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MDC says Zuma to tackle Gono, Tomana issue

http://www.swradioafrica.com/



By Violet Gonda
25 August 2009

South African President Jacob Zuma is expected in Zimbabwe on Thursday to
open the Harare Agricultural Show and to also consult with the partners in
the inclusive government in his capacity as SADC chair. Gordon Moyo,
Minister of State in the Prime Minister's office, said Zuma's expected
meeting with the political partners follows concerns raised by the two MDC
formations, regarding the implementation of the Global Political Agreement.
Moyo said the MDC appealed for SADC mediation when they reached a deadlock
with ZANU PF on the issue of the Reserve Bank governorship and the Attorney
General. It is these two main issues that the MDC says will top the agenda
during Zuma's visit.   The Minister said several other issues, including the
swearing in of provincial governors and the swearing in of Deputy
Agricultural Minister Roy Bennett, had been resolved by the principals but
there has been 'some delay' in the implementation.   When asked what is
causing the delay when the issues have been resolved by the principals two
months ago, Moyo said: "Honestly I don't know, neither does the Deputy Prime
Minister Mutambara know because these issues were resolved."  "The
implementation is in the hands of the President. The President is the one
responsible for swearing in the Deputy Minister Roy Bennett, the President
is responsible for swearing in the governors," added Moyo. He said according
to the provisions, the governors and Bennett are supposed to be in office
with effect from September 1st.    Since the formation of the coalition
government the political parties have been at loggerheads over the
implementation of these contentious issues. ZANU PF appears to have relented
on the issue of giving the two MDC formations ambassadorial posts - four for
the MDC-T and one for the MDC-M.  Moyo said this process is 'slowly taking
place' as the ambassadors are currently going through an induction course.
"This one is clear but what is not so clear is that come 1st September we
are going to see new governors and the Deputy Minister in office. That is
not so clear and that is why my guess is that these issues will also be
discussed when the chair of SADC is in the country."  In spite of the fact
that the MDC has confirmed that part of Zuma's trip will be spent tackling
the outstanding issues ZANU PF, through Presidential spokesperson George
Charamba, insists the visit has nothing to do with the unity government. He
reportedly said it was mere speculation by "foreign media houses who
continuously report that the South African leader was going to get tough
with Zanu PF."  It is clear to most analysts that ZANU PF is stalling on
various issues. It is equally clear that Mugabe believes he can just try to
use the MDC to have the targeted sanctions removed and entice foreign
investment into the country, while continuing to refuse to hand over any
real power.


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Zanu-PF, MDC to tackle sanctions

http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=21679


August 25, 2009




By Our Correspondent

HARARE - Zanu PF and the two Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) parties
have finally found common ground on how to tackle the contentious issue of
Western imposed targeted sanctions on Zimbabwe, Acting President, Joice
Mujuru, said Tuesday."Today," Mujuru said, "Zimbabwe groans under sanctions,
unlawful sanctions which must go for her to regain her lustre. This is a
challenge comparable to that of the dismantling of settler colonialism. It
needs heroes and heroines.

"I am happy that there is now greater convergence in the country on this one
matter which has hurt us so badly, a convergence which must see us build
impetus to get these illegal and pernicious sanctions removed."

Mujuru was addressing mourners at the Heroes' Acre burial of Zanu-PF
Mberengwa senator and former cabinet minister Richard Chemist Hove.

Hove was an active member of Zanu-PF going back to 1966 when he was
appointed the accounting secretary of the party. He was with Zanu in exile
in both Lusaka and Maputo where he was attached to the party's department of
external affairs. He then became a member of the Central Committee and
deputy secretary for External Affairs.

A Zanu-PF politburo member and Mberengwa Senator Hove died at St Anne's
Hospital in Harare on Friday after a long battle with diabetes. He was 77.
Hove, who represented Mberengwa, Mberengwa East and Gweru Urban in
Parliament, was the secretary for economic affairs in Zanu-PF.

He served in President Robert Mugabe's first cabinet in 1980.

Hove was Minister of the Public Service in 1980, of Home Affairs in 1981 and
served as Minister of Trade and Commerce up to 1985. Between 1985 and 1990
he was Minister of Mines, of Defence in the period 1990-1992 and then became
Planning Commissioner until 2000.

He is survived by his wife Glenda and several children. His first wife,
Sheila died in a shooting incident involving her farm manager. The manager
then committed suicide.

In the absence of President Robert Mugabe, who is outside the country,
Mujuru stepped in to preside over the burial of the national hero.

Hove, who died after a long battle with diabetes, was immediately declared a
national hero by Zanu-PF after President Mugabe had reportedly blessed the
idea over the phone.

The burial was attended by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, his deputies
Thokozani Khuphe and Arthur Mutambara, leader of the smaller MDC.

Several MDC cabinet ministers also attended the burial, the second burial of
a national hero in the space of two weeks, following that of Vice President
Joseph Msika.

The burial was attended by a sizeable number of people the majority of them
being soldiers in army combat and Air Force of Zimbabwe personnel in
uniform.

Zimbabwe's service chiefs attended the ceremony.

Said Mujuru, "When those sanctions go as we hope they will soon, the
challenge would be to rally effort in the direction of turning around our
economy for better and bigger prospects for our people who have suffered
enough and unjustly. It is this new war, this struggle which provides you
and me with an opportunity to carry forward the ideals of Cde Richard Hove."

The names of about 150 politicians, business people, military personnel and
journalists appear on the United States and European Union travel sanctions.

Zanu-PF has refused to cede more political space to the MDC as prescribed by
the GPA, arguing that the MDC has failed to take action to have the
sanctions removed by the west.

The Zanu-PF politburo two weeks ago tasked Mugabe, its leader to confront
Tsvangirai and Mutambara on why they have failed to follow through on their
apparent undertaking to effectively campaign for the removal of western
imposed sanctions.

It is Zanu-PF's position that the MDC invited the sanctions in the first
place when it was in the opposition.

The MDC on its part denies it had anything to do with the imposition of
sanctions by Western nations. A three week visit of Washington and European
Union by Tsvangirai to canvass for monetary support of the government of
national unity did not yield much success.

The MDC says the sanctions were a result of the Zanu-PF led government's
failure to observe the rule of law and its refusal to hold free and fair
elections.

Tsvangirai, who accuses Zanu-PF of blocking the implementation of the Global
Political Agreement, last week finally agreed to the crafting of a definite
course of action that they will sell to Cabinet as a national strategy to
fight the sanctions.


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Where is Mugabe?

http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk

25 August 2009

By The Zimbabwean
HARARE- Zimbabwe has since the weekend been abuzz with the nation asking
about  President Robert Mugabe's where abouts. Speculation has been rife
with some saying he has gone abroad to seek medical treatment while others
suggest he is being treated at a local private hospital. (Pictured: Robert
Mugabe)

Another school of thought is that the 85 year old veteran leader may have
followed his wife and family who could be holidaying in the Far East. The
speculation has been enhanced by the government's failure to issue a
statement on Mugabe's whereabouts.
His absence only became evident over the weekend when State controlled media
referred to Joyce Mujuru as the acting president.

Following the death of Zanu PF stalwart, Richard Chemist Hove, last Friday,
Mujuru and defence minister, Emmerson Mnangagwa resumed their rivalry by
competing to take charge of the funeral. The Mujuru faction boycotted a
memorial service for Hove which was held at One Commando which was held on
Monday.

Mnangagwa and his faction from the Midlands, Masvingo and Matabeleland South
attended the memorial service. Mujuru's  faction turned up at the Heroes
Acre on Tuesday for the burial addressed by the acting president.
Investigations by The Zimbabwean have revealed that Mugabe arrived back in
Zimbabwe on Thursday night from a visit to meet adventurists in Namibia.

"He only spent a short while at the airport where he received several
briefings, including the condition of Hove," said a senior Zanu PF insider.
Mugabe is said to have commandeered an Air Zimbabwe plane to either
Singapore or Malaysia. Some government officials  said in an interview that
Mugabe first visited his doctors in Egypt and Iran for medical attention.


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MDC dismiss 5 year extension to unity government

http://www.swradioafrica.com/


By Lance Guma
25 August 2009

Senior party figures in the Tsvangirai MDC have denied speculation that the
life of the current unity government will be extended to 5 years. Party
spokesman Nelson Chamisa told Newsreel that the Global Political Agreement
(GPA) that forms the basis of the unity deal makes it clear it is a
transitional arrangement. "How can you have a transitional arrangement for 5
years," he asked rhetorically. He said the standing resolution of the MDC,
based on the GPA and their recent annual congress, was that fresh elections
should be held as soon as the constitution making process is completed. The
current arrangement "is supposed to be our bridge to a new dispensation."

Gorden Moyo, the Minister of State in the Prime Minister's office, was
equally dismissive of the speculation on an extension of the government's
lifespan. He told a weekly newspaper last week that they were geared up for
the holding of by-elections for all the vacant parliamentary and senate
seats. "There are no intentions to amend the GPA as we are implementing it
as it is. We do not believe that the by-elections will be violent and we are
putting in guarantees to ensure that any electoral competition will be
 fair," he said.

Other party officials interviewed 'off the record' said it was their
counterparts in ZANU PF and the Mutambara MDC who were pushing for an
extension to the life of the unity government to 5 years. Mutambara for
example told an investment conference in July that it was a false assumption
to say the coalition government was intended for two years. "If you look at
the Global Political Agreement, there is nowhere where it says the
government is for 18 months or two years. It is silent on the duration of
the unity government," he argued.

The Deputy Prime Minister went on to say, "What we say in the agreement is
that, after the new constitution is adopted in a referendum, we will sit
down as the three parties and discuss whether to continue or to shut down
government and go for elections. When we were doing the negotiations, we
were coming from the opposition; we wanted a short and sharp government, 18
months, and then elections. That was our demand. But our brother Mugabe from
Zanu-PF was saying, 'No I was elected on the 27th of June (2008), I want my
five years'. So we argued back and forth. The reason why we did this in the
end is to ensure that people are not in an election mode.'

Just this week leaked results of a Mass Public Opinion Institute poll showed
support for Robert Mugabe had plummeted by 20 percent since the formation of
the unity government in February. The same poll found that Mugabe and his
ZANU PF party would be lucky to get 10 percent of the vote if elections were
held right away. In comparison Morgan Tsvangirai and his MDC party stood to
garner 57 percent of the vote, if elections were held. Analysts agree both
the Mutambara MDC and ZANU PF have a lot to lose if elections were to be
held in the near future. Last year's violence has permanently damaged ZANU
PF's image, while infighting in the Mutambara MDC has decimated party
structures with the creation of two factions.


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Mangwana says land reform backfired on Mugabe regime

http://www.swradioafrica.com/


By Alex Bell
25 August 2009

A key architect of Zimbabwe's indigenisation laws, which paved the way for
violent land invasions in the name of 'reform', said on Monday that the land
redistribution system was 'erroneous'.

Paul Mangwana, a ZANU PF legislator for Chivhi Central and former Minister
for Indigenisation and Empowerment, told an investment conference in Harare
on Monday that the land 'reform' programme had essentially backfired. He
explained that the campaign had been carried out in a 'revolutionary'
manner, which has left the country unable to restore its breadbasket status
because skilled farmers were replaced with unskilled land beneficiaries.

"The implementation of the indigenisation law has to be on a step-by-step
basis rather than be in a revolutionary manner," Mangwana said. "Land reform
was taken up in a revolutionary manner. Land was just taken. We
don't want to walk that road again."

Mangwana had reportedly been invited by the organisers of the conference to
draw parallels between the laws that ushered in land redistribution, with a
new law, which requires foreign owned companies to cede 51 percent of their
shares to locals. The former cabinet minister told delegates that the new
investment law was conceived out of a wish to transfer the bulk of the
country's prime sources of investment into the hands of the indigenous black
population.

But while Mangwana's comments are said to be heartening, it will do little
to reassure commercial farmers who are facing ongoing harassment and threats
by land invaders. Deon Theron, the President of the Commercial Farmers Union
(CFU) on Tuesday said while Mangwana's sentiments are 'politically
heartening', it does not change the reality that farm invasions have not
stopped.

"Things are incredibly difficult for farmers right now and morale is very
low," Theron said. "What would really help right now is if someone did
something about it and did not just say encouraging words."

Zimbabwe, which used to be renowned as net exporter of food, is now
relying on aid handouts to provide basic nourishment for nearly half of its
population. But despite being classed earlier this year as the world's most
food reliant nation, state sponsored land invasions have continued on the
handful of remaining productive farms across the country. Meanwhile vast
tracks of farmland countrywide also lie idle and barren while corrupt
government officials and military chiefs continue to invade one piece of
land after another.

Most recently, a South African funded seed project has come under threat
because of the forced seizure of a seed-producing farm in Mashonaland East.
Farmer Dennis Lapham, whose farm produces more than 500 tons of maize seed
for the Pannar seed project, has faced intimidation and threats since March
by a ZANU PF supporter wielding an offer letter. The man, who has already
moved onto the farm and built a house, has denied using violence or
harassment to force Lapham to leave the property. The managing director of
the Pannar seed project meanwhile has said that seed production is being
affected by the chaos on the farm.

Lapham's situation is merely one example of the ongoing disturbances
affecting food production on farms. More than 80 commercial farms have been
taken over since August last year, while more than 150 farmers are facing
prosecution for occupying so-called state owned land. At the same time
relations between South Africa and Zimbabwe are reportedly strained over
delays in concluding the signing of a bilateral investment promotion
agreement. Its has come to light that the signing of the agreement was
abandoned at the last minute in March, after Zimbabwe government officials
vehemently objected to a clause about land. South Africa wants its citizens
and entrepreneurs, who have invested in land and other natural resources, to
be covered under the agreement to prevent disruption of their investments.

"The delays are straining relations between the two countries. The South
African government is trying to help us, but we are refusing to help
ourselves," said Finance Minister Tendai Biti, after holding trade
discussions this weekend with his South African counterpart Pravin Gordhan
and the South African Minister of Trade and Industry, Rob Davies, on
bilateral issues.
"In our discussions, it was evident that the delays are affecting our
relations. But it is us who are suffering as a country because we are losing
out on credit lines and other business and trade opportunities," Biti said.


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Zimbabwe's Private Airline To Be Launched In October

http://www.radiovop.com


HARARE - August 25, 2009 - LonZim private limited has announced that
it will launch its "Fly540 Zimbabwe" airline to service both domestic and
regional markets in October.



LonZim Country Manager, Geoff Goss, told a group of investors
attending an investment conference in Harare on Tuesday the company is
expecting to have an operating licence from the Zimbabwean authorities by
mid-October.
"Flights are scheduled to start from late this year. We are hoping
that the airline will deliver affordable air links to key domestic and
regional cities from Harare and will be an integral part of the Fly540
network that will be flying in nine African Countries by the end of this
year," said Goss advising other investors to get into the country and
"invest now".
LonZim is London Stock Exchange listed company and is a subsidiary of
the LonRho Plc which owns the Fly540 airline and has been operating in
Africa to international standards.
 Lonrho Plc also owns 24.53% of the issued share capital of Lonzim Plc
"The launch of Fly540 Zimbabwe is central to LonZim's investment strategy of
identifying current market opportunities in Zimbabwe and establishing
companies that will benefit from the economic recovery of the country. You
don't have to wait for the Government of National Unity to resolve their
outstanding issues before you can invest. The time is now," said Goss.
He said the potential aviation market on a domestic and regional basis
is significant and currently underserved.
"For Zimbabwe to re-build its economic base and attract investment it
is essential that it has a first world transport capability. Having observed
the market opportunity for over a year, Fly540 Zimbabwe believes that now is
the right time to commence operations. The 2010 FIFA World Cup soccer finals
in South Africa is a bonus to the airline," added Goss.
LonZim Air, a wholly owned subsidiary of LonZim plc, has invested USd
200,000 in the acquisition of 90% of Zimbabwe company Sol Air (private)
Limited.
A further US$ 4.3 million (resulting from an independent valuation)
will be invested in acquiring an ATR 42 turbo prop from the Lonrho Aviation
fleet, and US$ 2.0 million for the operational costs associated with
commencing operations and a working capital provision of US$ 3.9 million for
the first twelve months.
This capability will be complemented by a freight service. Fly540
Africa will receive US$ 100k to initiate flight operations in Zimbabwe, and
thereafter a license fee of 2.5% of gross turnover and a monthly management
fee of US$ 35,000 for managerial services.
Fly540 Zimbabwe will operate the 'low cost' airline from Harare
International Airport and is scheduled to open flights to Bulawayo and
Victoria Falls on a domestic basis and Lubumbashi, Lilongwe, Lusaka,
and Beira on an international basis.


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State Media Ordered To Run Anti-Mutambara Stories

http://www.radiovop.com


Harare - August 25, 2009 - Zimbabwe's  two  state controlled media
outlets the Herald  and the sole country's broadcaster Zimbabwe Broadcasting
corporation was on Monday ordered to attack Deputy Prime Minister Arthur
Mutambara for his Anti- President Robert Mugabe utterances at the weekend
which resulted in Zanu PF boycotting the second Ministerial Retreat held in
Nyanga.



Deputy Prime  minister Mutambara had described  last  year's June 27
Presidential Run off  elections  as " fraudulent, a nullity and a farce'.
According to a ZBC senior radio news producer, they were ordered by by
the  "top" to run the anti-Mutambara story for the whole day.

"We got the  directive from the  top news management  saying the story
condemning Deputy Prime Minister Mutambara should run on all radio news
bulletins  the  whole of Monday, and possibly be  repeated on  the following
day because DPM Mutambara is continuously attacking ZANU(PF)at both national
and International forum ,"said the senior newsman who  requested anonymity.
The same story also appeared on the Monday Herald news paper's front
page lambasting DPM Mutambara.
The Herald reported that DPM Mutambara,caused  the marching out of
the meeting by Zanu PF ministers.

Among the ministers who protested are Mugabe's favorites, Patrick
Chinamasa and Webster Shamu, Walter  Chidhakwa who  is Mugabe's closest
relative, Andrew Langa, Aguy Georgias, Mike Bimha and Douglas Mombeshora.
Zimpapers, publishers of the Herald and the ZBC have  been blamed by
the public for being partisan by  forwarding ZANU(PF) interests at the
expense of the public whom the two have  a mandate  to serve, through
informing, educating and entertaining.


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Toll gate chaos

http://www.sokwanele.com/thisiszimbabwe/archives/4595
 

Esigodini toll gate
Toll gate set up near Esigodini

With effect from the 8th August 2009, road tolls were introduced on Zimbabwe Roads. Charges range from 1 to 5 US$ per vehicle, payable at several points on the city to city trunk roads and at entry points into the country. Collection is done by ZIMRA agents (customs and excise) in conjunction with Zimbabwe Republic Police roadblocks.

The roadblocks are causing confusion amongst Zimbabweans, and a colleague of mine relayed a conversation he had with a farmer in the Esigodini area, which conveys the impact the toll gates may have on daily lives.

This local farmer apparently sends his lorry into Bulawayo with vegetables for the city three times a day. His truck has to pass through the toll point between Bulawayo and Beitbridge (border town), which has been set up set up before the town of Esigodini forty km from Bulawayo. This farmer told my colleague that he had worked out that his toll payments will be about 620 US dollars per month.

The initial toll week was a shambles: the toll collector ran out of receipts, and I saw one of them walking up and down the queues of angry motorists with nothing but a receipt book, and the payments carelessly stuffed in his coat pocket. Not a cash box in sight, and absolutely no change available unless you cause a massive fuss.

Each transaction seemed to take twenty minutes to complete. My colleague told me that the aforementioned vegetable farmer had also worked out that his lorry driver will lose two hours a day or forty-four man hours a month by going through the lengthy toll procedure three times a day.

The Minister of Transport, Communications and Infrastructural Development, Nicholas Goche, said 90% of the toll fees would be given to his Ministry, which would in turn forward the money to the Zimbabwe National Road Authority. The funds would then be forwarded to the Department of Roads, local authorities and the District Development Fund.

The remaining 10%, he said would be given to the Ministry of Finance to cover administrative costs involved in the running of the tollgates. The Minister said government vehicles would not be exempted from paying toll fees and that residents in areas surrounding the tollgates would be given special discs

The government has had two years to prepare for this momentous occasion, and still no solar panels for computerisation, no lighting at all during the night, no phones, no water is available at the site, and the toilet facilities are primitive to say the least.

The dangers involved to the toll collectors is very real: one road user told me about  tables being set in the middle of the road, and a very brave man or women sitting at the table with a receipt book ready, waiting as cars hurtle down trunk roads directly towards them! A brave person indeed when you think of those giant 18 wheelers and the speed at which they travel from RSA through Zimbabwe en route to Malawi and Zambia.

The most annoying thing to me is that we cannot even blame Gono any more !


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HOT SEAT part 2 : Minister David Coltart on crisis in education sector

http://www.swradioafrica.com/pages/hotseat250809.htm
 
 

SW RADIO AFRICA TRANSCRIPT

HOT SEAT: Interview Minister David Coltart on the crisis in the education sector.

Broadcast: 21 August 2009

VIOLET GONDA: On the Hot Seat programme we bring you the last segment of the interview with education minister David Coltart. Last week the minister gave us his thoughts on the in-fighting in his party, the issue of sanctions and the progress of the inclusive government. In this final part we take an in-depth look into the crisis in the education sector, and I started by asking the minister to give us an insight into the state of his ministry.

DAVID COLTART: Violet there’s no doubt that things have improved since February. When I took office on the 17th of February, most of the 7,000 government schools were closed, most of the 80,000 teachers were on strike, and examinations from last year hadn’t been marked.

We have now got most of the schools open, teachers are back at work, and the exams have been marked. But that’s a very superficial assessment because the education sector is still very fragile and could still unravel. As you know teachers are justly dissatisfied with the amount they are paid and the general conditions. The pupil-textbook ratio is still horrendous in most schools, the infrastructure of schools is in a shocking state and so we’ve got a lot of work to do still to achieve better substance regarding our education, in other words to move away from just the mere form of education to a qualitative substance.

GONDA: You say that the education sector is still very fragile, so on the issue of teachers, what improvements have you made to improve the lifestyle of teachers?

COLTART: There are a couple of improvements; obviously firstly the improvement that the transitional government has made in terms of paying teachers with money they can use, with money that doesn’t lose its value. That’s nothing to do with me, that’s part of the minister of finance’ work and the transitional government’s work in general. But secondly what I’ve done is - I’ve waived the requirement that teachers pay fees at government schools - that was a small perk for teachers. Thirdly I’ve tried to streamline the procedures involved in getting teachers back to work. There was a very cumbersome process that teachers had to go through if they wanted to come back to work. As you know some thousands of teachers left the service, left the profession in 2007 and 2008 and we wanted them back, it was a bit of a bureaucratic nightmare, so I’ve tried to smooth that; and then finally we have the ongoing problem that teachers who have been brutalised over the last few years, fear going back to their stations where they were threatened and of course some were even tortured and what I’ve done in that regard is issue a statement saying very clearly that schools are educational institutions, they should not be institutions used for political purposes and I’ve banned the use of schools for all people other than genuine educators and I hope that will in time, have the effect of relieving some of those fears of teachers, of creating a conducive environment for teachers to teach in and for children to learn in.

GONDA: But I’ve been talking to the teachers’ representatives like Raymond Majongwe and Takavafira Zhou from the Progressive Teachers Union of Zimbabwe and they complain that there’s not much movement that is taking place in the education sector and that the decisions that you would have made as the minister of education, the decisions that you would have made with them as the unions are actually being reversed by the permanent secretary Dr Steven Mahere and the PTUZ says it appears there are too many centres of power in the ministry, so to what extent are you in control?

COLTART: Well I’d say in response to that is that we need to recognise that this is a process of transition, that one doesn’t achieve one’s ultimate objectives overnight. I think that that is so regarding the Prime Minister and the transitional government in general and we’ve got to see whether there has been any meaningful improvement. I’m not satisfied where we are at present, as I said in my opening remarks, the education sector is still very fragile and in that description I include these sentiments expressed, these legitimate sentiments expressed in some respects by the teachers’ union but I need to state very clearly regarding the allegation against Dr Mahere; for example there have been problems regarding the implementation of the policy to cut out the red tape involved in getting teachers back into work but those obstacles have not been placed in our paths by Dr Mahere, in fact it has been the Public Services Commission that has been responsible for reversing some of the, or trying to reverse rather some of the policies that I have implemented so there’s a danger that one can blame Dr Mahere for all the problems when in fact he may not be to blame at all.

GONDA: You mentioned that it’s the Public Service Commission that has reversed some of the policies that you would have wanted to implement and you talked about the amnesty for teachers but why is that, shouldn’t the Public Services Commission be taking instructions from you especially on a matter that you would have said this is the way to go?

COLTART: Part of the problem is that of course the ministry of education doesn’t employ teachers, they are employed by the Public Services Commission and it is the Public Services Commission that sets out the conditions of service and to that extent my hands are tied. I can indicate my policy desires but ultimately it is the Public Services Commission that has to set the conditions. Now all that I wanted to achieve through the amnesty was to remove some of the requirements, for example we had regulations that stated that teachers who were in the service as recent as last year had to provide police clearance certificates and medical certificates and copies of all their examination results when we in the ministry knew that they were bone fide teachers and were people we would want back in the service. What the Public Services Commission has said is that we’ve got conditions that apply to all civil servants, not just teachers and there are regulations and laws in place that can’t just be waived so to a certain extent, this has resulted not so much from bad faith but from people looking at the strict legal interpretation of conditions of service and not seeking to change those rules quickly so that we can accommodate the teachers. Now those people advocating for that strict interpretation may be obstructive, I don’t know what is in their minds, but they may just be being legalistic and concerned that we comply with the law. But what I said to them is if we are in beach of policy or conditions of law, then we need to change that quickly in the national interest so that we can get these teachers back in. But in essence Violet what I’m saying is that one can’t automatically assume that the people who for example are saying that there must be medical certificates and there must be police clearance certificates are trying to frustrate the process. It may be that that is what they are doing, that that is their intention but we can’t say that for certain.

GONDA: But how are you going to resolve this situation especially on the issue of amnesty because according to the teachers’ unions they fear that this vetting system that the PSC is introducing may actually result in or see teachers being victimised along political lines?

COLTART: Well let me make one thing very clear, I’m not prepared to tolerate in any form the victimisation of teachers on partisan grounds. Teachers are professionals, they have rights like every other citizen, they have the right to associate with a trade union of their choice, they have the right to be a member of a political party of their choice so long as it complies with the laws of Zimbabwe and those rights must be respected. So I’m definitely in their corner in that regard and I will fight as hard as I can and if I come across any instances where teachers are being discriminated against because of their political beliefs I will use all the powers at my disposal to ensure that that doesn’t happen and they get back into the profession. We need teachers in the classroom and anyone who seeks to discriminate against teachers like that is actually acting in a treasonous and traitorous fashion. They are acting against the national interest, against the interests of Zimbabwean children and they should be exposed. What am I doing about it? Well I’ve recently written a long letter to my counterpart, the minister of the public service, Professor Mukonoweshuro expressing concern about what is going on and he’s replied to that and indicated in his reply that he’s directed his permanent secretary to work with my permanent secretary to resolve these issues and so I hope that that is going to resolve these issues, that this red tape will be removed and that we can get teachers back into the service as soon as possible.

GONDA: And you said earlier on that you’ve banned the use of people who are not teachers in schools but again I go back to the PTUZ who claim that the notorious youth militia are still being allowed to terrorise teachers and this is also in spite of a letter that you wrote yourself as the minister calling for the removal of the youths from the schools. What can you say about this?

COLTART: Well I go back Violet to the comment I made earlier, Rome wasn’t built in a day, this is a transitional government, and I think we must have realistic expectations for it not just in education but in other sectors as well. We are seeking to undo decades of Zanu-PF rule and Zanu-PF’s manner of ruling and you don’t change that manner of thinking overnight and I can issue as many statements as I like but it is inevitable that in certain areas there will be people who will want to disregard what I say but I think what we can say is that whilst this has happened in certain areas I believe in the vast majority of schools a peaceful environment, there is a peaceful environment today. Now as these reports come in and as they are substantiated I will deal with them and if needs be I will go to those schools myself and set out what the policy is and let me say this Violet, that my statement is simply a restatement of existing policy. There are existing policy documents going back to the early 1980s which make it quite clear that schools are not to be used for political purposes. So this isn’t a new MDC policy ironically it actually goes back as I say to the early 1980s. But if that doesn’t work then I will go to the extent of publishing statutory instruments to make it very clear that only authorised people are allowed on school grounds and if needs be, we'll have penalties attached to those statutory instruments to ensure that there’s some form of sanction. But what I want to say to the teachers and to the teachers’ unions and parents and public in general is that this is a journey. I’ve got a very clear objective in mind, I’m very determined in my pursuit of that objective and ultimately I have no doubt that we will reach our destination, a destination is as I say is creating a conducive environment in which children can learn and be nourished and understand what their country is about and through that develop a deep sense of patriotism.

GONDA: And you know it’s not just the teachers who are complaining, we also receive statements from the Tsvangirai led MDC giving examples of places like in Mutasa Central where they say soldiers based at Mvumbunu Primary School are harassing and torturing innocent villagers and that they are doing this with the help of the youth militia who are based in the schools and who are sharing accommodation with teachers in that school. Some of the teachers have been forced to flee, so that’s why I’m just giving that as an example to show that it’s not just the teachers who are saying this. But the question I want to ask you on the issue of the militia is - what is going to be your policy on the issue of the Border Gezi trained teachers and how do you intend to integrate teachers who were trained at indoctrination?

COLTART: I think that the fundamental policy is that we all as Zimbabweans desire our children to be taught by the best qualified people and the one very satisfying thing about the recent survey done by my advisory board is that we still have a very high percentage of teachers who are fully qualified and I’d rather not get too bogged down on Border Gezi people, I would rather focus on this goal of ensuring that we aim towards achieving a goal of having 100% of our teachers fully qualified, 100% of our teachers having gone through tertiary institutions, our teacher training colleges so they are genuine teachers. So rather than conduct a witch hunt on the basis of Border Gezi militia I would rather conduct a survey to see what qualifications teachers have and to restate this goal that ultimately if teachers do not have qualifications, then they must get those qualifications in a certain period of time and if they aren’t bright enough or don’t work hard enough to get those qualifications, then they should be removed from the service. But that shouldn’t be based on whether they were Border Gezi people, there are also teachers out there who are not militia but who are not properly qualified and those people as well ultimately must be removed. But this has to be a progression. If I conduct a witch hunt overnight, I’m going to stir up a lot of trouble much of which maybe unnecessary. There are certainly some people who I’ve met, for example I have a person on our national education advisory board who was a militia who is now a trade union leader and he strikes me as being a reasonable person committed to education. There’s a real danger that we just paint everyone with the same brush and I don’t think that we can afford to do that. We need to judge each person on their own merits but as I say in the long term we need to ensure that we have the best qualified teachers teaching our children irrespective of their backgrounds.

GONDA: Are you able to tell us who it was that was militia, who’s now on your board?

COLTART: I don’t want to draw attention to him, I don’t think that that would be fair, but the other trade union leaders know who he is and he’s making a very constructive contribution to the advisory board.

GONDA: How long do you think it will take to resuscitate the education sector then?

COLTART: Violet we need to understand that the education sector has suffered several body blows in the last ten to 15 years. We haven’t been putting sufficient money into education for at least a decade, arguably two decades and until we start as a government deciding what our budgetary priorities are it’s going to take a long time to restore education. I’m not exaggerating when I say that just to stabilise the education sector will take over a billion US dollars and by stabilising, what I mean by that is just establishing a basic education for our children. We need 90 million US dollars alone just to get our textbook ratios back to reasonable levels. The infrastructure in most schools is in such a pitiful state that that is going to consume hundreds of millions of dollars and of course until we get that money in we can’t even talk of improving education. But let’s assume that I get that money in, there are then a variety of policies that I want to improve on and in some respects change. Our orientation has been very much towards academic education, there’s been very little vocational training and one of my frustrations as a parent has been that my children haven’t come out with practical skills at the end of their education. Yes they can speak English well and count well, but for example, they can’t speak an indigenous language fluently and that is a practical skill. For many children in rural areas they don’t have the practical skill of being able to grow crops as a result of their education. Another practical skill is that our children don’t have a deep rooted knowledge of the constitution, love and respect for human rights and democratic practices in our country and these are things that our education system needs to develop and that is going to take a long time even once we have stabilised the physical, what I term the physical infrastructure and environment of our education system. And I think it’s going to take arguably a generation to get the type of education system that I dream of, the education system that I have a vision for. But I think the short answer to your question is that with money, with adequate flows we can get our education system back to where it was say in 1999 within three to four years; I think we can get it back to that. But I want to go a lot further than that, I’m not satisfied where our education system was in 1999 and I think that that’s going to be a longer process.

GONDA: And what about the reintroduction of the Cambridge examinations?

COLTART: Violet ZIMSEC certainly ten years ago and up until a few years ago established an enviable reputation. It produced a qualification that was respected and accepted by universities throughout the world and I think as Zimbabweans we should be proud of what was achieved an. But of course only if it is cost effective and if the public’s confidence in ZIMSEC is restored. So at this stage I don’t want to talk about the reintroduction of Cambridge, what I will say about Cambridge is that we need to respect as a constitutional right the freedom of parents and children to choose which examination to write. That should be a fundamental right; the government shouldn’t interfere with that. But having said that I think that we should do all in our power to try to resuscitate, restore ZIMSEC, to give it a chance. But once again Violet, to do that is going to take a lot of money. Cambridge has a huge infrastructure that has been built up over decades and it costs a lot of money to run a credible institution like that and unless we as a government commit ourselves to apportioning a much greater amount of money from the national budget we’re not going to achieve that goal. We’ve got to cut back on defence spending, we’ve got to cut back on the size of government, of cabinet, we’ve got to cut back on some of the luxuries that the government enjoys, we’ve got to cut back on the size of the CIO and various other bodies and pour that money into education and of course into health as well.

GONDA: I was actually going to ask you a question about this issue of the money because you said sufficient money has not been put into the education system and I was going to ask that is it really about money or more about willpower and changing attitudes - because some would say you can put in as much money as you want into a system like this and if there are no checks and balances or if there’s no transparency it will be just a waste of money and nothing will really change and as you said, you’d really want to go back to a system that we had in the ‘80s. Now that’s 30 years ago, so is it really about money or also to do with changing attitudes?

COLTART: I think it’s both. In the short term it is definitely money, there isn’t money in Treasury at present to put education back on its feet. With the best will in the world, with all the transparency in the world at present there simply isn’t the money and that will only come when we get the wheels of industry turning and the flows of revenues into the Treasury. But you’re absolutely right, unless there’s a deep rooted will, political will, to spend that money correctly then you can throw as much money as you like to education but you’re not going to build a sustainable educational system that actually delivers. So I agree with you, we need to ensure for example the procurement of textbooks, in the development of the infrastructure of schools, that there’s transparency. We need to ensure that our training institutions are not subject to nepotism and partisanship, we need to ensure that teachers who get, or rather children who get good “A” levels are allowed to go on to teaching irrespective of their political backgrounds, their ethnic background, their racial background, their gender and so all of these factors combined need to be addressed if we are to achieve that goal of an excellent education for all Zimbabweans in the future.

GONDA: And of course we have a wealth of resources in our country but it appears that the government is relying too much on outside help. What are your views on this because we have diamonds, we have gold and we used to have the second biggest platinum reserves in the world, so how much is coming from these minerals and why aren’t we using that to help rebuild our country?

COLTART: Well we’ve got all this wealth sitting underground and all this wealth that resides in our people. Our greatest asset is not our mineral resources, it’s our people but we haven’t exploited that so all this wealth is lying dormant at present. It’s not as if our mines, our industries, our hotels are running at full capacity and that’s the first thing we’ve got to do, we’ve got to create a business environment that allows for foreign investment, which allows for Zimbabweans in the Diaspora to feel comfortable about coming back so that they can contribute their skills and their capital to rebuilding the country. But once we’ve done that then of course we have to build a democratic and transparent society that will ensure that the wealth generated by our highly productive mines doesn’t go into the hands of a corrupt elite and that is only going to happen when we have a strong democratic constitution, the fourth estate is vibrant and vigorous, when we have independent radio stations and television stations and independent daily newspapers exposing what politicians are getting up to. And as we know, corruption isn’t confined to Zimbabwe, corruption is found in every country in the world and it’s really only a strong constitution backed by a strong judiciary, backed by an independent prosecuting authority, backed by a strong media that exposes corruption and ensures that those responsible for it are brought to book and that is the only guarantor that a nation’s wealth will be used for the benefit of all its people.

GONDA: In your sector some have said that part of the problem is that money was being paid to people who are no longer working or who have left teaching or who are actually dead. Now what is the extent of ghost teachers on the payroll, have you been able to find out?

COLTART: I have not been able to find out yet to my satisfaction. I’m told by the permanent secretary that some 94,000 teachers were paid a salary or an allowance rather in February. The leaders of the trade unions believe that the numbers of teachers are far less than that. They believe that we don’t have anything more than 60,000 teachers. Unfortunately we have no computerised data base within the ministry of education, that was one of the things that shocked me and I’m trying to address that and I’ve approached the World Bank and the South Koreans and the Indians and others to try and help me get a computerised data base because my view is that only when I have that then I’m going to be able to have an accurate assessment of how many teachers we’ve got. But having said that, let me mention this to you, that the national education advisory board which I set up in March has conducted a sample survey in a 120 schools which only comprises 2% of schools in the country but that has yielded some surprising results. It’s revealed that we have a very high percentage still of trained teachers in our schools and that we have a very high percentage of teachers still at school. Now because it’s such a small sample I can’t rely on that too heavily but it is an interesting result which would appear to back that figure of 80,000 teachers rather than the trade union figure; but the short answer Violet is that none of us know at this stage, none of us can have confidence about how many ghost teachers there are out there. That will only happen I think when we’ve computerised the system and when we’ve conducted a more comprehensive survey regarding the situation on the ground.

GONDA: Before we go let’s discuss a bit about sporting matters since you are also the minister of sport. In February you were criticised in some quarters for saying that the New Zealand cricket team had an obligation to tour Zimbabwe and that you were prepared to travel to New Zealand to lobby the government there to allow the tour to take place. Some and I quote the ZWNEWS service actually said ‘this is putting the cart before the horse and that first there has yet to be any change in the economic and human rights conditions which lie behind the New Zealanders’ concerns over their tour.’ Your thoughts on this?

COLTART: Well going back to the New Zealand issue, if you look at my original statement, in that same statement I recognised that New Zealand had legitimate concerns, concerns that I share, concerns about allegations of corruption and allegations of racism in sport and I said in that statement that those legitimate concerns would have to be addressed. All I said to the New Zealanders was ‘give us a chance to address those concerns.’ The New Zealanders were not going to tour Zimbabwe immediately, I think they were due to come in July and my hope was that between February and July I would have been able to address some of those concerns; and in fact I believe that that has turned out to be correct. I now have engaged Zimbabwe Cricket; I am in possession of the ICC mandated audit report which I have studied. I have had a series of meetings with Zimbabwe Cricket and they have agreed with me that corruption should not be tolerated and racism and regionalism and those type of things should not be tolerated and I think that we’ve seen even recently in the Bangladesh tour, the appointment of Alistair Campbell and the clearly stated policy that those are going to be selected on merit, that these issues are starting to be addressed. And I come back to the point I made regarding education Violet, this is a transition. We are naďve if we think everything is going to change overnight, that all the problems are going to be addressed overnight, it is a process and that process applies to sport and I think that if one focuses on cricket there has been a material improvement since February. There was terrible discord between Zimbabwe Cricket and for example, former members of the board, people like David Ellman-Brown but last week he was given a lifetime award by Zimbabwe Cricket. That’s a progression and the same applies to other sports.

GONDA: You mentioned the ICC audit, is that ever going to be released to the public?

COLTART: Well I’m still involved in discussions with Zimbabwe Cricket regarding that report, I’ve read it, the condition set down by both the ICC I need to stress and Zimbabwe Cricket is that it should remain confidential. My own view is that the suspicions that the public have will linger until we are more transparent, until we make that report public and that is the line that I have taken with both the ICC and Zimbabwe Cricket. But once again Violet, this is a process. I’m involved in discussions with Zimbabwe Cricket in this regard and I hope that in due course there can be better transparency and that I can get the consent of both the ICC and Zimbabwe Cricket to release that report in the national interest.

GONDA: Education minister David Coltart speaking on the programme Hot Seat.

Feedback can be sent to violet@swradioafrica.com


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Zimbabwe Security Still Holding To Seized Plane

http://www.radiovop.com


Harare, August 25,2009 - Zimbabwe security authorities are still
holding on the Boeing 727 seized from mercenaries in 2004 at the Harare
International airport following the arrest of mercenary leader,Simon Francis
Mann and 69 others on charges of plotting to overthrow the government of
President Teodoro Obiang Nguema of Guinea.




The Boeing 767, which is still at Manyame military airbase hangers,
has not been flown since it was seized five years ago although they were
efforts by the Zimbabwe authorities to lease it to some business man in the
Democratic Republic of Congo, military sources told RadioVOP.
The plane, which was seized together with military equipment worth 100
000 British pounds and US 200 000 dollars in cash is being serviced by
technicians from the DRC, sources said.
"The plane has not been flown since 2004.Some plane experts from DRC
are coming every three months to service the plane.They do not fly but only
engage in ground running," an senior officer with the Airforce of Zimbabwe
said.
  Zimbabwe is aware flying the plane, which carries over 80 passengers
outside Zimbabwe will result in its seizure and if they fly it locally it
will be shunned by locals, the source said. The government is paying for the
servicing of the plane.
Mann , who is serving a 34 year sentence was extradited to the
Equatorial Guinea after serving briefly a seven year sentence in Zimbabwe
but has pleaded not guilty to charges of planning to overthrow Nguema.
An advance team of 14 mercenaries which had already landed in Guinea
was sentenced to 34 years in prison while the other 68 who were with Mann in
Harare were released and one died in prison in Harare.
The coup plot by Mann's team roped in Sir Mark Thatcher, the son of
the former Britain Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher who was accused of
bankrolling the attempts of overthrowing Nguema regime.
 Mann and his team in their defence said when they were arrested in
Harare were on their way to diamond mines in the DRC to provide security.


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Bill Watch Special of 25th August 2009 [Parliamentary Committee Meetings Open to Public]

BILL WATCH SPECIAL

[25th  August 2009]

 

Parliamentary Committee Meetings This Week Open to the Public

 

Members of the public wishing to attend these meetings are advised to telephone Parliament [700181] first and check with the appropriate committee clerk that the meeting has not been cancelled

 

Wednesday 26th August

House of Assembly Portfolio Committee on Local Government, Rural and Urban Development

Review of Traditional Leaders Act

10 am, Committee Room No. 413

Senate Thematic Committee on Peace and Security

Presentation by representatives from the Centre for Defence Studies

9 am, Committee Room No. 4

 

Thursday 27th August

House of Assembly Portfolio Committee on Women, Youth, Gender and Community Development

Meeting with Youth Empowerment and Transformation Trust

10 am, Committee Room No. 3

Senate Thematic Committee on Indigenisation and Empowerment

Oral evidence from Ministry of Youth, Indigenisation and Empowerment

11 am, Government Caucus Room

 

 

Veritas makes every effort to ensure reliable information, but cannot take legal responsibility for information supplied.

 


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Peace Watch of 24th August 2009 [Wheels of Justice Slow for Peace Workers and Activists]

PEACE WATCH

[24th August 2009]

Peace Watch has been following the cases of the Zimbabwe Peace Project [ZPP] staff – Jestina Mukoko, Brodrick Takawira, and Pascal Gonzo – who were abducted by State agents in early December.  Their “enforced disappearances” were similar to those of a number of MDC activists a month earlier.  The police said they had no information about them, were treating their disappearance as kidnapping and were ordered by a High Court judge to search for them, but eventually produced them at the end of December together with the other abductees.  It turned out they had been in the hands of State agents all along, and all the abductees alleged they had been tortured and/or subjected to other inhuman and degrading treatment during their illegal detention.  The State continued to detain them on various charges in Chikurubi maximum security prison, in poor conditions, with many of them in solitary confinement.  One ZPP worker, Pascal Gonzo, was released without charge in early February, but it took months of legal battles to get Jestina Mukoko, Brodrick Takawira and the other abductees access to medical treatment – many of them had to be hospitalised – and eventually get all of them them out on bail.

It was not until the 4th May that the State eventually served the formal legal documents setting out the State’s charges against Jestina Mukoko, Brodrick Takawira and fourteen other abductees and setting dates for their trials in the High Court.  There are three separate cases.  Two groups [the second group includes Jestina and Brodrick] are charged with recruiting MDC-T party youths to undergo military training in Botswana for the purpose of committing acts of insurgency, banditry, sabotage or terrorism in Zimbabwe.  These two groups are being tried separately, as the State claims the witnesses and circumstances are different for each group.  The third case involves a group of seven abductees charged with sabotage by causing explosions at police premises and at the Manyame River Bridge in August and November 2008.  [For list of names see below.]

Abductees High Court Trials Indefinitely Postponed

All three trials have been postponed indefinitely pending the Supreme Court’s decisions in the constitutional cases requesting the stopping of the trials [see below].  Meanwhile Jestina, Brodrick and the others are still restricted by bail conditions requiring them to report once weekly to police and limiting their ability to travel [the authorities still hold their passports].  After the ordeals that they have all suffered many of them would just like to get away for a holiday or where they can relax and feel safe, but they are still subject to restraint, fear and anxiety about the final outcome.

 Judgement still Pending on Jestina Mukoko’s Appeal to Supreme Court

In January Jestina successfully applied to for her case to be referred to the Supreme Court on the ground that her constitutional rights had been comprehensively breached by her abduction, detention, torture and other inhuman and degrading treatment, denial of access to her lawyers and medical treatment.  The Supreme Court was also requested to order that her trial be permanently stayed on account of those infrintgements of her constitutional rights.  The Supreme Court hearing was on the 25th June, and the court reserved judgment. 

Other Appeals to Supreme Court

Similar applications for Supreme Court constitutional hearings were granted by a magistrate for ZPP’s Brodrick Takawira and another abductee, Audrey Zimbudzana, in February.  More recently High Court judges have granted similar applications made by all the other abductees as they came up for trial in the High Court on 8th June, 29th June and 20th July.  This means that all the abductees now have cases before the Supreme Court asking the court to stop the trials because they were abducted, tortured, etc.  These cases are unlikely to come up for hearing until the Supreme Court has handed down its decision in Jestina Mukoko’s case – because her case is a test case for all of the abductees.

State Ordered to Produce Jestina’s “Confession” Video

The State, when it served the indictment papers on Jestina [4th May], said it was basing its case on video footage containing her confession, together with witness statements and other documents.  The prosecutor undertook to provide these items to the defence, as legally bound to do.  When the case came to trial on 20th July, defence lawyer Beatrice Mtetwa told the court that the items had not been supplied despite numerous written requests to the Attorney-General’s Office.  The judge ordered the State to provide the items to the defence team, but the AG’s office has still not complied with the Judge’s order. 

Abductees’ Civil Cases Claiming Compensation

Jestina Mukoko has brought a civil case against the State [and also against several named State security agents and police officers in their personal capacities], in which she claims US$220 000 compensation for illegal abduction, detention, subjection to torture and inhuman and degrading treatment, etc.  17 other abductees are also suing the State and individuals, each claiming US$1.2 million.  [Note:  The individual defendants named in these civil cases have so far enjoyed effective immunity from criminal proceedings – despite complaints laid on behalf of the abductees, no charges have been brought against those responsible for their abduction and ill-treatment and as far as is known there has been no police investigation.  But that immunity does not affect these civil compensation claims.  Nor can the civil claims be defeated by the granting of a Presidential pardon – because pardons affect criminal prosecutions only.]

Spill-Over Effect: Other Prosecutions Arising from the Abductees Cases

For over nine months lawyers have fought for the abductees rights.  One of their principal lawyers has been harassed and hauled to court three times to face criminal charges for his efforts to get three of the abductees released on bail.  A journalist reporting on the case has been prosecuted, together with his editor and the paper’s owner.  A High Court official has been charged with abuse of office for processing bail release papers.  A senior MDC-T official who took court action out of concern for the safety of three vanished party activists found himself being prosecuted for perjury.

Three Cases Brought against Abductees’ Lawyer

The State’s third attempt to prosecute human rights lawyer Alec Muchadehama was dismissed by a magistrate on 28th July as he had not been properly summonsed, the offence charged was not clearly identified and the prosecution had failed to provide the particulars of the charge as requested by the defence.  The State’s two previous attempts to prosecute Mr Muchadehama also fizzled out.  In mid May he was arrested and subjected to a night in police cells before being taken to court and remanded on bail a charge of interfering with the administration of justice.  A fortnight later a magistrate discharged him on the ground that there was no reasonable suspicion that an offence had been committed [see Peace Watch of 2nd June].  In June Mr Muchadehama was served with another summons, but it was withdrawn when he arrived at court [see Peace Watch of 24th June].  This is a clear case of harassment of a human rights defender.  He has been trailed by State agents, arrested, detained overnight in police cells, twice had summons served on him in the middle of important High Court cases, been forced to appear in the dock in court and had his work disrupted – all of which has been  extremely stressful for him and his wife and family.

Case Against Zimbabwe Independent Journalists and Owners

Vincent Kahiya, the Zimbabwe Independent’s editor, and Constantine Chimakure, the news editor, were arrested and detained overnight in police cells before being charged, together with Mike Curling representing the paper’s owners, with publishing falsehoods in an article reporting charges brought against the abductees.  On 30th July the magistrate referred the case to the Supreme Court for a ruling on whether the section of the law under which they were charged [section 31(1)(a) of the Criminal Law Code] infringes the constitutional right to freedom of expression.  Their trial has been deferred to 24th November, by which time the Supreme Court may have reached its decision – although the case has not even been heard yet.  Meantime the two journalists are still on bail.  

Case against Court Official

A judge’s clerk who processed bail release papers for three of the abductees [allegedly prematurely, although there was a court order for her to do so], was arrested, placed on remand and held in prison for several days, although she was breastfeeding her infant, before being released on bail.  She remains on bail, reporting twice weekly to police.  No date has been fixed for her return to court.  This is not the first time a court official has been arrested in a “political” case – and Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights has issued a statement saying that “the practice of executive persecution of judicial officers who are exercising their professional functions in terms of the law deserves the strongest condemnation and should cease forthwith”.

Case against MDC-T Director-General

In early June MDC-T Director-General Toendepi Shonhe signed an affidavit stating that, on the information he had been given, he believed that 3 MDC activists had been re-abducted.  They were the three MDC-T members who had been among those originally abducted and later turned up in police detention as “unwilling” state witnesses [they signed affidavits that they had been tortured].  In fact they had been picked up by CID details, including a person they believed to have been involved in their previous abduction and torture, and taken against their will to the AG’s office in Harare, where they alleged they had been warned ot to change their evidence in the upcoming trial against the other abductees.  Mr Shonhe was arrested on 16th June on charges of perjury and spent ten days in custody before he got bail.  On the 17th August he was acquitted on the ground that the State had utterly failed to make out a case for him to answer. 

A forthcoming Peace Watch will raise questions about what lessons can be learnt from these cases and what can be done to prevent enforced disappearances, torture of activists and harassment of human rights defenders

[Note: the three groups listed for High Court trial are: 

Group 1 [recruiters] – Concillia Chinanzvavana, Fidelis Chiramba, Violet Mupfuranhewe and Collen Mutemagau

Group 2 [recruiters] – Manuel Chinanzvavana, Pieta Kaseke, Jestina Mukoko, Audrey Zimbudzana and Brodrick Takawira

Group 3 [ bombers] – Kisimusi [Chris] Dhlamini, Gandhi Mudzingwa, Chinoto Zulu, Andrison Manyere, Zacharia Nkomo, Regis Mujeyi and Mapfumo Garutsa]

Veritas makes every effort to ensure reliable information, but cannot take legal responsibility for information supplied.

 


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