contribution by diamonds a drop in the ocean.
A probe team from the 49-member
KPCS last month recommended that Zimbabwe be
suspended from trade in rough
diamonds for at least six months until better
controls are in place and
Harare acted to end human rights violations at the
notorious Marange or
Chiadzwa diamond fields near Mutare city.
Zimbabwe's Mines Minister Obert
Mpofu immediately responded to the
suspension verdict by arguing that the
troubled southern African nation
would not survive the diamond trade ban as
it desperately tries to revive an
economy buffeted by a decade of
international isolation.
The Zimbabwean minister reasoned at the time that
the proposed diamond
blockade would only worsen Harare's economic situation
- already dire after
the country's new coalition government failed to secure
critical
international aid necessary to kickstart collapsed industry.
But
Taylor dismissed Mpofu's assertion, saying the arguments by Zimbabwe's
political leaders "are based on deliberately inflated diamond production
levels and are simply smoke and mirrors".
Added Susanne Emond, another
PAC official: "Without aiming to harm the
country, suspension is one of the
only tools the Kimberley Process has to
encourage member countries to
undertake the necessary reforms to meet the
Kimberley Process Certification
Scheme minimum requirements and thereby
rejoin the world diamond regulatory
body."
PAC has been calling for the suspension of Zimbabwe from the Kimberley
Process since December 2008 following the first reports of human rights
abuses, together with other indications that Zimbabwe had lost control of
its diamond industry.
SA's Zim
arms shame
http://www.iol.co.za
August 16 2009 at 07:01AM
By
Edward Malnick
South Africa exported deadly weapons to Zimbabwe at
a time when it was
virtually at war, unleashing savage attacks on the
opposition Movement for
Democratic Change.
This is one of the
shock disclosures in a document leaked to the
Sunday Tribune, which the
government has failed to make public.
The report details South
Africa's arms trade - including the
"temporary export" of arms to Zimbabwe,
which included "major conventional
implements of war that could cause heavy
personnel casualties."
The arms exports listed showed that "fighter
aircraft, explosives,
missiles, bombs, artillery guns (and) tanks" were
among the items dispatched
to our neighbouring country.
In
the wake of these disclosures the National Conventional Arms
Control
Committee could face a serious crisis of credibility with its
functioning
and conduct seeming to be in violation of both the Constitution
and the ANC
government's own enabling legislation governing arms dealing.
There
are claims that for over a year the National Conventional Arms
Control
Committee, the government body that oversees South Africa's arms
trade,
effectively did not function as it was supposed to do in terms of
vetting
arms sales.
The past four annual reports of the committee have been
kept hidden
from public scrutiny and loosely termed "classified" although
the law
requires these documents be delivered to Parliament's defence
committee and
made public.
The 2005 report records a "temporary
export" of arms to Zimbabwe. The
weapons fall into the category of material
that "could cause heavy personnel
casualties", say government documents. The
government has refused to answer
questions about this export.
The committee is supposed to vet whether weapons made available to a
particular government are likely to be used against that country's own
citizens or whether they are likely to be used to inflame regional
conflicts.
Yesterday, Tlali Tlali, spokes-person for committee
chairman Jeff
Radebe, did not respond to queries - including whether these
arms had been
returned.
A defence expert has raised the
possibility that the weapons could
have been on offer to international
buyers including the Democratic Republic
of the Congo at an arms exposition
in Zimbabwe.
Noel Stott, of the Institute for Security Studies,
said although he
was not aware of an arms sale event in Zimbabwe, "I can't
picture why a
particular country would have an expo just for its own defence
force and
military".
"Any country could be a potential buyer,"
he added.
In 2005 an Amnesty International report "DR Congo: arming
the east"
said that "The DRC has used sympathetic neighbours in the region
for arms
procurement".
A UN report on repression in 2005
accused Zimbabwe of acting in "an
indiscriminate and unjustified manner,
with indifference to human suffering,
and, in repeated cases, with disregard
to several provisions of national and
international legal
frameworks".
Though the SA government has refused to divulge
details of what
weapons and ammunition were made available to the
Zimbaweans, the 2005 deal
is only one of several deals with them in recent
years.
Earlier in 2009, the Mail & Guardian indicated that
among other
material, handguns (assault rifles as well as 9mm handguns) had
been sold by
SA interests to the Zimbabwean security forces.
Last year, a furore erupted when news broke of a permit issued by the
committee to allow a Chinese ship to convey weapons to Zimbabwe via South
Africa. However, a court order prevented the ship unloading.
Whether the arms ever got to Zimbabwe via another African state
remains
unclear.
In December 2008 a UN panel of experts reported on
deliveries of
ammunition made from the DRC to Zimbabwe. On whether these
originated from
China, Jason Stearns, a member of the panel, said, "It's
possible, but we
have no clues."
Democratic Alliance
parliamentarian Dr Wilmot James, who recently
authored a report for the
party on a fact-finding trip to Zimbabwe,
described the latest revelations
as really alarming. "I would have thought
the committee would have exercised
a bit more care."
James expressed concern about the possibility of
additional unreported
arms exports to Zimbabwe, saying "it sounds like there
has been a pattern".
Human Rights lobby group Freedom House, which
ranked Zimbabwe "not
free" in 2008, raised concerns that Zimbabwean security
and military forces
"abuse citizens with impunity".
The latest
revelations come as the British government has effectively
warned South
Africa against providing Zimbabwe with weapons based on
concerns about
"internal repression".
Last week, DA defence spokes-man David
Maynier called on Radebe to
"investigate the arms deals that have been
authorised by the committee in
respect of Libya, Syria and Venezuela", and
to a deal with Zimbabwe
currently pending authorisation.
The
Helen Suzman Foundation last week called on Parliament to
thoroughly probe
the latest allegations about "dodgy" arms deals.
The foundation
said it was concerned that ongoing allegations
regarding the armaments
industry continued to bedevil public life, eroding
and undermining trust
between citizens and government institutions.
Adding to the
concern, for well over a year the committee largely
ceased to function. In
the aftermath of political bloodletting at the ANC's
2007 elective
conference, the committee apparently existed only in name
until the early
part of 2009.
According to well-placed sources, authorisations for
weapons trading
were given under the signature of a functionary in the
Defence Department,
acting Defence Secretary Tsepe Motumi, the Defence
Ministry's deputy
director general for policy planning and strategy, after
NCACC chairman and
former minister Sydney Mufamadi apparently delegated his
committee's
responsibilities.
Shortly before this, an
investigation by First Consulting uncovered
irregularities in the weapons
trade serious enough to call for the
suspension of several top officials and
the cancellation and rescinding of
several deals.
The report
was later suppressed by the Secretariat of Defence. Earlier
in August the
current chairman of the committee, Justice Minister Jeff
Radebe, admitted in
response to allegations by Maynier that the NCACC had
"developed a special
mechanism in terms of which the chairman or deputy
chairman can consider
"urgent matters" and "take any such decision they deem
appropriate within
confines of the law".
However the law states that "four of the
members, who must include the
chairman or deputy chairman of the committee,
constitute a quorum".
Mufamadi would not therefore have had the
power to delegate
responsibility to Motumi under the "special
measures".
A week ago, the Tribune put written questions to
Radebe's spokesman,
Tlali Tlali, including "on what advice the "special
mechanism" was developed
and how many decisions were taken under this
"mechanism"."
Tlali refused to address the questions, saying, "I
really do not want
to have my fingers burned." He referred queries to the
Defence Ministry's
director of arms control, Dumisani Dladla, who refused to
answer any
questions.
This article was originally
published on page 1 of Tribune on August
16, 2009
Archive sues Zuma for weapons reports
http://www.iol.co.za
August 16 2009 at
01:38PM
By Edward Malnick
The South African
History Archive is suing President Jacob Zuma, the
National Conventional
Arms Control Committee and its chairman, Justice
Minister Jeff Radebe, to
obtain the committee's annual reports produced
since 2004.
The
Pretoria High Court is due to hear the application in October,
although the
government has asked for a postponement.
The National Conventional
Arms Control Act stipulates that the NCACC
must present a report on its
activities to Parliament each year.
Only the "quantity of
controlled items involved" are to be submitted
"on a confidential
basis".
However, reports presented to the defence committee for
2005, 2006 and
2007 were not made public and members of the arms control
committee have
consistently failed to appear before Parliament's defence
committee to
answer questions on their reports. The 2008 report has not yet
been
submitted.
Piers Pigou, former head of the former SA
History Archive, an
"independent human rights archive", said that the
government was using
apartheid-era laws to keep information on arms deals
under wraps.
The government has ignored requests under the
Promotion of Access to
Information Act for the reports.
Chairman of Parliament's defence committee Nyami Booi said last week
he
would meet Radebe to discuss why the documents had not been made
available.
The DA's former member of the defence committee,
Rafeek Shah, said
that during his five-year tenure members of the arms
control committee
appeared only once to be grilled by MPs on their
work.
In 2008, amid the storm over a Chinese ship attempting to
transfer
arms to Zimbabwe via South Africa, Shah demanded that the arms
control
committee appear before the defence oversight committee but only
Sydney
Mufamadi, then chairman of the arms control committee, and January
Masilela,
the defence secretary at the time, agreed to attend a
meeting.
It was effectively not a public meeting because it was not
until the
media had been turned away that Shah persuaded the committee to
open the
doors to journalists, who were no longer there.
Mufamadi and Masilela answered questions only on the Zimbabwe shipment
and
did not present or discuss any annual reports on their decisions.
The committee did not allow minutes of that meeting to be released.
Dr Rob Thomson of the Ceasefire Campaign, which asked the archive to
help
obtain the annual reports, expressed concern that the arms control
committee
appeared to have "decided not to make their annual reports
public".
He said there needed to be public criticism, "in the
best sense, of
what the arms committee is or is not
doing".
This article was originally published on page 4 of
Cape Argus on
August 16, 2009
Zimbabwe
Cargo company smuggles illegal substances
http://www.zimeye.org/?p=8058
By
Masimba-Chirimutsa
Published: August 16,
2009
HARARE A backyard Zimbabwe Cargo company has gone on a
stealing escapade as
it preys upon poor Zimbabweans in the diaspora, while
smuggling illegal
substances into the country, the ZimEye can
reveal.
The company, Zim Cargo which is involved in the smuggling
of illegal goods
into Zimbabwe sealed in drum containers (pictured-right)
meant for liquids
has to date officiated the stealing from more than 50
desperate Zimbabweans
in the UK, becoming enriched with more than £100
000.
Drums donated by economically depressed exiles intended to
benefit poor
Zimbabwean families have been stripped, opened and subsequently
reported to
be 'missing' upon which time no compensation whatsoever is
paid.
As at the time of writing, goods worth more than £114 000
were missing and
customers were fuming over the matter. Apart from the goods
stolen, the
company charges £205 per drum.
'No no no no, it
happens all the time..we keep referring customers to Mr
Nembaware ' the
receptionist said
The company openly states on its website that it ships
'.most household
items DUTY FREE to Zimbabwe,' a contravention of Zimbabwe
and the United
Kingdom's customs regulations which require that goods being
transported in
and out of the country borders be declared what they
are.
A DEAL HARD TO BELIEVE!
Put ANYTHING - Dead or
Alive
Put ANYTHING - Gold or Food
*No more duty to Pay
*No
more Clearing Charges to pay!
* No weight limit
All in all for
ONLY £185.00 (empty drums excluded) are some of the cache
phrases used on
the company's stationery.
A receptionist who answered the phone
Saturday merely referred ZimEye to the
owner of the business a certain Mr B
Nembaware whose two mobile phones kept
ringing continuously without an
answer and Nembaware never rang back.
'You will need to speak to
Mr Nembaware directly for that.' the receptionist
said, stating that she had
no information and could not assist in any way
whatsoever.
When our reporter inquired, '..are you a company
or are you a person?', the
receptionist gave no answer.
Who
are the directors in your company?' our reporter further inquired upon
which
time she boldly replied:
'Mr Nembaware is the
boss!'
Nembaware apparently is also the truck driver of the
makeshift truck that
picks up shipments from vulnerable customers in the
United Kingdom. His
website http://www.zimcarrgo.com states: WE ARE OPEN
24 HOURS A DAY, 7 DAYS
A WEEK ON 020 (8)961 1105
The
department of fair trading has been informed as the company comes under
public scrutiny and police surveillance. It is still not yet clear which
other goods the company smuggles into Zimbabwe as they are not checked by
Zimbabwe's Customs Authority (ZIMRA). Finance Minister Tendai Biti's office
has now been informed .
New govt fails to deliver
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk/
13
August 2009
By FUNGI KWARAMBA
Just
after the formation of the inclusive government, the city of Harare
showed
signs that it might retain to its sunshine status. However with the
progress
of time, things are stagnant again, litter is everywhere and even
at the
Government Munhumutapa offices there are rivulets of sewage - signs
for many
that the government has failed.
"It's just a sign that there is
no progress with the new government, how can
the offices of both the
President and the Prime Minister have sewage flowing
out like that," asked
one resident.
Indeed the poor service delivery in the capital city is
microcosmic of
macrocosmic inertia of the Unity Government that is
characterized by
constant squabbling and bickering, borne out of Zanu PF
hardliners'
unwillingness to embrace wholesome change.
The residential
areas are worse than the city centre, in the leafy parts of
Harare, where
the high-heeled live, almost every house has had a borehole
drilled. Water
does not reach the highlands and then when it oozes from the
rusting tapes,
it is said to cause stomach pains, "How can I drink water
that cause
sickness, the Government should not only provide water but safe
drinking
water," said Griffith Hubert who stays in Vainona.
The Mayor of the city that
has 14 golf courses, only a few of which are
still maintained, recently said
that the City had acquired water chemicals
that would also benefit other
towns, but blamed constant power outages as
one reason why water delivery
was often erratic.
"I don't think there is a town in Zimbabwe where refuse
trucks are still
making the rounds. The government should see to it that
proper sanitation is
provided for all its citizens, otherwise we are facing
another cholera
outbreak," said another resident.
Respective councils
blame the residents, the majority of whom have not paid
their bills since
the introduction of multiple currencies, "I cannot pay the
100 rands that
the council demands. I surely want to see service delivery
Improving. We
thought that things would be normal by now but unfortunately
that is not the
case."
The fountains which momentarily spurted water into the pools at the
Unity
Square have returned to the state they were in before the formation of
the
inclusive government.
Investors are still wary of the country that,
even though is ruled by a
joint government of three political parties, has a
corrosive element in the
name of Mugabe whose obstinacy has derailed
progress. Mugabe has refused to
let go his personal banker Gideon Gono who
stole money from Non Governmental
Organizations last year and is yet to
repay them, and Johannes Tomana - the
man who is refusing to give MDC's Roy
Bennett his passport back.
Progress in parliament has been painfully slow
and to date no law has been
passed in a parliament where MDC used to have a
majority. With five of its
legislators arrested, it is now in the minority
again.
"Investors will not come in a country where a political party fails to
honour its part in the Global Political Agreement," said one economic
commentator.
Streets kids are spread everywhere and squatter camps like
Hopley farm
Mugabe's creation after the infamous Murambatsvina are still far
from being
fit for human habitation. Even though NGOs have came to the
rescue of
prisoners, a Zimbabwean prisoner still has to walk to the courts.
Judge
President Rita Makarau put the unsaid into words when she said all
prisoners
in the country are on death row.
Zimbabwe Vigil Diary – 15th August 2009
A spectacular performance by our
friends the Afro Drum Generation was the highlight of the Vigil. Dressed in
traditional animal skins, their high-stepping dancing, supported by marimba and
drums, entranced many passers-by. The group hopes to take part in Zim
Idol, a TV talent contest to
discover Zimbabwe's music stars of tomorrow.
Thanks to Njabalo Ndlovu,
Claude Chiswamu, Christopher Sibanda, Jerry Mtotela, Peter Dlomo (on loan from
the Shashe Dance Troupe) and Nanzy Sebata. Nanzy who also manages the group.
They are available for hire – please contact Nanzy (07787 183
098).
Once again we were joined
by several MDC officials who spoke of the need to reform the party in the
UK. Our
activities were again filmed by ZNB News (www.zbnnews.com).
The Vigil continues to be
‘humiliated’ by developments at home – when, for instance, Mugabe says
Zimbabwe must
maintain its vast army of diplomats leaving trails of unpaid debts around the
world because to reduce their number would be ‘humiliating’. We are embarrassed
when the mayor of Harare – in an affront to all donor countries – openly boasts
he has a private fleet of vehicles but must still have an official car costing
US$150,000: ‘I have a Mercedes Benz
E240 and a Jaguar. My wife has a Toyota Double Cab and an Audi Curio Double Cab.
My children use a Ford Bantam and a Ford Courier’. We are
embarrassed that the Zanu PF deputy spokesman—in a break from insulting the West
-- whines that Mugabe and his gang still can’t travel to the West or educate
their children there.
It was good to have so many
supporters from far-flung places today – David Maliselo from Plymouth and Edrith
Mhembere from Wales were there to greet us when we set up and we were also
joined by Tabetha Mutyambizi from Dublin. Patson Muzuwa read out a letter of
thanks from Enika Chindawi. Her mother died recently and Vigil supporters made
a collection for her last week. Our condolences go out to Enika. There was also
a message from journalist Irene Madonko. She is interested in talking to anyone
who has been repatriated. If anyone would like to help her, please contact the
Vigil (co-ordinator@zimvigil.co.uk) and
we will pass on the message.
For latest Vigil pictures check: http://www.flickr.com/photos/zimbabwevigil/
FOR THE RECORD:
190 signed the
register.
FOR YOUR DIARY:
·
ROHR
Swansea launch
meeting.
Saturday 22nd August,
1.30 – 6 00 pm. Venue: Morriston Memorial Hall, Heol Gwernen, Morriston, Swansea
SA6 6JR. Present ROHR President and some members of the ROHR Executive. Contact:
Kudzai Ruzwidzo 07824967317, Israel Ncube 07789814159 or P
Mapfumo 07915926323/07932216070.
·
ROHR South
East
London general
meeting. Saturday 22nd August, 1
– 5 pm. Venue: 375 Old Kent Road,
London, SE1
5JQ. Contact: Priscilla Chitsinde
07804696328 or Wellington Rupere
07838153217.
·
ROHR
Chelmsford general meeting.
Saturday 29th August,
1.30 – 5.30 pm. Venue: Springfield Parish Hall (centre),
Chelmsford,
CM1 6GX. Transport
from train station to the venue
provided. Contact: Faith Benesi 07958650670,
Tobokwa Malikongwa 07533660621, Robert Mafigo
07944815190, Christina Zanji 07535791464, Matha A Magwaza
07748644911.
·
ROHR
Derby general
meeting. Saturday 5th September,
1.30-5.30pm. Venue: The
Community Block, Pear Tree
Community
Junior School,
Pear Tree Street,
Derby DE23
8PN. ROHR Executive present and a
substantive committee to be elected. Contact:
Tsitsi Razawe 07773649330, Wonder Katurura 07858699224, Phenias Tutayi 07825524519. FREE PARKING AVAILABLE.
·
ROHR
Coventry
party. Saturday 5th
September from 4 pm till
midnight. Venue:
St Paul's Church,
Foleshill Road,
Coventry
CV6 5AJ. Food,
drinks, ne Doro available. Admission
£3.50. Contact (Chairman) E. Nyakudya 07876796129, (Secretary) Pauline Makuwere 07533332306, (Organizer) Matambanashe Sibanda 07886660392, (Treasurer) V.J Mujeye 07534034594.
·
Zimbabwe
Association’s Women’s Weekly Drop-in Centre. Fridays 10.30 am – 4
pm. Venue: The Fire Station Community and ICT Centre, 84 Mayton
Street, London N7 6QT, Tel: 020 7607
9764. Nearest underground: Finsbury
Park. For more information
contact the Zimbabwe Association 020 7549 0355 (open Tuesdays and
Thursdays).
Vigil
Co-ordinators
The Vigil, outside the Zimbabwe
Embassy, 429 Strand, London, takes place every
Saturday from 14.00 to 18.00 to protest against gross violations of human rights
in Zimbabwe. The Vigil
which started in October 2002 will continue until internationally-monitored,
free and fair elections are held in Zimbabwe. http://www.zimvigil.co.uk.
Vigil
co-ordinator
The Vigil, outside the Zimbabwe
Embassy, 429 Strand, London, takes place every
Saturday from 14.00 to 18.00 to protest against gross violations of human rights
by the current regime in Zimbabwe. The Vigil
which started in October 2002 will continue until internationally-monitored,
free and fair elections are held in Zimbabwe. http://www.zimvigil.co.uk
Tomana working full-time for Zanu (PF)
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk/
13
August 2009
By John
Makumbe
It has become very clear to all and sundry that Mr. Johannes
Tomana, the
unilaterally appointed Attorney General, is working day and
night to get MDC
supporters and MPs arrested and prosecuted on trumped up
charges. That is
the specific purpose of his appointment by Mugabe without
consultations with
the two MDC formations.
The second purpose of his
appointment is to ensure the protection of Zanu
(PF) supporters and MPs from
prosecution for the numerous crimes that they
are alleged to have committed.
For example, ZTV footage clearly showed that
Chinotimba, Kasukuwere and
Zhuwawu were among the ring-leaders of the Zanu
(PF) hoodlums that disrupted
the All-Stakeholders Constitutional Conference
at the Harare International
Conference Centre a few weeks ago. None of the
three was ever arrested for
this foolish and criminal act.
There has also been no arrest in relation
to the alleged poaching of rhinos
in some of the nation's game parks even
though there is evidence that two
Zanu (PF) Cabinet Ministers may have been
involved. The missing of the
dockets from Tomana's office is certainly by
design and with his complicity,
no doubt. The named ministers have not
issued any statements denying these
allegations, but still they are not
being prosecuted.
Now the MDC has compiled a damning report with regard to
the 2008 political
murders committed by some senior Zanu (PF) officials. We
wait to see whether
Mugabe will again make use of Tomana to shield these
murderers from the law.
The MDC should devise effective ways and means of
exposing the names of the
alleged murderers so that the general public may
be warned and may also
reveal even more atrocities possibly committed by the
same political
hooligans.
Discussing the matter with Mugabe is not
going to help anything since these
people committed the crimes on his
behalf. He was the presidential candidate
they were fighting for in June
2008. There is no way he is going to let them
face the law now.
It is
absolutely crucial that the names of these political murderers be made
public in the most effective way. They may escape the gallows today but let
them know that when Mugabe goes down the way of Msika, they too will have to
start running very fast. Mugabe's departure is not very far from now, so all
the records need to be carefully kept and protected from those that would
seek to make them disappear in the manner that Tomana made the rhino dockets
vanish from his office without trace. Those that think that Mugabe will
always be there to cover their backsides are fooling themselves. Nature has
a very specific way of dealing with flesh, and there is no negotiation on
that one.
In a way, the MDC has been unduly weak and docile.
Sometimes I think the MDC
forgets that they won the 2008 parliamentary
elections and the presidential
elections as well. In many ways, they behave
as if Zanu (PF) won both those
elections. This level of cowardice does not
help matters much in relation to
the implementation of the GPA.
Mugabe is
currently dragging his feet and demonstrating that he is reluctant
to abide
by the provisions of the GPA. The SADC is very unlikely to push
Mugabe to
move any faster than he is doing now. The onus is on the MDC to
apply
meaningful pressure on Zanu (PF) to do the right thing. Exposure of
the
alleged perpetrators of political violence is one way that the MDC can
employ to make sure that Zanu (PF) is consistently politically discredited
in the eyes of the people of this country.
Zimbabwe
heading for a Rwandan-style genocide?
http://www.politicsweb.co.za
Alex Matthews
16 August
2009
Alex Matthews on the unnerving parallels between the situation
in the two
countries
Zimbabwe heading towards a Rwandan
genocide
by Alex Matthews
Once upon a time there was an African
country that after several years of
instability seemed to be moving shakily
towards reform and democracy. Its
ageing despotic president had signed a
power-sharing deal with the
opposition that created a unity government that
would precipitate a new
constitution and elections.
Sounds rather
like Zimbabwe, doesn't it? But I was actually describing
Rwanda in early
1994 - only months before a genocide that would claim almost
a million
lives. While the Arusha Accords were being haphazardly implemented
(but more
often than not being ignored), fanatics in the countryside were
setting up
militia training bases.
Arms and military advisers were being flown in to
train and equip these
ragtag groupings. President Habyarimana's
assassination in April 1994 was
the catalyst for a hundred days of
massacres, rape and torture.
Zimbabwe is in an eerily similar situation
to the one that Rwanda was
experiencing before its genocide. After a decade
of brutality and economic
devastation, it is tempting to hope that Zanu PF's
"partnership" with the
opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) shows
that Zimbabwe is
irreversibly on the road to recovery.
Sadly,
however, what we see in Zimbabwe is nothing but a false dawn: a
Potemkin
peace designed to lure us into the same indifferent complacency
with which
the world viewed Rwanda in 1994.
The violent repression that has
characterised Zanu PF's rule continues,
flouting the provisions of the
Global Political Agreement (GPA), the
power-sharing agreement signed with
the opposition in September. Zanu PF
considers the unity deal after its
defeat at the March 29 polls last year as
a mere speed bump in its path of
continued authoritarian rule - a speed bump
which creates the illusion that
it is prepared to accept reform and genuine
democracy.
Don't be
fooled. Activists, lawyers and MDC supporters continue to be
unlawfully
harassed and detained. Senior opposition leaders face death
threats.
Opposition members of parliament are being targeted with ridiculous
criminal
charges by a brazenly partisan police and judiciary. Five have
already been
convicted (MPs have to resign if they serve a jail-term longer
than six
months).
The Zanu PF militias that unleashed a wave of brutality on
suspected MDC
supporters as punishment for the 2008 election result, have
been accused by
teachers of setting up "terror bases" at
schools.
Even more frightening (and chillingly reminiscent of the prelude
to Rwanda's
genocide when French weapons were despatched en-masse to Kigali)
is the
build-up of weapons in Zimbabwe.
Last month the International
Peace Information Service (IPIS) revealed that
in April 2008, Chinese arms
(including several million rounds of ammunition
as well as RPC7 rockets and
mortars) destined for Zimbabwe reached to
Luanda, Angola. It has been
confirmed that the arms have subsequently
reached Harare. Later, in August,
an additional 53 tons of ammunition were
flown to Harare from the Democratic
Republic of the Congo in August 2008.
There's more. David Maynier, the
Democratic Alliance's defence spokesperson,
has revealed that South Africa
is seeking authorisation from its National
Conventional Arms Control
Committee (NCACC) to export ammunition to its
neighbour. Maynier has been
subsequently vilified by the ANC ruling party
which seems more obsessed by
how the opposition MP found out about the
application than about what the
arms will be used for should they be
authorised for export.
President
Mugabe has unleashed his military on innocent civilians before -
in 1982 he
used North Korean-trained troops to torture and massacre
thousands in
Matabeleland for their alleged support for Zapu, a rival
anti-colonialist
movement that he eventually forced to merge
with his own party.
His
army's abysmal rights record continues, with Human Rights Watch recently
exposing the army's invasion of the Marange diamond fields in November 2008
where it has subsequently subjected locals to forced labour, torture and
murder.
Two South African MPs, Wilmot James and Kenneth Mubu, who
returned earlier
this month from Zimbabwe on a fact-finding mission
reported:
"There are reports from credible sources of increasing
paramilitary activity
in the countryside..."
They explained, "Under
his [Mugabe's] personal control he has a paramilitary
machine consisting of
soldiers, thugs, the so-called war veterans and ZANU
political commissars.
There are the hit squads. The police also
collaborate..." They also have
reason to believe that in addition to the
arms exports uncovered by IPIS,
"Mugabe is talking to Venezuela, Cuba and
Korea to fund a war-chest in
preparation for the referendum and election
following on the implementation
of the GPA."
While Rwanda's genocide was powered by ethnic hatred, this
was merely a
pretext: the tragedy was deliberately orchestrated by a shadowy
ruling
clique which knew its power was in jeopardy, and which refused to
sacrifice
it at all cost. So while ethnic tensions in Zimbabwe are no where
near the
levels of those in Rwanda in 1994, a similar intensity of hatred
exists, as
does the same desperate willingness for its rulers to do whatever
it takes
to remain in power.
The arms flooding in and the
paramilitary training in the countryside are
deliberate preparations for war
- a war to be inflicted by home grown
postcolonial imperialists on an
innocent and undeserving citizenry so that
Zanu PF's rapacious supremacy can
continue.
We cannot ignore the warning signs. We know what happened in
Rwanda in 1994.
The world looked away while almost a million people were
slaughtered. Will
we let this happen in Zimbabwe?
Alex Matthews is a
freelance journalist, politics blogger and editor of
TheSoapbox.fm (http://thesoapbox.fm)
Just say, 'I'm sorry'
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk/
13
August 2009
By The Editor
The shedding of
crocodile tears is an act that should come naturally to
every politician
worth his salt, but it seems President Robert Mugabe will
not shed even
these for the victims of the army's 1980s Gukurahundi campaign
in
Matabeleland and Midlands provinces.
At the burial of the late Vice President
Joseph Msika last week, Mugabe
described the murder of an estimated 20 000
Ndebeles by the notorious 5th
Brigade as a "sad period" that should never
have been allowed to happen. He
sounded more remorseful for the fact that
this "accident of history"
happened but not for the fact that he caused
it.
At one time Mugabe even feigned madness, labelling the 5th Brigade's
four-year orgy of bloodletting in Matabeleland and Midlands an "act of
madness", all just to avoid a very simple task - apologising.
On the one
occasion Mugabe was able to muster enough courage to apologise in
privacy to
former PF-ZAPU leaders, the late Msika found the insincerity and
self-interest too much to ignore. "When we asked him about the massacres he
apologised, but I was not convinced about his sincerity," the vice-president
told a rally in October 2006.
We find it utterly incomprehensible that
such a skillful political master
and gifted orator as Mugabe could find it
so difficult to say these three
little words: 'I am sorry'.
Even at this
late hour, a formal apology from Mugabe would go a long way to
soothe the
pain of survivors and victims of Gukurahundi and the political
violence of
recent years.
Attempting to sweep their suffering under the carpet as a mere
"act of
madness" or a "sad period" in Zimbabwe's history that should be
simply
forgiven and forgotten like it never happened is an insult to victims
and
survivors of Gukurahundi.
Acknowledgement of the injury and pain they
suffered at the hands of
soldiers and Zanu (PF) goons was and has always
been the first objective of
those who suffered at the hands of the 5th
Brigade and Zanu (PF) militia.
But we must say that the ranks of those
clamouring for "The Hague solution"
are swelling with every moment that
passes without an apology from Mugabe or
Zanu (PF) for Gukurahundi and all
the other crimes that they have committed
against this country.
Taking
transitional justice to the people
13 August 2009
By Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum
As Zimbabwe’s power-sharing government presses ahead with its national
healing and reconciliation programme, the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum
(Forum) has launched a parallel process to educate citizens about transitional
justice and to gauge what form of redress victims of violence and abuse might
prefer. (Pictured: Pro-Zanu (PF) youth militia – They featured prominently
in most reports of violence against MDC supporters.)
The Forum released an interim report last week highlighting some of the key
findings of its “Taking transitional justice to the people” programme.
Excerpts:
Many years of direct and structural violence in
Zimbabwe have left the country with a physically and emotionally wounded people;
property destroyed; populations condemned to the Diaspora as political and
economic refugees and many internally displaced peoples. Attendant on all this
is the politics of violence and intolerance, which pervades Zimbabwe's political
space and peoples.
The Global Political Agreement (GPA) between the two
MDC formations and ZANU (PF) in September 2008 provided the necessary reprieve
to ask questions about the transition of the country into a democracy.
(Pictured: The grisly remains of MDC-T activist Joshua
Bakacheza who was allegedly murdered by Zanu (PF) supporters.
The space or opportunity brokered by the GPA motivated the Zimbabwe Human
Rights NGO Forum (the Forum) to set out a series of meetings in its Taking
Transitional Justice to the People Program to consult and educate Zimbabweans
who have gone through epochs of state sponsored and politically motivated
violence in their lives on the nature and processes of transitional justice.
The exercise was not in any way structured to begin processes of
transitional justice or national healing in Zimbabwe. However, it was set to
begin consultations, educate and equip citizens with the necessary and
background information on transitional justice and redress in all its forms.
From January 2008–June 2008 the Forum visited thirteen constituencies
and met and discussed with people from all backgrounds; teachers, police
officers, mothers, youths, elderly people, clergymen, traditional leaders and
other professionals.
The Forum conducted sessions in schools, town
halls, in both rural and urban settings. Public discussions were held in
English, Shona, Ndebele and Tonga speaking communities. In these open forum
discussions, people expressed themselves in their language of choice.
In
the consultative meetings, actors, sponsors and victims of violence were
discussed. The participants noted the manifestations of these violent acts in
rape, torture, murder, extortions, kidnappings, blackmail, disappearances,
destructions of property, humiliations, selective food and agricultural input
distributions and so many other methods.
Actors in violence were
identified as men, women and youths, soldiers in uniforms, the policemen on
duty, secret police and youth from the National Youth Training Service commonly
known as the “Green Bombers” among others. The victims also cut across sections
of Zimbabweans from all walks of life.
The transitional justice
approaches that dominated the Taking Transitional Justice to the People's
discussions were truth commissions, reparations, truth for amnesty and
prosecutions. The participants made interesting contributions that should be
used to inform and shape the direction of transitional justice discourses in
Zimbabwe.
What became clear was that people want to talk about their
past and they need the platform to do so. What they were not sure about was the
possibility, in light of the fact that Zanu (PF) still wields enormous power to
scuttle the process before it even begins.
Truth seeking and Truth Commission
Victims noted that
the truth commission approach seemed to offer an opportunity for a public
platform for victims. Victims noted that what they hoped to receive from a truth
seeking process was acknowledgement by the perpetrators and the state for the
harm suffered. Issues around victims feeling respected and recognized kept
coming up in the meetings.
Most of the victims insisted on a public way
of truth seeking because they felt that since most of the violations were done
in secret, the perpetrators would feel secure knowing that the victims would not
air their grievances or tell their stories in public.
The participants
pointed out that a truth commission would need to be formed by the people and
not on their behalf. It was strongly put across that people, who have
unquestionable integrity, are morally upright and with experience, should sit on
such a body. The participants strongly held the view that people needed to
control what the commission would do if it were set up.
Participants
recalled and mentioned the previous commissions set by the government whose
reports were never made public, for instance, the Chihambakwe Commission set to
establish what happened in the Midlands and Matabeleland Disturbances between
1983 and 1987.
While some participants felt that these commissions can
be formed and report to
the parliament, they remained skeptical of
parliament-controlled commissions which they viewed as close to political
manipulation by political parties having the majority in parliament. To protect
the integrity of any such commission, the participants suggested that their
compositions should consist of representation from the civil society, judiciary,
faith-based organizations and ordinary people.
Participants also noted
the limitations of the truth commissions and suggested that a Truth, Justice and
Reconciliation Commission was the way to go.
The participants
acknowledged the weaknesses of truth commissions and aired their reservations
around such processes. It was noted that under truth commissions, perpetrators
of past violence often do not own up. Often, political parties protect their
henchmen as a way of covering up the truth and avoiding prosecutions.
The participants accepted this problem and concurred that given such
challenges, the process had to be gradually implemented with all sensitivities
acknowledged.
Given this point, some argued that for Zimbabwe to achieve
transition to democratic governance and have a complete break with the past,
transition would mean the dismantling of Zanu (PF) control of the state and
other functions which do not necessarily need to be controlled by the party such
as state institutions – the police, army, CIO, state parastatals and so on.
The participants pointed out that as long Zanu (PF) still had power, it
would stop all forms of transitional justice that would amount to punishment of
their own. It was noted that any truth commission set to deal with Zimbabwe's
past needed to create trust to enable the people to approach it for truth
telling. Gender activists were concerned that commissions often leave out women
representation on their panels.
The participants suggested that the
composition of the commissions must have women who understand the concerns of
women who will appear before them.
Some participants at the meetings argued
that the Government of National Unity (GNU) lacked the legitimacy of taking a
lead in transitional justice processes in Zimbabwe, because some members of the
GNU were also actors in violence.
The Forum enquired on what could be
done to ensure that the transitional justice process was achieved in the light
of these arguments. They argued that justice delayed is justice denied and
something has to be done to expedite the process of transitional justice.
Against this background, some participants argued for a new constitution
and a new government that can be mandated to carry out the transitional justice
process legitimately instead of the current arrangement.
In addition
it was also noted that all transitional justice mechanisms should be part of a
holistic, integrated process; truth telling without prosecutions will not be
acceptable. Participants noted that "transitional justice processes should be
conducted to their logical conclusion. Truth telling without justice
(prosecutions) is not enough”
(Pictured: ZDF commander Constantine Chiwenga and Attorney
General Johannes Tomana greeting each other – Victims of abuse called for
complete reform of state institutions.)
Avenues for transitional justice
(a) Truth
for amnesty
One other avenue for transitional justice process is
truth for amnesty in which the offender would trade truth with general pardon
from the government. Participants felt disparaged by situations where the state
can give amnesty in exchange for a truthful account from a perpetrator.
Victims argued that while the state can give amnesty, total forgiveness,
healing and reconciliation can only come from the injured person or survivor of
that violence, therefore people were not comfortable with general pardon for
criminals.
(b) Reparations
Reparations were
suggested as one method that can be used to achieve national healing and
effective transitional justice. Reparations are the same as compensations. The
participants were informed that reparations have to take place at various
levels; the government and perpetrator levels. To be effective, it has to be
commensurate to the harm done.
What came out of the meetings was the
observation that some people who committed acts of violence could not afford to
pay material reparations. It was pointed out that under such circumstances the
government had an obligation to pay.
The difficulty with this approach
was that government gets its resources from taxing people and therefore if the
government were to pay it would be tantamount to
victims/survivors
compensating themselves.
(c) Prosecutions
There
was general consensus among participants on the need to have prosecutions for
violations that have taken place in the past. What was contentious in all the
areas visited by the Forum was the form the prosecutions would assume, who would
be prosecuted, for what violations and by which adjudicating body.
The
retributive effect of prosecutions appealed to most of the participants who felt
that before there could be any forgiveness and reconciliation the perpetrators
had to be punished for their wrongs.
(d) Institutional reforms
In Zimbabwe, the police and military have in many ways played a
partisan political role. Recently, 'the heads and other senior members of both
the police and army have made public statements committing the loyalty of the
security forces to the ruling party and denouncing the opposition MDC as
violent, treasonous and the enemy of the State'.
The above background
motivated the strong arguments for institutional reforms. It was pointed out
that the writing of a new constitution should set the tone for institutional
reforms in the country.
Participants observed that reforms in the
security sector would help in professionalizing the security institutions,
making them understand their mandate and that officers with dirty hands should
be removed and public confidence restored in security institutions.
Participants also noted the need to transform traditional leadership
institutions. It was observed that the majority of the traditional leaders took
part in or directly sponsored and condoned violence.
Timing of transitional justice process
There were
serious debates on when the process of transitional justice should begin and how
far back this process would go in terms of Zimbabwe's history of organized
violence and torture.
The participants could not agree on a particular
cut-off date or period. Some argued that the history of Zimbabwe did not begin
in 1980 and therefore Rhodesian violations needed to be taken into account.
Other participants argued that there was not sufficient memory left to
fully account for the violations, as most of the actors were presumed dead or
very old.
Some participants argued that ignoring pre-1980 occurrences
diminishes the role of the liberation movement survivors in the acts of violence
and presumes the official pardon and reconciliation pronouncement by Mr. Mugabe
in 1980 were cathartic enough to effect lasting national healing in Zimbabwe.
Other dates proffered were 1983, 2000 and 2008. The choice of dates and
periods for national healing seemed motivated by the individual circumstances,
where violations did occur in that year or if a relative was killed or injured.
Those in Matabeleland provinces favoured the timing of transitional
justice around the 1980s because this is when the vicious cycle of violence
landed heavily on their communities at the back of armoured carriers and tanks
in the era of Gukurahundi.
Recommendations
The
participants suggested the following recommendations during discussions:
• The participants noted the need for a formal and comprehensive
process of national healing, reconciliation and transitional justice to begin in
Zimbabwe.
• They suggested that for transitional justice to be
effective the local communities needed to be involved and take ownership of the
process.
• Decentralization and restructuring of judicial processes
in the event of massive prosecutions of many offenders was also recommended.
• The participants noted the capacity of the Zimbabwe judicial system
and its past record in dealing with political cases as needing innovative and
immediate reforms and decentralization, particularly of the court system in
order to deal expeditiously and conclusively with cases of violence.
•
The participants noted the challenges, which the victims and witnesses faced
such as the long distances to the courts and the resistance by some perpetrators
to stand before the courts and traditional leaders. The participants suggested
the need for victim friendly processes that would also be accessible.
• It was also recommended that women and men of integrity constitute
any body that might be created to deal with transitional justice issues such as
truth seeking or prosecutions, on an equal basis to ensure that interests of
both sexes are equally and fairly heard.
• The participants also
voiced concerns on the involvement of actors in the former regime in any bodies
that might be created and recommended victim-centered processes more than
anything else.
Coventry runs riot but Zimbabwe slide
16 August 2009
Charles Coventry accepts the applause during his magnificent
unbeaten 194, off just 156 balls
Buy
this photo
Charles Coventry equalled Saeed Anwar's record highest individual one-day
international score of 194, but he could not prevent Bangladesh claiming a
series-clinching victory over Zimbabwe.
Zimbabwe piled up 312 for eight in the fourth one-day international in
Bulawayo, but Bangladesh chased down the total for the loss of six wickets.
Tamim Iqbal led with way with 154 as Bangladesh triumphed with 13 balls to
spare – and move 3-1 ahead in the series with one match to play.
Earlier, Coventry cracked 16 fours and seven sixes in an unbeaten 156-ball
innings.
Former Pakistan opener Anwar's record – against India – had stood for 12
years, and Coventry equalled the feat after bringing up his maiden international
hundred.
His team-mates contributed little, though, with Stuart Matsikenyeri's 37 the
second-highest score.
Iqbal hit eight fours and six sixes as he too prospered with the bat in
Bangladesh's reply, eventually falling to Ray Price, who took three wickets.
But Mahmudullah saw the tourists home with an unbeaten 21 from 11
balls.