Tendai Biti employee assaulted by soldiers

Late this afternoon an employee of Zimbabwe's Minister of Finance, Tendai
Biti, was brutally assaulted by soldiers at Biti's home in Harare.  The
victim, Howard Makonza, was rushed to hospital for treatment.

Last weekend Robert Mugabe called for an end to violence, stating that
people should promote "the values and practice of tolerance, respect,
non-violence and dialogue as a means of resolving political differences."
However, Zimbabweans warn that it's clearly business as usual for Mugabe and
his Zanu PF thugs.

On Monday, Biti, who is also the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
Secretary General, received a live bullet in a letter - a trademark Zanu PF
death threat.  The letter told Biti to "sort out his estate".

Since Biti viewed the threat seriously, he reported the incident to the
police.  Ironically, the Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO), which is
tasked with protecting cabinet ministers, has taken charge of the
investigations.

Rewind to March 1, 2007, the date on which The Zimbabwean newspaper released
the news that the CIO had compiled a hit-list of 50 opposition politicians,
civil society leaders, lawyers and journalists.

Intelligence sources told The Zimbabwean that the list included Tendai Biti
and MDC spokesperson Nelson Chamisa, as well as human rights lawyer Arnold
Tsunga and Lovemore Madhuku, chairman of the National Constitutional
Assembly.

In an interview with SW Radio Africa a year later on April 26, 2008, Biti
discussed the hit list and described the situation in Zimbabwe as a "war
zone".

He told the interviewer, Violet Gonda, that he had been in prison ever year
since 2000, including 2007 after the vicious attacks on people assembling
for the March 11 Save Zimbabwe prayer meeting.

On March 18, a week after the carnage, Chamisa was brutally attacked on his
way to Harare international airport to catch a flight to Brussels where he
was scheduled to attend EU-ACP meetings.

Sources monitoring Biti's latest death threat believe that Defence Minister
Emmerson Mnangagwa is involved.

Mnangagwa is said to be furious over Biti's declaration that he would seek
to overhaul the country's mineral laws.

Together with his notorious business partner Billy Rautenbach, Mnangagwa is
reported to have embarked on a strategy to take over the country's 600 mines
involving various dubious deals.

Mnangagwa, known by his supporters as Ngwena (The Crocodile), was one of two
security ministers who presided over operations during Gukurahundi, when
more than 20 000 people were massacred in Matabeleland in the early 1980s.

Back to the current wave of violence.  On the evening of Wednesday July 22,
the mother of Nqobizitha Mlilo, a top aide to Biti, was attacked in her
small home town of Mvuma.

Mrs Athanancia Mlilo, a 63-year-old nurse, was savagely beaten over the head
with an iron bar and left for dead. Friends who rushed to her aid saved her
life and she was taken to hospital where she received 25 stitches to her
head.

Mlilo believes the attack was politically motivated and that Mnangagwa's
thugs may have been responsible.  Mnangagwa is currently the Zanu PF MP for
Mvuma-Zivangwe.

People in the constituency had earlier warned Mlilo that he could be on a
collision course with Mnangagwa who is well known for dealing ruthlessly
with his political opponents.

Also during the three days of "peace and national healing" last week, an
MDC-T activist, Ebba Katiyo from Uzumba, a village in Mashonaland East, was
battling life-threatening injuries inflicted by Zanu PF supporters a few
days earlier.

In Mutoko East, the air force tried to intimidate 10 000 supporters
attending an MDC weekend rally.  An air force helicopter was flown in and
hovered so low over the crowd that one of the crew was actually identified.

The officer, a man called Manhanga, is known to have worked under the
command of Bramwell Katsvairo who spearheaded violence in Mashonaland East
province during the Presidential run-off election in June last year.

       Zimbabweans are anxious that the leaders of the Southern African
Development Community (SADC), who underwrote the Global Political Agreement
which led to the formation of the transitional government, take the
escalating violence very seriously.

They believe the strategy is two-fold:  firstly to force them to
agree to the Kariba draft constitution, which would allow Mugabe to serve a
further two terms in office, and secondly to intimidate the country ahead of
the next elections.

Although a date has not been set, it is believed that Mugabe is
already strategising for March next year.

Earlier this month, the Zanu PF Minister of Youth Development, Empowerment
and Indigenisation, Saviour Kasukuwere, said plans were at an advanced stage
for the reopening of youth "training centres" (militia camps) across the
country.

Kasukuwere admitted openly that Zanu PF deployed militias to spearhead its
violent election campaign last year that left hundreds of opposition
supporters dead.

A known CIO operative, Kasukuwere has been linked to the car accident in
which Mrs Susan Tsvangirai was killed earlier this year on March 6.

Kasukuwere was also a ringleader in the violent disruption on July 13 of the
All-Stakeholders' Conference aimed at drafting a new national constitution.

ENDS

Released by:

Zimbabwe Democracy Now

www.zimbabwedemocracynow.com

37 killed in Zimbabwe road accident

http://story.irishsun.com/

Irish Sun
Sunday 2nd August, 2009
(IANS)

Harare, Aug 2 (Xinhua) Thirty-seven people were killed Sunday when the
passenger bus in which they were traveling collided head-on with a truck in
northern Zimbabwe, officials said.

The accident occurred at around 8 a.m., 80 km south of Harare.

Police spokesman Andrew Phiri said 33 people died on the spot, while four
others died later.

Twenty-nine people were injured in the accident.

Phiri said the accident occurred when the bus driver tried to overtake a
vehicle.

One person from the truck was also killed.

He, however, did not mention how many people were on board the vehicles at
the time of the accident.

Fugitive given vast ranch in Zimbabwe

http://www.iol.co.za

    August 02 2009 at 09:17AM

By Peta Thornycroft

At a time when all but a few hundred of Zimbabwe's white farmers have
been kicked off their land, fugitive businessman Billy Rautenbach has been
handed a vast tract in the south, left in trust by former Nationalist leader
Joshua Nkomo to develop black agriculture.

Some black farmers there claim Rautenbach has interfered with their
ranching and is trying to push them out.

This was revealed in a documentary in the Dispatches slot on Britain's
Channel 4 last Monday.

The film also shows how a British company, Camec plc, whose chairman
is former Test cricketer Phil Edmonds, was involved in mining deals in
Zimbabwe which the Movement for Democratic Change claims funded Zanu-PF
violence during the election period last year.

Rautenbach is a major shareholder in the opaque shareholdings of
Camec, which has periodically talked up its share price in London and made
some public statements about operations which contradicted the reality. Its
assets are far fewer than regularly reported in the British press, and at
present it has only one which is active, in Katanga province of the
Democratic Republic of Congo.

Rautenbach is on the US and EU sanctions list, which means he cannot
travel there nor can citizens of those countries trade with him, but he
bankrolls some of Camec's activities in Zimbabwe, and uses a Camec-connected
company's bank account at Jyske Bank, in British crown colony Gibraltar.

South Africa's prosecuting authority applied for Rautenbach's
extradition from Zimbabwe more than two years ago for trial on massive
customs fraud in SA, but this request was ignored by the former Zanu-PF
government.

Rautenbach has just completed drilling tests in platinum sites in
central Zimbabwe wrested from Anglo Platinum by the former government last
year.

CAMEC CEO Andrew Groves, schooled in KwaZulu-Natal, confirmed the
company had paid President Robert Mugabe $100 million (R7.9 billion) for the
concessions which Anglo Plats was forced to hand over to protect the
development of its platinum mine in central Zimbabwe.

It was this money, several top MDC leaders claim, which helped fund
the election violence last year in which about 200 MDC supporters were
killed and hundreds injured.

Extraordinarily, Rautenbach has been given access, via a majority
share in a new company, Cutstar Investments (Pvt Ltd), to more than 300
000ha of Nuanetsi Ranch bought by Nkomo in 1989 and held in a trust to
promote black agriculture.

Dozens of smaller-scale black ranchers have established herds of beef
cattle on Nuanetsi and they told Channel 4 Rautenbach was harassing them.
They claimed their operations were at risk, that their fences were torn down
and their water supplies interrupted.

Rancher Moffat Ndou told Channel 4 journalist Aidan Hartley: "We were
invited to a meeting at (Nuanetsi) ranch headquarters. At this meeting we
had Billy Rautenbach, we had the managing director of Nuanetsi ranch and we
were then informed that Nuanetsi ranch had got into a joint venture.

"He (Rautenbach) said (to us) 'what part of f**k off do you not
understand?'"

Another rancher, Terry Mkowa, also resisting eviction efforts, said:
"He (Rautenbach says he is well-connected... you cannot do anything to me. I
am a powerful man."

The pro-Zanu-PF Sunday Mail ran a full front page on July 19 headlined
"Mega bucks project", which claimed a mystery investor was pumping $1
billion into Nuanetsi and part of the development would be the establishment
of 100 000ha of sugar cane to be turned into ethanol to reduce Zimbabwe's
fuel bill.

However, water experts say there is not enough water to support so
much sugar. "Even if all local water available was dammed, there wouldn't be
nearly enough, so this project is just talk," said a veteran farmer.

Rautenbach is the "mystery investor". He went into the DRC to take
over state mining company Gecamines when Mugabe's troops entered the war
there in 1998, but was sacked by late DRC president Laurent Kabila, who
accused him of stealing the state's share of the cobalt joint venture.

After Kabila's assassination, Rautenbach went on to develop a cobalt
site given to him by the DRC, but was deported two years ago. He sold his
DRC assets to CAMEC and continues to run its one cobalt mining project from
Harare, say some of his staffers.

CAMEC says it has frozen Rautenbach's shareholding in the company,
because Rautenbach is on the sanctions list, but its operations in Zimbabwe,
at least in platinum drilling, are organised by Rautenbach and financed from
the Yske Bank account in Gibraltar, belonging to one of its subsidiaries.

The results of the drilling of Anglo Plats's former concessions
produced predictably good results, but mining insiders say it would take
several years and hundreds of millions of rands of investment before CAMEC
could produce any platinum.

Rautenbach claims he has made good contacts with the MDC since the
formation of the inclusive government. Two important members, Finance
Minister Tendai Biti and deputy agriculture minister designate, Roy Bennett,
don't seem to agree.

"What I know of him is not complimentary. I wouldn't want to be his
friend."

Bennett added: "There has to be an audit of everything. Every single
ministry within Zimbabwe has to be audited and basically it needs to be done
in a transparent and open manner. Any dealings that are transparent and open
for the benefit of the country and benefit of the people of Zimbabwe will be
honoured.

"But any deals that can be seen to have political patronage or
political involvement definitely will be undone."

He confirmed this would apply to CAMEC as well.

South African prosecutors believe they have proof that Rautenbach
attempted to have charges against him withdrawn, or reduced, by sending one
of his emissaries with $45 000 to former police commissioner Jackie Selebi.

This was contained in an affidavit made by Glen Agliotti, accused of
murdering SA mining magnate Brett Kebble.

South African prosecutors have in the past year met Rautenbach in
three countries to discuss a possible plea bargain.

Rautenbach tells associates in Zimbabwe that he met the South Africans
to discuss dropping charges.

Channel 4 gave both Rautenbach and Edmonds the opportunity to answer
questions. Both declined. - Independent Foreign Service

This article was originally published on page 12 of Cape Argus on
August 02, 2009

Robert Mugabe 'in bid to wreck unity'

http://www.guardian.co.uk

Zimbabwe president's Zanu-PF party is accused of trying to seize
parliamentary power by discrediting former opposition MPs

Alex Duval Smith in Harare
The Observer, Sunday 2 August 2009

Zimbabwe is on the verge of a new political crisis, amid growing evidence
that President Robert Mugabe's Zanu-PF party has launched a strategy to wipe
out the former opposition's slim parliamentary majority.

The campaign has in the past few days seen MPs for the Movement for
Democratic Change arrested for offences including playing music that
"denigrates" Mugabe, and stealing a mobile phone. Fourteen MDC MPs and
senators are facing charges ranging from corruption to rape. If convicted,
they will lose their seats, forcing by-elections. Less than six months after
MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai was sworn in as prime minister, the strategy
again raises questions about the role of the country's courts and police.

Yesterday, many Zimbabweans were outraged after a court in Chivhu imposed a
fine of just US$200 (£120) on Chinoona Mwanda - who had been found guilty of
culpable homicide, after the 6 March incident when his lorry swerved into
the path of Tsvangirai's car, killing Susan, his wife of 31 years.

Finance minister Tendai Biti - who last Monday received a live bullet and a
death note in his letterbox - said: "There is a junta that is totally
unhappy with the current set-up and is doing everything legal and
extra-legal to disturb it." Asked whether Mugabe is in control of the
"junta" or if it is acting independently, Biti said he has "no idea".

The upper echelons of Tsvangirai's party - which has 100 seats against the
99 of Zanu-PF - maintain, as does Mugabe, that the inclusive government is
working. They point to the end of hyperinflation, when Biti abolished the
Zimbabwe dollar five months ago, and argue they have gently restarted the
economy by paying civil servants between US$100 and US$200 a month. Cities -
if not rural areas - are better off. But grassroots MPs warn the inclusive
government is close to collapse. They say Zanu-PF, backed by the police and
army, is deploying divide-and-rule tactics, from parliament and the senate,
right down to grain distribution in rural areas.

Trevor Saruwaka, a 34-year-old MDC MP for Mutasa Central is facing separate
prosecutions for rape and assault, both of which he denies. "There is a
pattern to the prosecutions. I am one of seven MDC politicians targeted in
Manicaland - the birthplace of Zimbabwean freedom leaders. If Zanu-PF kill
the spirit in Manicaland they believe they can kill the spirit of all
Zimbabweans. We are going to see more prosecutions. They are a sure way to
kill the unity government," he said.

Among MPs so far targeted there is evidence of deliberate misuse of the
justice system. MDC deputy youth minister Thamsanqa Mahlangu, who was
arrested on Tuesday and charged with stealing a mobile phone, was initially
granted US$50 bail. But the state prosecutor invoked the draconian Criminal
Procedure and Evidence Act to suspend bail and keep him in custody. Stewart
Garadhi, an MP for Chinhoyi, was arrested on Friday for playing
Nharembozha - an MDC campaign song - on charges of "denigrating" Mugabe. He
remained in custody last night. Most of the 14 MPs targeted face charges of
abusing the state farm supplies programme. One, Ernest Mudavanhu, MDC MP for
Zaka North, has already been convicted and is serving a 12-month jail
sentence.

Saruwaka said: "The irony is total. We know the names of all the Zanu-PF
officials who keep the patronage system going by diverting farm inputs. We
know the names of the corrupt, and the leaders of the thugs. None of them
are in court."

Analysts say the strategy of picking off MPs to nullify the MDC's gains in
last year's elections is a classic tactic of Mugabe's movement.

They say western governments are reluctant to engage with the unity
government - despite pleas from Tsvangirai - because they fear the
re-emergence of such "dark forces".

One senior European diplomat said: ''When the inclusive government began
work, Zanu-PF looked wrong-footed. But the emergence now of this proactive
strategy shows they were gathering strength to undermine the MDC's majority.
What is most worrying is that we are not seeing any counter-tactic from the
MDC. They just seem resigned."

Former anti-apartheid leader and Mugabe critic Peter Hain said yesterday
during a visit to Bala, in Wales: 'This is extremely disturbing. Mugabe's
henchmen cannot be allowed to reverse an election defeat by picking off
their opponents in the MDC. International leaders and especially Zimbabwe's
African neighbours must act."

Tsvangirai puts on a brave face but is deeply worried. This weekend, he
travelled to South Africa, saying he would meet President Jacob Zuma.
However, Zuma's office denied the existence of such a meeting. Biti said:
"You get the feeling that because the negotiations under Mbeki were so
bitter, no one wants to touch us."

Zuma told to speak up against Mugabe

http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk

31 July 2009

By STAFF REPORTER

JOHANNESBURG - South Africa's official opposition Democratic Alliance (DA)
party has urged President Jacob Zuma to take a more robust stance on
Zimbabwe where it said President Robert Mugabe was pushing to regain control
of Parliament by ordering the arrest of MDC legislators. (Pictured:
President Jacob Zuma - Urged to take a tougher stance on Zimbabwe.)

At least five legislators from Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai's MDC party
are either facing charges or have been convicted by the courts in what the
former opposition party says is a well orchestrated campaign to jail its MPs
and whittle down its slim parliamentary majority.

DA parliamentary leader Atholl Trollip last week said: "It is essential that
he (Zuma) holds the line he publicly advocated in the run-up to his election
as ANC president.

"Not doing so would be to implicitly endorse the actions of Robert Mugabe
and, in turn, create the appearance that he was aligning himself with the
approach of former (SA) President Thabo Mbeki."

Before his election as ANC leader and South African President, Zuma spoke
openly against Mugabe's controversial policies. Zuma's public stance led
many analysts and observers to conclude that he would be tougher towards
Mugabe as opposed to Mbeki who pursued a policy of quite diplomacy under
which he never publicly criticized the Zimbabwean leader.

Urging Zuma to speak up against Mugabe, the DA official said: "The situation
in Zimbabwe is once again deteriorating, with reports that President Robert
Mugabe has instigated the arrest of a series of Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) MPs, in an attempt to wrest back control of the Zimbabwean
parliament.

"By arresting MDC MPs and, thus, removing their right to vote, Mugabe
reportedly aims to create an artificial majority, thereby regaining control
and making a mockery of the intentions that underlie the power-sharing
agreement (between the MDC and Mugabe's Zanu (PF) party)."?

There was no immediate reaction from Zuma's office to the call by the DA for
the South African to speak out more strongly on the Zimbabwe situation.

Zimbabwe's coalition government is seen as offering the country the best
opportunity in a decade to restore stability and end a devastating economic
and humanitarian crisis that had seen the once prosperous nation suffer
rampant inflation, acute food shortages, record unemployment and deepening
poverty.
But the government's inability to convince Western donor nations to provide
direct financial support could hamper its reconstruction programmes, while
doubts remain over its long-term effectiveness given the mistrust that
persists between Mugabe's Zanu (PF) party and Tsvangirai's MDC - the main
pillars of the administration.

"It's obvious that the coalition government has failed to demonstrate that
it can preside over donor money in a transparent manner, which is why some
organizations and governments which want to support the people of Zimbabwe
would rather channel their money through NGOs," said Ngirande.

Tsvangirai received pledges of about US$500,000 for humanitarian relief on
his recent trip to Europe and the US, but the money is to be distributed via
humanitarian organizations and NGOs.

Ngirande dismissed Mugabe's comments comparing NGOs to a parallel
government. "It is certainly true that more Zimbabweans are depending on the
NGO community for support, an activity which should be carried out by the
government."

Tsvangirai says Zimbabwe is changing

http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=20539

August 2, 2009

JOHANNESBURG (AFP) - Zimbabwe's Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai got a warm
reception on Saturday in Johannesburg as he appealed to exiled Zimbabweans
to invest in and return to their country."The reconstruction cannot be done
by government alone, by people in Zimbabwe alone," he said at a rally of
about 300 Zimbabweans singing protest songs and greeting his speech with
cheers, claps and whistles.

"You and everyone else will have to play their part in that reconstruction
agenda. Zimbabwe is changing," he said. "It is slow and it can be
frustrating, but it is changing."

The rally at the University of Witwatersrand here contrasted sharply with
his welcome in June in England, where Tsvangirai was jeered when he appealed
to Zimbabweans to return to their country.

"I think he's a true leader. He's a person who can take Zimbabwe from
darkness to the sunny side," said one attendee at the rally, Mduduzi Ncube,
29.

Several people wore shirts pronouncing that (President Robert) "Mugabe must
go" and waved the Zimbabwean flag.

Many at the rally said they were reluctant, however, to return to a country
which is still plagued by economic and political instability.

Farai Madamombe, 39, said he was disappointed by Tsvangirai's speech, which
he said did not give him a "roadmap" back to Zimbabwe.

Madamombe moved to South Africa three years ago after losing his job as an
accountant in Zimbabwe, and said he could not return until there were job
opportunities there.

South African investors on Friday evening were also receptive to Tsvangirai
but appeared hesitant to commit money to Zimbabwe, saying it would be a
humanitarian investment unlikely to reap financial benefits.

"This country's economic stability requires access to foreign markets,
finance, technologies, skills and ideas, which are only made possible by all
the key stakeholders working together as partners committed to Zimbabwe's
development," Tsvangirai said at a dinner for South African industry
leaders.

Tsvangirai and Mugabe formed a unity government in February after Mugabe,
Zimbabwe's only ruler since its independence, lost a first round vote last
year.

The government was formed to end the violence that erupted after the March
29, 2008 election and to rescue the floundering economy.

Tsvangirai arrived in Johannesburg Friday and was due to meet with South
African President Jacob Zuma before he leaves on Tuesday. The two are set to
discuss the problems faced by Zimbabwe's unity government, according to MDC
spokesman Sibanengi Dube.

Econet pumps $94m into Zimbabwe

http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=20549

August 2, 2009

By Our Correspondent

HARARE - Econet Wireless International (EWI), a major international
cell-phone operator owned by self-exiled Zimbabwean entrepreneur Strive
Masiyiwa, has pumped US$94 million into Zimbabwe to expand its
network.Buoyed by the relative economic stability ushered in by the
government of national unity between President Mugabe, Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai and Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara, EWI shareholders are
promising more funding to bankroll the next phase of a development
programme - the provision of cell phone accessories such as wireless
Internet, data services for specialist applications, 3G and broadband.

Econet, Zimbabwe's leading cell-phone operator has proudly flaunted its 1
million subscriber base on billboards and TV adverts. The company announced
last month that it now serves more than 1 million customers in Zimbabwe
after the recent expansion of the network. Econet now controls 52 percent of
the Zimbabwe market share.

Econet Zimbabwe chief executive, Douglas Mboweni said there was a sharp rise
in airtime usage since February, when the inclusive government was
established.

This means more money for the company, he said, adding that with accelerated
growth in subscriber numbers, profit was expected to continue to grow.

The new government allowed the use of multiple foreign currencies in
February, taking out of circulation the worthless Zimbabwe dollar that
fuelled market uncertainty by fluctuating erratically due to hyperinflation,
thus adversely slashing airtime usage.

Mboweni said the sharp rise in airtime usage was sweet news to the company.

"Detailed information will be supplied to the market when we release our
half year results, but there is a very clear trend that shows that
performance has vastly improved since January-February 2009," Mboweni said
in an update on Econet Zimbabwe's operations.

"Econet Wireless now has the capacity to meet demand for new lines."

Mboweni said that contract lines were now available on demand, whilst queues
for prepaid lines were getting shorter with some Econet shops no longer
having queues at all.

"Financing is available to the company to meet any requirement for the
foreseeable future," he said.

Econet Zimbabwe was able to rely on the parent company, EWI, he added.

Econet Wireless International was founded in 1993 by the exiled Zimbabwean
entrepreneur, Masiyiwa, and has, in a decade, grown to be one of the top
telecommunications operators in Africa, and one of the few African
businesses with a global reach. It is one of Zimbabwe's rare success
stories.

Deputy Prime Minister Mutambara has called for the return of all exiled
businessman such as Masiyiwa, many of them hounded out of the country by
Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe governor Gideon Gono on trumped-up charges of
externalising foreign currency.

While in exile Masiyiwa came to the rescue of a troubled newspaper and
became the largest shareholder in Associated Newspapers of Zimbabwe (ANZ),
publishers of the fiercely independent Daily News, the country's
largest-selling newspaper. Government banned the publication in 2003.

Masiyiwa has had a strained relationship with government, which accused him
of bankrolling the then opposition MDC and linked the party to the
newspaper. He has staunchly denied the charges.

Though founded in 1993, Econet only started to operate as a cell phone
operator in 1998 because the Zimbabwean government refused to grant the
company a licence. Masiyiwa took the government to court, and after a legal
wrangle that lasted nearly five years, the company was eventually awarded a
licence by the country's highest court.

Since then, the company has rapidly expanded beyond Zimbabwe's borders.

Econet Wireless International has successfully operated Mascom Wireless in
Botswana with more than 410 000 subscribers, and commanding 72 percent
market share. In Zimbabwe Econet controls 52 percent of the market share.

A controversial Nigerian operation, where Econet now controls a 5 percent
stakehold, boasts of a 2.5 million subscriber base.

In Lesotho, Econet runs fixed and mobile phone networks. In Europe it has a
telecommunications licence, together with the first African teleport
establishment, Econet Satellite Services (ESS), linking more than 61 African
networks to the global telecommunications networks. The company has an
annual turnover in excess of US$100 million. ESS also has a subsidiary in
Europe dealing in call cards.

EWI is now considering entry into the Kenyan market, The Zimbabwe Times has
been told.

Econet's rapidly expanding network in the Zimbabwe mobile telephony industry
has helped lower call charges and enabled more Zimbabweans to own handsets.

Two weeks ago the Finance Minister, Tendai Biti, allowed cell-phones to be
imported duty-free into Zimbabwe saying it was high time the country stepped
into the global village.

SAfrica govt accused of arming dictators

http://news.smh.com.au

August 2, 2009 - 11:39PM
A crisis in South Africa's arms control body has resulted in weapon deals
being authorised to repressive regimes such as Iran, Libya, Zimbabwe and
North Korea, the main opposition party says.

Democratic Alliance shadow minister of defence David Maynier said on Sunday
"several dodgy deals appear to have slipped through the cracks" as the arms
control body has failed to meet regularly and produce regular reports as
required by law.

Maynier said his investigation into the activities of the National
Conventional Arms Control Committee showed deals had been authorised to sell
weapons to some of the most repressive societies in the world.

Many of these countries are under partial or full arms embargoes by the
United Nations and European Union.

South African government spokesman Harold Maloka said they had not received
the report and could not yet comment on it.

According to Maynier, in the past 13 months deals have been given the green
light to send multiple grenade launchers and glide bombs - long-range
precision-guided weapons - to Libya.

The delivery of multiple grenade launchers to Syria had also been approved,
with a sale of sniper rifles pending.

The NCACC has also authorised the export of thousands of upgraded assault
rifles to Venezuela, and there are fears these arms could find their way to
Farc guerillas in Colombia.

A contract to send ammunition for assault rifles and hand guns to Zimbabwe
is under NCACC approval.

South Africa has come under fire for exporting arms on the continent, and
was the subject of widespread condemnation last year for allowing Chinese
arms and ammunition to be transported through South Africa to Zimbabwe in
the midst of that country's political crisis.

Guy Lamb, a researcher at the Institute for Security Studies, told AFP the
NCACC act stated arms should not be sold to countries where they could
contribute to internal repression or violate human rights.

"None of those (countries) violate UN arms embargoes which South Africa has
to adhere to, but there are certain problems with exporting to Zimbabwe for
example and Venezuela, who are not the most reliable end users of that
equipment."

Poaching Cartel Fulfills Rhino Horn and Elephant Ivory ‘Orders’ Placed By Chinese Nationals

Zimbabwe Judiciary – the Fraud Behind the Fraud

www.nationalvision.wordpress.com

To the extent that Zimbabwe had become an authoritarian and a failed state,
it is largely because of the judiciary that was successfully privatized by
Mugabe. To this present day, the fraud of the judiciary continues to
infringe upon the very fundamental principles of democracy. Judicial
activism has been the chief enabler of Mugabe's dictatorship. Other than
Mugabe himself, Zimbabwe's judiciary is the biggest fraud of our time.

There really is a war going on in Zimbabwe right now. The flimsy
parliamentary majority currently enjoyed by MDC is fast shrinking. It is a
product of a deliberately orchestrated plan by Mugabe and his lieutenants to
regain control of Parliament by incarcerating and harassing MDC
parliamentarians. At least for now, the strategy seems to be paying huge
dividends.

At the latest count, a total of eight MDC parliamentarians are facing
trumped up charges while five of them have already been convicted and
suspended from Parliament. They are accused of crimes ranging from as
ridiculous as misappropriating farm inputs to rape.

Deputy Minister of Youth Mr Thamsanqa Mahlangu is the latest entrant into
this infernal cauldron of political machination aimed at emasculating the
MDC. Recently, in bizarre circumstances smacking of a setup, Mr Mahlangu
allegedly stole a cellphone belonging to Joseph Chinotimba, a well known
psychopath, political fraud and unrepentant thug who personifies
lawlessness.

Everyone has at some stage confused cellphones given the fact that they
overwhelmingly look alike. For a minute, let's assume that Mr Mahlangu, God
forbid, is indeed a cellphone thief (preposterous as it may sound) and is
subsequently convicted accordingly. But how does that compare to several
looters and serial killers in Zanu PF (Parliamentarians, politicians and
security apparatus alike). For all their crimes they never set foot in a
courthouse or jail to face justice?

Their egregious transgressions ranging from crimes of economic mismanagement
to gross human rights violations, dwarf any of those imaginary crimes
leveled against MDC parliamentarians. Never mind the fact that they were
unrestrained by law for the past 29 years of Mugabe's misrule. Somewhere in
Zimbabwe today, a murderer or a rapist is laughing. What a mockery of
Zimbabwe's judicial system!

In yet another outrageous development last week, we learnt that the Finance
Minister received a bullet in the mail. We also know that with perfect
impunity, Minister of Youth, Saviour (what?) Kasukuwere rented a group of
thugs who terrorized government officials and ordinary people at the
Constitutional Conference in broad daylight. In all civility, is it
conceivable to anybody with an ounce of intelligence that such things can
happen without the 'blessing' of law enforcement and judiciary? How else is
terrorism defined?

It therefore comes as no surprise that the Deputy Minister of Youth will
continue to languish in jail for weeks in conformity with Mugabe's 'gotcha
politics'. Only in a banana republic of Zimbabwe where the justice system is
dangerously comprised can such things happen.

All these are politically motivated threats and detentions which will only
escalate. It's all part and parcel of Zanu PF's organized chaos in its
desperation to subvert political reform such as constitutional re-writing
process. For the judiciary it's partly in aid of Mugabe's constitutional
limbo. Zanu PF knows that its influence is withering and time is also
running out.

Mr Mahlangu's accuser, Joseph Chinotimba, directed and deployed
state-sponsored thugs who violently raided and looted private property
especially farms. The same thugs unleashed a wave of terror throughout the
country. In the process several people were killed, both black and white. In
addition, as recent as 2008, Chinotimba lost a bid for Buhera Parliamentary
seat whose desperate campaign was marred by death and destruction.

The grisly murder of Chokuse Mupango, MDC Chairman of Buhera's Ward 26
directly implicated Chinotimba. As confirmed by witnesses and also according
to Pishai Muchauraya, the current MP for Makoni South, “the sad thing is
what they said after they realized he was dead. Chinotimba started calling
him a pig, raving to the crowd that the pig had died before he had even
started on him,” said Muchauraya. He also stated that“His body was loaded
onto Chinotimba’s vehicle and was dropped off at the Birchenough Bridge
Hospital mortuary.”

During the same time and within the same locality, many more defenseless
Zimbabweans succumbed to Chinotimba's terror. Chinotimba must be very
familiar with names such as Beta Chokururuma, Godfrey Kauzani and Cain
Nyeve, some of the victims who died painfully under his cult of bloodshed.

His notoriety for terrorizing and hounding judges particularly former
Supreme Court Chief Justice Anthony Gubbay with the help of the then
Attorney General Patrick Chinamasa is well documented.

"I have told him in no uncertain terms that he is putting his life at risk
by remaining in office when we have made it clear we no longer want him. I
told him to vacate his office today. If he does not go, we will declare war,
“ warned Chinotimba.

In 2001 Justice Gubbay was ordered by Chinamasa to vacate his offices
because he had become a 'racist' employed by the British intelligence “to
overthrow the government.” Never mind his record of defending black
nationalists during Ian Smith's era. Was that not one of the most compelling
reasons Mugabe appointed him to be the top judge in the first place?

The removal of Justice Gubbay was such an impeccable timing to coincide with
the 2002 presidential elections widely anticipated to remove Mugabe through
the ballot. It paved way for the political appointment of Chidyausiku, a
long-time ally of Mugabe. There is no way Chief Justice Gubbay would have
allowed such judicial decadence if he was still in charge. He was the same
Chief Justice who berated government on farm invasions, helped Masiyiwa's
Econet Wireless to get a license and successfully argued in favor of
abolishing government monopoly of telecommunications.

Judicial coup is at the epicenter of Zimbabwe's misery today. What would
Zimbabwe be like today if the courts agreed to set aside the fraudulent
presidential election results of March 2002 and 2008?. Mugabe would have
long gone together with his henchmen. Instead, Mugabe colluded with the
judges to advance himself.

Zimbabwe would have brought to justice all those who raped and murdered,
saving many lives in the process. It is this persistent failure by
Zimbabwe's judicial system to take stands in defense of rights and rule of
law principles that continues to irk all the progressive people of Zimbabwe.
Where are the Iftikhar Chaudhrys, the Justice Gubbays and the Wilson
Sanduras of our time Zimbabwe is yearning for?

To gain a perspective, Iftikhar Chaudhry is a national hero who challenged
Pakistan's government for all its wrongdoing and firmly stood up against
human rights abuses as the country's Supreme Court Chief Justice. He
symbolizes resistance to the dictatorship of former military ruler Pervez
Musharraf. Mr Chaudhry was recently reinstated having been sacked by in
March 2007 by Musharraf.

Mr Chaudhry fiercely prevented Musharraf from overstaying in office at a
time when he was desperate to 'stay put' in violation of constitutional
provisions. He is also famously known for his unambiguous warning to rogue
nations that "nations and states which are based on dictatorship instead of
the supremacy of the constitution, the rule of law and protection of basic
rights get destroyed,"

Zimbabwe's own Chief Justice Godfrey Chidyausiku is the exact opposite of Mr
Chaudhry. A strong ally of Mugabe, Chidyausiku became Chief of the Supreme
Court in 2001 having served previously as Attorney General. In 2004, at the
height of Jonathan Moyo's madness as the Minister of (mis)Information, the
nation's top judge shamelessly endorsed AIPPA and MIC which called for
compulsory accreditation and wanton punishment of journalists. On numerous
occasions the judicial system in Zimbabwe has served to facilitate human
rights violations.

However, Zimbabwe finds its solace and hope in Justice Sandura, an
illustrious judge also famed for the no-nonsense Sandura Commission (named
after him) of the 80's. The Sandura Commission set up by Mugabe himself to
investigate uncontrollable massive corruption in Government, shamed Mugabe
and his cronies when it turned out to be apolitical. Later known as the
Willowgate scandal, it exposed massive graft that financially prejudiced the
nation. Five of Mugabe's senior ministers were forced to resign while
Minister Maurice Nyagumbo committed suicide (as the story goes).

Justice Wilson Sandura is one of the few judges in Zimbabwe who have
steadfastly committed himself to discharge his “duties in accordance with
judicial laws and to well and truly serve Zimbabwe as a judge without fear
or favour.

"That is what I have done for the past 26 years and that is what I intend to
continue to do until I retire." These were his words upon receiving the
prestigious Professor Walter Kamba Rule of Law Award recently.

In 2004, Justice Sandura, once branded “Gubbay residue” by the government
clearly opposed Chief Justice Godfrey Chidyausiku on AIPPA and MIC. Freedom
of expression is “a cornerstone upon which the very existence of a
democratic society rests,” said Sandura.

The majority of Zimbabwe's judges sold out in exchange for Mugabe's regular
'free' handouts that include Mercedez Benz and four-wheel drives, plasma
TVs, cash and many other similar 'politically motivated goodies' dished out
by Mugabe. More profoundly these judges have conveniently allowed Mugabe to
strong-arm them. Oddly enough, these are unelected judges who are mere
political appointees subject to removal by the same politicians who put them
in office. So there are no problems of ethics there!

If Pakistan's enduring protests are anything to learn from, for Zimbabwe,
protesting this judicial scandal of our time is a national obligation. The
democratic struggle against judicial activism must begin if the people are
ever going to untangle their country from the clutches of Zanu PF's
totalitarian agenda.

The modern day Zimbabwe bears little resemblance to that which gallant
freedom fighters like Herbert Chitepo and Josiah Tongogara died for, nor the
one Kaguvi and Nehanda were publicly hanged for. The system is all about
entrenching his “Majesty” at the expense of protecting individual rights of
citizens.

The recent national healing and reconciliation 'ceremony' has turned out to
be such a contemptuous political tokenism and a real joke. How is national
healing possible amid such disturbing developments? True healing must also
start with a national apology from Mugabe and his lieutenants for all the
deaths, torture and suffering they caused for millions of Zimbabweans for so
long.

Mugabe should be genuinely celebrating the inclusive government deal which
has afforded him a safe escape route from answering charges of his crimes
against humanity just like Charles Taylor. Who ever thought strongman like
Charles Taylor would one day be sitting at the Hague (as he did this week)
answering charges of eating human flesh at the height of his dictatorial
madness as 'emperor' of Liberia?

Contrary to Abraham Lincoln's famous quote about the need for a
people-driven government, the contemporary Zimbabwe has a government of the
judiciary, by the judiciary and for the judiciary. Even after Mugabe is long
gone Zimbabweans will still grapple with the after-effects of his judicial
muddling.

As the country is now at war with itself again, the domino effect of this
miscarriage of justice could be cataclysmic starting with outright
destabilization. The people of Zimbabwe cannot afford a return to brutality
and dictatorship. Nothing short of confronting this judicial coup should be
acceptable.

While it it imperative for MDC to strongly defend its own, this is also time
for mass revulsion in opposition to a rotten system. Zimbabwe's judiciary
epitomizes a complete travesty of justice being perpetrated by cold-hearted
politicians aided by incredibly mischievous judges on Mugabe's payroll.

www.nationalvision.wordpress.com

Zimbabwe Vigil Diary – 1st August 2009

Vigil supporters welcomed the prospect of a meeting between Morgan Tsvangirai and Jacob Zuma and hoped that the South African President would live up to his word and be tough with Comrade Mugabe, “head of state and government, commander in chief . . . “

Six months into the unity government it is clear that Zanu PF will have to be dragged kicking and screaming from power and regional pressure is essential if real progress is to be made on restoring the rule of law, opening the way for development aid and investment.  One supporter has just returned from Zimbabwe and says that the grass roots were happier because food was more readily available. However there were still human rights abuses and a lack of democracy and he said the danger was that people would relax and it was very important for human rights activists like the Vigil to keep holding the government to account. 

The Vigil was encouraged by some recent moves, such as the agreement to ease media restrictions, but supporters were suspicious that these promised concessions may be short-lived, designed only to pull the wool over the eyes of SADC.  The Vigil believes that SADC must insist that the power-sharing agreement is implemented in full, ending the targeting of MDC and human rights activists and that free and fair elections are held next year and not postponed. 

Our tarpaulin was again called into service as Harare North continued its wet summer. But at least it was warm and morale was high among the singers and dancers crushed together under our flimsy shelter. Of course we couldn’t all fit in but the outer reaches survived the rain with umbrellas and anyway we escaped quite lightly give the weather forecast.  There were the customary cheers as tourist buses passed and guides could be heard telling their passengers about the Vigil – the biggest regular protest in London. Judging by the addresses written on our petitions people from all over the world are supporting our cause.

Jeff Sango, a regular at the Vigil and Chair of MDC South East District, told us about an internship scheme organised by Citizens for Sanctuary which is trying to secure work placements for qualified Zimbabweans with refugee status or asylum seekers. For more information contact: zimbabweinternship@cof.org.uk or check: http://www.citizensforsanctuary.org.uk/pages/Strategic.html.

We were also joined by Dr Timothy Rusike and his television team from ZBN (Zimbabwe Broadcasting Network). They are human rights activists based in Reading who filmed us comprehensively. Dr Rusike (a medical practitioner) says he believes in activism journalism.

There has been a lot on Zimbabwe in the British media this week, not surprising given the lifting of restrictions on the BBC. They have been reporting nightly and no doubt will soon start digging seriously into the lop-sided power arrangement and be kicked out again.  We were glad to see a more challenging approach from the UK’s Channel 4 which showed a  programme ‘Bankrolling Mugabe’ – you can watch it on this link for the next few weeks: http://www.channel4.com/programmes/dispatches/episode-guide/series-32/episode-1.

A new poster joined our selection: ‘3 days peace. On day 4 bullet sent via post’ – a reference to the three days of national hypocritical healing and the bullet sent to Tendai Biti.  The poster was produced by Brian Sibanda who calls himself a ‘people’s poet’.  The Vigil has its singers and dancers, preachers and drummers, so we must have a poet . . .

Thanks to supporters Xolani Simozo and Gladys Mapanda for their help today – setting up the Vigil, helping throughout the day and packing up the Vigil at the end.

For latest Vigil pictures check: http://www.flickr.com/photos/zimbabwevigil/

FOR THE RECORD: 168 signed the register.

FOR YOUR DIARY:

·    ROHR Hayes and Northolt launch meeting. Saturday 8^th August from 1.30 – 5.30 pm. Venue: Brookside Community Centre, Hayes UB4 0PL. ROHR President and a well known lawyer present. Contact Snodia Chihowa 07852921523, Juliet Musandiriri 07551319522, Rodah Kuhlengisa 07958205544 or P Mapfumo 07915926323 / 07932216070.

·    ROHR Milton Keynes general meeting.  Saturday 15^th August from 1.30 – 5.30 pm. Venue: Old Bath House Community Centre, 205 Stratford Road, Wolverton, Milton Keynes MK12 5RL (near Tesco and 2 mins away from Wolverton train station). Contact Punish Mandere 07883071990, Martha Jiya 07727016098, Josephine S Phiri 07853572982, Diana Satumba 07737879653.

·    ROHR Swansea launch meeting. Saturday 22^nd August 1.30 – 6 00 pm. Venue: Morriston Memorial Hall, Heol Gwernen, Morriston, Swansea SA6 6JR. Present ROHR President and some members of the ROHR Executive.  Contact: Kudzai Ruzwidzo 07824967317, Israel Ncube 07789814159 or P Mapfumo 07915926323/07932216070.

·    ROHR Derby general meeting. Saturday, 5^th September 1.30-5.30pm. Venue: The Community Block, Pear Tree Community Junior School, Pear Tree Street, Derby DE23 8PN. ROHR Executive present and a substantive committee to be elected. Contact: Tsitsi Razawe 07773649330, Wonder Katurura 07858699224, Phenias Tutayi 07825524519. FREE PARKING AVAILABLE.

·    Zimbabwe Association’s Women’s Weekly Drop-in Centre. Fridays 10.30 am – 4 pm. Venue: The Fire Station Community and ICT Centre, 84 Mayton Street, London N7 6QT, Tel: 020 7607 9764. Nearest underground: Finsbury Park. For more information contact the Zimbabwe Association 020 7549 0355 (open Tuesdays and Thursdays).

Vigil Co-ordinators

The Vigil, outside the Zimbabwe Embassy, 429 Strand, London, takes place every Saturday from 14.00 to 18.00 to protest against gross violations of human rights in Zimbabwe. The Vigil which started in October 2002 will continue until internationally-monitored, free and fair elections are held in Zimbabwe. http://www.zimvigil.co.uk.

Zanu-PF battling to torpedo MDC ship

http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=20565

August 2, 2009

By Eddie Cross

TODAY Morgan Tsvangirai is in South Africa talking to the President, Jacob
Zuma. These are critical talks on which the whole process underway here in
Zimbabwe may depend.

To get here, close to a landing on the beach we have been working towards
for the past ten years, we have fought many battles and suffered a great
deal. But we must watch out in these last moments before a landing - there
are rocks in the water.

The first rock is an attempt that is under way right now to dislodge the MDC
Speaker of the House of Assembly and replace him with a person from Zanu PF
or the Mutambara group. The background to this is the allegation, made just
after Lovemore Moyo's election to this very important post in 2008, that his
election was not acceptable from a procedural perspective. This led to a
Court hearing two weeks ago where the merits of the case were heard and
could lead to a hearing where the allegations may be upheld and his election
nullified by the Courts.

If that happens we would face a fresh election process for a new Speaker and
in anticipation, our opponents in the House are working to eliminate the
majority that gave us control of the Speakers post in 2008. The Mutambara
group has dismissed three Members of Parliament already and is targeting
others. Zanu PF controlled Courts have already succeeded in securing
convictions on various grounds of 5 Members of Parliament and are targeting
many others. If these convictions succeed they would loose their voting
rights in any election for the Speaker.

If this manoeuvre is successful Zanu would gain control of this vital post,
giving them effective control of all three main arms of government - the
Judiciary, the Executive and Parliament.

Once this objective is gained, they would then go to the next phase which is
to secure a majority in Parliament. This they would try to achieve by
forcing a large number of bi-elections. Already we can identify 17 of these
and there may be more by the time we get to the date targeted for the
elections. This could be as soon as October.

Such a large number of bi-elections at one time would constitute a virtual
mini national election and in anticipation Zanu is mobilising their
formidable machine designed to deliver an electoral victory. The majority of
the bi-elections will be in remote rural constituencies - clearly their
favoured electoral environment.

They have activated the Joint Operations Command structures in all
Provinces, deployed army officers to take charge of the preparations in the
electoral districts and positioned teams of youth militia in all electoral
Wards. A programme of violence is planned to target the constitution making
process which is under way and the bi-elections themselves. We know full
well what lies in front for us - we have been there before and it's not
pretty.

If they get the results they are targeting then by the end of the year they
could have turned the political situation here on its head - they would hold
a majority in Parliament and the Speakers chair, they would have control of
the Judiciary and the Executive even though we are in there and cannot be
ignored.

This would give them the capacity to then control the Constitution drafting
process and direct its outcome. They would be able to protect their
positions in the security establishment, the media and the electoral system.
They would have a full quiver of weapons to use against the MDC in any
future elections. They would control the ground and make the rules, they
would control the voters roll and the delimitation process and they would
collect the voting ballots and be responsible for counting them and
reporting the results - and we all know what that means.

It would deliver this Transitional Government boat onto the beach its been
destined for since September 15, 2008, but instead of bringing in a new
dispensation and hope for the future, instead of restoring our rights and
freedoms or the prospects of rebuilding our broken economy, it would dump us
on the beach defeated and broken and our isolation and national destruction
would continue unabated.

Rocks in the water. Our only defence is to know they are there and manoeuvre
around them in our thrust for the beach or to engineer a wave that will
carry us over them without tearing the bottom out of our boat.

The past two weeks have been fascinating, knowing that  Morgan would be
seeing the South African President, the Zanu-PF element has been running
around trying to limit the damage. They finally agreed to hold a meeting of
the National Security Council after failing to do so for 5 months. There
they had to sit and listen the Prime Minister listing their failures to
fulfil their obligations under the GPA. In Parliament we had to sit through
a long-winded explanation of why the security chiefs still refuse to salute
the Prime Minister.

After two years of legal efforts a letter was finally released giving the
owners of the Daily News the right to approach the licencing authority for a
licence to resume publishing the newspaper. When this emerges on our streets
it will have an immediate impact on the political situation. Already down to
very small circulation figures, the Zanu-controlled and State funded
newspapers will struggle to stay afloat and may even be forced to close
unless Zanu itself can prop them up financially.

On Thursday the Speakers from the whole of the SADC region sat in the
Speakers gallery of Parliament to witness the debate in our House. There
they heard a series of hard hitting and well researched contributions by MDC
legislators on the key issues of our day - political violence, gerrymandered
elections, rigged Court cases on trumped up charges in politically motivated
and controlled Courts. They witnessed one after another of the Zanu-PF
benches empty until by the end of the day there was only one lone Zanu PF
legislator in the House. They did not even try to defend themselves.

No they prefer working in secret - under water, plotting how to sink this
ship before it can deliver the people onto the beach, free to rebuild their
individual lives and nation.

Bill Watch Special of 1st August 2009 [Interviews for Media Commission on Monday]

BILL WATCH SPECIAL

[1st August 2009]

Interviews of Short-listed Applicants for Zimbabwe Media Commission and Broadcasting Authority Board

Monday 3rd August

9 am through to 5 pm in the Senate Chamber, Parliament

28 applicants have been short-listed out of the 126 who applied for appointment to the Media Commission [see list of names below] and each interview is scheduled to last for 15 minutes.  As well as selecting candidates for the Commission, some candidates will also be selected for the Board of the Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe.

Proceedings Open to Public

The public will be permitted to attend [to watch and to listen but not to participate].  As seating is limited, anyone wishing to attend is advised to check with Parliament’s Public Relations office on Harare 700181.  The public entrance to Parliament is on Kwame Nkrumah Avenue between Second and Third Streets.

Selection Procedures

Under section 100N of the Constitution it is the President who appoints the chairperson and the eight other members of the Media Commission.  But he must choose the appointees from a list of at least twelve nominees submitted to him by Parliament’s Committee on Standing Rules and Orders [CSRO].  Monday’s interviews are designed to assist the Committee to compile its list for submission to the President.

The CSRO also intends to use the Media Commission short list to select six nominees for appointment to the Board of the Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe [BAZ].  [Section 4 of the Broadcasting Services Act provides that the President must appoint three of the twelve members of the Board from a list of six nominees submitted by the CSRO.]  [Note: the advertisement for applicants did not mention applicants might also be considered for the Broadcasting Authority Board, so presumably applicants will be asked during their interviews whether they would be interested in being nominated.]

Qualifications for Appointment to Media Commission

Section 100N of the Constitution says that persons appointed to the Commission “must be chosen for their knowledge of and experience in the press, print or electronic media or broadcasting”.

Interview panel

The full CSRO are due to be present, but interviews will be conducted, using structured questions drafted by Parliament, by a five-member panel of its members:

     Senator Obert Gutu [MDC-T]

     Thabitha Khumalo MP [MDC-T]

     Edward Mkhosi MP [MDC-M]

     Mabel Chinomona [ZANU-PF]

     Senator Chief Fortune Charumbira. 

Some of the Candidates

[Note this list of candidates for interview is not complete]

Dr Tafataona Mahoso, former chairman of the now defunct Media and Information Commission

Chris Mutsvangwa, Zimbabwe's former ambassador in Beijing

Vimbai Chivaura, a university lecturer

Matthew Takaona, journalist, Zimbabwe Union of Journalists president for more than 10 years

Chris Mhike, lawyer and chairman of Zimbabwe Association of Community Radio Stations

Useni Sibanda, pastor and head of Christian Alliance

Roger Stringer, publishing consultant

Henry Muradzikwa former editor of Ziana and The Sunday Mail, short-term Director General of the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Holdings

Kindness Paradza, journalist

Miriam Madziwa, journalist

Ropafadzo Mapimhidze, journalist with the Herald

Clemence Mabaso, media studies lecturer 

Nqobile Nyathi, media studies lecturer at NUST

Rino Zhuwarara, media studies lecturer

Lawton Hikwa, media studies lecturer at NUST

Millicent Mombeshora, Reserve Bank, Head of Strategic Planning and Special Projects

Timothy Nyahunzvi, former Head of Mass Communications Division, Harare Polytechnic

Powers and Functions of the Media Commission

The January 2008 Amendment to the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act [AIPPA] made provision for a Zimbabwe Media Commission and outlined its functions and powers in detail – but that Commission was not set up.  The Amendment Act abolished MIC [Media and Information Commission] and there has been no legal entity in MIC’s place.

Constitution Amendment No.19 of February this year then made provision for a Zimbabwe Media Commission and it is this Constitutional Media Commission that is about to be set up.  But Amendment No.19 did not outline its functions and powers in much detail [e.g. they do not include registration of mass media services or journalists]; instead it makes provision for an enabling Act to flesh these out. 

The question is whether, pending an enabling Act, can the new Constitutional Media Commission operate under the AIPPA provisions.  If it cannot [and legal opinion is divided on this] it would not be able to start fully functioning immediately [which would mean a delay in granting registration to new newspapers and other “mass media services”].  Unfortunately, Parliament has left the law in a confused state and will not be sitting again until September. ”]. 

Comment: An interpretation that allows the new Commission to operate under AIPPA or set up a “transitional” registration mechanism would respect Article 19.1 of the Global Political Agreement, which requires “the immediate processing” of all applications for registration.  But this should not be an excuse for a delaying enacting the enabling legislation for the new Commission, so that its position is legally clear.  [Note: the Government, private media and civil society have agreed that AIPPA needs to be repealed and replaced with a new Act dealing with Access to Information only.  Government have suggested another new Act to cover registration for “administrative purposes” but private media practitioners are pushing for a move to self regulation through a Voluntary Media Council.]

The Three Other Constitutional Commissions

Short-listing and interviewing of applicants for appointment to the three other Commissions will proceed in stages after Monday’s interviews, in the following order: Zimbabwe Electoral Commission,, Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission and Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission.  In all over 600 applications were received for the four Commissions. 

Veritas makes every effort to ensure reliable information, but cannot take legal responsibility for information supplied