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South Africa's Zuma to Contact Zimbabwe's Mugabe on 'Weighty' Problems

http://www.voanews.com/
 
 


03 August 2009

South African President Jacob Zuma says he will be contacting Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe on problems affecting the unity government in Harare. 

South African president Jacob Zuma, left, shake hands with Zimbabwean PM Morgan Tsvangirai, during a meeting in Johannesburg, 03 Aug 2009
South African president Jacob Zuma, left, shake hands with Zimbabwean PM Morgan Tsvangirai, during a meeting in Johannesburg, 03 Aug 2009
Mr. Zuma was commenting after a meeting in Johannesburg with Zimbabwean Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai who briefed him on the current situation in Zimbabwe following the establishment of a unity government earlier this year.

"I will be contacting his excellency President Mugabe on the matter, as well as the leader of another party, [Arthur] Mutambara, on the issues that the prime minister has raised. But also I will contact our colleagues in the region to sensitize them on what the prime minister has briefed me on; with the sole aim of saying how we could continue working together to make quick progress in Zimbabwe," Said Mr. Zuma.

Mr. Tsvangirai told reporters he had informed the South African leader about the progress made by the unity government, but also about those issues where, he said, progress was slow.

"I am very grateful that comrade president understands our situation and he would like to do everything in his power to make sure that we move forward in a positive way," he said.

The leaders spoke only briefly to reporters and declined to take questions or offer any details about their discussion. However, before he traveled to South Africa, Mr. Tsvangirai had said he would be giving to Mr. Zuma a list of what he said are hundreds of violations by officials of Mr. Mugabe's ZANU-PF of the political agreement that brought Zimbabwe's unity government into being.

Among the violations cited earlier by Mr. Tsvangirai are what his Movement for Democratic Change party says are gratuitous arrests of members of parliament belonging to the party and ongoing violence against MDC supporters and officials.

Last month at the launch of a three day event aimed at promoting national reconciliation Mr. Mugabe acknowledged the ongoing violence saying that it must stop. He called for tolerance, respect, non-violence and dialogue as the means to resolving political differences.

Mr. Zuma said some problems raised by Mr. Tsvangirai are serious.

"There are [a] few issues that are difficult issues; few, but very weighty issues, very important. But even those issues they don't seem to be the issues that cannot be resolved," he said.

Mr. Zuma did not say when he intends to contact Mr. Mugabe. 


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Parly committee comes up with media commission shortlist

http://www.zimbabwejournalists.com

3rd Aug 2009 21:20 GMT

By Lebo Nkatazo

A PARLIAMENTARY committee held interviews with 27 applicants for positions
on the new Zimbabwe Media Commission (ZMC) before drawing a shortlist of 12
nominees to be whittled down to eight by President Robert Mugabe.

The Standing Rules and Orders Committee said 127 people applied but only 27
were called for interviews, including Tafataona Mahoso, the former head of
the now abolished Media and Information Commission.

New Zimbabwe.com has obtained a list of all 27 applicants interviewed, and
their results in the order of how they fared in the grilling by MPs.

Topping the list is media lawyer Chris Mhike, and bringing the rear at
number 27 was Mahoso, who was described by one MP as "hostile and typically
arrogant" during the interview.

Former ZBC CEO Henry Muradzikwa, former Daily News editor Nqobile Nyathi and
the Zimbabwe Union of Journalists president Matthew Takaona all made the
final shortlist submitted to Mugabe.

The other nominees are Rino Zhuwarara, Useni Sibanda, Rodger Stringer,
Wabata Munodawafa, Millicent Mombeshora, Clemence Mabaso, Miriam Madziwa and
the former TV and radio presenter, Godfrey Majonga.

The ZMC is the new regulatory body for the publishing industry - covering
newspapers, magazines and other periodicals. It replaces the MIC which was
condemned as "biased" by a High Court judge after it refused to issue The
Daily News with a publishing licence.

A new coalition of President Robert Mugabe, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai
and Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara formed in February agreed to
review media regulation to allow for greater press freedom.

Meanwhile, the same parliamentary committee is expected to devise a formula
for drawing up nominees to sit on the Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe
(BAZ) which regulates the operations of the electronic, radio and television
industry.

MPs are said to be leaning towards picking the six nominees from the
remaining candidates for the ZMC jobs based on Monday's interviews.

If that plan is approved, number 13 on the list Vimbai Chivaura, Benson
Ntini, Susan Makore, Douglas Dhliwayo, Vambe Jirira and the former Zanu PF
MP and newspaper publisher Kindness Paradza (18th) will be seconded to the
BAZ board. - New Zimbabwe


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Former governor evicted from seized farm

http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=20596

August 3, 2009

By Owen Chikari

MASVINGO - Former Masvingo governor and resident minister Willard Chiwewe
has been evicted from a farm he seized from a black family three years ago
following a land audit which revealed that he is a multiple farm owner.

Chiwewe (60), who is the province's shortest serving governor since
independence, has been ordered to seek alternative land to accommodate his
70 herd of cattle after he was told to move out of Ganyani Farm.

The governor had grabbed the farm from the Ganyani family, arguing that it
was being underutilised.

Chiwewe had taken nearly half of the 3000 hectare farm and left a portion to
the Ganyani family.

However a recent land audit revealed that Chiwewe is a multiple farm owner
and therefore should move off the farm.

The current and outgoing Masvingo governor Titus Maluleke who chairs the
provincial land committee has since reversed Chiwewe's offer letter and
advised him to pack his bags and depart.

Chiwewe ventured into full-time farming on the 1667, 5 hectare property last
year after he was booted out as governor of the province.

The former governor had made a lot of developments on the property among
other things the development of irrigation infrastructure, erection of fuel
tanks and construction of a farm house. The land committee said that he
should still be re- located elsewhere, nevertheless.

The land audit report revealed that Chiwewe had used his political muscle to
secure the property and had ignored several pleas from the Ganyani family.

Maluleke who is set to leave office to pave way for mainstream MDC's Lucia
Matibenga yesterday confirmed the development.

"We have advised Mr Chiwewe to leave because he took the property from a
fellow black farmer", said Maluleke.

"It was also felt that the governor had several other farms and therefore
there was no need for him to continue farming on the property in question.

"When my colleague was governor he wanted to relocate the owners of the farm
to Mwenezi and now we are saying he is the one who should go Mwenezi and
leave the Ganyani to family continue with their farming activities."

Although Chiwewe could not be reached for comment yesterday The Zimbabwe
Times has it on good authority that the former governor has started to
remove his property from the farm.

This is not the first time that Chiwewe has been found to be on the wrong
side of government policy or the law.

Soon after his appointment three years ago Chiwewe was quizzed by the police
for allegedly hoarding and selling government sourced inputs on the black
market.

He was let off the hook after senior police officers blocked his prosecution
and ordered him to pay an admission of guilty fine instead.

Just last year Chiwewe was at it again, this time being in the forefront of
farm invasions in Chiredzi. The governor gave the farm which he seized to
his daughter.


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Total export proceeds dwindle 38 percent

http://www.herald.co.zw/

Monday, August 03, 2009

By Golden Sibanda

TOTAL export proceeds for the half-year to June this year have taken a major
knock, dropping 38 percent to US$475,52 million.

Figures from the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe's Monetary Policy Statement
presented last week show that the country exported US$762,02 million over
the same period last year.

This does not augur well for the country especially considering exports
performed US$171,48 million weaker than imports.

During the period January to June 2009, cumulative mineral shipments
decreased to US$211,1 million compared to US$402,9 million for the same
period in 2008.

Despite this sharp drop in proceeds from mining the sector still weighed in
with the largest chunk accounting for 44 percent of exports.

"This is mainly due to the fall in mineral prices caused by the world
recession.

"Furthermore, the sector still faces challenges in specific sectors like
labour shortages, frequent power cuts and foreign currency shortages," said
RBZ Governor Dr Gideon Gono.

For the period January to June 2009, total exports under the agriculture
sector amounted to US$191,3 million compared to US$224,9 million worth of
exports for the same period in 2008.

This represents a decrease of 14,9 percent, which was, like any other sector
of the economy, affected by the prevailing shortage of foreign exchange for
procurement of critical inputs.

Dr Gono said the global recession negatively affected agricultural exports,
especially the horticulture sector, where prices have continued to be
depressed on world markets.

Horticultural shipments amounted to US$7,3 million in the period under
review. This represents a 38.7 percent decrease over 2008 exports in a
similar period.

However, with the adoption of the multi-currencies where producers and
exporters are now paid in foreign currency and retain all the export
proceeds, agricultural production is set to increase, thus boosting export
earnings from the sector.

Total shipments for the manufacturing sector from January to June 2009
amounted to US$67,1 million, which was 46 percent weaker than the
comparative period last year.

The RBZ Governor said in the six months to June 2009, a total of US$646
million payments were made for various imports.

This represents a 21 percent decline compared to the figure for the same
period in 2008, which stood at US$816 million.


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Guards Assault An Inmate To Death Over Sadza

http://www.radiovop.com


Harare - Three prison guards of Harare central prison's Harare
International Airport satellite brutally assaulted to death an inmate over
sadza last week.

According to a prison officer who witnessed the incident and requested
anonymity, the three guards who are under police investigations brutally
assaulted the inmate, Patrick Chioko, after accusing him (the inmate) of
stealing some sadza from the prison kitchen last Monday.

The inmate was beaten seriously and died three days after due to
injuries sustained during the act, the source said.

"The guards tied the legs the inmate his head facing downwards on the
trusses of a shed and assaulted him using button sticks over his body while
the Officer-in-charge Superintendent Rupapa, was watching. The inmate had
stolen some sadza  from the kitchen but I don't think he deserved to be
assaulted  the way the  three did. We have a number of ways of how  to  deal
with  inmates who would  have acted like  what  the  late did for  example
extending the suspended months by  the  prisons on condition  of good
behavior."

He also said  the  officer  in  charge  of the  satellite Prison is
responsible  for the killing of the inmate because he delayed  taking  the
inmate to the hospital and  later lied that  the  inmate had malaria  when
he finally took him to Harare central Prison hospital where he  later died.

"The officer-in-charge has a hand over the  death of the inmate
because he was  present  when his officers assaulted  the  inmate and
deliberately  gnored taking him to  the  hospital, and finally lied  to
Harare  central Prison hospital authorities after  some  days that the
inmate  was suffering  from malaria  yet  he  knew  what  had happened,"
said the  source.

The late inmate's body is reportedly still at Harare Central prison
mortuary waiting for a postmortem.


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Water Shortages Flare Up Again in Bulawayo Suburbs

http://www.voanews.com

By Sithandekile Mhlanga
Washington
03 August 2009

Residents of several high-density suburbs of Bulawayo, Zimbabwe's
second-largest city, have been without running water for the past two weeks
due to an electric power blackout around the Magwegwe Water Reservoir, whose
pumping station serves those suburbs.

Suburbs affected include Emakhandeni, Magwegwe, Lobengula, Phelandaba and
Entumbane whose residents told VOA that they must now fetch water from
unsafe sources as they can't afford to buy 20-liter buckets of water at a
price of South African rand (65 US cents).

Zimbabwe only recently shook off a cholera epidemic due in large part to
contaminated water supplies which cost the lives of nearly 4,300 people.

Bulawayo Mayor Patrick Thaba Moyo told reporter Sithandekile Mhlanga of
VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that the local authority is working with the
Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority or ZESA to restore power to the
reservoir and get water flowing again.


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Cholera hits Masvingo Remand Prison

http://www.radiovop.com


Masvingo - Six inmates at Masvingo Remand Prison have succumbed to
cholera as a fresh outbreak has been reported, despite claims by government
that it has contained the disease.

Prison officials told Radio VOP on Monday that the fresh outbreak had
added woes at the prison, battling to contain hunger related diseases that
have claimed over hundred lives in all Masvingo's three prison centers.

 "Six of our inmates at the Remand prison lost their lives after they
contracted cholera last week. We did not anticipate another outbreak this
year after we had successfully contained the previous outbreak last year,"
said Zimbabwe Prison Service provincial officer, Edmore Chatikobo.

He said they were hurriedly taken to Masvingo general hospital but
could not get medical attention due to drug shortages and only four were
treated  leading to the death of the other six.

 Chatikobo attributed the outbreak to unhygienic conditions at the
prison due to lack of sufficient water supplies at the prison.

He said health officials had already moved in to combat the disease at
the prison but there were fears that the disease could spread to other
prison centres.

"We fear that if the disease is not contained at the Remand prison the
disease could spread to Mutimurefu and Buffalo Range prisons because this on
is just a holding  one and inmates are transfred to the other two after when
they get their sentences," Chatikobo said.

He said that his institution was  battling to combat other diseases
related to hunger and starvation and these include pelagra which had so far
claimed the lives of over 30 inmates this year alone.

The prison, he said , was facing severe food shortages and inmates
sometimes went for days without eating anything as government was struggling
to provide sufficient food rations to their institutions.

Masvingo Provincial Medical Director, Dr Robert Madyiradima, confirmed
the outbreak.

"We received reports about the outbreak and I am sure about ten
inmates from the prison were brought to our hospital for treatment and we
could not attend all due to shortages of drugs and this led to the death of
others," he said.

He said government was making efforts to curl the disease before
statistics of people losing their diseases increase.

Last year Zimbabwe saw a cholera outbreak that killed about 4 000
people and infected about 100 000 others . Last week the government said the
outbreak had been contained. However institutions like Red Cross have feared
another outbreak, saying most areas still lacked proper water and sanitation
facilities.


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University of Zimbabwe finally reopens

http://www.eyewitnessnews.co.za

Eyewitness News | 5 Hours Ago

The University

of Zimbabwe reopened on Monday - seven months after it shut down because of
a shortage of water and staff but the main students union said on Monday the
majority of students would not attend classes.

Getting the institution running again has been a mammoth task.

UNICEF had to drill over a dozen boreholes, although there is not enough
water to reopen residences.

Prospective first year students will have to wait until next before they can
enrol.

The Zimbabwe National Students Union said many students failed to stump up
the new US dollar fees and would not be able to return to classes.

Fees are pegged at between R4 000 and R6 000 per semester but most parents
are earning less than R1 500 a month.


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Zimbabwean lawmaker freed after playing song

http://news.yahoo.com

Mon Aug 3, 11:18 am ET
HARARE, Zimbabwe (AFP) - A Zimbabwe lawmaker arrested for playing music
allegedly denigrating President Robert Mugabe has been released without
being charged, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai's party said Monday.

Movement for Democratic Change MP Stewart Garadhi, accused of playing a MDC
song said to belittle Mugabe, was released Friday after being held by police
for several hours.

"The law and order police released him Friday after failing to lay charges
against him. They only confiscated the music disc," the MDC said in a
statement.

The party has claimed a recent crackdown on its members and activists with
several arrests of lawmakers, including deputy youth minister Thamsanqa
Mahlangu who is in custody after being implicated in the theft of a
cellphone.

Another MDC parliamentarian from Gutu East, Ransome Makamur, who was accused
of corruption in February, was also acquitted on Friday.

"Some government officials are bent on decimating the party majority in
parliament and its structures," the party said.

In February, the MDC formed a unity government with Mugabe's Zimbabwe
African National Union - Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), ending almost three
decades of absolute rule by the former liberation leader.


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Establishment of SADC peacekeeping force gaining momentum

http://www.sabcnews.com

      July 31 2009
, 4:30:00

      John Nyashanu, Zimbabwe

      Efforts to establish a Southern African Development Community (SADC)
peacekeeping force are gaining momentum and the army could be in place
before the end of the year. Members of the inaugural contingent today
completed a week-long course in Harare and organisers say the force will be
ready for operations after completing the last training in South Africa in
September. The latest development comes as President Robert Mugabe appears
to be finally making concessions in conformity with the country's political
agreement, brokered by the regional body.

      The team comprises 63 members of the military, police and civilians
who were drawn from 12 SADC countries. The course involves conflict
management as well as civilian and military coordination techniques. And
after their final training session in South Africa, the force should be
ready to deal with regional hotspots. Senior Assistant Commissioner,
Faustino Mazango, says where there is a breakdown of law and order.

      Recently, the region witnessed a coup in Madagascar, and political
upheaval in Lesotho and Zimbabwe. As Mugabe appears to be finally making
concessions on the SADC brokered political agreement, the BBC is back in
that country for the first time in eight years, and a ban on a local daily
has been lifted. Political Analyst, Takura Zhangazha, says within the global
agreement there is a clause which allows authorities to review progress made
by the inclusive government after every six months.

      Meanwhile, it is understood that Prime Minister Tsvangirai, who
arrived in South Africa this morning, will be discussing some of these
issues with President Jacob Zuma.


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On Africa visit, Clinton won't shy away from thorny issues

http://www.newsobserver.com/

Shashank Bengali - McClatchy Newspapers
Published: Sun, Aug. 02, 2009 05:26PM

NAIROBI, Kenya - Secretary of State Hillary Clinton this week visits Africa,
where she's expected to show support for the government of Somalia, renew
political pressure on Zimbabwe and raise awareness of sexual violence in
Congo.

Clinton's 11-day, seven-country tour reflects the range of U.S. strategic
interests in Africa - from humanitarian relief to trade agreements - and
follows President Barack Obama's brief visit to Ghana last month, when he
urged Africans to take greater responsibility for lifting themselves up from
poverty, conflict and corruption.

Starting Tuesday, Clinton will visit Kenya, South Africa, Congo, Angola,
Nigeria, Liberia and Cape Verde on a tour aimed at "supporting strong and
sustainable democratic governments," State Department officials said.
Obama's message of promoting African self-sufficiency will face challenges,
however, as Clinton confronts some of the continent's most intractable
problems.

"This is not a happy-talk schedule," said J. Stephen Morrison, an Africa
expert at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington.
"It's a pretty heavy workload."
In Kenya, where she'll begin her visit, Clinton is scheduled to meet the
president of Somalia, Sheik Sharif Ahmed, whose government barely clings to
power amid attacks by radical Islamist militias. U.S. officials recently
acknowledged they sent a shipment of arms and ammunition to help the
government fight the Islamists, who allegedly have links to al Qaida.

With more than 200,000 people having fled the capital, Mogadishu, since May,
Somali government officials have begged the world for more firepower.
However, the Obama administration has been reluctant to wade directly into
the conflict - a departure from the Bush administration, which backed
warlords and then the Ethiopian military in failed efforts to defeat the
Islamists.

In South Africa, officials said Clinton will call on President Jacob Zuma to
do more to end the political crisis in neighboring Zimbabwe. South Africa
has avoided criticizing Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe, despite a
collapsing economy, widespread human rights abuses by the armed forces and
Mugabe's failure to follow through on an agreement to share political power
with his rival, Morgan Tsvangirai.

Clinton will attempt to open a new chapter in U.S. relations with South
Africa, the continent's most powerful nation, which have soured over
Zimbabwe and its reluctance to deal with an AIDS epidemic. Months into
office, however, Zuma is already faced with several domestic crises of his
own.

"Their economy is taking a big hit . . . unemployment is way up and there's
concern around Zuma and the new government," Morrison said. "It will be
interesting to see whether there's a capacity to engage on their side."

U.S. officials said this is the earliest in an administration that both the
president and secretary of state will have visited Africa, but experts are
skeptical that the Obama administration can make Africa a foreign policy
priority amid a host of other international and domestic crises.

Officials said Clinton will emphasize how foreign investment can promote
economic growth. Visits to two major oil-producing nations, Nigeria and
Angola, will highlight the continent's growing importance as a trading
partner, now supplying 20 percent of U.S. oil imports.

In Kenya, Clinton will address a trade summit aimed at reducing tariffs on
goods imported from African nations that have implemented democratic
changes. Officials said the administration also is developing a plan to
strengthen food security in Africa's predominantly agrarian regions.


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Comment on Chiadzwa Fiasco


The heavy presence of the military in the diamond fields of Chiadzwa is a
total negation of the Global Political Agreement particularly in line with
national healing as enshrined in article vii, contrary to that the
government is inflicting more wounds.

The escape of Chief Chiadzwa following an attempt on his life by CIOs in the
area is clear testimony that the government is just but playing lip service
to national healing. The Kimberly Process Review team revealed that more
than 150 people in the area suffered horrendous brutality at the hands of
Zimbabwe military in the Chiadzwa Diamond Fields.

With some people having been buried in shallow mass graves in the diamond
fields, honestly there is need to consider a reconciliation process between
the military and the people who were victimized.

As if to add salt to wounds, the government has embarked on another second
phase of operation Murambatsvina by evicting people who have their umbilical
codes buried in Chiadzwa and relocating them to some area where they know
little about and without adequate compensation if any.

As Youth Forum we view this as environmental violence which is equally
wicked to political violence. We emphasize that the government still
continues on its brutal streak hence talks about national healing and
reconciliation are mere rhetoric.

--
Youth Forum Information and Publicity Department.
305-6 Travel Centre
Cnr Jason Moyo and Third Street
Harare
+263 913 014 693,+263 913 022 368
Fax:+263 710 237


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Analysis of 'problem' behind problem

http://www.zimbabwejournalists.com

3rd Aug 2009 01:00 GMT

By Chenjerai Chitsaru

THE reasons for the slow pace of a complete rapprochement between Zanu PF
and the two MDC formations range from the bizarre to the sublime.

A weird one is this: President Robert Mugabe is gunning for a round figure -
30 years in power. We are speaking here of keeping him in the saddle until
2010. By that time, Morgan Tsvangirai will be 58. He is reckoned, even by
the soothsayers in their dark, soot-infested huts in the remotest parts of
the hinterland, to be the next president.

Mugabe will be all of 86 years old. Assuredly, he has not been visited by
the mental and physical ravages that often inflict themselves on other such
old people - politicians, journalists, sculptors, vendors, prostitutes or
novelists and Popes.

But 86 is not 58 or even 66.

Another theory, peddled by people scarcely able to say anything decent or
coherent about Mugabe as a politician goes like this: the old man wants to
ensure that, by that time, he has so mesmerized Tsvangirai with his gift for
the gab, that the former trade unionist will have become a virtual clone of
the Grand Master.

He will therefore be able to use words such as "modalities" with eloquence
and authority, like the consummate practitioner of Doublespeak that Mugabe
has become.

We can safely dismiss as harebrained another theory that Amai Gracde Mugabe
won't leave State House until the new residents swear not to change the
Persian rugs she installed in the master bedroom - a gift from the Iran
government.

Apparently, any tampering with this perfect sample of what the original
Persian artistry ought to look like might lead to a rupture in diplomatic
relations.

Such are the strange tales of woe being told of the possible problem
plaguing the chances of success for the talks. Some have, uncharitably,
called it the "real canker", but others prefer to restrict themselves to
"problem"´which really amounts to the same thing, except that the former is
spoken with rage, while the latter is.sober?

Theories abound on what has angered Zanu PF so far. They did expect
Tsvangirai to score Zero on his mission to raise funds for the inclusive
government among the Western countries that imposed sanctions on Mugabe and
his coterie of helpmates.

But they did lift the sanctions and Tsvangirai did not return empty-handed:
there were millions from the NGOs, obviously on the instructions of the
governments.

None of that money will pass through Gideon Gono's hands. Some of the Zanu
PF leaders might view this as being of little consequence. But gestures such
as this are replete with political symbolism.

But the apparatchiks in Zanu PF are no slouches when it comes to such subtle
political games. They know this was a slap in the face. The party got little
out of the trip, except for opprobrium.

Underlying the roots of a lack of settlement is something which neither side
would want to discuss fully in public: Mugabe's determination to carve a
niche in African history. Will he be remembered by posterity as the man who
allowed Zimbabwe to achieve its real pot6ential - by quitting the scene
while there was an opportunity to let a fresh set of hands take the wheel?
Or is he determined to hang on until, as some might say, there is no more
rope left? In other words, will he keep at it until even his supporters
begin to believe the ship is sinking - unless someone else takes the wheel?

By the time he leaves office, he may have blown his party's chances of ever
returning to power.

Many long-time observers of Zimbabwean politics believe Zanu PF should have
worked out a retirement package for their leader shortly after the ink had
dried on all signatures to he Global Political Agreement last September.

Mugabe had not exactly been impeached by a Parliament of his peers. But the
decision of the electorate amounted to something equivalent to that. His
defeat by Tsvangirai sent a powerful MESSAGE to his party, to himself and to
the world that he had lost it - whatever talisman he had possessed to
sustain his popularity among the people.

His exit then could have been decent, dignified and an example for future
generations of leaders.

In a way, he showed the same defiance and lack of faith in Fate displayed by
another president, Richard Nixon of the USA.

In a review of The Memoirs of Richard Nixon, published in The New Statesman
in 1978, Clive James said:

"Nixon could never see his strength for what it was. He was forever
augmenting it with unnecessary cunning. If he was less clever, he might have
lasted longer. But he always felt that he needed an edge - he had to get the
bulge on the other guy."

Most of Mugabe's supporters might argue thaw he is not just clever, but is
intelligent, which others might find a little too swallow. If he had
accepted the defeat with a modicum of grace, even his most implacable
critics might have sheathed their claws and allowed him to ride off into the
sunset with his dignity intact.

But he had to be clever, didn't he? Now, with only a month before the first
anniversary of the GPA, we are no nearer to a final agreement than we were a
year ago.

To many people, Mugabe is the real problem hampering the way to a final
solution to the problem. Unfortunately, he seems to have convinced his
fellow African leaders that it would be an unforgivable political sin
against Africa were he, ,with his record of fighting imperialism (and
winning?) were to be reduced to slinking away from the scene in disgrace,
vanquished by what some of them call "fellow travelers of imperialism".

The tired, old theory that if he had his way, Mugabe would have accepted the
2008 presidential verdict and made away for Tsvangirai, is wearing a little
thin. Mugabe is not like that, say his critics, even those in Zanu Pf.

Many Zimbabwans must have been rudely reminded of what some of them have
called his "character flaw" by the recent death of Patrick Kombayi,
something of a nemesis of Zanu PF since his challenge to the late Simon
Muzenda in the 1990 parliamentary elections.

The attempted assassination of the former mayor of Gweru was one of the most
naked demonstrations of Zanu PF's embrace of violence as a stock-in-trade of
politics. The two men arrested, charged and convicted of the crime were
subsequently pardoned by Mugabe.

Kombayi, crippled for life, was not one to lie down and vegetate
politically. He had backed Zanu PF to the hilt, particularly from Zambia,
where he was a rather successful hotelier in the little town of Kafue,
during the struggle.

Admittedly, his style was abrasive and, as the first black mayor of Gweru,
there were those who thought he was quite difficult to get used to. But he
was strong-willed, even in his impaired physical condition. He still
challenged Zanu PF and won a seat in the Senate for the MDC-T in the 2008
elections.

If there was another Heroes Acre reserved for people who were indubitably
opposed to Zanu PF's policies - and were prepared to pay the ultimate price
for their positions - then Kombayi would have been interred there.

The new doctrine of "forgive and forget", symbolised most graphically in the
process of national healing led by the leaders of the three parties calls
the softening of hearts towards former foes. There has not been any mention
of the cold-blooded murders of Tichaona Chiminya and Talant Mabika.

Perhaps this is as it should be. A Zimbabwe scarred by the memories of the
blood of innocents has little chance of freeing itself from the dark, bloody
past. It would aid matters considerably if leaders such as Mugabe were to
indicate, in some graphic way, that they, personally, feel repentant, that
they know now that they made grievous mistakes, even as revolutionary
politicians, and feel, they ought to, seek their compatriots' forgiveness.

That would aid in easing the pain of citizens whose relatives were victims
of this thoroughly needless carnage. It could herald the solution to a
problem that has plagued us since three parties formed an inclusive
government which has, nonetheless, failed to include a widespread
reconciliation among the people.


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Let's begin to see our future as shared project

http://www.zimonline.co.za

     

            by Mutumwa Mawere Monday 03 August 2009

OPINION: The three-day 19th Global Smart Partnership dialogue held in Uganda
ended last week. What is remarkable is that it has generated more debate in
Zimbabwe on the remarks made by Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara, as
part of his contribution to what was meant to be an open dialogue on the
future of Zimbabwe.

He made the point that not only Zimbabwe but also Africa in general need
rebranding and in doing so it must be appreciated that it would be wrong for
anyone, for instance, to be a judge unto his/her own cause.

By raising the questions, "What is Mugabe's brand, what is Museveni's brand,
what is Kikwete' brand?" he obviously underestimated the risks inherent in
using this kind of language to make a point in any debate in Africa.

He made his argument even more controversial by making the case that Africa
cannot endorse her own brand and equally, for example, President Robert
Mugabe whose role in post-colonial Zimbabwe is a subject that has dominated
heated conversations not only in Zimbabwe but globally, cannot endorse his
own brand as Presidents Museveni, Kikwete who were also participants should
leave it to others to comment on how good they are than engage in self
congratulatory exercises when the condition of Africa is open for all to
see.

He then pushed himself into a lion's den by suggesting that Africa's brand
needs the endorsement of institutions like CNN, BBC, Sky News and more
importantly of the West.

The response was swift as expected and what is significant is that there is
an attempt to denigrate the messenger and in doing so dismiss the important
message about what kind of Africa we want to see.

I have no doubt that by Professor Mutambara making this point; he was naïve
to assume that he would not be rebuked. However, a point needs to be made
that the future of Africa belongs to builders and after 53 years of
independence, there is no better time to pause to reflect on what kind of
values, beliefs, principles should inform our choices.

It is and should not be sufficient to point a finger at people who seek to
open a conversation about the brand positioning of the continent's leaders.

It would be naïve to dismiss the perceptions that have been created rightly
or wrongly about African leaders and the role of the media is perpetuating
such negative perceptions.

If the perception did not matter and was irrelevant to Africa's economic,
political and social change, then there would be no need to engage in any
conversation on rebranding Africa's leaders.

The need for branding and rebranding Africa cannot be overstated.

Like any pyramid what one sees first from afar is the apex. Leaders are
generally expected to see far than the followers. Leaders do have an
obligation to protect the followers who should after all be in the same
pyramid of human organisation and the strength of the pyramid should ideally
measured by its weakest link.

The decisions any progressive leader makes must be evaluated in terms of
their overall impact on the value chain of economic change.

Smart leaders inspire people to rise up to the challenge. In fact, success
shows when it is evident and enemies normally are good examiners of one's
actions.

Ideally, confident people should not be afraid of enemies and should bring
them closer.

Africa is part of a global system and, therefore, cannot abdicate from its
obligations to the global family of nations.

If Africa is good to its people, the results will show and no disability
will be suffered if the continent's brand custodians, its leaders, are
prepared to be misunderstood in the interests of getting the world to better
appreciate what the challenges and opportunities are.

The questions that Professor Mutambara raised will remain unanswered until
we accept that there is nothing toxic about raising the inconvenient
questions in a debate among smart partners.

What values, beliefs and principles inform the choices that Africa's leaders
make?

Why would we seek to raise the independence flag and yet our actions show
that we want the very people we despise to finance our development charge?

If we stand for an independent Africa, then we should work towards that
objective than spending valuable time discussing what our supposedly enemies
are planning for us.

Africa's leaders have to respond to the brand challenge particularly when it
cannot be denied that Africa's brain trust is now resident in the same
jurisdictions that are despised by our leaders.

Why is it that when given a choice, Africans in their majority would rather
be educated in the West and more importantly would prefer to sell their time
in the West than in the continent of their birth?

I have often remarked that Jesus Christ left disciples with no real estate
or money and yet it cannot be denied that he left powerful teachings that
allowed his followers to use as a guide to create not only the largest
portfolio of real assets in the name of the Lord. Although physically
absent; he left a legacy that has provided meaning to generation after
generation. We are all better for it.

Jesus' followers had no choice but to think hard about what kind of
organisation they needed to create. In the case of the Roman Catholic
Church, for instance, the need for a Vatican as a wholesaler of faith was
evident from the outset. The church had to stand for something and had to
position itself among competing faiths.

The choice of a Pope had to be carefully considered. If the Pope's brand
were contaminated then the consequences would have been obvious from the
beginning as it should be now.

What makes a church grow like any human organisation is and must be its
relevance to its target market? You cannot force people to subscribe to any
ideology.

We all may have different views about the West but what is undeniable is
that many of Africa's potential leaders are more comfortable in London, for
instance, than in Lagos.

Even when entry barriers are raised, we see many of our compatriots busy
trying to meet the requirements to exit Africa and if this trend is not a
cause of concern to our leaders then what should be.

Mutambara chose to join the trenches and yet finds himself on the defensive
after expressing the views that are generally held by many in the diaspora
about Africa's leaders.

In attempting to dismiss Mutambara's remarks, ideological issues have been
brought into the argument.

Jesus, for example, left words and memories of what he had done and this was
sufficient to galvanise followers into action. If he were a bad leader, the
consequences would have been predictable.

He was not afraid of being judged by his enemies rather he encouraged it.
What do we lose if we are doing the right thing by, for example, CNN, BBC
being allowed into our countries? What are we afraid of?

What is tragic is that our post-colonial development strategy seems to be
anchored on the benevolence of what we classify as enemies.

We have the resources and yet we want the West to remove sanctions? If our
values, beliefs and principles are different from our enemies the obligation
to make Africa work for its people must be on Africans themselves.

In asking the question about the utility of our leaders' brands, we all can
benefit from honest and frank answers.

Any good soccer player, for instance, would not worry about what his
opponents think of him but would worry about perfecting his skills and
ultimately it is the spectators who are the best judges.

Africa's future is not in the hands of leaders. A leader is just another
human being and any development process that is anchored on leaders
possessing all the critical answers to human challenges is fundamentally
wrong.

The African brand should be owned by us and not by the leaders. Should, for
instance, Mugabe have a brand position that is separate and distinct from
the generality of Zimbabweans? Any leader who derives his legitimacy from
the people must necessarily reflect the people he leads.

We ought to ask ourselves what we have done to celebrate or denigrate the
African brand rather than focusing on the leaders. There is nothing to stop
us buying, for instance, insurance from one source and yet when we are given
choices we invariably end up making choices that are on the face of it
detrimental to our progress.

If we make the right choices our leaders have no choice but to follow. The
more confused followers are the more tyrannical our leaders become.

A leader will only know what the eyes and ears that are exposed to him/her
allow him and it should be our obligation to ensure that no leader can stay
in power for too long to the extent that other minds are crowded out from
the seat of decision making.

Human assets are the most complicated assets that God has created. Not only
do you have to manage and massage egos but also with the right values,
beliefs and principles you can achieve extraordinary outcomes.

The real question is whether the African brand is underpinned by the kind of
values, beliefs and principles that are required to generate the kind of
response generally expected in a progressive society.

After raising the independence flag, we have no choice but to think deeply
about the kind of brand that we need to advance our own cause.

Africa has demonstrated that it can accommodate people with ideas and
innovation even if they are not born in the continent. It has made many rich
and yet the majority; remain in the valley.

What is required to lift Africa up? We are the consumers and yet we rarely
make the choices that show that we have the power to change what we do not
want to see, not necessarily people in state power but even the faces of the
people who produce and distribute food that we need for sustenance.

The future is our business and working together there is no doubt that we
will be able to decide for ourselves how we should be governed and how we
should feed ourselves.

Ultimately, we have to rise above the past that blinds our choices and see
the future as a shared project that need not have race as its focus but
service delivery and more importantly freedom, justice and equality. -
ZimOnline


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The cost of dying in Zimbabwe

http://www.sokwanele.com/thisiszimbabwe/archives/4494
 

Zimbabwe Graves

Are things improving in Zimbabwe? Next month is the expiry of the GPA and it is going to be interesting to see what unfolds in the political landscape.

I am sure Zimbabwe remains a confused issue for many living outside Zimbabwe, with the President and Prime Minister constantly contradicting themselves. As someone who scans headlines daily and lives in the thick of the maelstrom, I too am confused!

But the same conversation is on everyone’s minds here: how long will it be until we see real change? Right now things are marginally better, but all in this country is relative to how it was just a short while ago.

Up until February a visit to the local hospital was a waste of time, because there were few doctors, a scattering of nurses, almost no drugs, a limited supply of cleaning materials, and patients had to bring their own food. Medicins Sans Frontier and other humanitarian organisations are doing an amazing job trying to patch up our medical services, but we still have a long, long way to go.

The pothole fixers are a new breed of work force in Zimbabwe. These unofficial gangs bring in barrowloads of sand to plug the potholes pockmarking our roads, and rely on donations from the public for their livelihoods. On the one hand they are providing an essential service and people appreciate their efforts, but they can also be a menace on the road.

Last week there was a tragedy on one of the very same bumpy main roads in the city. One pothole fixer was knocked down by a motorist when he jumped out from the verge to put out his hand for a donation. The motorist just did not see him on time as he had leapt out from the passenger side of the vehicle.

The ‘potholer’ was obviously badly injured and the motorist immediately phoned the hospital for an ambulance. An hour later neither the police nor the ambulance had arrived so, throwing conventional caution that dictates one does not move an accident victim, they loaded the injured man into the back of the car and sped off to the nearest government hospital. It took another hour for a doctor to arrive to attend to them, and at that time the victim was still conscious.

Half an hour later the doctor and nurse on duty walked out from behind the curtain - the young man was dead. Could he have been saved with a more efficient emergency service?

We will never know the answer to that.

Now the motorist, who is not terribly affluent (he is a civil servant) is facing a horrible dilemma: he has been told if he takes responsibility for the funeral charges for the deceased, it will be seen as an admission of guilt by the police. But his human conscience dictates he has to help as up until now the family of the deceased has not been found. The poor man was obviously another victim of the regime, destined to leave his rural home in a desperate attempt to eke out a living in a country with 94% unemployment.

The motorist went to investigate funeral charges and was aghast at the costs. The cheapest coffin costs R1,850. The mortuary, dressing of the deceased, and burial fees amount to a further R5,000. This equates to no less than five months of an average civil servant’s salary.

In the low density areas it has become commonplace to see scotch-carts carrying the dead to their burials. I was at a funeral not long ago and saw three elderly women digging a grave themselves as they could not afford the cost of a gravedigger. People are making coffins themselves, in their backyards, breaking up any furniture they can to put their loved ones to rest.

Another bizarre image is for those who can afford fancy coffins. At the same funeral I describe above, I witnessed the mourners mixing cement which they poured into the grave. They did this to prevent grave robbers from digging up the dead, tossing the body, and re-selling the coffin!

Food prices have dropped dramatically in Zimbabwe, but the cost of dying remains sky high!


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Bill Watch Special of 31st July [Current VotingStrengths in Parliament]

BILL WATCH SPECIAL

[31st July 2009]

CURRENT VOTING STRENGTHS

First we have given the numbers each party was entitled to based on election results.  Then the current voting strengths allowing for gains from extra seats allocated by the GPA/Amendment No.19, less vacancies and suspensions which have occurred since then.  [A full explanation of these gains and losses is given in following sections.]  Then we have given projected numbers which the party strengths could fall to within the next few months.  [Again fuller explanations in following sections.]  Projected voting strengths have not taken into account any possible results of by-elections – this would be too speculative as to both timing and results.

House of Assembly

MDC-T

100 after elections

97 now [2 seats gained from GPA minus 1 vacancy [Speaker’s seat] and minus 4 suspended members who can’t vote]

[87 Projected –Minus 11 [7 at risk from suspensions plus 3 from MPs appointed as governors]

MDC-M

10 after elections

11 now [1 seat gained from GPA

[8 Projected – Minus 3 [if their 3 expelled MPs lose their seats]

ZANU-PF 95

99  [Only 98 were sworn in, as Eprem Mushoriwa who won the Gokwe-Gumunyu seat died before the swearing in]

95 now [1seat gained from GPA but this has not been filled [this is a nominated seat and could be filled at any time] minus 4 deaths]

[94 Projected – 2 at risk from suspensions but 1 GPA extra seat still to be filled]

Independent 1

Senate

MDC-T

24 after elections,

27 now [gained 4 nominated Senators from GPA, less 1 death [Senator Kombayi]

[32 Projected – with 5 gained from appointed governors]

MDC-M

6 after elections

8 now [gained 2 nominated Senators from GPA]

[9 Projected – with 1 gained from appointed governor]

ZANU-PF

63 after elections and appointments

          30 Elected

            5 Appointed by the President 

10 Governors

          18 Chiefs

59 now [gained 1 nominated seat from GPA for VP [but this is not yet filled] less 3 constituency seat vacancies [1 for Senate President’s former seat, and 2 for Provincial Governors’ former seats] and 1 death [Chief Bidi]]

[55 Projected – plus two from filling vacant GPA nominated seat and from replacing the Chief and minus 6 from loss of 6 Governors]

These figures do not include the Attorney General – he is an ex officio non-voting member of both Houses – i.e. he has the right to sit and speak in both Houses but he has no vote.  All other members of Parliament are voting members – whether elected, appointed, nominated, ex officio, constituency or non-constituency, chiefs or provincial governors.

ZANU-PF figures in the Senate include the Chiefs, who have traditionally voted with ZANU-PF.  For the combined MDCs to have a marginal majority in the Senate now, 13 Chiefs would have to sever their allegiance to ZANU-PF and vote with the MDCs.  [Working on projected voting strengths 8 Chiefs would have to vote with the MDCs to give them a marginal majority.]

Projected Voting Strengths of MDC-T in House of Assembly could drop further, depending on outcomes of court cases

There are a further 8 MDC seats at risk as 8 MDC-T Parliamentarians are facing criminal charges which could carry a sentence of more than 6 months – 7 in the House of Assembly and 1 in the Senate. [See section on Risk of Further Suspensions]. 

HOW THESE CHANGES CAME ABOUT

Extra Seats Provided for by the GPA/Constitution Amendment No.19

5 for Members of Top Executive in new Inclusive Government

2 for the 2 Vice-Presidents

1 for the Prime Minister

2 for the 2 Deputy Prime Ministers

The GPA/Amendment No.19 provides that all these five seats will be extra ex officio [with vote] seats in the House of Assembly, but then goes on to provide that if any of the top executive already have seats in Parliament they keep those seats but  their party can nominate a person to a non-constituency seat in the relevant House.

6 Senate Seats to balance the 5 ZANU-PF Presidential Appointed Senators

4 seats in the Senate to be nominated by MDC-T

2 seats in the Senate to be nominated  by MDC-M 

Distribution of GPA seats Per Party and Per House

House of Assembly

2 MDC-T – 1 seat for PM Tsvangirai and 1 nominated non-constituency seat as DPM Khupe already had an elected constituency seat which she keeps [This nominated non-constituency seat has been filled by Minister Gorden Moyo]

1 MDC-M seat for DPM Mutambara

1 ZANU-PF nominated non-constituency seat, as V-P Mujuru already had an elected constituency seat in the House of Assembly which she keep [This nominated non-constituency seat is still vacant]

Senate

4 MDC-T nominated non-constituency seats [1 went to Deputy Minister Tichaona Mudzingwa, 1 to Deputy Minister Sesel Zvidzai, 1 to Deputy Minister Roy Bennett and 1 to Morgan Komichi]

2 MDC-M nominated non-constituency seats [1 went to Minister Welshman Ncube, 1 to Minister Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga]

1 ZANU-PF nominated non-constituency seat as V-P Msika already had an appointed Senate seat. [This nominated non-constituency seat is still vacant]

But these gains must be balanced against seats that have become vacant [12]

Seats Vacant at Today’s Date, 31st July 2009

House of Assembly – 6

1 to replace the Speaker Lovemore Moyo – constituency seat Matobo North, Matabeleland South

1 ZANU-PF nominated seat – still vacant [allocated by the GPA in lieu of Vice-President Mujuru’s seat]

4 Deaths  [all constituency seats]

          Ephrem Mushoriwa [ZANU-PF] Gokwe-Gumunyu, Midlands, died before swearing-in [see above]

          Cletus Mabaranga [ZANU-PF] Guruve North, Mashonaland Central, died after swearing-in

          Elliot Manyika [ZANU-PF] Bindura North, Mashonaland Central, died after swearing-in

          Charles Pemhenayi .[ZANU-PF] Mutare North, Manicaland [recent death]

Senate – 6

1 to replace Senate President Edna Madzongwe [ZANU-PF], constituency seat Chegutu, Mashonaland West

2 constituency seats freed up by Governors – Titus Maluleke [ZANU-PF] Chiredzi, Masvingo, and Jaison Machaya [ZANU-PF] Gokwe South, Midlands, who both had seats and then took up Governors’ ex officio seats

1  ZANU-PF nominated seat that is yet to be filled [allocated by the GPA in lieu of Vice-President Msika’s seat]

2 Deaths    1 Patrick Kombayi MDC-T constituency seat Gweru-Chirumanzu, Midlands [recent death]

1 elected Chief, Chief Bidi from Matabeleland South [recent death]

As well as these vacancies, a number of MPs have been suspended

House of Assembly – 4 [all MDC-T – following convictions and imposition of sentences of 6 months or more]

Matthias Mlambo, Chipinge East, Manicaland convicted of inciting public violence – sentenced to 10 months in prison

Meki Makuyana, Chipinge South, Manicaland convicted of kidnapping a minor – sentenced to 12 months in prison

Shuah Mudiwa, Mutare West, Manicaland convicted of kidnapping a minor – sentenced to 7 years in prison

Ernest Mudavanhu, Zaka North, Masvingo [the most recent case] convicted on charges of abusing subsidised farming inputs – sentenced to 12 months in prison

Senate – none

Some press reports have caused confusion by saying that there have been either five or six suspensions.  This is probably caused by the fact that other MPs have been convicted.  But unless they receive a sentence of over 6 months they are not suspended.

The suspended MPs have appealed against their convictions and sentences.  Only if these are successful will their suspensions be lifted [the fact of appeal does not alter the suspension].  Mlambo has appealed to the High Court against his suspension; the case has been heard, but judgement reserved.

Lynette Karenyi,  MDC-T MP, Chimanimani West, Manicaland, was convicted in January of forgery of a signature on her nomination paper, fined and given a suspended 20 day prison sentence.  This sentence does not result in her automatic suspension from Parliament, but the magistrate declared her seat forfeit, which was outside his jurisdiction, and his declaration has been rejected by Parliament.  Ms Karenyi has appealed against her conviction and sentence in order to clear her name, but in the meantime her defeated opponent in the March 2008 poll has instituted High Court proceedings to unseat her.

MORE CHANGES IN VOTING STRENGTHS IN THE NEAR FUTURE?

Changes Likely to Occur through Appointment of Provincial Governors

If the Governorships are redistributed in early September as proposed, it will result in further party gains and losses:

Gains and Losses in Senate

MDC-T would gain 5 in the Senate – candidates have already been named – Lucia Matibenga, Tose Sansole, Seiso Moyo, James Makore and Julius Magaramombe.

ZANU-PF would lose 6 seats in the Senate – the outgoing governors are likely to be David Karimanzira [Harare], Cain Mathema [Bulawayo], Angeline Masuku [Matabeleland South], Thokozile Mathuthu [Matabeleland North], Christopher Mushowe [Manicaland] and Titus Maluleke [Masvingo]

MDC-M would gain 1 in the Senate [candidate not yet named]

Losses in the House of Assembly

MDC-T would have 3 vacant seats if they appoint Matibenga, Sansole and Moyo as Governors, as they are all MPs [for Kuwadzana, Harare; Hwange East, Matabeleland North; and Nketa, Bulawayo, respectively]

Risk of Further Suspensions

A further 8 MDC-T members of Parliament [1 Senator, 7 members of the House of Assembly] are facing charges carrying potential prison sentences in excess of 6 months – which would mean suspension from Parliament:

Roy Bennett, nominated Senator – on a charge of possession of arms, on bail and awaiting trial

Blessing Chebundo, Kwekwe Central on a charge of rape – on bail and awaiting trial;

Trevor Saruwaka, Mutasa Central, on a violence charge– on bail and awaiting judgment

And 5 on agricultural inputs scam charges for abusing subsidised farming inputs, similar to those on which Ernest Mudavanhu was convicted and sentenced to 12 months in prison.  They are all 5 on bail awaiting judgment: Hamandishe Maramwidze, Gutu North; Heya Shoko, Bikita West, Masvingo; Edmore Marima, Bikita East, Masvingo; Tachiona Mharadza, Masvingo West; Masvingo; Evelyn Masaiti, Dzivaresekwa, Harare.  [Ransome Makamure, charged for the same offence, was acquitted today and he is not included in the figures.]

Two ZANU-PF members of the House of Assembly are also facing inputs scam charges – Tranos Huruba, Chivi North, Masvingo and Ivene Dzingirayi, Chivi South, Masvingo.

This week 2 more MDC-T MPs were picked up by police – Thamsanqa Mahlangu MP, Nkulumane and Stewart Garadhi, MP, Chinhoyi.  They are not included in the “at risk” figures as Mahlangu, though in remand prison awaiting trial, is not likely to be facing a sentence of more that 6 months, and Garadhi was released without charge.

Potential Expulsion of MDC-M MPs from Their Party

The MDC-M’s Secretary-General, Welshman Ncube, has notified the Speaker of the House of Assembly that the 3 MPs, Abednico Bhebhe, Nkayi South, Njabuliso Mguni, Lupane East and Norman Mpofu, Bulilima East, who were recently expelled from the party, are no longer representing the party and that they must cease being MPs [which a party may do under section 41(1)(e) of the Constitution].  The Speaker is studying the legal implications of the 3 having applied to the High Court in Bulawayo for the setting aside of their expulsions as unprocedural and invalid. 

SEATS DUE FOR BY-ELECTIONS

There are 12 vacancies and 10 of these have to be filled by by-elections.  [The other 2 vacancies are to be filled by nomination by ZANU-PF – 1 in the Senate and 1 in the House of Assembly].  Of the 10 by-elections, 1 is for a chief who will be elected by the Matabeleland South Provincial Assembly of Chiefs. This leaves 9 constituency by-elections, as follows:

House of Assembly

Matobo North, Matabeleland South [ex Lovemore Moyo, MDC-T]

Gokwe-Gumunyu, Midlands [ex Ephrem Mushoriwa, ZANU-PF]

Guruve North, Mashonaland Central [ex Cletus Mabaranga, ZANU-PF]

Bindura North, Mashonaland Central [ex Elliot Manyika, ZANU-PF]

Mutare North, Manicaland [ex Charles Pemhenayi, ZANU-PF]

Senate

Chegutu, Mashonaland West [ex Edna Madzongwe, ZANU-PF]

Gweru-Chirumanzu, Midlands [ex Patrick Kombayi, MDC-T]

Chiredzi, Masvingo [ex Titus Maluleke, ZANU-PF]

Gokwe South, Midlands [ex Jaison Machaya, ZANU-PF]

Possible Further By-Elections

If the 4 suspended MPs who have appealed against their convictions and sentences lose their appeals, they will lose their Parliamentary seats and the vacancies will have to be filled by by-elections.

If MDC-T appoint 3 Governors from the House of Assembly [see above], this will mean 3 more by-elections.

If the 3 MDC-M MPs are expelled from Parliament [see above], this will mean 3 more by-elections. 

Comment: In the case of the 4 suspended MPs, whether or not there will be by-elections is dependent on the result of court cases.  The other potential by-elections are still within the control of both the MDCs.  In the context of the MDCs potentially losing their combined majority, as it is, it seems unwise to risk these extra by-elections.  Matabeleland seats have been considered safe MDC seats, but with the re-emergence of ZAPU and its increasing membership this could change.  Also, with the evidence of increased violence and setting up of new youth militia bases, other constituency seats which may have been regarded as safe may be subjected to violence and intimidation.

It is also strange that MDC has not been pushing for by-elections for at least the present 9 constituency vacancies to take place before 15th September, when the GPA agreement that the three parties will not stand against each other falls away.  They are cutting it very fine - even if by-elections are gazetted immediately it will be difficult to complete them before the 15th September.  [Under the Electoral Act at least 5 weeks must elapse between gazetting of the notice calling a by-election and polling day – 2 weeks for nominations, 3 weeks for ZEC preparation and campaigning by candidates.] 

 

Veritas makes every effort to ensure reliable information, but cannot take legal responsibility for information supplied.

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