| |
Johannesburg 03 August 2009 |
South African President Jacob Zuma says he will be
contacting Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe on problems affecting the unity
government in Harare.
South African president Jacob Zuma, left, shake hands with Zimbabwean PM Morgan Tsvangirai, during a meeting in Johannesburg, 03 Aug 2009 |
http://www.zimbabwejournalists.com
3rd
Aug 2009 21:20 GMT
By Lebo Nkatazo
A PARLIAMENTARY committee held
interviews with 27 applicants for positions
on the new Zimbabwe Media
Commission (ZMC) before drawing a shortlist of 12
nominees to be whittled
down to eight by President Robert Mugabe.
The Standing Rules and Orders
Committee said 127 people applied but only 27
were called for interviews,
including Tafataona Mahoso, the former head of
the now abolished Media and
Information Commission.
New Zimbabwe.com has obtained a list of all 27
applicants interviewed, and
their results in the order of how they fared in
the grilling by MPs.
Topping the list is media lawyer Chris Mhike, and
bringing the rear at
number 27 was Mahoso, who was described by one MP as
"hostile and typically
arrogant" during the interview.
Former ZBC CEO
Henry Muradzikwa, former Daily News editor Nqobile Nyathi and
the Zimbabwe
Union of Journalists president Matthew Takaona all made the
final shortlist
submitted to Mugabe.
The other nominees are Rino Zhuwarara, Useni
Sibanda, Rodger Stringer,
Wabata Munodawafa, Millicent Mombeshora, Clemence
Mabaso, Miriam Madziwa and
the former TV and radio presenter, Godfrey
Majonga.
The ZMC is the new regulatory body for the publishing industry -
covering
newspapers, magazines and other periodicals. It replaces the MIC
which was
condemned as "biased" by a High Court judge after it refused to
issue The
Daily News with a publishing licence.
A new coalition of
President Robert Mugabe, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai
and Deputy Prime
Minister Arthur Mutambara formed in February agreed to
review media
regulation to allow for greater press freedom.
Meanwhile, the same
parliamentary committee is expected to devise a formula
for drawing up
nominees to sit on the Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe
(BAZ) which
regulates the operations of the electronic, radio and television
industry.
MPs are said to be leaning towards picking the six nominees
from the
remaining candidates for the ZMC jobs based on Monday's
interviews.
If that plan is approved, number 13 on the list Vimbai
Chivaura, Benson
Ntini, Susan Makore, Douglas Dhliwayo, Vambe Jirira and the
former Zanu PF
MP and newspaper publisher Kindness Paradza (18th) will be
seconded to the
BAZ board. - New Zimbabwe
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=20596
August 3, 2009
By Owen
Chikari
MASVINGO - Former Masvingo governor and resident minister Willard
Chiwewe
has been evicted from a farm he seized from a black family three
years ago
following a land audit which revealed that he is a multiple farm
owner.
Chiwewe (60), who is the province's shortest serving governor
since
independence, has been ordered to seek alternative land to accommodate
his
70 herd of cattle after he was told to move out of Ganyani
Farm.
The governor had grabbed the farm from the Ganyani family, arguing
that it
was being underutilised.
Chiwewe had taken nearly half of the
3000 hectare farm and left a portion to
the Ganyani family.
However a
recent land audit revealed that Chiwewe is a multiple farm owner
and
therefore should move off the farm.
The current and outgoing Masvingo
governor Titus Maluleke who chairs the
provincial land committee has since
reversed Chiwewe's offer letter and
advised him to pack his bags and
depart.
Chiwewe ventured into full-time farming on the 1667, 5 hectare
property last
year after he was booted out as governor of the
province.
The former governor had made a lot of developments on the
property among
other things the development of irrigation infrastructure,
erection of fuel
tanks and construction of a farm house. The land committee
said that he
should still be re- located elsewhere, nevertheless.
The
land audit report revealed that Chiwewe had used his political muscle to
secure the property and had ignored several pleas from the Ganyani
family.
Maluleke who is set to leave office to pave way for mainstream
MDC's Lucia
Matibenga yesterday confirmed the development.
"We have
advised Mr Chiwewe to leave because he took the property from a
fellow black
farmer", said Maluleke.
"It was also felt that the governor had several
other farms and therefore
there was no need for him to continue farming on
the property in question.
"When my colleague was governor he wanted to
relocate the owners of the farm
to Mwenezi and now we are saying he is the
one who should go Mwenezi and
leave the Ganyani to family continue with
their farming activities."
Although Chiwewe could not be reached for
comment yesterday The Zimbabwe
Times has it on good authority that the
former governor has started to
remove his property from the
farm.
This is not the first time that Chiwewe has been found to be on the
wrong
side of government policy or the law.
Soon after his
appointment three years ago Chiwewe was quizzed by the police
for allegedly
hoarding and selling government sourced inputs on the black
market.
He was let off the hook after senior police officers blocked
his prosecution
and ordered him to pay an admission of guilty fine
instead.
Just last year Chiwewe was at it again, this time being in the
forefront of
farm invasions in Chiredzi. The governor gave the farm which he
seized to
his daughter.
http://www.herald.co.zw/
Monday,
August 03, 2009
By Golden
Sibanda
TOTAL export proceeds for the half-year to June this year have
taken a major
knock, dropping 38 percent to US$475,52
million.
Figures from the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe's Monetary Policy
Statement
presented last week show that the country exported US$762,02
million over
the same period last year.
This does not augur well for
the country especially considering exports
performed US$171,48 million
weaker than imports.
During the period January to June 2009, cumulative
mineral shipments
decreased to US$211,1 million compared to US$402,9 million
for the same
period in 2008.
Despite this sharp drop in proceeds from
mining the sector still weighed in
with the largest chunk accounting for 44
percent of exports.
"This is mainly due to the fall in mineral prices
caused by the world
recession.
"Furthermore, the sector still faces
challenges in specific sectors like
labour shortages, frequent power cuts
and foreign currency shortages," said
RBZ Governor Dr Gideon
Gono.
For the period January to June 2009, total exports under the
agriculture
sector amounted to US$191,3 million compared to US$224,9 million
worth of
exports for the same period in 2008.
This represents a
decrease of 14,9 percent, which was, like any other sector
of the economy,
affected by the prevailing shortage of foreign exchange for
procurement of
critical inputs.
Dr Gono said the global recession negatively affected
agricultural exports,
especially the horticulture sector, where prices have
continued to be
depressed on world markets.
Horticultural shipments
amounted to US$7,3 million in the period under
review. This represents a
38.7 percent decrease over 2008 exports in a
similar period.
However,
with the adoption of the multi-currencies where producers and
exporters are
now paid in foreign currency and retain all the export
proceeds,
agricultural production is set to increase, thus boosting export
earnings
from the sector.
Total shipments for the manufacturing sector from
January to June 2009
amounted to US$67,1 million, which was 46 percent
weaker than the
comparative period last year.
The RBZ Governor said
in the six months to June 2009, a total of US$646
million payments were made
for various imports.
This represents a 21 percent decline compared to the
figure for the same
period in 2008, which stood at US$816 million.
http://www.radiovop.com
Harare - Three prison
guards of Harare central prison's Harare
International Airport satellite
brutally assaulted to death an inmate over
sadza last
week.
According to a prison officer who witnessed the
incident and requested
anonymity, the three guards who are under police
investigations brutally
assaulted the inmate, Patrick Chioko, after accusing
him (the inmate) of
stealing some sadza from the prison kitchen last
Monday.
The inmate was beaten seriously and died three days after
due to
injuries sustained during the act, the source said.
"The
guards tied the legs the inmate his head facing downwards on the
trusses of
a shed and assaulted him using button sticks over his body while
the
Officer-in-charge Superintendent Rupapa, was watching. The inmate had
stolen
some sadza from the kitchen but I don't think he deserved to be
assaulted
the way the three did. We have a number of ways of how to deal
with
inmates who would have acted like what the late did for example
extending the suspended months by the prisons on condition of good
behavior."
He also said the officer in charge of the
satellite Prison is
responsible for the killing of the inmate because he
delayed taking the
inmate to the hospital and later lied that the
inmate had malaria when
he finally took him to Harare central Prison
hospital where he later died.
"The officer-in-charge has a hand
over the death of the inmate
because he was present when his officers
assaulted the inmate and
deliberately gnored taking him to the
hospital, and finally lied to
Harare central Prison hospital authorities
after some days that the
inmate was suffering from malaria yet he
knew what had happened,"
said the source.
The late inmate's
body is reportedly still at Harare Central prison
mortuary waiting for a
postmortem.
http://www.voanews.com
By Sithandekile
Mhlanga
Washington
03 August 2009
Residents
of several high-density suburbs of Bulawayo, Zimbabwe's
second-largest city,
have been without running water for the past two weeks
due to an electric
power blackout around the Magwegwe Water Reservoir, whose
pumping station
serves those suburbs.
Suburbs affected include Emakhandeni, Magwegwe,
Lobengula, Phelandaba and
Entumbane whose residents told VOA that they must
now fetch water from
unsafe sources as they can't afford to buy 20-liter
buckets of water at a
price of South African rand (65 US
cents).
Zimbabwe only recently shook off a cholera epidemic due in large
part to
contaminated water supplies which cost the lives of nearly 4,300
people.
Bulawayo Mayor Patrick Thaba Moyo told reporter Sithandekile
Mhlanga of
VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that the local authority is working
with the
Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority or ZESA to restore power to
the
reservoir and get water flowing again.
http://www.radiovop.com
Masvingo - Six inmates at Masvingo
Remand Prison have succumbed to
cholera as a fresh outbreak has been
reported, despite claims by government
that it has contained the
disease.
Prison officials told Radio VOP on
Monday that the fresh outbreak had
added woes at the prison, battling to
contain hunger related diseases that
have claimed over hundred lives in all
Masvingo's three prison centers.
"Six of our inmates at the Remand
prison lost their lives after they
contracted cholera last week. We did not
anticipate another outbreak this
year after we had successfully contained
the previous outbreak last year,"
said Zimbabwe Prison Service provincial
officer, Edmore Chatikobo.
He said they were hurriedly taken to
Masvingo general hospital but
could not get medical attention due to drug
shortages and only four were
treated leading to the death of the other
six.
Chatikobo attributed the outbreak to unhygienic conditions at
the
prison due to lack of sufficient water supplies at the
prison.
He said health officials had already moved in to combat the
disease at
the prison but there were fears that the disease could spread to
other
prison centres.
"We fear that if the disease is not
contained at the Remand prison the
disease could spread to Mutimurefu and
Buffalo Range prisons because this on
is just a holding one and inmates are
transfred to the other two after when
they get their sentences," Chatikobo
said.
He said that his institution was battling to combat other
diseases
related to hunger and starvation and these include pelagra which
had so far
claimed the lives of over 30 inmates this year
alone.
The prison, he said , was facing severe food shortages and
inmates
sometimes went for days without eating anything as government was
struggling
to provide sufficient food rations to their
institutions.
Masvingo Provincial Medical Director, Dr Robert
Madyiradima, confirmed
the outbreak.
"We received reports about
the outbreak and I am sure about ten
inmates from the prison were brought to
our hospital for treatment and we
could not attend all due to shortages of
drugs and this led to the death of
others," he said.
He said
government was making efforts to curl the disease before
statistics of
people losing their diseases increase.
Last year Zimbabwe saw a
cholera outbreak that killed about 4 000
people and infected about 100 000
others . Last week the government said the
outbreak had been contained.
However institutions like Red Cross have feared
another outbreak, saying
most areas still lacked proper water and sanitation
facilities.
http://www.eyewitnessnews.co.za
Eyewitness News | 5 Hours Ago
The
University
of Zimbabwe reopened on Monday - seven months after it shut
down because of
a shortage of water and staff but the main students union
said on Monday the
majority of students would not attend
classes.
Getting the institution running again has been a mammoth
task.
UNICEF had to drill over a dozen boreholes, although there
is not enough
water to reopen residences.
Prospective first
year students will have to wait until next before they can
enrol.
The Zimbabwe National Students Union said many
students failed to stump up
the new US dollar fees and would not be able to
return to classes.
Fees are pegged at between R4 000 and R6 000
per semester but most parents
are earning less than R1 500 a month.
http://news.yahoo.com
Mon Aug 3, 11:18 am ET
HARARE,
Zimbabwe (AFP) - A Zimbabwe lawmaker arrested for playing music
allegedly
denigrating President Robert Mugabe has been released without
being charged,
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai's party said Monday.
Movement for
Democratic Change MP Stewart Garadhi, accused of playing a MDC
song said to
belittle Mugabe, was released Friday after being held by police
for several
hours.
"The law and order police released him Friday after failing to lay
charges
against him. They only confiscated the music disc," the MDC said in
a
statement.
The party has claimed a recent crackdown on its members
and activists with
several arrests of lawmakers, including deputy youth
minister Thamsanqa
Mahlangu who is in custody after being implicated in the
theft of a
cellphone.
Another MDC parliamentarian from Gutu East,
Ransome Makamur, who was accused
of corruption in February, was also
acquitted on Friday.
"Some government officials are bent on decimating
the party majority in
parliament and its structures," the party
said.
In February, the MDC formed a unity government with Mugabe's
Zimbabwe
African National Union - Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), ending almost
three
decades of absolute rule by the former liberation leader.
http://www.sabcnews.com
July 31 2009
,
4:30:00
John Nyashanu, Zimbabwe
Efforts to
establish a Southern African Development Community (SADC)
peacekeeping force
are gaining momentum and the army could be in place
before the end of the
year. Members of the inaugural contingent today
completed a week-long course
in Harare and organisers say the force will be
ready for operations after
completing the last training in South Africa in
September. The latest
development comes as President Robert Mugabe appears
to be finally making
concessions in conformity with the country's political
agreement, brokered
by the regional body.
The team comprises 63 members of the
military, police and civilians
who were drawn from 12 SADC countries. The
course involves conflict
management as well as civilian and military
coordination techniques. And
after their final training session in South
Africa, the force should be
ready to deal with regional hotspots. Senior
Assistant Commissioner,
Faustino Mazango, says where there is a breakdown of
law and order.
Recently, the region witnessed a coup in Madagascar,
and political
upheaval in Lesotho and Zimbabwe. As Mugabe appears to be
finally making
concessions on the SADC brokered political agreement, the BBC
is back in
that country for the first time in eight years, and a ban on a
local daily
has been lifted. Political Analyst, Takura Zhangazha, says
within the global
agreement there is a clause which allows authorities to
review progress made
by the inclusive government after every six
months.
Meanwhile, it is understood that Prime Minister Tsvangirai,
who
arrived in South Africa this morning, will be discussing some of these
issues with President Jacob Zuma.
http://www.newsobserver.com/
Shashank Bengali -
McClatchy Newspapers
Published: Sun, Aug. 02, 2009
05:26PM
NAIROBI, Kenya - Secretary of State Hillary Clinton this week
visits Africa,
where she's expected to show support for the government of
Somalia, renew
political pressure on Zimbabwe and raise awareness of sexual
violence in
Congo.
Clinton's 11-day, seven-country tour reflects the
range of U.S. strategic
interests in Africa - from humanitarian relief to
trade agreements - and
follows President Barack Obama's brief visit to Ghana
last month, when he
urged Africans to take greater responsibility for
lifting themselves up from
poverty, conflict and corruption.
Starting
Tuesday, Clinton will visit Kenya, South Africa, Congo, Angola,
Nigeria,
Liberia and Cape Verde on a tour aimed at "supporting strong and
sustainable
democratic governments," State Department officials said.
Obama's message of
promoting African self-sufficiency will face challenges,
however, as Clinton
confronts some of the continent's most intractable
problems.
"This is
not a happy-talk schedule," said J. Stephen Morrison, an Africa
expert at
the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington.
"It's a
pretty heavy workload."
In Kenya, where she'll begin her visit, Clinton is
scheduled to meet the
president of Somalia, Sheik Sharif Ahmed, whose
government barely clings to
power amid attacks by radical Islamist militias.
U.S. officials recently
acknowledged they sent a shipment of arms and
ammunition to help the
government fight the Islamists, who allegedly have
links to al Qaida.
With more than 200,000 people having fled the capital,
Mogadishu, since May,
Somali government officials have begged the world for
more firepower.
However, the Obama administration has been reluctant to wade
directly into
the conflict - a departure from the Bush administration, which
backed
warlords and then the Ethiopian military in failed efforts to defeat
the
Islamists.
In South Africa, officials said Clinton will call on
President Jacob Zuma to
do more to end the political crisis in neighboring
Zimbabwe. South Africa
has avoided criticizing Zimbabwean President Robert
Mugabe, despite a
collapsing economy, widespread human rights abuses by the
armed forces and
Mugabe's failure to follow through on an agreement to share
political power
with his rival, Morgan Tsvangirai.
Clinton will
attempt to open a new chapter in U.S. relations with South
Africa, the
continent's most powerful nation, which have soured over
Zimbabwe and its
reluctance to deal with an AIDS epidemic. Months into
office, however, Zuma
is already faced with several domestic crises of his
own.
"Their
economy is taking a big hit . . . unemployment is way up and there's
concern
around Zuma and the new government," Morrison said. "It will be
interesting
to see whether there's a capacity to engage on their side."
U.S.
officials said this is the earliest in an administration that both the
president and secretary of state will have visited Africa, but experts are
skeptical that the Obama administration can make Africa a foreign policy
priority amid a host of other international and domestic
crises.
Officials said Clinton will emphasize how foreign investment can
promote
economic growth. Visits to two major oil-producing nations, Nigeria
and
Angola, will highlight the continent's growing importance as a trading
partner, now supplying 20 percent of U.S. oil imports.
In Kenya,
Clinton will address a trade summit aimed at reducing tariffs on
goods
imported from African nations that have implemented democratic
changes.
Officials said the administration also is developing a plan to
strengthen
food security in Africa's predominantly agrarian regions.
The heavy presence of the military in the
diamond fields of Chiadzwa is a
total negation of the Global Political
Agreement particularly in line with
national healing as enshrined in article
vii, contrary to that the
government is inflicting more wounds.
The
escape of Chief Chiadzwa following an attempt on his life by CIOs in the
area is clear testimony that the government is just but playing lip service
to national healing. The Kimberly Process Review team revealed that more
than 150 people in the area suffered horrendous brutality at the hands of
Zimbabwe military in the Chiadzwa Diamond Fields.
With some people
having been buried in shallow mass graves in the diamond
fields, honestly
there is need to consider a reconciliation process between
the military and
the people who were victimized.
As if to add salt to wounds, the
government has embarked on another second
phase of operation Murambatsvina
by evicting people who have their umbilical
codes buried in Chiadzwa and
relocating them to some area where they know
little about and without
adequate compensation if any.
As Youth Forum we view this as
environmental violence which is equally
wicked to political violence. We
emphasize that the government still
continues on its brutal streak hence
talks about national healing and
reconciliation are mere
rhetoric.
--
Youth Forum Information and Publicity
Department.
305-6 Travel Centre
Cnr Jason Moyo and Third
Street
Harare
+263 913 014 693,+263 913 022 368
Fax:+263 710 237
http://www.zimbabwejournalists.com
3rd
Aug 2009 01:00 GMT
By Chenjerai
Chitsaru
THE reasons for the slow pace of a complete rapprochement
between Zanu PF
and the two MDC formations range from the bizarre to the
sublime.
A weird one is this: President Robert Mugabe is gunning for a
round figure -
30 years in power. We are speaking here of keeping him in the
saddle until
2010. By that time, Morgan Tsvangirai will be 58. He is
reckoned, even by
the soothsayers in their dark, soot-infested huts in the
remotest parts of
the hinterland, to be the next president.
Mugabe
will be all of 86 years old. Assuredly, he has not been visited by
the
mental and physical ravages that often inflict themselves on other such
old
people - politicians, journalists, sculptors, vendors, prostitutes or
novelists and Popes.
But 86 is not 58 or even 66.
Another
theory, peddled by people scarcely able to say anything decent or
coherent
about Mugabe as a politician goes like this: the old man wants to
ensure
that, by that time, he has so mesmerized Tsvangirai with his gift for
the
gab, that the former trade unionist will have become a virtual clone of
the
Grand Master.
He will therefore be able to use words such as "modalities"
with eloquence
and authority, like the consummate practitioner of
Doublespeak that Mugabe
has become.
We can safely dismiss as
harebrained another theory that Amai Gracde Mugabe
won't leave State House
until the new residents swear not to change the
Persian rugs she installed
in the master bedroom - a gift from the Iran
government.
Apparently,
any tampering with this perfect sample of what the original
Persian artistry
ought to look like might lead to a rupture in diplomatic
relations.
Such are the strange tales of woe being told of the
possible problem
plaguing the chances of success for the talks. Some have,
uncharitably,
called it the "real canker", but others prefer to restrict
themselves to
"problem"´which really amounts to the same thing, except that
the former is
spoken with rage, while the latter is.sober?
Theories
abound on what has angered Zanu PF so far. They did expect
Tsvangirai to
score Zero on his mission to raise funds for the inclusive
government among
the Western countries that imposed sanctions on Mugabe and
his coterie of
helpmates.
But they did lift the sanctions and Tsvangirai did not return
empty-handed:
there were millions from the NGOs, obviously on the
instructions of the
governments.
None of that money will pass through
Gideon Gono's hands. Some of the Zanu
PF leaders might view this as being of
little consequence. But gestures such
as this are replete with political
symbolism.
But the apparatchiks in Zanu PF are no slouches when it comes
to such subtle
political games. They know this was a slap in the face. The
party got little
out of the trip, except for opprobrium.
Underlying
the roots of a lack of settlement is something which neither side
would want
to discuss fully in public: Mugabe's determination to carve a
niche in
African history. Will he be remembered by posterity as the man who
allowed
Zimbabwe to achieve its real pot6ential - by quitting the scene
while there
was an opportunity to let a fresh set of hands take the wheel?
Or is he
determined to hang on until, as some might say, there is no more
rope left?
In other words, will he keep at it until even his supporters
begin to
believe the ship is sinking - unless someone else takes the wheel?
By the
time he leaves office, he may have blown his party's chances of ever
returning to power.
Many long-time observers of Zimbabwean politics
believe Zanu PF should have
worked out a retirement package for their leader
shortly after the ink had
dried on all signatures to he Global Political
Agreement last September.
Mugabe had not exactly been impeached by a
Parliament of his peers. But the
decision of the electorate amounted to
something equivalent to that. His
defeat by Tsvangirai sent a powerful
MESSAGE to his party, to himself and to
the world that he had lost it -
whatever talisman he had possessed to
sustain his popularity among the
people.
His exit then could have been decent, dignified and an example
for future
generations of leaders.
In a way, he showed the same
defiance and lack of faith in Fate displayed by
another president, Richard
Nixon of the USA.
In a review of The Memoirs of Richard Nixon, published
in The New Statesman
in 1978, Clive James said:
"Nixon could never
see his strength for what it was. He was forever
augmenting it with
unnecessary cunning. If he was less clever, he might have
lasted longer. But
he always felt that he needed an edge - he had to get the
bulge on the other
guy."
Most of Mugabe's supporters might argue thaw he is not just clever,
but is
intelligent, which others might find a little too swallow. If he had
accepted the defeat with a modicum of grace, even his most implacable
critics might have sheathed their claws and allowed him to ride off into the
sunset with his dignity intact.
But he had to be clever, didn't he?
Now, with only a month before the first
anniversary of the GPA, we are no
nearer to a final agreement than we were a
year ago.
To many people,
Mugabe is the real problem hampering the way to a final
solution to the
problem. Unfortunately, he seems to have convinced his
fellow African
leaders that it would be an unforgivable political sin
against Africa were
he, ,with his record of fighting imperialism (and
winning?) were to be
reduced to slinking away from the scene in disgrace,
vanquished by what some
of them call "fellow travelers of imperialism".
The tired, old theory
that if he had his way, Mugabe would have accepted the
2008 presidential
verdict and made away for Tsvangirai, is wearing a little
thin. Mugabe is
not like that, say his critics, even those in Zanu Pf.
Many Zimbabwans
must have been rudely reminded of what some of them have
called his
"character flaw" by the recent death of Patrick Kombayi,
something of a
nemesis of Zanu PF since his challenge to the late Simon
Muzenda in the 1990
parliamentary elections.
The attempted assassination of the former mayor
of Gweru was one of the most
naked demonstrations of Zanu PF's embrace of
violence as a stock-in-trade of
politics. The two men arrested, charged and
convicted of the crime were
subsequently pardoned by Mugabe.
Kombayi,
crippled for life, was not one to lie down and vegetate
politically. He had
backed Zanu PF to the hilt, particularly from Zambia,
where he was a rather
successful hotelier in the little town of Kafue,
during the
struggle.
Admittedly, his style was abrasive and, as the first black
mayor of Gweru,
there were those who thought he was quite difficult to get
used to. But he
was strong-willed, even in his impaired physical condition.
He still
challenged Zanu PF and won a seat in the Senate for the MDC-T in
the 2008
elections.
If there was another Heroes Acre reserved for
people who were indubitably
opposed to Zanu PF's policies - and were
prepared to pay the ultimate price
for their positions - then Kombayi would
have been interred there.
The new doctrine of "forgive and forget",
symbolised most graphically in the
process of national healing led by the
leaders of the three parties calls
the softening of hearts towards former
foes. There has not been any mention
of the cold-blooded murders of Tichaona
Chiminya and Talant Mabika.
Perhaps this is as it should be. A Zimbabwe
scarred by the memories of the
blood of innocents has little chance of
freeing itself from the dark, bloody
past. It would aid matters considerably
if leaders such as Mugabe were to
indicate, in some graphic way, that they,
personally, feel repentant, that
they know now that they made grievous
mistakes, even as revolutionary
politicians, and feel, they ought to, seek
their compatriots' forgiveness.
That would aid in easing the pain of
citizens whose relatives were victims
of this thoroughly needless carnage.
It could herald the solution to a
problem that has plagued us since three
parties formed an inclusive
government which has, nonetheless, failed to
include a widespread
reconciliation among the people.
http://www.zimonline.co.za
by Mutumwa
Mawere Monday 03 August 2009
OPINION: The three-day 19th
Global Smart Partnership dialogue held in Uganda
ended last week. What is
remarkable is that it has generated more debate in
Zimbabwe on the remarks
made by Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara, as
part of his contribution
to what was meant to be an open dialogue on the
future of
Zimbabwe.
He made the point that not only Zimbabwe but also Africa in
general need
rebranding and in doing so it must be appreciated that it would
be wrong for
anyone, for instance, to be a judge unto his/her own
cause.
By raising the questions, "What is Mugabe's brand, what is
Museveni's brand,
what is Kikwete' brand?" he obviously underestimated the
risks inherent in
using this kind of language to make a point in any debate
in Africa.
He made his argument even more controversial by making the
case that Africa
cannot endorse her own brand and equally, for example,
President Robert
Mugabe whose role in post-colonial Zimbabwe is a subject
that has dominated
heated conversations not only in Zimbabwe but globally,
cannot endorse his
own brand as Presidents Museveni, Kikwete who were also
participants should
leave it to others to comment on how good they are than
engage in self
congratulatory exercises when the condition of Africa is open
for all to
see.
He then pushed himself into a lion's den by
suggesting that Africa's brand
needs the endorsement of institutions like
CNN, BBC, Sky News and more
importantly of the West.
The response was
swift as expected and what is significant is that there is
an attempt to
denigrate the messenger and in doing so dismiss the important
message about
what kind of Africa we want to see.
I have no doubt that by Professor
Mutambara making this point; he was naïve
to assume that he would not be
rebuked. However, a point needs to be made
that the future of Africa belongs
to builders and after 53 years of
independence, there is no better time to
pause to reflect on what kind of
values, beliefs, principles should inform
our choices.
It is and should not be sufficient to point a finger at
people who seek to
open a conversation about the brand positioning of the
continent's leaders.
It would be naïve to dismiss the perceptions that
have been created rightly
or wrongly about African leaders and the role of
the media is perpetuating
such negative perceptions.
If the
perception did not matter and was irrelevant to Africa's economic,
political
and social change, then there would be no need to engage in any
conversation
on rebranding Africa's leaders.
The need for branding and rebranding
Africa cannot be overstated.
Like any pyramid what one sees first from
afar is the apex. Leaders are
generally expected to see far than the
followers. Leaders do have an
obligation to protect the followers who should
after all be in the same
pyramid of human organisation and the strength of
the pyramid should ideally
measured by its weakest link.
The
decisions any progressive leader makes must be evaluated in terms of
their
overall impact on the value chain of economic change.
Smart leaders
inspire people to rise up to the challenge. In fact, success
shows when it
is evident and enemies normally are good examiners of one's
actions.
Ideally, confident people should not be afraid of enemies
and should bring
them closer.
Africa is part of a global system and,
therefore, cannot abdicate from its
obligations to the global family of
nations.
If Africa is good to its people, the results will show and no
disability
will be suffered if the continent's brand custodians, its
leaders, are
prepared to be misunderstood in the interests of getting the
world to better
appreciate what the challenges and opportunities
are.
The questions that Professor Mutambara raised will remain unanswered
until
we accept that there is nothing toxic about raising the inconvenient
questions in a debate among smart partners.
What values, beliefs and
principles inform the choices that Africa's leaders
make?
Why would
we seek to raise the independence flag and yet our actions show
that we want
the very people we despise to finance our development charge?
If we stand
for an independent Africa, then we should work towards that
objective than
spending valuable time discussing what our supposedly enemies
are planning
for us.
Africa's leaders have to respond to the brand challenge
particularly when it
cannot be denied that Africa's brain trust is now
resident in the same
jurisdictions that are despised by our
leaders.
Why is it that when given a choice, Africans in their majority
would rather
be educated in the West and more importantly would prefer to
sell their time
in the West than in the continent of their birth?
I
have often remarked that Jesus Christ left disciples with no real estate
or
money and yet it cannot be denied that he left powerful teachings that
allowed his followers to use as a guide to create not only the largest
portfolio of real assets in the name of the Lord. Although physically
absent; he left a legacy that has provided meaning to generation after
generation. We are all better for it.
Jesus' followers had no choice
but to think hard about what kind of
organisation they needed to create. In
the case of the Roman Catholic
Church, for instance, the need for a Vatican
as a wholesaler of faith was
evident from the outset. The church had to
stand for something and had to
position itself among competing
faiths.
The choice of a Pope had to be carefully considered. If the
Pope's brand
were contaminated then the consequences would have been obvious
from the
beginning as it should be now.
What makes a church grow like
any human organisation is and must be its
relevance to its target market?
You cannot force people to subscribe to any
ideology.
We all may have
different views about the West but what is undeniable is
that many of
Africa's potential leaders are more comfortable in London, for
instance,
than in Lagos.
Even when entry barriers are raised, we see many of our
compatriots busy
trying to meet the requirements to exit Africa and if this
trend is not a
cause of concern to our leaders then what should
be.
Mutambara chose to join the trenches and yet finds himself on the
defensive
after expressing the views that are generally held by many in the
diaspora
about Africa's leaders.
In attempting to dismiss Mutambara's
remarks, ideological issues have been
brought into the
argument.
Jesus, for example, left words and memories of what he had done
and this was
sufficient to galvanise followers into action. If he were a bad
leader, the
consequences would have been predictable.
He was not
afraid of being judged by his enemies rather he encouraged it.
What do we
lose if we are doing the right thing by, for example, CNN, BBC
being allowed
into our countries? What are we afraid of?
What is tragic is that our
post-colonial development strategy seems to be
anchored on the benevolence
of what we classify as enemies.
We have the resources and yet we want the
West to remove sanctions? If our
values, beliefs and principles are
different from our enemies the obligation
to make Africa work for its people
must be on Africans themselves.
In asking the question about the utility
of our leaders' brands, we all can
benefit from honest and frank
answers.
Any good soccer player, for instance, would not worry about what
his
opponents think of him but would worry about perfecting his skills and
ultimately it is the spectators who are the best judges.
Africa's
future is not in the hands of leaders. A leader is just another
human being
and any development process that is anchored on leaders
possessing all the
critical answers to human challenges is fundamentally
wrong.
The
African brand should be owned by us and not by the leaders. Should, for
instance, Mugabe have a brand position that is separate and distinct from
the generality of Zimbabweans? Any leader who derives his legitimacy from
the people must necessarily reflect the people he leads.
We ought to
ask ourselves what we have done to celebrate or denigrate the
African brand
rather than focusing on the leaders. There is nothing to stop
us buying, for
instance, insurance from one source and yet when we are given
choices we
invariably end up making choices that are on the face of it
detrimental to
our progress.
If we make the right choices our leaders have no choice but
to follow. The
more confused followers are the more tyrannical our leaders
become.
A leader will only know what the eyes and ears that are exposed
to him/her
allow him and it should be our obligation to ensure that no
leader can stay
in power for too long to the extent that other minds are
crowded out from
the seat of decision making.
Human assets are the
most complicated assets that God has created. Not only
do you have to manage
and massage egos but also with the right values,
beliefs and principles you
can achieve extraordinary outcomes.
The real question is whether the
African brand is underpinned by the kind of
values, beliefs and principles
that are required to generate the kind of
response generally expected in a
progressive society.
After raising the independence flag, we have no
choice but to think deeply
about the kind of brand that we need to advance
our own cause.
Africa has demonstrated that it can accommodate people
with ideas and
innovation even if they are not born in the continent. It has
made many rich
and yet the majority; remain in the valley.
What is
required to lift Africa up? We are the consumers and yet we rarely
make the
choices that show that we have the power to change what we do not
want to
see, not necessarily people in state power but even the faces of the
people
who produce and distribute food that we need for sustenance.
The future
is our business and working together there is no doubt that we
will be able
to decide for ourselves how we should be governed and how we
should feed
ourselves.
Ultimately, we have to rise above the past that blinds our
choices and see
the future as a shared project that need not have race as
its focus but
service delivery and more importantly freedom, justice and
equality. -
ZimOnline
Are things improving in Zimbabwe? Next month is the expiry of the GPA and it
is going to be interesting to see what unfolds in the political landscape. I am sure Zimbabwe remains a confused issue for many living outside Zimbabwe,
with the President and Prime Minister constantly contradicting themselves. As
someone who scans headlines daily and lives in the thick of the maelstrom, I too
am confused! But the same conversation is on everyone’s minds here: how long will it be
until we see real change? Right now things are marginally better, but all in
this country is relative to how it was just a short while ago. Up until February a visit to the local hospital was a waste of time, because
there were few doctors, a scattering of nurses, almost no drugs, a limited
supply of cleaning materials, and patients had to bring their own food.
Medicins Sans Frontier and other humanitarian organisations are doing
an amazing job trying to patch up our medical services, but we still have a
long, long way to go. The pothole fixers are a new breed of work force in Zimbabwe. These
unofficial gangs bring in barrowloads of sand to plug the potholes pockmarking
our roads, and rely on donations from the public for their livelihoods. On the
one hand they are providing an essential service and people appreciate their
efforts, but they can also be a menace on the road. Last week there was a tragedy on one of the very same bumpy main roads in the
city. One pothole fixer was knocked down by a motorist when he jumped out from
the verge to put out his hand for a donation. The motorist just did not see him
on time as he had leapt out from the passenger side of the vehicle. The ‘potholer’ was obviously badly injured and the motorist immediately
phoned the hospital for an ambulance. An hour later neither the police nor the
ambulance had arrived so, throwing conventional caution that dictates one does
not move an accident victim, they loaded the injured man into the back of the
car and sped off to the nearest government hospital. It took another hour for a
doctor to arrive to attend to them, and at that time the victim was still
conscious. Half an hour later the doctor and nurse on duty walked out from behind the
curtain - the young man was dead. Could he have been saved with a more efficient
emergency service? We will never know the answer to that. Now the motorist, who is not terribly affluent (he is a civil servant) is
facing a horrible dilemma: he has been told if he takes responsibility for the
funeral charges for the deceased, it will be seen as an admission of guilt by
the police. But his human conscience dictates he has to help as up until now the
family of the deceased has not been found. The poor man was obviously another
victim of the regime, destined to leave his rural home in a desperate attempt to
eke out a living in a country with 94% unemployment. The motorist went to investigate funeral charges and was aghast at the costs.
The cheapest coffin costs R1,850. The mortuary, dressing of the deceased, and
burial fees amount to a further R5,000. This equates to no less than five months
of an average civil servant’s salary. In the low density areas it has become commonplace to see scotch-carts
carrying the dead to their burials. I was at a funeral not long ago and saw
three elderly women digging a grave themselves as they could not afford the cost
of a gravedigger. People are making coffins themselves, in their backyards,
breaking up any furniture they can to put their loved ones to rest. Another bizarre image is for those who can afford fancy coffins. At the same
funeral I describe above, I witnessed the mourners mixing cement which they
poured into the grave. They did this to prevent grave robbers from digging up
the dead, tossing the body, and re-selling the coffin! Food prices have dropped dramatically in Zimbabwe, but the cost of dying
remains sky high! This entry was posted by Still Here on
Monday, August 3rd, 2009 at 5:53 pm
BILL WATCH
SPECIAL
[31st July
2009]
CURRENT VOTING
STRENGTHS
First we have given the numbers each
party was entitled to based on election results. Then the current voting
strengths allowing for gains from extra seats allocated by the GPA/Amendment
No.19, less vacancies and suspensions which have occurred since then. [A full explanation of these gains and losses is
given in following sections.] Then we have given projected numbers which the party
strengths could fall to within the next few months. [Again fuller explanations in following sections.]
Projected
voting strengths have not taken into account any possible results of
by-elections – this would be too speculative as to both timing and
results.
House of
Assembly
MDC-T
100
after elections
97
now [2 seats gained from GPA minus 1
vacancy [Speaker’s seat] and minus 4 suspended members who can’t
vote]
[87
Projected
–Minus
11 [7 at risk from suspensions plus 3 from MPs appointed as
governors]
MDC-M
10
after elections
11
now [1 seat gained from GPA
[8
Projected
–
Minus 3 [if their 3 expelled MPs
lose their seats]
ZANU-PF
95
99
[Only 98 were
sworn in, as Eprem Mushoriwa
who won the Gokwe-Gumunyu seat died before the swearing in]
95
now [1seat gained from GPA but this has
not been filled [this is a nominated seat
and could be filled at any time] minus 4
deaths]
[94
Projected –
2 at risk from suspensions but 1 GPA extra seat still to be
filled]
Independent
1
Senate
MDC-T
24
after elections,
27 now
[gained 4 nominated Senators from
GPA, less 1 death [Senator Kombayi]
[32
Projected –
with 5 gained from appointed governors]
MDC-M
6
after elections
8
now [gained 2 nominated Senators from
GPA]
[9
Projected –
with 1 gained from appointed governor]
ZANU-PF
63
after elections and appointments
30 Elected
5 Appointed
by the President
10 Governors
18
Chiefs
59 now
[gained 1 nominated seat from GPA
for VP [but this is not yet
filled] less 3 constituency seat vacancies [1 for Senate President’s
former seat, and 2 for Provincial Governors’ former seats] and 1 death [Chief
Bidi]]
[55
Projected –
plus two from filling vacant GPA nominated seat and from replacing the Chief and
minus 6 from loss of 6 Governors]
These figures do not include the
Attorney General – he is an ex officio non-voting member of both
Houses – i.e. he has the right to sit and
speak in both Houses but he has no vote. All other members of Parliament are
voting members – whether elected, appointed, nominated, ex officio, constituency
or non-constituency, chiefs or provincial
governors.
ZANU-PF figures in the Senate
include the Chiefs, who have traditionally voted with ZANU-PF. For the combined
MDCs to have a marginal majority in the Senate now, 13 Chiefs would have to
sever their allegiance to ZANU-PF and vote with the MDCs. [Working on projected voting strengths 8
Chiefs would have to vote with the MDCs to give them a marginal
majority.]
Projected
Voting Strengths of MDC-T in House of Assembly could drop further, depending on
outcomes of court cases
There are a further 8
MDC seats at risk as 8 MDC-T Parliamentarians are facing criminal charges which
could carry a sentence of more than 6 months – 7 in the House of Assembly and 1
in the Senate. [See section on Risk of
Further Suspensions].
HOW
THESE CHANGES CAME ABOUT
Extra
Seats Provided for by the GPA/Constitution Amendment
No.19
5 for Members of Top
Executive in new Inclusive Government
2 for the 2
Vice-Presidents
1 for the Prime
Minister
2 for the 2 Deputy
Prime Ministers
The
GPA/Amendment No.19 provides that all these five seats will be extra ex officio
[with vote] seats in the House of Assembly, but then goes on to provide that if
any of the top executive already have seats in Parliament they keep those seats
but their party can nominate a person to a non-constituency seat in the
relevant House.
6 Senate Seats to
balance the 5 ZANU-PF Presidential Appointed
Senators
4 seats in the Senate
to be nominated by MDC-T
2 seats in the Senate
to be nominated by MDC-M
Distribution
of GPA seats Per Party and Per House
House of Assembly
2
MDC-T – 1 seat for PM
Tsvangirai and 1 nominated non-constituency seat as DPM Khupe already had an
elected constituency seat which she keeps [This nominated non-constituency seat has been filled
by Minister Gorden Moyo]
1
MDC-M seat for DPM
Mutambara
1
ZANU-PF nominated
non-constituency seat, as V-P Mujuru already had an elected constituency seat in
the House of Assembly which she keep [This
nominated non-constituency seat is still
vacant]
Senate
4
MDC-T nominated
non-constituency seats [1 went to Deputy
Minister Tichaona Mudzingwa, 1 to Deputy Minister Sesel Zvidzai, 1 to Deputy
Minister Roy Bennett and 1 to Morgan
Komichi]
2
MDC-M nominated
non-constituency seats [1 went to Minister
Welshman Ncube, 1 to Minister Priscilla
Misihairabwi-Mushonga]
1
ZANU-PF nominated
non-constituency seat as V-P Msika already had an appointed Senate seat.
[This nominated
non-constituency seat is still vacant]
But
these gains must be balanced against seats that have become vacant [12]
Seats
Vacant at Today’s Date, 31st July 2009
House of Assembly – 6
1 to replace the
Speaker Lovemore Moyo – constituency seat Matobo North, Matabeleland
South
1 ZANU-PF nominated
seat – still vacant [allocated by the GPA in lieu of Vice-President Mujuru’s
seat]
4 Deaths [all
constituency seats]
Ephrem
Mushoriwa [ZANU-PF] Gokwe-Gumunyu,
Cletus
Mabaranga [ZANU-PF] Guruve North, Mashonaland Central, died after
swearing-in
Elliot
Manyika [ZANU-PF] Bindura North, Mashonaland Central, died after
swearing-in
Charles
Pemhenayi .[ZANU-PF] Mutare North, Manicaland [recent
death]
Senate –
6
1 to replace Senate
President Edna Madzongwe [ZANU-PF], constituency seat Chegutu, Mashonaland
West
2 constituency seats
freed up by Governors – Titus Maluleke [ZANU-PF] Chiredzi, Masvingo, and Jaison
Machaya [ZANU-PF] Gokwe South,
1 ZANU-PF nominated
seat that is yet to be filled
[allocated by the GPA in lieu of Vice-President Msika’s
seat]
2 Deaths 1 Patrick
Kombayi MDC-T constituency seat Gweru-Chirumanzu,
1 elected Chief, Chief
Bidi from Matabeleland South [recent death]
As
well as these vacancies, a number of MPs have been suspended
House of Assembly –
4 [all MDC-T –
following convictions and imposition of sentences of 6 months or more]
Matthias Mlambo,
Chipinge East, Manicaland convicted of inciting public violence – sentenced to
10 months in prison
Meki Makuyana,
Chipinge South, Manicaland convicted of kidnapping a minor – sentenced to 12
months in prison
Shuah Mudiwa, Mutare
West, Manicaland convicted of kidnapping a minor – sentenced to 7 years in
prison
Ernest Mudavanhu,
Zaka North, Masvingo [the most recent case] convicted on charges of abusing
subsidised farming inputs – sentenced to 12 months in
prison
Senate –
none
Some
press reports have caused confusion by saying that there have been either five
or six suspensions. This is probably caused by the fact that other MPs have
been convicted. But unless they receive a sentence of over 6 months they are
not suspended.
The
suspended MPs have appealed against their convictions and sentences. Only if
these are successful will their suspensions be lifted [the fact of appeal does
not alter the suspension]. Mlambo has appealed to the High Court against his
suspension; the case has been heard, but judgement
reserved.
Lynette
Karenyi, MDC-T MP, Chimanimani West, Manicaland, was convicted in January of
forgery of a signature on her nomination paper, fined and given a suspended 20
day prison sentence. This sentence does not result in her automatic suspension
from Parliament, but the magistrate declared her seat forfeit, which was outside
his jurisdiction, and his declaration has been rejected by Parliament. Ms
Karenyi has appealed against her conviction and sentence in order to clear her
name, but in the meantime her defeated opponent in the March 2008 poll has
instituted High Court proceedings to unseat her.
MORE CHANGES IN
VOTING STRENGTHS IN THE NEAR FUTURE?
Changes Likely to
Occur through Appointment of Provincial Governors
If the Governorships are
redistributed in early September as proposed, it will result in further party
gains and losses:
Gains and Losses in
Senate
MDC-T
would gain 5 in the Senate – candidates have already been named – Lucia
Matibenga, Tose Sansole, Seiso Moyo, James Makore and Julius Magaramombe.
ZANU-PF
would lose 6 seats in the Senate – the outgoing governors are likely to be David
Karimanzira [
MDC-M
would gain 1 in the Senate [candidate not yet
named]
Losses in the House of
Assembly
MDC-T would have 3 vacant seats if
they appoint Matibenga, Sansole and Moyo as Governors, as they are all MPs [for
Kuwadzana,
Risk
of Further Suspensions
A further 8 MDC-T
members of Parliament [1 Senator, 7
members of the House of Assembly] are facing charges carrying potential prison
sentences in excess of 6 months – which would mean suspension from
Parliament:
Roy Bennett,
nominated Senator – on a charge of possession of arms, on bail and awaiting
trial
Blessing Chebundo,
Kwekwe Central on a charge of rape – on bail and awaiting trial;
Trevor Saruwaka,
Mutasa Central, on a violence charge– on bail and awaiting
judgment
And 5 on
agricultural inputs scam charges for abusing subsidised farming inputs, similar
to those on which Ernest Mudavanhu was convicted and sentenced to 12 months in
prison. They are all 5 on bail awaiting judgment: Hamandishe Maramwidze, Gutu
North; Heya Shoko, Bikita West, Masvingo; Edmore Marima, Bikita East, Masvingo;
Tachiona Mharadza, Masvingo West; Masvingo; Evelyn Masaiti, Dzivaresekwa,
Harare. [Ransome Makamure, charged for the
same offence, was acquitted today and he is not included in the
figures.]
Two ZANU-PF
members of the House of
Assembly are also facing inputs scam charges – Tranos Huruba, Chivi North,
Masvingo and Ivene Dzingirayi, Chivi South, Masvingo.
This
week 2 more MDC-T MPs were picked up by police – Thamsanqa
Mahlangu MP, Nkulumane and Stewart Garadhi,
MP,
Chinhoyi. They are not included in
the “at risk” figures
as
Mahlangu, though in remand prison awaiting trial, is not
likely
to be facing a sentence of more that 6 months, and Garadhi was released without
charge.
Potential
Expulsion of MDC-M MPs from Their Party
The MDC-M’s
Secretary-General, Welshman Ncube, has notified the Speaker of the House of
Assembly that the 3 MPs, Abednico Bhebhe, Nkayi South, Njabuliso Mguni, Lupane
East and Norman Mpofu, Bulilima East, who were recently expelled from the party,
are no longer representing the party and that they must cease being MPs [which a
party may do under section 41(1)(e) of the Constitution]. The Speaker is
studying the legal implications of the 3 having applied to the High Court in
SEATS DUE FOR
BY-ELECTIONS
There are 12 vacancies and 10 of
these have to be filled by by-elections. [The other 2 vacancies are to be
filled by nomination by ZANU-PF – 1 in the Senate and 1 in the House of
Assembly]. Of the 10 by-elections, 1 is for a chief who will be elected by the
Matabeleland South Provincial Assembly of Chiefs. This leaves 9 constituency
by-elections, as follows:
House
of Assembly
Matobo North,
Gokwe-Gumunyu,
Guruve North,
Mashonaland Central [ex Cletus Mabaranga, ZANU-PF]
Bindura North,
Mashonaland Central [ex Elliot Manyika, ZANU-PF]
Mutare North,
Manicaland [ex Charles Pemhenayi, ZANU-PF]
Senate
Chegutu, Mashonaland
West [ex Edna Madzongwe, ZANU-PF]
Gweru-Chirumanzu,
Chiredzi, Masvingo [ex
Titus Maluleke, ZANU-PF]
Gokwe South,
Possible
Further By-Elections
If the 4 suspended MPs
who have appealed against their convictions and sentences lose their appeals,
they will lose their Parliamentary seats and the vacancies will have to be
filled by by-elections.
If MDC-T appoint 3
Governors from the House of Assembly [see above], this will mean 3 more
by-elections.
If the 3 MDC-M MPs are
expelled from Parliament [see above], this will mean 3 more by-elections.
Comment:
In the case of the 4 suspended MPs, whether or not there will be by-elections is
dependent on the result of court cases. The other potential by-elections are
still within the control of both the MDCs. In the context of the MDCs
potentially losing their combined majority, as it is, it seems unwise to risk
these extra by-elections.
It
is also strange
that
MDC has not been pushing for by-elections for at least the present 9
constituency vacancies to take place before 15th September, when the GPA
agreement that the three parties will not stand against each other falls away.
They are cutting it very fine - even if by-elections are gazetted immediately it
will be difficult to complete them before the 15th September. [Under the
Electoral Act at least 5 weeks must elapse between gazetting of the notice
calling a by-election and polling day – 2 weeks for nominations, 3 weeks for ZEC
preparation and campaigning by candidates.]
Veritas makes
every effort to ensure reliable information, but cannot take legal
responsibility for information supplied.