http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=2234#more-2234
August 8, 2008
By Raymond
Maingire
HARARE - South African President Thabo Mbeki on Thursday
deferred his
proposed visit to Harare where he is expected to preside over
the landmark
signing of the power-sharing deal negotiating between President
Robert
Mugabe's Zanu-PF and the opposition MDC.
The South African
leader, who was the chief negotiator in the high profile
talks, is now
expected to arrive over the weekend.
A power sharing deal between the two
parties has reportedly finally been
thrashed out.
Mugabe and MDC
leader Morgan Tsvangirai are set to take a look at the
documents prepared by
their representatives in Pretoria before a formal
signing ceremony is
convened. There is speculation Mbeki will fly into
Harare Saturday to
oversee the signing ceremony, possibly on Sunday.
Negotiators
representing Zanu-PF and the two MDC parties led by Morgan
Tsvangirai and
Prof Arthur Mutambara have over the past two weeks been
haggling over a
power-sharing deal between the political rivals.
The negotiating parties
were expected to fly back into Zimbabwe from
Pretoria Thursday with a draft
copy of the deal.
Reuters news agency reported Thursday that Mugabe had
dismissed media
reports about a draft agreement as nonsense.
"All
that which is being reported is utter nonsense," Mugabe was quoted as
saying, in apparent reference to media speculation that there was a draft
agreement for a power-sharing deal between his Zanu-PF party and the
MDC.
"
The talks are going on very well and the people of Zimbabwe shall
be
informed in due course."
If sealed, the deal will usher in an
entirely different political landscape
for Zimbabweans, who have reeled
under a severe economic crisis, aggravated
over the years by an unstable
political atmosphere.
But the nation has been kept in suspense for the
past two weeks of
negotiation following the signing of a Memorandum of
Understanding between
the rival parties. A blanket of secrecy has been cast
over the negotiations.
But snippets of information sifting out suggest
that President Mugabe may be
made to settle for a ceremonial presidency
while Tsvangirai will assume the
position of executive Prime
Minister.
MDC acting spokesperson Tapiwa Mashakada refused to discuss the
subject
insisting, like every other official, he was bound by the terms of
the
secretive talks not to make any comment to the media.
"Your guess
is as good as mine," he said, "I am equally eager to know what
is happening
behind the scenes."
No comment could be obtained from Zanu-PF
spokespersons although President
Mugabe is quoted in the
government-controlled press as saying the talks were
still
"underway".
One of the most contentious clauses in the draft is the
blanket immunity to
be granted to those accused of committing acts of
violence against political
opponents. Another is the protection of the 84
year old leader from any
prosecution for human rights
violations.
This represents a climb-down by the MDC from its pre-election
commitment to
take Mugabe to account for human rights abuses.
The
prospect of Tsvangirai ascending to the position of executive Prime
Minister
is reported to be already sending shock waves through the Zanu-PF
establishment. Some of them are said to be skeptical that the MDC leader
will abide by the terms of the deal.
Press reports say Mbeki has met
Zimbabwe's powerful military chiefs in order
to canvass for their input on
the power-sharing deal.
There are equal concerns on the other side of the
political divide where MDC
hardliners feel that Zimbabwe will never realize
genuine peace if the
perpetrators of the pre-27 June political violence are
not brought to book.
They cite the continued incarceration of some MDC
activists who stand
accused of political violence as one sign that the
Zimbabwean President is
not yet prepared for any meaningful political
settlement between his party
and the MDC.
But away from the
antagonistic sentiments of those directly involved in
politics, ordinary
Zimbabweans are keen to see the end of an economic crisis
that has left the
majority scrounging around for virtually everything
required to keep body
and soul together.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=2230
August 8, 2008
By Raymond
Maingire
HARARE - Zimbabwe's central bank governor, Gideon Gono has with
effect from
Friday (today) raised the maximum cash withdrawal limits from
banks for both
individuals and corporate organisations to $300 ($3 trillion
in old
currency).
A statement attributed to him said the withdrawal
limits had been increased
as a tribute to Zimbabwe's fallen heroes who are
due to be remembered on
Monday with the commemoration of National Heroes'
Day.
"The Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe has increased cash withdrawal limits
for both
individuals and companies with effect from Friday," state
television
announced Thursday evening.
"In a statement, RBZ governor
said the new limit is now $300 for both
individuals and
companies.
"The RBZ governor said this has been necessitated by the fact
that in a few
days time the nation will be commemorating Heroes' Day in
remembrance of the
selfless contribution of those who paid the ultimate
price in liberating
Zimbabwe."
However, there was no immediate word
to explain the relationship between a
routine increase in cash withdrawal
limits and the commemoration of Heroes'
Day.
The latest increase in
the cash withdrawal limits comes hard on the heels of
the unveiling by the
embattled RBZ governor of a new currency to replace
successive families of
bearer and agro-cheques.
Then the cash withdrawal limit was $100 billion,
now a revalued $10.
The new measures were announced simultaneously with
the slashing of 10 zeros
from Zimbabwe's currency. A total of 13 zeros have
so far been removed from
the currency.
The RBZ chief has increasingly
come under fire for imposing a limit on cash
withdrawals, a situation that
has resulted in many people making repeated
trips to the bank to withdraw
cash that in many cases is hardly enough to
cover the cost of travelling to
the bank.
Gono says this is aimed at keeping Zimbabwe's worthless notes
circulating
within the formal system as a large quantity has allegedly been
diverted to
the thriving black market for speculative purposes, leaving the
formal
market starved of cash.
But there is an argument that the ever
increasing price of most goods has
continuously increased the demand for
cash.
Gono this month introduced a $500 dollar note that now anchors the
new
formal currency. The $500 is the equivalent of the previous $5 trillion
note.
The second highest single note is now the $100 note whose old
value was $1
trillion.
Zimbabwe is in the throes of a crippling
economic crisis which many blame on
President Robert Mugabe's economic
policies or lack thereof.
Official inflation is pegged at a record 2, 2
million percent while some
economists now estimate it at above 10 million
percent.
Nearly a quarter of the population has fled the country over the
past 10
years to seek economic opportunities abroad.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=2246
August 8, 2008
Geoffrey Nyarota
By Our
Correspondent
HARARE- Zimbabwe's domestic debt soared by 7 417, 5 percent
inside four
months to $790, 6 quadrillion ($79, 6 million new currency) on
July 15,
official figures revealed this week.
The debt rose from $10,
5 quadrillion ($1 500 000) recorded during the first
week of
April.
"The stock of government domestic debt by mid July stood at $790,
6
quadrillion, reflecting an increase of 7 417, 5 percent from $10, 5
quadrillion," the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) governor Gideon Gono
announced.
The rise in government domestic debt levels, which over
the years was
sparked by huge interest payments, has worsened due to the
Reserve Bank's
advances to government, largely for the March 29 harmonised
and June 27
presidential run-off elections.
The mismatch between
fiscal revenues and expenditures also opened a
significant funding gap
resulting in government utilising the overdraft
window at the Reserve Bank,
while at the same time borrowing from the
domestic
debt.
"Cumulatively, since the beginning of the year, government raised
365-day
treasury bills amounting to $211, 5 quadrillion ($21 150 000) of
which $210,
3 quadrillion ($ 21 030 000) was raised between April and July,"
Gono said.
The RBZ advances to government have over the past five years
accounted for
about 80 percent of total debt, a situation which economists
say is evidence
that the government was broke and had no other source of
revenue than the
domestic market.
Figures from the RBZ show that the
solvency of the government was already
seriously compromised with the
current interest rates. Technically, the
government finances would not be
better with even a one percent rise in
interest rates.
The increasing
government debt stock raised fresh fears of renewed
turbulence in the
crisis-strapped economy, battling with high inflation
currently at 2, 2
million percent.
The surge in domestic debt was the result of high
interests on the market
which were in line with the inflation
rate.
Government has also been forced to rely on domestic borrowings
because their
tax revenue base has dwindled due to company closures which
have led to
retrenchments. This means that in real terms, the government is
collecting
less revenue through corporate and income tax.
"The
monetary sector remained the major holder of government domestic debt
at 95
percent or $751, 5 quadrillion, ($75 150 000)," Gono said.
Analysts say
the debt stock was likely to rise further on increased
borrowing by
government to finance the import of wheat and maize,
electricity, civil
servants salaries and sustain the Basic Commodities
Supply Side Intervention
(Baccosi).
"Commercial banks accounted for about $750, 7 quadrillion
($750 700 000) or
99 percent of the monetary banking sector's holding of
domestic debt. This
is attributed mainly to bank's active participation in
Open Market
Operations," said Gono.
The major effects of rising
government debt would be an escalation of the
inflationary rate due to
increased recourse to the domestic market for
funding.
With inflation
at 2, 2 million percent, the government's huge appetite for
cash is also
likely to spur increased money printing, pushing money supply
growth
upwards.
The fact that Zimbabwe has no access to international capital
has only
aggravated the situation.
"The figure has a huge bearing on
the returns that investors will be getting
from the money market," an
economist with the central bank said. "The money
market is bound to continue
issuing investors with negative returns in the
short-term to minimise the
harmful effects of the huge interest cost
component on the debt
figure."
Money supply growth continued on an upward trend, increasing to
a new record
of 420 867, 4 percent in April from the December figure of 64
113 percent,
it also emerged this week.
According the RBZ, annual
broad money supply growth has maintained an upward
trend reflecting the
inevitable intervention by the central bank to
stimulate the supply side of
the economy in the absence of external support.
"Resultantly, broad money
supply growth increased from 64 113 percent in
December last year to 420
867, 4 percent in April," the bank said.
Money supply is the total supply
of money in circulation in a given country's
economy at a given time. It is
considered an important instrument for
controlling inflation.
The
continuous rise in money supply would further trigger
inflation.
Economists say the money supply figure could be over 600 000
percent by
August, due to expansionary fiscal and monetary policies being
implemented
by the government and the central bank.
On an annual
basis, domestic credit grew by 482 460, 9 percent in April -
412 919, 7
percent largely driven by growth in credit to the private sector,
734 013, 7
percent in credit to government and 216 066, 7 percent claims in
public
enterprises.
"Credit to government has largely been from domestic banks
due to the drying
up of external lines.
The bank said inflation had
led to an increase in cash holdings for
day-to-day transactions.
Resultantly, on an annual basis, currency in
circulation grew further
fuelling inflationary pressures in the economy.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=2239
August 8, 2008
By Francis
Musoni
FROM its inception in 1963, as one of the two major nationalist
organizations which challenged Ian Smith's colonial regime in the then
Rhodesia, the Zimbabwe African National Union (now Zanu-PF) has been fraught
with internal power struggles. At the height of the 1970s war of liberation,
which ZANU and the Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU) led, power
struggles resulted in the purging (using various means) of rival high
ranking officials in ZANU and its military wing, the Zimbabwe African
Liberation Army (ZANLA).
Predictably, though unfortunate, the
infamous 'struggles within the
struggle,' which the late Professor Masipula
Sithole and other scholars have
thoroughly researched and written about,
continue to haunt the nation of
Zimbabwe to this day. In fact, it would not
be too far-fetched to argue that
Zimbabwe is where it is because of the
failure by Zanu-PF to effectively
deal with its internal squabbles. If
Zanu-PF had, soon after assuming power
in 1980, reformed its constitution to
input a limit to the number of terms
for the party president, it would not
have been hard to do the same at
national level. As it turned out to be,
this serious constitutional loophole
has prolonged the succession question
both in Zanu-PF and government, with
dire consequences for
Zimbabwe.
Over the past two weeks Zimbabweans and Friends of Zimbabwe the
world over
have waited for what promises to be the beginning of the end of a
decade-long politico-economic crisis that had threatened to tear the country
apart. With an economy on the free fall and a tightly squeezed democratic
Zanu-PF space, the hope is that the current talks between representatives of
Mugabe's Zanu-PF and the two formations of the opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) will put a stop to political violence and, at least,
slow down the rate of economic decline. Although it is difficult to accept
or dispute speculations concerning the proceedings at these 'secret'
negotiations mediated by President Mbeki of South Africa, there are
indications that some 'deal' has been cut out for Mugabe and Tsvangirai to
work together to resolve the crisis.
A joint statement signed and
released by the negotiators from both parties
on August 6 calling for their
supporters to desist from violent acts seems
to confirm speculation that
something positive is on the way. However, on
the flip-side of it, the same
statement indicates and confirms the existence
of strong under-currents that
threaten the success of these talks. Whilst I
am aware that Simba Makoni and
his Mavambo Project, Daniel Shumba and his
one-man party, Munyaradzi Gwisai
and his purported allies in the civil
society have criticized the talks for
being an elite affair, I wish to focus
my analysis on what I see as the real
major threat to the talks.
There is a delicate symbiotic relationship
between the current inter-party
talks and the intense power struggles within
Zanu-PF, which, if not properly
managed, may spoil the party before it
begins.
For a long time after the regrettable absorption of PF-ZAPU by
Zanu-PF and
Mugabe's abandonment of the Prime Minister's post in favor of
the Executive
Presidency in 1987, he has (ab)used his executive powers to
systematically
silence potential presidential aspirants in his party, often
craftily
playing one group against the other. With the emergence of the MDC
in 1999
power struggles in Zanu-PF became more complicated as the latter's
power
base and status as ruling party have been seriously threatened. Having
successfully campaigned against the government sponsored constitutional
referendum in February 2000, the MDC took away from Zanu-PF 57 of the 120
contested parliamentary seats in the June 2000 general election, ahead of
the 2002 Presidential election in which Tsvangirai is widely believed to
have won the ballot but lost the counting to Mugabe. The writing on the wall
was clear for everybody to see.
As in-fighting and jostling for the
control of strategic positions in
Zanu-PF and government gathered momentum
in the wake of the threat from the
MDC, Zanu-PF leaders resolved to
down-play their power struggles in order to
put up a consolidated onslaught
on the opposition. In the same manner that
Ian Smith's illegal regime used
the law in a bid to stop change towards
majority rule in the 1960s and 70s,
the Zanu-PF government crafted security
and media laws meant to make it
difficult for the opposition to penetrate
the grassroots.
The
notorious 'triad' of the Public Order and Security Act (POSA),
Broadcasting
Services Act (BSA) and the Access to Information and Protection
of Privacy
Act (AIPPA) was unleashed, making it extremely hard for the
opposition to
organize, mobilize and reach out to the masses country-wide.
It was not
surprising therefore that in the 2005 general election Zanu-PF
reclaimed
more than 15 of the seats it had lost to the MDC in 2000 and went
ahead to
win a controversial two thirds majority in parliament.
Given that Mugabe
had publicly stated, in 2003, that he would retire at the
expiry of his term
in 2008, the country witnessed several personnel
movements in Zanu-PF and
government structures as the ruling party's top
officials competed for
eventual takeover. The major highlights of this
struggle came in 2004, when,
bowing to pressure from the Women's and Youth
Leagues, Mugabe appointed
Joyce Mujuru to the post of Zanu-PF's and
subsequently Zimbabwe's Vice
President. The appointment of Joyce, wife to a
retired army commander and
wealthy businessman believed to wield a lot of
power in the ruling party,
came as a blow to Emerson Mnangagwa whom many had
seen as Mugabe's heir
apparent.
In a few months Mnangagwa would painfully witness the purging
of Zanu-PF's
leaders and structures that had openly supported his failed bid
for the
party's vice presidency. If you add this to the events of the late
1990s
when the veterans of the 1970s war of liberation arm-twisted Mugabe
into
awarding them unbudgeted for hefty gratuities, before plunging the
country
into a chaotic 'fast track' land redistribution program, you will
see that
Mugabe has since become dangerously weakened and compromised as
president of
both Zanu-PF and the nation at large.
Over the next two
years after her promotion, it would appear as if Joyce
Mujuru was going to
take over the reins of Zanu-PF ahead of the March 2008
presidential
election. However, just as the Mujuru camp was preparing for
Joyce's
imminent entry into the country's highest office, Mugabe turned
around and
declared that there was "No Vacancy" at State House. By the
beginning of
2007 it had become clear that the Mnangagwa camp had
over-turned the scale
of power in Zanu-PF. Realizing that the MDC would
easily out-maneuver a
divided Zanu-PF, the group influenced Mugabe to run
for the presidency in
2008, effectively closing the door in Mujuru's face.
It is therefore not
surprising that following the March 2008 elections in
which Mugabe and
Zanu-PF survived by a whisker, rumors spread that Mnangagwa
assumed the
leadership of the Joint-Operation Command (JOC) which took
charge of a
bloody campaign for Mugabe in the run-up to the chaotic
presidential run-off
on June 27, 2008. Comprising of General Constantine
Chiwenga, the
commander-in-chief of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces,
Commissioner General
Augustine Chihuri of the police, Air Marshal Perrence
Shiri, commander of
the Air Force, Happyton Bonyongwe, the Director General
of the Central
Intelligence Organisation, and General Paradzai Zimondi, of
the Prison
Services, JOC had become the sole authority after Mugabe
dissolved
Parliament ahead of the election. In fact many people in and
outside Zanu-PF
think that Mugabe himself had conceded defeat only to be
forced by JOC
leaders, who, together with the 84 year old octogenarian
feared prosecution
for wide-ranching cases of human rights abuses.
Zanu-PF's failure to
resolve its succession question has virtually reduced
Mugabe to a puppet of
whoever promises him an extra day in the state house.
Given that the leaders
of the two major factions in his party can not face
each other except
through Mugabe, both have continued 'supporting' him
against the MDC's
Tsvangirai, while recruiting more key people to their
factions (especially
the top security chiefs), and looting as much as
possible from the shrinking
national cake. Mugabe's wife, twice younger than
him and unprepared to live
outside State House, has become amenable to the
manipulative strategies of
both camps fighting for the control of the ageing
leader.
Undoubtedly, succession fights in Zanu-PF have made it
difficult for Mugabe
and his party to be consistent in their dealings with
both the opposition
and the crisis facing the country. For instance, soon
after the disputed
presidential election of March 2002, attempts by
Zimbabwe's church leaders
to bring Zanu-PF and the MDC to a negotiating
table failed largely because
Zanu-PF wanted the MDC to unconditionally
withdraw court cases challenging
the results of both the 2000 and 2002
elections. A few weeks before the 2008
harmonized election, Mugabe is
believed to have chickened out of the first
leg of the Mbeki-brokered talks
at the eleventh hour. Somebody in Zanu-PF
must have felt severely threatened
by a possibility of a smooth transitional
arrangement between Zanu-PF and
the MDC and convinced Mugabe that he and his
party were going to win the
election, anyway.
If this background is anything to go by, I find power
squabbles within
Zanu-PF posing a serious threat to any prospects for a
genuine resolution of
the Zimbabwean crisis. As such, the nature and outcome
of the on-going
inter-party negotiations can not be meaningfully divorced
from the vicious
succession debate in Zanu-PF. The two major camps in
Zanu-PF will try all
they can to influence their heavily weakened leader to
refuse any
power-sharing deal which threatens any of the factions' power
bases and
potential to succeed him. Given the position of Joyce Mujuru in
the
presidium, the Mujuru camp will most likely accept a situation where
Mugabe's
executive powers are stripped off hoping that the former retains
her post as
the VP in Zanu-PF and one of the two deputies to an executive
Prime Minister
in the new government. But Mnangagwa and his camp which used
JOC and Mugabe
to avoid an imminent defeat of Zanu-PF by the MDC will find
it hard to
accept such a deal.
Unfortunately if it turns out to be
true that the power-sharing deal assures
Mugabe immunity from facing justice
for the human rights abuses he committed
since 1980, and a life career as
'founding leader' of Zimbabwe, they might
find it hard to convince him not
to accept it. In that case the country will
again witness another wave of
intense fighting in Zanu-PF as both camps try
to field their candidates in
critical ministries that Zanu-PF will retain in
a likely 50-50 split with
the MDC.
In the unlikely scenario that Mugabe allows himself to continue
to be pushed
around by the feuding camps in his party at the expense of the
suffering
masses, he will find it hard to accept whatever comes out of the
talks
because both factions are not going to equally benefit. He and his
handlers
should be reminded that any meaningful change to the status quo
comes with
trade-offs that are sometimes painful to make. After all, these
talks might
herald the beginning of an end to a protracted succession debate
in Zanu-PF.
As an institution, the party will never be the same
again.
New York Times
By LAWRENCE K. ALTMAN
Published: August 7, 2008
MEXICO CITY -
A 13-year-old girl was abducted, then raped repeatedly over a
two-week
period during a campaign of political terror in Zimbabwe
surrounding recent
elections there.
Hers is one of 53 cases documented by AIDS-Free World,
an advocacy group
investigating rape as a political weapon in Zimbabwe,
activists said
Thursday at a news conference at the 17th International AIDS
Conference
here.
Betty Makoni, director of Girl Child Network in
Zimbabwe, said at the news
conference, "Rape is being used as a weapon of
political intimidation to
instill fear in us, our families and communities."
Youth militias have raped
an estimated 800 girls on bases, she
said.
Other rape victims include the wives, sisters, mothers and
grandmothers of
political opponents, Ms. Makoni said. Some were teachers,
ward leaders and
clergy members, she said. Some were raped in front of
family members and
some men were forced to rape their mothers-in-law. The
victims were often
forced to say they would never support the opposition,
she said.
"Pesticides, sticks and other objects have been inserted in
their vaginas,"
Ms. Makoni said.
Many victims went to state hospitals
to seek treatment to prevent pregnancy,
as well as H.I.V. and other sexually
transmitted infections, she said, but
they were denied treatment, even when
they were in pain and bleeding. The
victims said that doctors at government
hospitals did not treat them,
fearing repercussions.
AIDS-Free World
is a Boston-based advocacy group that focuses on
international AIDS issues.
Stephen Lewis, the co-director of the group, said
it was collecting evidence
of rape and other atrocities committed in the
campaign that was aimed at the
political opposition in Zimbabwe. Rape and
other atrocities have long been
part of wars and political campaigns in many
countries. But the evidence for
charges of atrocities is often obtained long
after alleged
crimes.
Documenting personal accounts now as well as collecting
photographic and
laboratory evidence obtained soon after the alleged crimes,
AIDS-Free World
said, should eventually make for stronger legal cases to
present to
prosecutors under new governments in Zimbabwe than has been
possible in
similar situations elsewhere.
Noah Novogrodsky, a
human-rights lawyer and the advocacy group's legal
director, said the
evidence would also be shared with the office of the
United Nations high
commissioner for human rights for possible prosecution
as crimes against
humanity.
The United Nations' latest report on AIDS says "widespread
violence against
women not only represents a global human rights crisis but
also contributes
to women's vulnerability to H.I.V."
Dear Editor,
My name is Simon Seisay and I am the Secretary General of the Holland branch of the APC. I am currently working as a management consultant in South Africa.
I recently visited Zimbabwe to see things for myself. It was horrible. The economy is in shambles, people are suffering immensely and I was even forced to show support for ZANU-PF (president Mugabe’s party) even though they know I am a foreigner(see top photo).
I have never seen such a thing, even in Sierra Leone. In Zimbabwe, government ministers openly threatened civil servants and other government workers to vote for Mugabe and ZANU-PF or else...
The money is so useless that I instantly became a millionaire. Our national currency, the Leone, is far stronger and respected compared to the Zimbawean dollar. The people are not free, they live in fear and have to be careful what they say in public.
I therefore find it strange and very bad that some Sierra Leoneans are trying to compare Zimbabwe to Sierra Leone or president Mugabe to our president Ernest Koroma. It’s like comparing night and day.
At the moment, Sierra Leone is a far better place to live than Zimbabwe. At least in Sierra Leone we have food in the stores and the markets, not the empty stores you see in Zimbabwe. Our elections are far cleaner and safer than elections in Zimbabwe in the last couple of years.
So, please, fellow Sierra Leoneans, let’s be patriotic, let’s put politics aside and say the truth: President Ernest Koroma is a better leader than Robert Mugabe; Sierra Leone is a far better place to live than Zimbabwe.
Thank you very much.
Simon Seisay,
South Africa
Photos: Simon Seisay in Zimbabwe. He was there a couple of weeks ago.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=2242
August 8, 2008
By Our
Correspondents
HARARE - Zimbabwe police late Wednesday raided the Harare
offices of
pro-democracy group Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition while some
members of the
pro-democracy group were barred from crossing into
Zambia.
The group, a conglomeration of 350 civic groups, immediately
condemned the
raid saying it made nonsense of the ongoing peace talks
between Zimbabwe's
political parties in South Africa.
Crisis in
Zimbabwe Coalition coordinator Xolani Zitha was taken in by the
police at
the Rhodesville police Station on Thursday and his whereabouts
remain
unknown.
The Zimbabwe Times heard that on Wednesday heavily armed members
of the
police and central intelligence agents swooped on the Crisis
Coalition
centre in Harare, which houses the offices of the civic group near
the
Rhodesville police station.
"They said we were a rogue NGO which
is not registered and therefore our
existence was illegal," information
officer, Tabani Moyo said.
The police seemed to be basing the raid on an
illegal government edict to
all NGOs banning them from proffering crucial
services they were registered
to deliver.
Meanwhile, some members of
the organisation were stopped from entering
Zambia after Zimbabwean
intelligence operatives claimed they were travelling
there for political
meetings.
Ten members of the civil society organizations were due to hold
a meeting to
discuss the situation in Zimbabwe after a negotiated settlement
between
Zanu-PF and the MDC.
"Our members and those from other civil
society organizations were stopped
from entering Zambia this afternoon
(Thursday) after some Central
Intelligence Operatives (CIO's) told Zambian
immigration authorities they
were attending meetings aimed at plotting the
disruption of the so-called
peaceful situation in Zimbabwe," said an
official of the organization.
He, however, said the meeting was not meant
to plot the disruption of peace
in the country but to discuss ways in which
civil society would contribute
to the post-agreement era.
"As civil
society, we have no plans to disrupt whatever arrangement or
agreement is
reached at the talks. We wanted to discuss ways in which we
could complement
the agreement," he said.
Asked why they had chosen to meet in Zambia, he
said it was impossible to
hold meetings in Zimbabwe.
"There has been
constant harassment of civil society leaders and their
members in Zimbabwe,"
he said. "Given the seriousness of the agenda of this
meeting, we saw it fit
to go to Zambia where we were assured there would not
be any disturbance of
the meeting.
"But alas, we were unfortunate because intelligence
operatives got the
better of us while at the airport."
Human rights
lawyer Otto Saki also confirmed the group had been barred from
going to
Zambia; he aid the delegation was on its way back to Harare.
Said Saki:
"There were lawyers in that group as well as representatives of
various
civil society organizations. Their mission was also to meet civil
society
organizations in Zambia for consultations on other matters.
"We are
surprised at the turn of events because there was nothing that made
the
meetings a threat to the talks in South Africa."
Crisis Coalition was
formed in August 2001 as a collective response by
Zimbabwean civics to the
multi-faceted crisis facing the nation.
Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition has
been prominent in promoting peaceful and
democratic
change.
Commenting on the raid, McDonald Lewanika, Crisis Coalition
spokesman said:
"This is pure harassment. We roundly condemn such acts of
intimidation
directed to civil society players by the state security agents,
more so in
the context of ongoing peace talks in Pretoria."
The
developments came as South Africa, which has been mediating an end to
Zimbabwe's political crisis, reported "good progress" at the power-sharing
talks between President Mugabe's Zanu-PF and the MDC.
President Thabo
Mbeki, under whose facilitation the talks are being held,
was expected in
Harare at the weekend where Mugabe and MDC leader Morgan
Tsvangirai were set
to meet for face-to-face talks.
A draft settlement leaked to the press
suggests Tsvangirai will lead
government as an executive prime minister,
with Mugabe as ceremonial
president in an interim administration tasked with
holding internationally
supervised election in 24 to 30 months.
The
agreement reportedly prescribes the dissolution of the Joint Operations
Command - a think-tank of top security service chiefs - and the
establishment of a National Security Council answerable to the prime
minister.
Representatives of JOC were said to have travelled to South
Africa this week
to establish where they would fit in the new scheme of
things.
Mbeki's spokesman Mukoni Ratshitanga said a power-sharing deal
was imminent.
"Government as the mediator will not be giving any details
about details of
the talks except to say that they are progressing extremely
well," he said.
http://zimbabwemetro.com/news/charamba-violating-mou-mdc/
By Philip Mangena August 7, 2008
An MDC official has
accused Mugabe's outspoken spokesman George Charamba of
violating the
Memorandum of Understanding signed between ZANU PF and the two
MDC
formations by using abusive and hateful language in his weekly column in
state paperThe Herald.
In his 'Nathaniel Manheru'(Nathaniel at
Night) weekly column in the state
newspaper The Herald Charamba implied that
MDC leader,Morgan Tsvangirai was
half human.
". unlike the Unity
palaver with PF-Zapu in the 1980s, the current talks
involve a political
Minotaur (a part human and part bull creature) shaped
and disfigured by a
complex web of external interests whose sole goal is to
teach revolutionary
Southern Africa a sound lesson by defeating Zanu PF. ",
wrote
Charamba
The accusation prompted the MDC official who requested anonymity
to lash
out,'These are the same people were are talking to so as to find a
common
solution to our nation 's problems,yet Charamba continues to use this
kind
of language. How do they expect to work with us if they don't respect
our
leader?',he asked.
"There are some in our (MDC) party who are
treating these talks with utmost
scepticism knowing ZANU PF's solid history
of insincerity.the ongoing
violence,intimidation,NGO ban and Charamba's
language, these things just
serve to harden their positions.", the official
a newly elected Member of
Parliament said.
The MOU states under
Interim measures section 10.2 that, 'The Parties shall
refrain from using
abusive language that may incite hostility, political
intolerance and ethnic
hatred or undermine each other. '
Charamba who often uses coded language
in his column went on celebrate that
one of the MDC negotiators was
dismissed,repeating a line from a story
published by one website that has
since been proved to be neither true nor
credible.
The Nathaniel
Manheru column was inherited from sacked Information minister
Jonathan
Moyo,who later exposed Charamba two years ago,".George
Charamba,Mugabe's
irresponsible and reckless wordsmith, who regularly
violates his civil
service oath and obligations by writing the Nathaniel
Manheru column in the
Herald.",wrote Jonathan Moyo in 2005.
Meanwhile an editorial in yesterday
's The Herald indicates talks could be
heading for another stalemate. The
Herald which usually publishes ZANU PF
policy maintains that the basis of
the negotiations is the discredited
run-off election which was described as
"Neither free nor fair" by SADC,PAP
and AU observers.
" If the will
of the people is to be respected then it means the recognition
of June 27.
to abridge the constitutional process so that it ends on March
29 is to
stifle that same will of the people.
The will of the people is reflected in
Amendment Number 18, which created
the run-off, and so June 27 is the will
of the people.",concludes the
editorial.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=2250
August 8, 2008
By Jane
Madembo
CHANGE is good. Love is good. Both offer prospects for a rosy
future. But
change, like love can sometimes disappoint.
People have a
tendency to expect too much out of change, in the same way
they do about
love. Zimbabweans are enamored with the idea of change.
Anything to relieve
them from the daily burden of hunting for food; a hunt
for bread, for sugar,
for oil and so on. During the Stone Age our ancestors
spent a great deal of
time hunting for food. The men would spend days away
from home hunting for
meat. In Robert Mugabe's Zimbabwe, the people are
living in a modern day
Stone Age. This is a life most people are tired of.
They are desperate
for change. They wait and dream of the good times to
come.
But
Zimbabweans hoping for change must not fool themselves like a bride on
honeymoon by assuming that they will live happily ever after. A change of
government will not automatically mean things will change in
Zimbabwe.
Today's Zimbabwe is in a worse state than when Ian Smith gave
up power in
1980. People want change, but what does it mean. It means one
thing for
Barack Obama to ask for change of leadership in Washington. It
means another
thing when Tsvangirai asks the same of Zimbabwe. Those two are
vastly
different government systems.
Positive change will not
necessarily take place when Morgan Tsvangirai takes
over from Robert
Mugabe.
It is common knowledge that civil servants have poor work ethics.
It has
always been difficult to get anything done in government. People are
always
forced to spent long hours waiting for service, wasting valuable time
at the
Passport Office, the Vehicle Registration Office, the Pension Office,
the
courts, among others. Those with friends or relatives in the right
places
bypass the normal procedure and use the back door. The civil servants
take
forever to process papers. When dealing with donor agencies, they
employ the
same practice. Too much red tape, which serves no purposes except
to
alleviate the status of the person playing the delay
tactics.
Stanley Meda, in his paper, "Leadership, Ethics and Disciplinary
Codes: The
Case of Zimbabwe," says, "At Independence Zimbabwe lacked the
necessary
kills to run an efficient public administration system. The
existing system
lacked moral and ethical values."
Most government
workers don't take their jobs seriously, they see the
government office as a
place to hang their jackets, and not work. It's not
uncommon to see offices
occupied by jackets, or notes on doors saying the
occupant is coming later.
They only make token appearances.
As the situation in Zimbabwe
deteriorated, so did quality of service offered
by government agencies. The
virus that emanated at the top spread all the
way to the bottom, that is
regular small guys working for the government of
Zimbabwe. These days most
alternate between work and other side trades. The
inflation and lack of
transport also make it easy for people to explain away
their
absence.
After Zimbabwe became independent, Zimbabwe was flooded with
financial aid
and other material aid. The situation was good for a while as
we kept
receiving aid after aid. The World Bank, the European Union, USAID,
GTZ and
many others. Money flowed like a river into Zimbabwe. We didn't even
have
time to think what it meant to be independent before we were submerged
in
money and aid. Zimbabwe allowed itself like other African countries, to
become the spoilt brat of the West. We came to expect more and
more.
We started whining if we didn't get enough or as promised. We took
the aid
we received for granted. This beggar behavior would go down to
ordinary
people. The first time I took my white friend to our village, my
parents
asked me to ask the friend if he could fund the fencing around their
plot.
This is how foreign western people are viewed in Zimbabwe as people
who can
solve problems, like money. If I can get such and such for a
project. Most
project money ended up benefiting those running the projects,
consultants
and seminars. New Zimbabwe must not allow itself to fall into
this trap of
dependence. When the West is displeased, like a parent is upset
with its
delinquent son, it cuts the pocket money.
When Mugabe
started his terror campaign most of the foreign agencies and
governments
withdrew aid. The milk dried up. Mugabe became bitter because he
could no
longer keep the country together without their help.
Furthermore, the
political struggle between Mugabe and Tsvangirai, and their
supporters
against each other has brought Zimbabwe into a state of
decadence.
Zimbabweans used to be peaceful people, now they are masters of
all tricks
in the book, fraud, murder and other transgressions. All these
are other
changes that Zimbabweans have to work on.
Now that there are talks for a
possible power sharing government agreement,
people's hopes are up. They see
the good times coming again, the donor
agencies, the projects, and the
money.
What is absent in all this daydreaming is a sense of reality.
Zimbabwean
cannot demand change unless they are prepared to change
themselves.
Change cannot be delivered like piece of pizza. When Barack
Obama talks
about change, he says, "we have to work together to bring about
change." Are
you listening Zimbabweans?
We have to work. We can't
leave our jackets hanging on the chair anymore,
while we go home or run
errands. We have to be serious. No more corruption.
We have to till that
land that we took away from the white farmers. We have
to build roads. We
have to build schools on those farms so that kids don't
have to walk miles
to school. We have to strive for efficiency.
The West which we all are
envious of has very efficient work ethics. People
work hard.
Unless
we realize that we too have to change, then we will always forever be
on the
receiving end of what-ever from the west. We will feel the pinch when
the
West withdraws its aid when we are not ready. We will always be treated
like
the beggars that we are. The West will give us conditions and rightly
so. As
long as we look outside of ourselves to our political leaders for
solutions,
we will always be dancing on the end of the strings while they
hold the
other end. We will hate each other.
Let us be the change that we want to
see. Don't ask for land that you can't
till. If you do happen to be rich,
please give to charity or set up a
foundation. No more nepotism. No more
bribing. No more corruption.
We owe that at least to our future
generation.
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Local
Thursday, 07
August 2008 19:51
PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe and his political rival
Morgan Tsvangirai are
expected to hold a make or break meeting on Sunday in
Harare under President
Thabo Mbeki's chairmanship to endorse a power-sharing
deal struck in
Pretoria yesterday.
The meeting will decide
whether or not the Zanu PF and the opposition
MDC draft agreement would be
approved by their principals.
Informed sources said a final
agreement was expected on Sunday,
although the talks ended
yesterday.
Mbeki and his team are expected to fly into Harare
either tomorrow or
on Sunday morning for the meeting. Zanu PF and MDC
negotiators started
returning home last night.
There was
speculation Mbeki would travel to Harare during the week but
this was not
possible before negotiators finished their task to pave way for
Mugabe and
Tsvangirai to meet to resolve "sticking points".
Mugabe and
Tsvangirai are said to have been in touch while talks were
going on in a bid
to reach common ground on the contentious issues of powers
and positions
after their initial meeting on July 21.
If the final agreement is
signed on Sunday, it is said, Tsvangirai
would appear for the first time
since he founded the MDC in 1999 at a
national event with Mugabe during
Heroes' Day commemorations on Monday and
Defence Forces Day on Tuesday. The
holidays are held to honour heroes of
Zimbabwe's anti-colonial
struggle.
Mbeki is said to be anxious to have an agreement before
the Southern
African Development Community (Sadc) summit in Pretoria on
August 16. Sadc
last year tasked Mbeki to mediate in Zimbabwe's political
impasse.
Negotiating parties have already agreed on a number of
issues but need
to deal with the roles, powers and functions of Mugabe and
Tsvangirai. The
other issues to be finalised are transitional mechanisms and
the period of
transition. Zanu PF wants a five-year transition, while the
MDC prefers two
years.
Mugabe and Tsvangirai would also tackle
other contentious issues such
as the draft constitution, the post of Speaker
of Parliament and provincial
governors that have triggered heated exchanges
during the negotiations. All
three negotiating parties want the position of
Speaker and this has delayed
the final deal. There is also disagreement on
governors.
The parties initially wanted to share governors, five
each, but a new
suggestion to scrap the posts has come up. It is understood
the positions of
governors might be dissolved, like those of executive
mayors, and in their
place there would be more appointed senators to
accommodate Zanu PF and MDC
officials without parliamentary
seats.
In terms of the constitution, for one to be in cabinet they
need to be
in parliament. Mugabe has avoided appointing a new cabinet and
swearing in
parliament to give talks a chance.
The proposal at
the moment is to increase the number of appointed
senators from five to 11.
A Constitutional Amendment (No19) has been
suggested to facilitate the deal
if there is no transitional constitution.
"There are several issues
which Mugabe and Tsvangirai would have to
agree upon before a final
agreement could be signed," a source said. "It is
expected these matters
would be dealt with once and for all on Sunday and an
agreement should be
signed afterwards."
Sources said Mugabe and Tsvangirai would be
engaged mainly on the
proposed government structure, likely to be hybrid
system, and who would
occupy which position and with what powers. A
French-style cohabitation
system is likely to be adopted as the framework
for the new government
expected to have 38 ministers.
Sources
said the draft agreement to be closely discussed by Mugabe and
Tsvangirai on
Sunday and possibly signed afterwards includes the posts of;
*Executive
president;
*Three vice-presidents;
*Prime minister
and
*Three deputy prime ministers.
Mugabe would be the
president with his deputies in Zanu PF, Joseph
Msika and Joice Mujuru, as
well as Tsvangirai's second-in-command in his MDC
faction, Thoko Thokozani
Khupe, as vice-presidents.
Tsvangirai would become prime minister,
with three deputies who would
include his nominee who is not yet decided on
as there are several names
being suggested, the other MDC faction leader
Arthur Mutambara, and Zanu PF
chairman John Nkomo.
If Nkomo is
not included, Zanu PF bigwig Emmerson Mnangagwa could
become one of the
deputy prime ministers. Mugabe on Tuesday dispatched
Nkomo, Mnangagwa,
Defence minister Sydney Sekeramayi and Zanu PF Women's
League head and
senior politburo member Oppah Muchinguri to bolster his
negotiating team at
the talks. The support group attended the talks for the
first time on
Wednesday. Tsvangirai initially proposed he become prime
minister, while
Mugabe would be ceremonial president in a move which would
return the
country to the parliamentary system of the 1980s. This is the
proposal which
is being presented in some circles as a "draft agreement"
when in fact it
was just an MDC plan.
Mugabe's hardline Zanu PF politburo resolved
on July 23 his position
is "non-negotiable". It is said Mugabe is only
prepared to shed some of his
powers to Tsvangirai, and not all of them as
the MDC wanted.
If Mugabe and Tsvangirai agree on Sunday, Mugabe in
his capacity as
president would appoint the cabinet and the prime minister.
Tsvangirai might
be allowed to preside over cabinet and the legislature,
although the problem
is his party does not command a clear majority in
parliament.
Sources said if Tsvangirai had sealed a coalition deal
with Mutambara
to firmly take control of parliament in an unassailable way,
he would have
been almost guaranteed the post of premier -- head of
government.
By Dumisani Muleya
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Local
Thursday, 07 August 2008
19:38
PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe is facing opposition from members of
the Joint
Operations Command (JOC) and Zanu PF over talks to secure a
negotiated
settlement to the country's decade-long crisis.
Reliable sources told the Zimbabwe Independent that JOC members were
against
reported moves by Mugabe to cede executive powers to MDC leader
Morgan
Tsvangirai in an all-inclusive government.
JOC, a national security
think-tank made up of army, police, prisons
and Central Intelligence
Organisation (CIO) chiefs, reportedly plotted a
violent campaign to secure
Mugabe's victory in the June 27 one-man
presidential election run-off, a
charge they deny.
The sources said JOC members were worried that
Zanu was "conceding too
much" to the MDC at the talks being mediated by
South Africa President Thabo
Mbeki.
"The service chiefs don't
want Tsvangirai to have executive powers,"
one of the sources said. "They
wonder how they will relate to him after they
issued statements before the
elections that they would not salute him if he
won."
JOC
members, among them, Zimbabwe Defence Forces commander General
Constantine
Chiwenga, Police Commissioner-general Augustine Chihuri and
Prisons
Commissioner retired Major-General Paradzai Zimondi, said just
before the
March 29 elections they would not acknowledge Tsvangirai if he
won.
Tsvangirai last week asked Mbeki to have JOC members
appear before the
talks negotiators and spell out their position on the
negotiations and their
likely outcome.
The source said the JOC
members were also concerned about their
security amid fears that they would
be arrested for alleged human rights
abuses during the violent run-off
campaign.
"They are against the ceding of too much power to
Tsvangirai," another
source said. "They are also afraid of being punished
for human rights
abuses."
Apart from JOC members' position,
Mugabe was also facing stiff
opposition in his party over the looming unity
government with the MDC.
Party sources said Vice-President Joseph
Msika and factions in Zanu PF
were opposed to a deal with the
MDC.
In a recent politburo meeting, Msika was reportedly livid that
Zanu PF
wanted Tsvangirai to be part of cabinet.
"Msika
questioned why Tsvangirai, whom he considers to be a puppet of
the West,
should sit in cabinet. He is of the opinion that Tsvangirai should
not be
part of government," a politburo source said.
Mugabe, the source
said, told Msika that Zanu PF had failed to win a
majority of seats in
parliament and needed to accommodate Tsvangirai for
effective
governance.
"The president was frank that we now have a hung
parliament and as
such, Tsvangirai and his party should be in an inclusive
government," the
source said.
Mugabe also reiterated the need to
accommodate the MDC when the Zanu
PF central committee and the national
consultative assembly last met.
The 84-year-old veteran leader
reportedly told the two party organs
that Zanu PF needed to restructure
after it lost the parliamentary election
to the MDC.
The
sources said leaders of factions in the party were also opposed to
the
talks, as they see the negotiations as a threat to the succession claims
in
Zanu PF.
The sources said the Solomon Mujuru-led faction felt
alienated from
the goings on in the party since the March 29 elections and
were concerned
that an agreement with MDC would see some of the camp's
senior members left
out of the corridors of power.
Mujuru's
faction was opposed to the perpetration of political violence
to secure the
presidency for Mugabe.
The other faction led by Rural Housing and
Social Amenities minister
Emmerson Mnangagwa, the sources said, was also
concerned that a unity
government would derail the ascendancy of the party's
legal secretary in
Zanu PF's presidium.
By Constantine
Chimakure
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Local
Thursday, 07 August 2008
19:33
RESERVE Bank governor Gideon Gono's future hangs in the balance
as
opposition negotiators at the talks in Pretoria demand that he should be
booted out of the envisaged new government for allegedly propping up
President Robert Mugabe's regime.
The issue was raised
during power-sharing talks between Zanu PF and
the two factions of the MDC
in South Africa. Sources said the opposition
wants Gono to be replaced in
the new government because it was unhappy with
his quasi-fiscal activities
and funding of government operations, especially
security ministries whose
organs have been accused of perpetrating political
violence during recent
elections. Gono has always said he was acting
according to orders from his
superiors and is prepared to leave anytime if
needs be.
One of
the MDC negotiators Elton Mangoma slammed Gono's recent
monetary policy
statement, especially the removal of zeros from bearers'
cheques, saying it
was just inconsequential "tinkering" with the symptoms of
the
problem.
"The MDC believes that no amount of tinkering with
currency
denominations will address the Zimbabwean crisis. As long as there
isno
production, we will continue to move in circles as a country. The
supply
side of the economy should be addressed by confronting Zimbabweans
real
crisis, which is the crisis of governance and legitimacy," he
said.
Another MDC negotiator Tendai Biti has also criticised Gono
during the
recent election campaigns reportedly describing him as similar to
an
"Al-Qaeda" terrorist who should be put before a firing
squad.
Sources said Gono's problem is compounded by the fact that
he also has
a lot of political enemies within Zanu PF, especially within the
faction led
by retired army commander General Solomon Mujuru.
Previously he clashed with former Finance minister Herbert Murerwa
until he
was removed by Mugabe. Gono has been pushed many times before to
the brink
of resignation due to political pressure. There have been reports
of late
that he could resign, but sources said this highly unlikely
considering that
his term ends in November.
If Gono's tenure is not renewed, he
would be the first governor since
1980 to have only served one term as the
other previous substantive ones
served full terms. Mugabe might save Gono by
appointing him to cabinet, it
is said. Gono himself is understood to be
contemplating going into the
private sector where he has interests in
farming, export business, media,
property and financial
sectors.
Sources said if Gono went he could be replaced by one of
his three
deputies Edward Mashiringwani. Charity Dhliwayo and Nicholas Ncube
are the
other deputies and both have considerable experience in their
jobs.
Gono yesterday dismissed this as "speculation". "There is
always a lot
media speculation about my position and our programmes. I think
what you are
hearing is just speculation," Gono said. "People will always
speculate and
in such public positions as we are in we don't have to raise
our hackles
about that."
However, sources said MDC negotiators
were insistent that Gono should
not have any role to play in a new
government because he had allegedly
funded repression, while worsening the
economic crisis.
Gono was also reportedly accused of being
unprofessional and partisan
in his conduct of central bank
business.
"The MDC wants the new government to make a number of
changes, among
them the removal of Gono," one of the sources
said.
By Nkululeko Sibanda
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Local
Thursday, 07 August 2008
19:31
ZIMBABWE has barred United Nations (UN) envoy from visiting the
country to assess progress on the ongoing power-sharing talks between Zanu
PF and opposition MDC to end the current political
impasse.
Harare's blocking of UN assistant
secretary-general for political
affairs Haile Menkerios, recently appointed
as part of South African
President Thabo Mbeki's three-man "reference group"
on the talks, is likely
to heighten tension between Harare and the world
body.
UN Resident Representative in Harare Agostinho Zacarias is
heading to
Pretoria today for an emergency meeting with Menkerios on the
potentially
explosive situation.
The UN is likely to tackle
Harare head-on over the issue.
The resultant diplomatic row could
give ammunition to the United
States and Britain in their bid to impose
UN-backed sanctions on Mugabe and
his key cronies over recent disputed
elections, violence and killings.
The western nations, together
with the European Union, recently
stepped up sanctions on Harare, although
they failed at the UN level after
Russia and China vetoed a US draft
resolution on sanctions.
The resolution, calling for an arms
embargo, and financial and travel
restrictions on Mugabe and 13 other regime
officials, was backed by nine
nations but foundered on the vetoes of the two
permanent members.
The arms embargo would have affected Russian and
Chinese arms
exporters.
Diplomatic sources said Menkerios - who
was due in Harare today - was
told by Zimbabwean authorities that he was
"not welcome" since the talks
"reference group" worked with Mbeki, not
Mugabe. They said Harare told him
that even if he came no official would
meet him.
By Dumisani Muleya
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Local
Thursday, 07 August 2008
18:43
ACCLAIMED photojournalist Tsvangirai Mukwazhi last week fled the
country for South Africa after the police allegedly assaulted him on
allegations of owning an improperly registered vehicle.
The award-winning journalist covers Zimbabwe for the Associated Press
(AP)
and a number of online news organisations.
Mukwazhi told the
Zimbabwe Independent from South Africa this week
that his assault was a
traumatising ordeal for him and his family and was
the reason why he sought
temporary refuge in South Africa.
"Armed plainclothes policemen
came to my house on July 24 around
5.30am and broke down the main door to my
house, entered my bedroom and
started beating me up," Mukwazhi
said.
"They also beat up my maid for no apparent
reason."
He said despite telling the policemen that his vehicle was
properly
registered, the officers manacled him and took him to Southerton
Police
Station. His car was seized.
"I told them that my car
was properly registered and even produced
documents to prove it, but they
handcuffed me and took me to Southerton
Police Station," Mukwazhi
said.
He said he was later released without charge, but the car was
not
returned to him.
"I later saw my car being driven in town.
I called my lawyer Beatrice
Mtetwa and together we went to the police
station and asked about the
whereabouts of the car," Mukwazhi said. "The
police insisted it was parked
at the station, but when we demanded to see
it, it turned out that it was
not at the station as they
claimed."
AP's bureau chief in Zimbabwe Angus Shaw told the
Independent that
Mukwazhi's assault appeared to be part of an onslaught
against the
independent media by the state.
"Mukwazhi is a
committed photojournalist who has been recording events
that are part of the
daily life confronted by Zimbabweans and that's why I
cannot understand why
he was singled out," said Shaw.
"His persecution does not make
sense and the only reason we can see
for his cruel treatment is the ongoing
campaign against independent and
fair-minded journalists."
Police spokesman Wayne Bvudzijena yesterday said he was not aware of
the
incident.
By Lucia Makamure
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Local
Thursday, 07 August
2008 18:41
THE government has instituted another audit into land
utilisation by
resettled farmers amid reports that it will repossess
unproductive farms.
Agriculture minister Rugare Gumbo
confirmed the audit yesterday.
"As government, we have started
looking at how our farmers have fared
in the utilisation of land they were
allocated," Gumbo said in an interview.
"We want to establish who has done
what on the land he was given and who has
not."
Since the
advent of the land reform, four audits have been instituted
by President
Robert Mugabe to assess on the utilisation of land by farmers.
First was the Charles Utete (ex-secretary to the President and
Cabinet)
audit, which was split into two parts; then came the Flora Buka
(then
minister of state, lands, and land reform) audit that was eventually
followed by the Didymus Mutasa (same ministry) audit. Gumbo said Zimbabwe
was importing grain from neighbouring countries despite critical foreign
currency shortages.
"We are trying all we can as government to
import food from other
countries, but we are faced with a challenge of
raising foreign currency for
the imports," he said. "That is why we have
been encouraging our farmers to
increase their output capacity so that we
can halt importation of food."
Gumbo revealed that government made
available US$13 million to local
fertiliser manufacturing companies for the
production of Ammonium Nitrate
and Compound D fertilisers.
"We
want to make sure that there are adequate inputs in the
agricultural sector
so that farmers stop complaining and do what they are
supposed to do, which
is to produce food. As I stated, we might want to wish
things to happen but
at the end of the day we will realise that our efforts
are affected by the
shortage of foreign currency," Gumbo said.
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Local
Thursday, 07 August
2008 18:38
IT is 5pm and it's time to go home. Chipo Swiza gently wipes
off the
dust on her torn clothes.
Home to her is a
little shack built of scrap metal and plastics at
Tongogara squatter camp in
Whitecliff, Harare.
After spending a hectic day moulding bricks at
a nearby yard, Swiza
managed to raise a $300 billion ($30 revalued) which is
not enough to buy a
loaf of bread to feed her three hungry
children.
Above all, she cannot buy medicine for her ailing
husband.
Swiza looks malnourished, the skin of her face and legs is
cracked.
She cannot afford to buy a bottle of petroleum jelly.
When she arrives home she still has a lot of work to do - fetching
firewood
to cook supper for her children and nurse her bed-ridden husband.
Her children do not go to school because she cannot raise fees.
Life has been difficult for her, but she now pins her hopes for a
better
future on the ongoing talks between Zanu PF and the two MDC
formations.
She prays day and night that the talks mediator,
South African
President Thabo Mbeki, will manage to unite the protagonists
and come up
with a negotiated political settlement to the country's
decade-long crisis.
Swiza's only worry is that there is no
significant representation of
women at the negotiating table to articulate
the challenges she is facing as
a result of the political and economic
crisis.
While most women and feminist organisations have welcomed
the signing
on July 21 of the memorandum of understanding (MoU) between Zanu
PF and the
MDC, they feel they have been let down by the
under-representation of women
at the talks.
Only the Arthur
Mutambara-led MDC has a woman among its negotiators -
Priscilla
Misihairabwi-Mushonga. The MDC Tsvangirai's women assembly
chairperson
Theresa Makone is playing a "back-up" role in the faction's
delegation.
Founder of Girl Child Network (GCN) and gender
activist Betty Makoni
decried the absence of women at the talks. She argued
that women were the
most vulnerable to political violence that took place in
the countdown to
the June 27 presidential election run-off.
"As
a woman who has been working on the ground I cannot control the
volume of
reports that came to me personally on women and girls raped in
Zimbabwe
during the political violence," she said. "I am still trying to
come to
terms with what happened and why it happened."
She said with women
and girls making 52% of the population in the
country, she did not expect
only one woman to be in the talks.
"Only Arthur Mutambara has been
kind enough to send Priscilla
Misihairabwi-Mushonga to represent women. The
mediator is male and all those
who give us updates are male, showing that
those to be liberated first are
males and when they think we should, they
will call us. So far these are
male talks and it is a shame that they have
not pronounced peace plans which
we can work on locally," she
said.
Makoni said during the violence it was the girls and women
who
suffered the most.
"We must be given a platform to break
silence on rapes that were
perpetrated by the youth militia. We want the
leaders in our country to pay
particular attention to this," she said. "We
would like to see to it that we
deal with issues of rape as a weapon of war
in Zimbabwe and the region. It
must not happen again. We have the names of
those who raped women and
government must allow justice to
prevail."
Makoni demanded 50% women representation at the talks and
national
building programmes, an improvement in education and health sectors
with the
best professionals. She added that there was need for increased
humanitarian
aid.
The Women's Coalition of Zimbabwe (WCoZ)
demanded a 50%
representation, space and audience within all processes of
the negotiations.
The women demanded that they be included in peace
building and
socioeconomic and political reconstruction
processes.
The women's organisation said females have been targeted
as weapons of
war where they have been forced to cook and clean for
perpetrators, watch or
be cheer leaders or actively perpetrate violent
actions.
The women expected an immediate dissolution of torture
bases where
they claimed women were grossly abused.
"We demand
a revamping of the legal and policy framework beginning
with constitutional
reform, adoption of legal measures that restore the
dignity of women and
girls and the building of public trust in law
enforcement agents," WCoZ
said. "Women, since they bore the burden of the
political violence, demanded
that they be granted assistance in rebuilding
their shelter, and accessing
health, education and other services."
South Africa-based
Zimbabwean gender activist Everjoice Win expressed
discontent with female
representation at the negotiating table.
Referring to the MDC
Tsvangirai faction and Zanu PF, she said: "Surely
you can't tell me that you
have no women with functioning brains and mouths
in your
parties.
"Aren't you ashamed of yourselves? This year the only one
with a woman
on his team is Arthur Mutambara. That is just unacceptable.
Both of you have
female vice-presidents, what is their role? It just showed
you only wanted
them to get your votes."
Win demanded the
redistribution of land to poor black women in their
own names as citizens, a
new constitution, freedom of expression without any
fear, and pluralism in
the media.
She also demanded a restoration of quality education at
secondary and
tertiary level, an end to the brain drain, improvement in the
health sectors
and availability of medicine to women.
"I would
like young women to have hope, as they once did, that with
laws, policies
and attitudes changing, they can become anything they dream
of. Not just sex
slaves."
Pressure group, Women of Zimbabwe Arise recently demanded
the
promotion of freedom of expression and assembly during and after the
proceedings of the MoU.
The group demanded an end to political
violence and torture, an
address of the humanitarian crisis, a fair and
equitable land reform
programme and an independent electoral commission to
oversee a referendum on
the new constitution and a free and fair election
process.
By Wongai Zhangazha
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Business
Thursday, 07 August 2008
18:17
CASH shortages will persist as banks have little Treasury Bills
(TB)
that they can use as collateral when collecting money from the Reserve
Bank
of Zimbabwe.
Information gathered by businessdigest
shows that the banks lack
sufficient TBs to collect cash from the Reserve
Bank which has put in place
stringent conditions to release money onto the
market.
Although Reserve Bank governor Gideon Gono introduced a new
currency,
long winding queues of withdrawers continue to be a common feature
around
the central business district.
Cash shortages are the
latest manifestation of Zimbabwe's
multi-faceted economic and political
crisis, which has affected the country
over the past 10 years
Banks are required to lodge Treasury Bills at the Reserve Bank as
collateral
before being given cash that meets their client base each day.
Bankers said Treasury Bills which are issued at 340% against official
inflation of 2 200 000% will compromise their earnings and force them to
scale down on the amounts they have been procuring in cash in relation to
deposits.
Independent economists estimate year-on-year
inflation to be above 10
million percent.
"Government is not
interested in paying the right cost for capital," a
chief executive with a
commercial bank told businessdigest on Wednesday.
Government has kept
this stance since 2005, when the then Finance
Minister, Herbert Murerwa said
high TB rates were "too expensive and not
sustainable" in managing domestic
debt when he presented his 2005 national
budget.
Bankers who
spoke to this paper also said cash challenges are expected
to remain
entrenched in the economy as long as inflation remains high whilst
deposit
interest rates are too low to incentivise savers in the economy.
While
the Reserve Bank has kept the accommodation rates very high,
annualised at
1,5 decillion percent (33 zeros), depositors are languishing
with interest
rates below 250% per annum.
The bankers also blamed the central bank
for its "abrupt" change in
daily cash withdrawals.
The RBZ
demands 45% of statutory reserves from banks and this
according to officials
has seen most financial institutions "hurriedly"
offloading their securities
portfolios to improve their liquidity positions.
"The recent tumble
of the stock market is a reflection of this
problem," said a
stockbroker.
"Banks have become victims of abrupt policy changes
and disposing of
their stocks thus becomes the only option to improve
liquidity."
Confounded with high inflation, depositors would see
little incentive
to leave money in the banks, especially now when the
interest rates on
savings and current
accounts are generally below
10% per annum. When asked by
businessdigest to comment on the cash
situation, the country's 15 commercial
banks cited general preference
towards Bankers Acceptances over TB's which
no longer have the "all
important liquidity status".
Presently, 30 day Bankers Acceptances are
being drawn in the market at
yields around 1 000%, which, when annualised,
leave banks raking in returns
of about 147 731%.
These returns
are well above the TB returns pegged at 340%. Banks have
had few TBs
accumulating on their balance sheets.
Bankers Association of
Zimbabwe president John Mangudya however said
cash shortages could end
soon.
"What we are seeing now is the release of pent-up demand for
cash
which is also a direct indication of the hyperinflationary environment
that
we are living in," he said.
Although having what looks
like super returns on banks lending books,
Genesis Bank has revealed a
contrasting picture of the true cost of capital
in the region in its weekly
bulletin.
Despite banks charging high overdrafts rates in nominal
terms, the
real cost of borrowing in Zimbabwe appears to remain very cheap
compared to
Zambia for example where the effective annualised cost of
borrowing stood at
around 50% in US dollar terms. Commenting on this aspect,
bank's group
economist Brains Muchemwa said "the high cost of borrowing in
Zambia is
attributed more to the high interest rates relative to inflation,
as well as
the strengthening kwacha that has appreciated 13% year to
date".
The trend has seen most banking institutions moving away from
their
core business of making money by lending money to buying properties
and
participating on the stock market. Recent financial results by banks
show
that they have included properties they own and ones they have acquired
during the
financial year on their balance sheets.
Government officials said if banks charge a "realistic market rate"
the
government would go bankrupt, as it does not have any other source of
capital other than the domestic market whose production has been operating
below 30%.
Government's over reliance on the domestic market
has resulted in it
incurring a domestic debt of $790 quadrillion ($79,6
million), a development
which will prompt high taxes for the future
generation.
Gono on Monday accused banks of creating "artificial"
cash shortages
by failing to collect money from the country's main bank to
distribute it to
clients.
"Notwithstanding the high levels of cash
stocks sitting at the Reserve
Bank ready for dispatch into the market, some
banking institutions have been
noted to be engaging in imprudent and
unethical practices which are creating
artificial queues for cash," Gono
told journalists and bankers.
"Indepth analysis of banks'
asset-liability profiles has shown the
following glaring malpractices by
some banks, non-collection to pay cash for
such cash on
collection."
"This inability at some banks is primarily a result of
such banks
tying depositors' funds in illiquid speculative investments in
the stock
exchange, real estate, motor vehicles, foreign exchange and other
forms of
non-core investments," he added.
By Paul
Nyakazeya
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Business
Thursday, 07 August
2008 18:13
BARELY 10 days after the presentation of the half year
monetary policy
statement presented last week, the situation on the ground
is showing the
Reserve Bank Governor Gideon Gono only attempted to cure the
symptoms rather
than the root cause of the economic
crisis.
Economic analysts this week said as long as there
was no production,
monetary authorities will continue to move in
circles.
The supply side of the economy should be addressed by
confronting
Zimbabwe's real crisis, which is the crisis of governance,
sanctions and
legitimacy.
Independent economist, John Robertson
said monetary reforms just
announced will remain futile in the absence of
substantive strategies to
shore up the country's battered
economy.
"There should be increased production in all major sectors
of the
economy. He (Gono) addressed symptoms as opposed to the root causes,"
he
said.
University of Zimbabwe business school lecturer Tony
Hawkins dismissed
Gono's latest strategy as little more than
posturing.
"What monetary policy? That was a political statement
that was made.
The nonsense about Zimbabwe being under sanctions was not
monetary. There
were a few currency changes, but that is where it ends.
Freezing wages is
not going to end hyperinflation," he said.
Hawkins said unless there was a political settlement, the zeros would
be
back on the currency in a few months.
"We are looking at a
situation whereby the (US) dollarisation of the
economy is going to
increase, because our own money would have become
worthless."
"The main causer of hyperinflation is Gideon Gono, who is printing
money,
which is being used for handouts and is being given to political
thugs to
beat up people," Hawkins said.
MDC-T Secretary for Economic Affairs
Elton Mangoma said the latest
measures of removing zeros will fall flat and
cause serious confusion among
the public.
He said the
announcement that old coins are coming back into
circulation would benefit
people who do not have a banking culture, which
will send a wrong signal to
the market at a time when confidence building
should be top priority to the
Reserve Bank.
"We believe that any central bank should know the
amount of money that
is in circulation and clearly, allowing people to
scrounge for old money
from their drawers will make it impossible to know
how much currency is on
the market. It could further push up inflation," he
said.
The increase of withdrawal limits from $100 billion (now $10
revalued)
to $2 trillion ( $200 revalued) has not brought any relief to the
public at
time when prices have skyrocketed after the monetary policy
statement. Many
people are also failing to access their money from
banks.
Two litres of cooking oil now cost above $1,5 trillion
($150) from
$900 billion ($90) while 500g of fresh milk rose from $200
billion ($20) to
$500 billion ($50).
Two kg of rice now cost
above $1,4 trillion ($140) from $900 billion
from ($90).
A full
chicken now costs $2 trillion ($200) from $900 billion ($90)
while two
litres of orange crush rose from $1 trillion ($100) to about $1,6
trillion
($160)
During the 2008 mid-term monetary policy last week,
President Robert
Mugabe warned the country's business sector to stop
profiteering or face
emergency measures.
"If you drive us more
than you have done we will impose emergency
measures, and we do not want to
place our country in a situation of
emergency rules, they can be tough rules
you know," Mugabe said.
"We want to leave you with the freedom, the
flexibility to make
decisions . . . You (businesses) need to be rewarded for
your efforts,
customers also need a fair price, not ripping them off," he
said.
It remains to be seen what government will do although some
economists
have warned that controlling prices will result in shortages of
basic
commodities.
National Incomes and Pricing Commission
(NIPC) chairperson Goodwills
Masimirembwa said prices being charged were not
justified.
"The rate at which prices are rising is a major cause of
concern which
needs to be addressed," he said.
Masimirembwa
said business has been ignoring prices which have been
set by the
commission.
The prices being approved by NIPC are way out of sync
with the real
prices that are already prevailing on the market.
A survey conducted by businessdigest this month shows that by the time
the
NIPC approve a price, the actual price on the market will be almost
three
times higher.
The rise in the prices of most basic commodities has
been blamed
largely on speculative tendencies in the country's frail
economy.
But economists said the dwindling production levels on the
back of
increased money printing and a weak currency has resulted in too
much money
chasing too few goods, and this has been worsened by acute
foreign currency
shortages which has triggered a run on the Zimbabwe dollar
on a thriving
foreign currency parallel market.
Gono is being
accused of opting for the easier alternative of striking
off the zeros to
make the mathematics of the changeover easier and better
for the public but
ignoring the stumbling bloc to any recovery by the
political
situation.
"The Reserve Bank no longer has the capacity to print
wads of useless
currency, so Gono has decided that the old coins must get
back into the
system at their face value meaning that if one has a $5 coin,
it is as good
as $5 dollars in today's new currency," said an economist with
a commercial
bank.
But is it fair to criticise
Gono?
Some analysts said Gono should by now realise that the
economic
problems in Zimbabwe are political. All his attempts since he was
appointed
governor in November 2003 have been hitting a strong political
brick wall,
which once resolved could signal a positive direction for the
country.
The dialogue currently taking place between the country's
political
players is said to be the best way forward as long as there is
sincerity
from all stakeholders.
By far the most important
message in Gono's otherwise content-free mid
year monetary policy statement
was subliminal.
Though he did not or could not say it, his message
was obvious: "the
economy has reached the end of the road," Zimbabwe was now
in endgame.
How this will be settled -- ? by the talks in Pretoria
being
undertaken by President Robert Mugabe's Zanu-PF party and the two
formations
of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), led by
Morgan
Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara or by other means -- does not
diminish the
certainty of this conclusion. Gono had nothing but bad news,
with the
financial system in near-total gridlock.
A positive
outcome of the talks will result in more investors coming
in the country
which should lead to increased production in all major
sectors of the
economy and a stable currency. More investment options will
also be
opened.
By Paul Nyakazeya
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Opinion
Thursday, 07 August 2008
18:25
I LEFT Zimbabwe the day after Robert Mugabe was reinaugurated as
president.
Watching on state television as the old man swore
fealty to the
country his party has ruined, I packed my bag for the long
haul back to
London.
It is winter now in Zimbabwe, meaning the
days are like an English
spring in their lightness and warmth, and the
nights plunge to just a few
degrees above zero. Everyone I talk to affects a
jaded determination to
survive, but there will be cold nights
ahead.
I have seen many Zimbabwean elections. My first was in 1980
when, as a
member of the Commonwealth observer group, I helped monitor the
transition
to Independence and Mugabe's first electoral triumph. I have
attended almost
all campaigns or elections since, including all of this
year's polls - the
March elections and the June presidential runoffs. Over
the years I have
seen - close up - the hopes of the majority of Zimbabweans
dashed by a
corrupt and vicious oligarchy which cloaks itself in the
rhetoric of
anti-colonialism and self-determination.
The
situation is all the more tragic because this year the opposition
Movement
for Democratic Change (MDC) handed Mugabe victory on a plate - the
result of
a miscalculation, a loss of nerve or both by its leader, Morgan
Tsvangirai.
This failure has strengthened Mugabe's hand in the negotiations
over a
national unity government now taking place, after the "memorandum of
understanding" signed by Mugabe and Tsvangirai on July 21. The memorandum is
a reason for cautious optimism - nevertheless, for the MDC the election was
a bitter defeat; for Tsvangirai a personal tragedy.
Mugabe was
never going to surrender the presidency without a dirty
fight. Meanwhile,
the anti-Mugabe forces were in chaos. The international
community was
divided in its tactics. The Western nations - led by the
British and the
Americans - condemned loudly and pressed for sanctions, much
to the
discomfort of Zimbabwe's neighbours, who feared it might help push
the
country closer to civil war. South Africa, Botswana and Zambia have
already
absorbed large economic costs from the Zimbabwean meltdown and they
feared
that the collapse of Mugabe's dictatorship would lead to anarchy and
further
spillover into neighbouring countries.
Moreover, Western rhetoric
didn't play well with the average
Zimbabwean. Seen from the Harare street,
Gordon Brown's performance in the
House of Commons after the runoff election
results, announcing a plan to
push for new sanctions, was exactly what was
not needed. It was a
continuation of the Blair era, when foreign policy
towards Africa could be
simultaneously well-meant and supercilious. Few in
Harare have forgotten
Clare Short's infamous letter - written during the
first days of the Blair
administration - in which the then development
secretary pointed to her own
Irish "colonial victim" status and repudiated a
British undertaking to fund
land nationalisation: an act that helped create
the climate that later led
to violent (and uncompensated) land seizures.
Meanwhile, US attempts to
advise the MDC on election tactics had, as we
shall see, disastrous
consequences.
If the foreigners were at
sixes and sevens, the domestic opposition
was little better. The MDC went
into the elections still split from the
divisions of late 2005 and early
2006, when a breakaway faction, led by
Arthur Mutambara with strategic
direction from Welshman Ncube, established a
power base in western Zimbabwe
and among many of the MDC's intellectual
supporters. The split occurred amid
accusations that Tsvangirai was no
longer behaving democratically, taking
decisions unilaterally which should
have received the approval of the
party's executive committee. Tsvangirai
has always been impatient of
process. Perhaps he came to believe he was the
MDC. This was enough to
fracture the MDC's brittle unity - and even the
prospect of electoral
victory was insufficient to repair it.
The two sides did try to
heal their divisions, but Tsvangirai was
unwilling to withdraw from
contesting enough seats in Mutambara's western
stronghold to reunite the
party. Almost all Zimbabwean commentators agree
that this was a fatal
misjudgement on Tsvangirai's part. Had the MDC entered
the first
presidential round in lockstep with Mutambara, Tsvangirai might
have got the
crucial extra votes to win the presidency outright. As it was,
Mutambara
unselfishly refrained from running for president himself, giving
Tsvangirai
a clear run (although he did endorse a third-party candidate,
Simba Makoni).
But the voting patterns from the western constituencies show
that the damage
had been done. Mutambara's people felt slighted and Mugabe
did much better
than expected in the west.
Tsvangirai has always been a
hit-and-miss politician - capable of
strokes of genius but also prone to
periods of wayward and ineffectual
leadership. Tsvangirai has always been a
man of action and used to like
teasing Zimbabwean intellectuals for thinking
too much. He can be ruthless,
as in the late 1990s when the MDC arose from,
then split with, the National
Constitutional Assembly (NCA), just when that
body was becoming the largest
civil society group Zimbabwe had ever known.
Many in the NCA took a long
time to forgive him, but the secession of the
MDC decisively tilted the
struggle against Mugabe and Zanu-PF into the realm
of party politics, rather
than grassroots action. Yet Tsvangirai's flashes
of ruthless decisiveness
can be accompanied by protracted hesitation. The
MDC has often seemed
rudderless. In fact, the captain is at the tiller but
not steering the ship.
I admire Tsvangirai. I wrote a book about
him, based on many hours of
face-to-face interviews, which was distributed
underground in Zimbabwe to
help the MDC's 2005 campaign. I attended those
elections and acknowledged
the book was mine. I was and am prepared to stand
up for Tsvangirai. But I
also want to say that he screwed up.
Tsvangirai should have remained inside Zimbabwe for longer periods -
especially between this year's first and second polls. While he and his
deputy Tendai Biti courted international support, they left their party
leaderless. The split in the MDC had left Tsvangirai's party as the larger
of two factions, but Mutambara and Ncube had most of the politically astute
thinkers in their group. Tsvangirai relied increasingly on advice from Biti,
and with both of them travelling outside Zimbabwe, there was no second tier
to hold the MDC together and give party workers strategic direction. There
was also an undercurrent of suspicion, fanned by Zanu-PF, that Tsvangirai
had lost his nerve and was putting his personal safety above the welfare of
his people. The loss of MDC morale was clear.
Tsvangirai's main
source of advice was the US embassy in Harare,
especially after Mugabe's
government arrested Biti on treason charges and
imprisoned him two weeks
before the runoff. The deliberate effect of the
arrest was to deprive
Tsvangirai of local guidance during the crucial
closing stages of the
campaign. This became a test of nerve: Zanu-PF wanted
to break Tsvangirai's
will by isolating him and threatening him physically.
The US
embassy sought to fill the gap, and was complicit in Tsvangirai's
decisions
to withdraw from the elections and seek refuge in the Dutch
embassy. The
plan was to hand Mugabe a hollow victory which the West could
then attack.
The US analysis was that the polls had already been fixed so a
Tsvangirai
victory was impossible. Participation would only legitimise a
brazen
"steal." The idea was also to create an image of such great
intimidation
that even a leader of the opposition could find safety from
assassination
only on diplomatic soil.
I want also to say unequivocally that the
Americans screwed up. When
Tsvangirai withdrew, Zanu-PF could hardly believe
their luck. They were
beginning to realise they were on the verge of
overplaying their only hand,
that of violence. Then, out of the blue,
Tsvangirai solved all their
problems for them.
Contrary to
Western information, Tsvangirai's consultation of his own
party members, who
did indeed protest they didn't want to die for nothing,
was brief and
sketchy. When the "consultation" took place, there was only a
week to go
before the runoff poll. At that point, the worst was probably
over. Zanu PF
was under pressure to reduce the violence in the face of
external African
criticism. The party would have still sought to rig the
count, but the
result would have been at least more contestable and, at
best,
surprising.
Thabo Mbeki was reluctant to push too hard on Zimbabwe
not just
because of his complex attachment to Mugabe, but also because he
never
believed Tsvangirai would make an effective leader. This is unfair, as
Tsvangirai has clearly matured, both politically and morally. He has taken
almost all that Mugabe could throw at him. It may be, however, that Mugabe
and Zanu-PF finally found the cracks in a very brave man, and levered them
open.
This will all be debated for a long time. But Tsvangirai
took the
assassination rumours seriously enough to take his family into
exile. Eleven
years ago, he came within inches of being killed as alleged
government
agents tried to push him out of a tenth-floor window high above
Harare. He
has been on trial for his life on treason charges. This time,
there almost
certainly was a plan to kill him. It is unlikely to have been
activated
while the world's attention was focused on Zimbabwe. In that gaze,
he was
probably safe, but the weeks of drip-feed rumours finally did their
work.
The net effect is that Tsvangirai is a diminished leader,
even within
the MDC. He is universally regarded as courageous; even his
Zanu-PF foes
give him that. But a huge strand of Zanu PF propaganda and
covert action has
been devoted to probing and exploiting his weak points.
Few people would not
have stumbled.
Following the
disappointments of recent weeks, Tsvangirai needs to
rally his battered
forces. The split in the MDC must be more fully healed
and all its leaders
brought back into the tent if the party is not to be
outmanoeuvred again.
But Tsvangirai may no longer have the prestige to
cement a
reconciliation.
The election has rammed home his dependence on
colleagues, even those
who were rivals, such as Ncube and Biti. Ncube has
the feel for both
long-range strategy and policy. A professor of law, he has
a strong sense of
procedure and was one of the first to become alienated by
Tsvangirai's
liberties with the way the MDC operated. Biti, who remained
with Tsvangirai,
is also a lawyer and was long prominent in the fight for
civil liberties and
political freedom. But Biti's thinking is more like that
of a
barrister -brief by brief. He is a tactician to Ncube's strategist, and
both
will be needed in any new unity government. The exact form of such a
government is the next chapter in the story.
Meanwhile in Egypt
at the African Union summit Mugabe was on his best
grandstanding. He gave a
long, impassioned and, apparently, moving piece of
oratory, discoursing on
the long historical cycle that would one day
vindicate his nationalist
mission. But his subsequent willingness to enter
into talks with Tsvangirai
shows that even he must know that the time has
passed when appeals to
anti-colonial solidarity could rally the African
Union, even if his
sentiments struck residual heartstrings. His lieutenants
must also know
that, at the age of 84, he is of little further use to them.
It is these
insiders - four top generals; Emerson Mnangagwa and Gideon Gono,
the
governor of the Reserve Bank - who will determine the endgame.
It
will be messy, of course, and will require Zanu PF to be persuaded
not to
create a merely cosmetic unity government. For the MDC, one of the
key
points of the July memorandum was that regional brokers other than Mbeki
will play a more prominent role. Time will tell if this promise is honoured,
but those now in the frame include Jean Ping of the African Union. Any
mediator needs to be able to dangle some carrots. The only constructive role
the West can now play is in underwriting the cost of economic recovery. This
is a bitter pill. It will involve underpinning the prosperity of many who
have stolen and plundered.
Many of Mugabe's supporters will
demand influence around the table.
Much of his core support is still
voluntary - and even enthusiastic - and
accounts for up to 40% of the
electorate. Although Zanu PF supporters are in
the minority, they make up
important sectors of society: probably the
majority of the intellectual
class, because of Mugabe's nationalist
ideology; the huge majority of the
senior military personnel from the
liberation war; the urban oligarchies who
have profited from manipulating an
economy in free fall; village headmen who
have never understood the MDC's
largely urban appeal and who have been well
rewarded in return; and a small
but appreciable group of peasants who have
finally gained ownership of
patches of land - an issue that remains hugely
important in Zimbabwe. The
MDC, by contrast, is overwhelmingly the party of
Harare and, to a lesser
extent, the other big cities such as Bulawayo and
Mutare. Its backbone is
the salaried middle class, which has been the
biggest loser from the
economic collapse.
Despite holding many
of the cards, Zanu PF and its backers will have
to display restraint. Among
the MDC, the key senior players such as Ncube
and Mutambara will need to be
awarded significant ministries. And the best
of the technocratic wing of
Zanu PF, people like Simba Makoni, Mugabe's
other challenger for the
presidency, will need to be on board. The west has
always been prepared to
do business with Makoni - a technocratic paragon of
"Zanu-PF-lite" who many
feel never really left the party - and might insist
on his ministerial
inclusion.
Of course, there will be arguments about Mugabe's
eventual departure:
about the length of any transition and whether he should
retain a titular
presidency. Although this would be largely ceremonial
(Mugabe as the "Queen
of Zimbabwe"), Zanu PF would fight to retain the
"commander-in-chief" role,
meaning Mugabe, and Zanu PF, would retain
ultimate control of the military.
The elephant in the room is of
course what role might be offered to
Tsvangirai. Ironically, the real threat
to his long-term future may not come
from Zanu-PF but from within his own
MDC. It is here that personal and
political tragedies intersect. Many within
the party are disillusioned with
his recent performance. It is by no means
certain he will remain at the top.
If there is a succession, this will
involve as many factional fights within
the MDC as are likely to occur in a
post-Mugabe Zanu-PF. The political
careers of Makoni and Biti may have some
way to run.
Whoever ultimately runs Zimbabwe will, of course,
inherit an economic
disaster. And whatever the political settlement, things
will get worse
before they get better
*Chan is Professor of
International Relations in the University of
London, and foundation Dean of
Law and Social Sciences at the School of
Oriental and African Studies. This
article is published in the August 2008
issue of Prospect Magazine.
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Opinion
Thursday, 07 August 2008
17:17
NOW that the two political protagonists are talking to each other
in a
bid to find a political solution which should subsequently lead to
economic
recovery, it is important that the nation gets to find out the
reasons
behind the economic sanctions that have been imposed on the
country.
This is because the country is indeed under
sanctions, which affect
the economy and everybody in the country. The
sanctions do not only affect
those against whom they are allegedly
targeted.
The sanctions were imposed after the implementation of
the land reform
programme. As a result, I think we should as a point of
departure know the
country's policy on land reform, itself the main reason
for the imposition
of economic sanctions.
What is the country's
policy in regard to land reform? How is land
identified and how are
beneficiaries identified? Previously, it was said
that the land reform was
meant to inter alia decongest the communal areas by
way of creating A2 model
farms, whereby communal farmers relocated from the
communal areas would be
given slightly larger plots to practice their trade.
There was also
the policy of creating a black commercial farming cadre
to buttress the
already existing white commercial farmers so that we do not
as a country
have only one racial group monopolising commercial farming
activity.
It would appear that these otherwise well-intentioned
policies have
been all but abandoned as evidence on the ground shows that
land
distribution has sadly been reduced from an orderly policy-driven
exercise
to a process whereby influential blacks go around scouting for and
cherry
picking the best white farms and then influencing the issuance of the
necessary papers by the office of the Minister of Lands and Land
Resettlement Didymus Mutasa.
It may well be that the majority
of beneficiaries of the acquired
white farms meant to create a black
commercial farming corps are influential
black people in the army, civil
service, judiciary and other sectors. Mind
you, these "new farmers" have not
left their other professions to become
full time farmers.
I
thought as a nation we should have full time farmers to put our land
to full
productive use, to feed the nation, just as we should have
professionals in
other fields on a full time basis to serve the nation.
There is no
evidence that there is any attempt to identify suitable --
able and/or
willing communal farmers to avail A2 land to.
There is also no
evidence that there is any effort to identify
suitable -- able and/or
willing black would-be commercial farmers for the
availing of land to them
to constitute a cadre of black commercial farmers
as envisaged by the policy
of creating black commercial farmers to partner
existing commercial
farmers.
Another policy pronouncement on the land reform was to the
effect that
the government's land reform programme was non-racial and
therefore all
white farmers who wanted to continue farming would be given
land to farm so
long as they appreciated the need to share the land with
their black
counterparts. But events on the ground seem to suggest that
whites are not
wanted on the land as white commercial farmers are just being
removed from
the land if some influential black person identifies their
property as their
preferred farm.
It was also said initially
that whites with one farm would be spared
acquisition while those with more
than one farm would be left with only one.
Again events on the ground
indicate that if you are white you may have your
only farm acquired if an
influential black person wants it.
Also if a white farmer has more
than one farm, they may well lose all
of the farms and be left with
nothing.
Overall, the land reform as presently carried out aims at
removing all
whites from the land and replacing them with blacks who have
connections in
the political hierarchy who in the main are gainfully
employed elsewhere and
have not made up their minds to become full time
farmers.
Deputy Minister of Science and Technology, Patrick Zhuwawo
recently
said at a rally that no black person will fail to get land as long
as there
are white farmers still on the land.
In other words
whites will be moved off the land even to their
destitution to make way for
a black person who may want the land for
purposes of enhancing his
prestige.
It is important that government should promulgate a
credible policy on
land reform and stick to it in implementing the land
reform.
The practice of driving out whites from the farms simply
because of
their race may well be interpreted as blatant reverse racism,
which is
frowned upon by the international community.
This
could explain the sanctions imposed by the US and EU on the
country. It does
not help us to punish the EU and US's kith and kin -- the
white farmers, by
vindictively driving them off the land in retaliation for
the sanctions
imposed on us.
Having ill-treated the whites' kith and kin on the
farms here, how do
we expect their cousins who control the money in the IMF,
the World Bank and
other donor organisations to give us money?
We are simply starting a war we have no capacity to win.
So when
Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe Governor Gideon Gono issues a clarion
call to all
Zimbabweans to denounce sanctions and work towards their
removal, he might
do well to look at our own actions which might have given
reason for the
imposition of sanctions.
It does not help us as a nation to
persecute white farmers and
generally drive white Zimbabwean citizens out of
the country simply on the
basis of their race, when we are living in a world
which loathes racism and
where we have many of our sons and daughters
earning a living in the white
world unmolested.
We need to
retain the moral high ground in our fight with the British
over their
refusal to honour the Lancaster House Agreement as it relates to
land
reform, just as we had the moral high ground in our fight against
colonialism and apartheid. We need to show the world that here is a powerful
white world unfairly ganging up against and bullying little Zimbabwe for
simply insisting on having whites in Zimbabwe share land with their black
countrymen.
Grandstanding as the world's "mangindaba" (Mr I
know it all), who can
humiliate the white man with impunity, can only bring
trouble for us as a
people. We will no doubt get a place in history as the
only African "amadoda
sibili" (real men) who humiliated the all-powerful
white man, to satisfy our
ego, but it is hardly worth the
price.
For, history will record that we killed a dozen white men,
humiliated
a couple of thousands, killed 200 of our black brothers and
tortured
thousands more who were not sufficiently enthusiastic in defending
our noble
cause of humiliating the whiteman as they dared vote for his (the
white man's)
puppets.
History will also record that in
retaliation, the white man imposed
sanctions which all but destroyed
Zimbabwe's economy and in the process
destroyed the lives and livelihoods of
millions of Zimbabweans.
So overall, the black man comes out the
loser in this ego fight, as
there are more black casualties than there are
whites because of the moral
high ground that we enjoyed in our fight against
apartheid and colonialism,
we managed to rally world opinion against
apartheid and colonialism.
Regrettably, we have not been able to
get everybody supporting us in
our noble fight for land reform. Could it be
that we come out as vindictive
and out to punish whites in the process of
redistributing land? That we are
driven more by racist vindictiveness than
by the desire to right a wrong?
To demonstrate that we were more
interested in inflicting pain on the
white man than on equitably
redistributing land, we totally disregarded the
recommendations of the 1998
Harare Donors Conference on Land Reform and
proceeded to redistribute land
in a manner calculated to humiliate and
strike fear into the heart of the
white man.
Otherwise how do you justify the very commonplace
practice whereby a
black person goes to a farm where produce is ready for
harvesting and
proceeds to claim the crop, the livestock, the tractors and
other vehicles
on the farm all in the in name of land reform?
This is not land reform comrades. This is unconscionable.
Marazanye is a freelance writer and educationist.
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Opinion
Thursday, 07 August 2008
17:13
IT sounds like a bar room joke: a Tutsi general meets a Catholic
nun
and, not knowing what to do, ends up in an arm-wrestling match. They
both
end up winning.
Except, says American peacemaker
Howard Wolpe, that it really
happened, in the small town of Ngozi in
northern Burundi.
Well, if it was a joke, you might hope it would
feature somewhere in
the Zimbabwe talks, the dealmakers with their elbows on
the South
African-sponsored whisky bar, perhaps not to test each other's
superman
qualities but to share the Johnnie Walker whisky both sides are
said to
like.
At the heart of the Zimbabwe crisis is the
refusal of President Robert
Mugabe to relinquish power.
After
several years of trying, President Thabo Mbeki got
representatives of the
three main parties together to talk over a
power-sharing alternative, and
Mugabe joined his arch foe Morgan Tsvangirai
for a surreptitious brunch in
Harare.
Whether or not a deal is in the offing, in the view of the
man in the
street, there are still many bridges ahead to cross.
All have to do with how to get two belligerent parties, one of which
swore
never to serve the other, to work together to salvage what is left of
the
country. On the face of it, Burundi and Zimbabwe cannot be
compared.
The first lost a third of its population in a genocide;
whatever you
want to say about Mugabe, and however loathsome his actions in
Matabeleland
were, the two are not in the same massacre league.
Yet Wolpe, who heads the Project on Leadership and Building State
Capacity
of the Woodrow Wilson Centre in Washington DC, is one expert who
insists
that Burundi has a lot to teach the continent, including Zimbabwe.
At an audience of the Centre for Africa's International Relations at
Wits
University recently, he explained his work -- and one could immediately
see
what the connections between the two crises were. Burundi exploded into
war,
whereas one of the features of the Zimbabwean crisis is that the
population
-- to the great puzzlement and exasperation of commentators with
roots in
South Africa's mass democratic movement -- has been so loath to
rise up
against Mugabe.
A key African problem that Wolpe posits is the
"zero-sum game" played
by so many belligerent groups in African conflicts,
or the "winner takes
all" mentality.
One is used to this phrase
being applied to the supposed unAfricanness
of the Westminster parliamentary
system, where the winning party in an
election, if only by one vote, becomes
the new government. But Africa's
parties and militias demonstrate the
phrase's real meaning -- of the men
with the guns insisting that they should
have everything: parliament, radio
stations, weaponry, mining concessions,
ex-colonial homes . . . It is easy
to see that this militarist mindset still
persists in Zimbabwe, and has
always been the basis of Zanu PF's approach to
power.
This year a minister referred to non-Zanu PF voters as
cockroaches who
should be dealt with as such, echoing the famous description
of Tutsis by
Hutu extremists during the Rwanda genocide.
For
Africa's armed groups, seizing the reins of government is just
another arrow
in the quivers of power over their adversaries, says Wolpe.
But
when it comes to conflict resolution, they are not the only
parties at
fault.
His work at the Woodrow Wilson Centre "comes out of
frustrations that
I experienced both as a diplomat and as a policy maker . .
. in the
Congress", where Wolpe served for seven terms before becoming Bill
Clinton's
special representative to the Great Lakes.
Diplomats,
he discovered, had the right gravitas and the right
connections to bring
parties to the negotiations table, but often were
unable to get real
peace.
Very few envoys ever get any training in how to manage
conflict
resolution. Through the years they have developed a "checklist
approach", in
which they impose organograms of impressive-looking programmes
on
belligerents.
A ceasefire is followed by peace talks, which
lead to a power-sharing
deal, and then demobilisation and re-integration of
rebel soldiers in the
national army. The underlying problems are not being
dealt with, this is
where the peace often breaks down. Look no further than
the DRC, where
"re-integration" has led to new abuses of civilians and even
more charges of
rape by soldiers, all leading to new breakaway militias
taking to the bush.
"We have a tendency," Wolpe told a US radio
station, "to put a lot of
pressure on the leaders in a conflict to come to
the table, to sign
agreements, but we do nothing to really work directly
with their mindsets.
"There is no reason, therefore, to believe
that the day after they
have signed an agreement they would see their
conflict or each other any
differently than the day before they signed that
agreement, and so it is not
surprising that, within five years, most
societies that have signed
agreements are back at war."
Wolpe's
alternative is simple: training, training and training, to
change the
military mindsets.
This comes down to practically learning a set of
very ordinary skills:
the nitty-gritty of negotiating, when to shake hands
and when to wink, the
art of communication, how to assess perceptions of
oneself, and how to
collaborate on simple tasks.
"We do not
think it is very useful to lecture people, to preach to
them about human
rights or about democracy. The challenge is to get people
to begin to
comprehend their inter-dependence, to see each other as part of
the same
political universe so that they will not dehumanise their
adversaries."
This is where the Tutsi general and the Catholic
nun come in. Wolpe
and his project team designed a series of interactive,
simulatory,
role-playing games when they began with their peacemaking in
Burundi in
2003.
To break the ice, they asked a number of key
players in Burundian
society, from both the Hutu and Tutsi sides, to
arm-wrestle with each other.
Each pair of arm-wrestlers would form a team,
and score points when either's
backhand touched the table. The general and
the nun were quick to realise
that by letting each other win, they would
score the most points.
Since 2003, more than 100 leaders and army
commanders from all sides
in Burundi have been trained in a range of skills,
enabling them to build
trust and a sense of commonality.
Wolpe
claims his team needed only three days to get groups on fiercely
opposing
sides to work together.
Another successful game was setting
imaginary oil prices for imaginary
oil-producing countries. Instead of the
contest raising prices, they
eventually hit rock bottom because of
competitors' fears that the other side
would undercut them with even cheaper
prices.
Wolpe said this taught the valuable lesson that what one
side might
see as an attack was often a defensive measure.
A
little of the outcome was evident during the meeting of Burundi's
main rebel
leader, Agathon Rwasa, government army generals and emissaries
from the
international community in Magaliesburg, North West, recently. It
was
touching to see the circle of staid diplomats, young and pretty
technocrats,
intense intelligence types and lounging soldiers taking hands
and praying
with Rwasa, who afterwards confessed he wasn't particularly
religious.
So what was Wolpe's prescription for the Zimbabwean
crisis? The thick
veil of secrecy over the dialogue might hide all sorts of
carpet games
between the Tendai Bitis and the Patrick Chinamasas -- anyone
for skittles
under the coffee table?
Wolpe did not hesitate
with a suggestion, what one might call "Zim
socks", or, more accurately,
"SimSocs".
Four participants are assigned to four imaginary regions
with
different sets of resources, manpower, political structures and the
like.
SimSocs was devised by William Gamson in 1966, and is used
widely in
the US to train sociologists. Wolpe believes this ability is one
of the
keys in any conflict resolution -- but will this really work in the
Zimbabwe
case? The key would be for Zanu PF bigwigs, especially, to
acknowledge that
they are still playing a "zero-sum" game after all these
years, when it is
not necessary.
Tsvangirai is said to have
told Mugabe during their brunch that they
are all Zimbabweans, and that no
foreigners would be at the dialogue table.
Playing a zero-sum game
in a country that every now and then has to
lose the zeros of its constantly
inflating currencies is a contradiction in
terms but SimSocs teaches another
lesson.
One of the scenarios that is shown up beautifully, says one
student
who has played in a SimSocs game, is that of a dictatorship. That
South
Africa is molly-coddling the dictator Mugabe can no longer be in
doubt.
Even if Mbeki delivers a deal, it would be several years too
late, a
Pyrrhic victory in a Potemkin village stretching from the Zambezi to
the
Limpopo. The odds would be stacked against it achieving Zimbabwe's
resurrection.
Another theme in Wolpe's approach is the "huge
gap between the
political class and the mass of the population". Central to
bridging the gap
is to bring influential civilians -- listed as such by all
the sides in a
conflict -- into the process, and give them training
too.
This has long been the call from various Zimbabwean civil
organisations, the unions and the churches. Mbeki has declined their offer.
Perhaps he is the one who should play a game of Zim socks, with lots of
holes in them.
*Hans Pienaar works for the (SA) Independent's
foreign desk.
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Comment
Thursday,
07 August 2008 17:09
AS was the case two years ago, Zimbabwe is again
rife with pronounced
criticism and cynicism at the Reserve Bank's
revaluation of the country's
currency.
All and sundry
are outspokenly condemnatory of the action, contending
that it will do
nothing to counter the extreme hyperinflation that afflicts
Zimbabwe
(officially stated to be 2,2, million% at end of May, 2008, and
undoubtedly
actually approximately 10 million% by end of July, 2008).
The
criticisms would be well-founded if the motivation for the
currency
revaluation had been to halt the horrendous inflation, but that is
not the
case. The Reserve Bank's action was very necessary, but not in order
to
bring inflation under control. Currency revaluation was vitally necessary
to
deal with one of the consequences of inflation, and not to deal with
inflation itself.
Inflation had surged to such a gargantuan
extent that it was
grievously impeding essential elements of economic
administration. Hardly
any computer systems could cope with the magnitude of
virtually every
transaction, severely impacting upon accounting
administration of virtually
every business.
Amongst the
greatest victims of the incapability of most computer
programmes to handle
the processing of routine transactions were the banks,
with a result that
most clients could not access bank statements for months
on end, let alone
even to obtain confirmation of current bank balances, and
interbank
transmissions of RTGS payments were taking weeks to arrive as
credits in
recipient accounts.
In like manner, cash registers in all
supermarkets, stores and other
enterprises could not record transactions
which amounted to billions and
trillions of dollars, and meters on the few
petrol pumps that had petrol to
dispense could not record the value of
transactions. Similarly, desk
calculators had become totally ineffectual,
unless they had a capacity of
sixteen or more digits.
And the
consumer had as great difficulties, experiencing ever greater
difficulty in
mentally relating to the continuous increase in the number of
zeros
constituting the prices of almost every commodity, let alone those
attributable to the contents of a shopping basket. Security was at risk, for
everyone had to carry endlessly greater numbers of bank notes, not because
of any increase in numbers of transactions, but because of the increase, in
currency value terms of each and every transaction, as inflation continued
its unending upward surge.
Thus, some remedial action by the
Reserve Bank was absolutely
necessary, and it determined that such action
had to be currency
revaluation. Admittedly, almost all anticipated that the
action would be the
dropping of zeros in units of three, whereby either
three, six or nine zeros
would be removed from the currency, and therefore
it was somewhat surprising
that it actually decided to discard 10 zeros,
whereby $10 billion became $1.
But the many who inferred that the
currency revaluation was motivated
in order to curb inflation have
overlooked that that was not the objective
being pursued by the Reserve Bank
through the currency revaluation measure,
and that the motivation was to
address the administrative, accounting,
security and ancillary ills that had
intensified exponentially as inflation
rose more and more. The critics also
claim that the measure is pointless in
view of the fact that with continuing
inflation, any benefits of revaluation
will once again be eroded and
negated.
In this respect, the critics are partially right, for that
erosion
will inevitably occur, until such time as inflation is effectively
controlled. However, in the meanwhile the benefits of revaluation do accrue
and, if necessary, further revaluations will have to be effected in due
course (Some countries that have experienced comparable inflationary trends
in the past found it necessary to effect recurrent revaluations until
inflation was contained, ranging from three to nine
revaluations!).
The fact that currency revaluation was not intended
by the Reserve
Bank to cure the causes of inflation, but only to treat one
of the symptoms,
did not mean that it was oblivious to the need for
vigorous, constructive
actions to deal with inflation. In fact, in his
Monetary policy Statement,
Governor Gono was very outspoken as to the
actions that must be taken by
Zimbabwe if that gargantuan Zimbabwean
affliction is to be effectively dealt
with. He said "Resolving the inflation
monster requires an unfailing
combination of the following critical
pillars:
* The expeditious resolution of the current political
differences
among the country's major political players to create an
environment marked
by a deep sense of national cohesion and unity of purpose
in committing to
resolve the economic challenges facing the
country.
* An immediate unified call by all Zimbabweans across the
board for
the lifting of the sanctions against Zimbabwe. Out of the sight
from the
public eye, the sanctions are crippling literally all the veins and
arteries
of the Zimbabwean economy, contributing to the current surge in
inflation,
among many other difficulties.
* Within the context
of the social contract, Zimbabweans must realise
that the country is in a
practically binding state of socio-economic
emergency. As such, there is
need for a universal moratorium on all incomes
and prices for a minimum
period of six months.
* As a guide, the Reserve Bank has carried
out a comprehensive survey
of the prices as to July 25, 2008 and if
stakeholders mutually agree to
commit to six months moratorium, government,
labour, business and civil
society must immediately map out a social pact,
giving effect to this
intervention. The pact must be accompanied by a
comprehensive package of
economic reforms across the board.
*
Radical streamlining of fiscal expenditure, and hence, reduction of
reliance
on monetary financing of the fiscal budget. Through this, there
will be
scope for the rapid deceleration of money supply growth.
*
Increased productivity in agriculture under the Food Security
theme.
* Reduction of overheads in manufacturing through increased
utilisation of capacity via toll-manufacturing."
Resolution of
the political issues will restore international
credibility and recognition
for Zimbabwe, enabling access to developmental
and other funding, enhanced
foreign investment, and readier access to export
opportunities, thereby
providing Zimbabwe's foreign exchange needs and
consequently curbing highly
inflationary parallel and black market
operations. It will also bring to an
end such sanctions as are being applied
against Zimbabwe.
The
conclusion of a social contract will halt the ongoing feeding of
inflation
upon itself, for one of the biggest causes of Zimbabwean inflation
is the
extent that prices are determined on estimated replacement costs,
wages
continually rise to counter the inflation-driven decline in purchasing
power, and so forth. A social contract is not a lasting cure for inflation,
but it creates the essential enabling environment needed whilst the
principal causes of inflation are addressed.
One of the
greatest causes of Zimbabwean inflation is governmental
profligacy, and
hence Governor Gono's call for "radical streamlining of
fiscal expenditure".
It is untenable that government's domestic debt rose,
from April, 2008 to
mid-July, 2008, by 7 417,5%, being from $10,5
quadrillion to $790,6
quadrillion, with consequential highly inflationary
massive increase in
money supply (which rose from 64 113% in December, 2007
to 420 867,4% in
April, 2008, and has continued to rise astronomically).
Government must
learn to live within its means, if it is not to continue to
destroy Zimbabwe
and its economy.
And, as stated by Governor Gono, real restoration
of productivity in
agriculture and in manufacturing is essential for
achievement of substantive
inflation reduction.
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Comment
Thursday, 07 August 2008 17:03
A HEADING in last Friday's Herald caught
our attention. "Judges get
vehicles, goods" it read.
The Reserve Bank has "donated" a fleet of new vehicles, generators,
plasma
screen television sets, and satellite dishes to improve their
conditions of
service, we were told.
While ordinary judges got 32-inch
plasma-screen TV sets, the Chief
Justice and Judge President got 42-inch
screen sets.
The central bank funded the acquisition of 16
top-of-the-range
Mercedes Benz E class saloons.
Each judge is
entitled to a new Mercedes Benz after five years in
terms of their
conditions of service, Master of the High Court Charles
Nyatanga
explained.
"We are very happy that at long last the judges have
been given their
entitlement," he said.
Apart from the Mercedes
Benz the judges have utility vehicles which
include Toyota IMV and Isuzu
trucks.
Nyatanga said it was not desirable for judges to drive
their Mercedes
in rough terrain going to their farms. He also commended the
donation of
generators.
"We have problems of power outages in
the country and judges do not
work in their chambers alone but carry their
work home," he said.
"They need to write their judgements at home
and during weekends."
Muckraker would be keen to know exactly how
much time judges spend on
their farms as against time spent in
chambers.
And should the Reserve Bank be "dishing" out satellite
dishes and
other perks when ordinary people are struggling to keep mind and
soul
together?
How sensitive is it for the Herald to proclaim
"Judges get vehicles,
goods" in the midst of the worst economic crisis the
country has
experienced?
And doesn't this raise an impression
of state patronage which judges
should be anxious to avoid?
Judges need to be well-paid and well-resourced. But not on an ad hoc
basis.
They need to be seen as independent of state agencies
such as the
Reserve Bank, especially when the bank has been criticised for
its
quasi-fiscal role.
How will judges react in cases where the
Reserve Bank or its officials
are involved in litigation?
We were interested to read the Supreme Court ruling that the decision
by the
Zimbabwe Electoral Commission to exclude Daniel Shumba and Justin
Chiota
from the March election was unlawful.
The two, who head
respectively the United Peoples Party and Zimbabwe
People's Party, had
challenged the decision of the ZEC to exclude them in
March.
If
they had sought to quash the election there would have had to be a
re-run.
But they settled for a declaratory order.
They claimed that the
refusal of the nomination court to accept their
papers violated their
rights.
Chief Justice Godfrey Chidyausiku and the four other judges
who heard
the constitutional application agreed.
This is highly
significant. The ZEC has been busy congratulating
itself on its conduct of
the March and June polls.
And the government has been quick to
publicise the views of those
observer missions that reported the ZEC as
doing a good job.
In particular the decision by the ZEC to rule
Morgan Tsvangirai's
decision to abandon the June run-off as of no legal
effect enabled President
Mugabe to maintain the fiction that the MDC leader
was still in the contest.
And we still haven't heard what accounted
for the five-week delay in
the announcement of the March presidential poll
results or the curious way
in which the constituency results were announced,
in dribs and drabs, when
all the results were already in.
That
aside, it would be useful to know why Shumba and Chiota decided
in this
latest matter to eschew their right to fight an election when the
court
ruled in their favour.
Were they serious contenders or
not?
And who fed the Herald the disingenuous paragraph saying:
"Although
the outcome has no bearing on the already completed election, the
ruling of
the court will provide a useful guideline for future conduct of
election
officials"?
There has been some correspondence in
the press recently about church
leaders who remained silent during the
pogroms taking place in the
countryside after March 29 but were suddenly
voluble on how we must all work
together with President Mugabe for peace
once his main object was secure.
We were therefore interested to
see the chairman of the Eminent Church
Leaders in Zimbabwe, the Rev Andrew
Wutawunashe, attacking the US, Britain
and the EU for using sanctions "as a
weapon of pressure" to ensure that "an
outcome according to their own
definition prevails".
Isn't that exactly what Zanu PF did after
March 29?
What is this outfit that Wutawunashe heads called the
Eminent Church
Leaders in Zimbabwe? We have never heard of it.
Perhaps Wutawunashe could tell us what he said about the violence
taking
place in May and June? We are sure he denounced it but seem to have
missed
seeing his statement!
In case you were in any doubt where
Wutawunashe's sympathies lie, he
made it abundantly clear in his fulsome
tribute to Thabo Mbeki.
"President Mbeki has suffered completely
unjustified, irrelevant and
unwarranted criticism from those who, had this
process been put in their
hands, this country would now be in flames,"
Wutawunashe declared.
"The voice of his critics is not the voice of
African patriots but
rather that of those who would sooner see African
people under the tutelage
of colonial masters."
So no change
there then.
Have you noticed how the totalitarian instincts of
Zanu PF and its
allies manifest themselves in every facet of public life?
"This is the final
battle for total control," President Mugabe declared in
the run-off. That
seems to include mind control.
When Gideon
Gono delivers his monetary review we all have to rally
round and support his
latest project like Bacossi when all his previous
projects
flopped.
And when the ruling party beats its way back into power we
all have to
support the talks that emerge as it tries to salvage what it can
from the
wreckage of the economy by engaging those it viciously denounced
only a few
weeks before?
Indeed, anybody exercising their
democratic right to comment on the
talks or express some very sensible
scepticism around Mbeki's gullible
record are denounced by the regime's
apologists as saboteurs.
We now have the strange situation where
Mbeki is more popular in
certain circles in Zimbabwe than he is in South
Africa!
Mbeki's mother Epainette wrote to the Sunday Times a few
months ago to
express her views which did nothing for her son. But we were
amused by what
a reader, Patrick Rampai, had to say in response: "Mbeki is a
cunning,
manipulative, and vindictive character, and from MaMbeki's
pronouncements
one can see that the apple does not fall very far from the
tree."
Meanwhile, Zimbabweans should avoid any schadenfreude
over Mbeki's
slow-motion demise.
Those predators with their
eyes on his job are providing power-point
lessons in misrule that would make
Mugabe's minions green with envy.
Reflecting the changing mood in
South Africa where quiet diplomacy no
longer cuts quite the same ice, Home
Affairs minister Nosiviwe
Mapisa-Nqakula has responded positively to appeals
from the UNHCR not to
deport Zimbabwean refugees.
"I cannot
continue blindly to behave as though nothing is happening
across the
Limpopo," she said in Durban late last month after a meeting of
regional
security, defence and home affairs ministers.
"I am not dumb. We
can all appreciate the political and economic
situation in Zimbabwe . . . I
mean we have seen pictures of people who have
been beaten up, women who have
been burnt."
While she said she didn't want to attribute this to
any particular
group, "It doesn't matter. The point is that there is clear
violence."
Here at least is somebody who doesn't think it's all
"lies"!
The UNHCR, by the way, said it detected a new pattern
emerging in
cross-border migration.
While previously 90% of
those crossing the Limpopo were single men
seeking work, now whole families
were crossing over to avoid political
violence, it said last
month.
The Sunday Mail's business section last weekend carried
a large
picture of RBZ deputy governor Edward Mashiringwani having a chat
with Zimra
commissioner-general Gersham Pasi.
Mashiringwani,
readers may recall, last featured in this column when
it was reported that
he had refused to allow the SPCA to take food or water
to starving pigs on
his seized farm. Driven insane by hunger and thirst they
ended up eating
their piglets.
We wonder what tips he was offering
Pasi?
The privately-owned Sunday Standard newspaper of Botswana
carried the
following item on July 27 which may be of interest to our
readers.
"It has surfaced that one of Robert Mugabe's one-time
leading
supporters is hiding in Botswana, quietly working as a journalism
lecturer
at one of the colleges inside the country," the newspaper reported,
following Muckraker's disclosure of several weeks ago.
"Caesar
Zvayi, who used to be the Political and Features Editor of the
state-controlled Herald newspaper is among the 37 supporters of Mugabe who
were this week listed by the European Union for sanctions and travel ban,"
it said.
"Zvayi is described as a key supporter of Mugabe who
masterminded Zanu
PF's publicity campaigns.
"Zvayi and
Munyaradzi Huni become the first journalists to join
Zimbabwe's notorious
elite sanctioned by the European Union from entering
Europe.
"Munyaradzi Huni works for Mugabe's weekly Sunday Mail while
Zvayi
worked for the government daily, the Herald."
Publication of that
story led to the following on the
zimbabwemetro.com website headed "Batswana
want Caesar Zvayi deported".
"Following the revelation that Robert
Mugabe's leading surrogate is
hiding in Botswana working as a lecturer at
one of the colleges, some
citizens have called for him to be deported from
Botswana.
"The Botswana Standard reported on Sunday that Caesar
Zvayi who was
until recently the (political) editor of the government
propaganda
mouthpiece the Herald is lecturing at LimKokWing University in
Gaborone. He
teaches among others the courses Writing for Print and News
Writing and
Reporting 1 in the university's Faculty of Communications and
Media.
"Some students said they were not aware that Zvayi was a key
Mugabe
supporter and called for him to be kicked out of the country and the
school
should find a replacement.
"If he supports Mugabe he
must go back. He can be easily replaced by
another lecturer from Zimbabwe
with morals.
"How can anyone support Mugabe when people are
suffering, after all
why is he in Botswana if he thinks Mugabe is doing the
right thing?" said
Kagiso Seloma, a student at the university.
"Seloma's sentiments were echoed by Gaborone resident Mary Kokorwe who
said
Zimbabweans should stage a demonstration at the university.
"'He
should be arrested for promoting hate and Zimbabweans should
demonstrate at
the university campus, because that should send a message to
those who are
violating other people's rights in Zimbabwe right now that
they will not get
away with it.'
"Other students and locals expressed similar
sentiments,"
zimbabwemetro.com reported. "Anti-Mugabe sentiments are
particularly strong
among Botswana citizens and the Botswana government has
taken a particular
hardline stance against Mugabe," the website
said.
"Zvayi has in the past openly called for the alienation of
the
opposition and celebrated the violent crackdown on the opposition in
that
country.
"He is well known for bastardising the MDC
acronym to mean Movement
for the Destruction of our Country, sometimes with
the word 'movement'
(substituted with) 'morons'. Last year he used a racial
slur against the US
Ambassador calling him a 'house
nigger'."
Batswana and Zimbabwean commentators make up in
enthusiasm what they
lack in skills.
Zvayi's first name was
misspelt throughout the Sunday Standard story
and is misspelt again (twice)
in a letter to President Ian Khama sent by
Zimbabwean students complaining
about Zvayi's presence in Botswana. Their
spokesman claimed Zvayi was
teaching at the University of Botswana,
addressed Khama as "Your Excellence"
and concluded the letter with
"Regards"!
Perhaps Zvayi's
literary skills are needed at home.
History was made" the
Herald declared last month when Ambassador
Mohamed Lemine Selmane became
Mauritania's first envoy to Zimbabwe.
The ambassador, based in
Pretoria, had presented his credentials at
State House the day
before.
Zimbabwe has precious few friends nowadays so this
ostensibly
insignificant event was trumpeted as historic. The ambassador
passed on the
greetings of President Sidi Ould Cheikh
Abdallahi.
It's therefore somewhat unfortunate that President
Abdallahi was
overthrown in a coup this week. His poor ambassador in
Pretoria is now
stranded.
At the same ceremony in Harare
Nigeria's ambassador Adekunle Adeyanju
pledged to improve relations between
the two countries.
It may be recalled that Nigeria has pronounced
negatively upon the
election run-off result. So we were not surprised that
as soon as the
ambassador started to give his views ZBC had a "technical
problem" which
blocked out what he said.
Not in this case an
"historic" event. Just the usual interference!
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Comment
Thursday, 07
August 2008 16:59
THERE is one fundamental phenomenon that our
government has taken too
long to learn from and to which the Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe is slowly
coming alive:
that it is futile to fight the
informal economy and inflation through
strong-arm tactics.
In
his mid-term monetary policy statement last week, central bank
governor
Gideon Gono almost conceded defeat in the fight against inflation
as he
canvassed the "collective effort" of the whole country to arrest
inflation
and speculative behaviour.
"As monetary authorities we once again
wish to reiterate that the
battle against inflation cannot be consigned to a
lone effort of singular
institutions or of singular groups among us," said
Gono.
He added: "If we do not come to realise that the trigger for
rapid
disinflation is to arrest the current run-away speculative mode in our
markets, then soon our workers will practically be confronted with employers
who cannot pay for their hourly wages.
"Indeed, soon we will
find out that by allowing our markets and
pricing systems to degenerate on
the inflamed path of perpetual daily
incomes and price hikes, we are
incinerating the very fabric of our
collective existence."
This
realisation is coming too late because that fabric of our
collective
existence is already up in smoke due to the speculative nature of
the
markets.
In essence, the balance of control and influence in the
economy has
shifted from the formal sectors to the streets. Recently,
Bankers
Association of Zimbabwe president Dr John Mangudya, at the launch of
the
Manufacturing Survey spoke of an 80/20 phenomenon in this economy. He
said
almost 80% of the economy has drifted to the informal sector and the
smaller
percentage had remained formal.
His summation is
believable especially when viewed in the context of
constant policy failure
by economic ministries and the central bank.
Measures which have been
promulgated by the government -- especially during
Gono's reign at the
Reserve Bank have been designed to fight the black
market, forex traders,
overcharging retailers, errant banks and other
financial institutions,
speculative punters on the stock exchange and so on.
Taking the
fight to the greater portion of the 80% has been a futile
campaign. The
informal sector which drives the black market has in its
armoury the
sickness of our politics and economy while government and the
central bank
have tried to use legislation and bureaucracy to counter the
growth of the
black market.
There is no need for a body count to tell who the
winner has been in
this case.
The informal economy thrives in
circumstances of instability and
uncertainty. The dealers on the street have
not just flourished, they now
dictate policy formulation and the conduct of
business in this country.
They now control and determine the
foreign exchange market. The
streetwise fellows have also of late made a big
entry on the Zimbabwe Stock
Exchange. Their advice on stock price movements
should never be disregarded.
They usually have their finger on the pulse,
and sometimes proffer better
advice than your stockbroker in a starched
shirt and striped tie.
Informal traders have also distorted and
contorted distribution
systems of the few goods being manufactured here.
They are already in charge
of trading in imported merchandise. Has
government managed to crack how the
traders always get scarce goods ahead of
retailers?
The informal sector players do not just control
distribution patterns;
they have become trendsetters in the pricing of goods
and services.
They not so long ago created RTGS rates of exchange
in addition to
their thriving cash street rates in the forex trade. Now the
20% - that is
the formal sector - has caught the cold and retailers have
introduced a dual
pricing system for their goods depending on whether buyers
want to pay cash
or transfer funds.
National Incomes and
Pricing Commission chair Godwills Masimirembwa is
miffed by this new
phenomenon.
This week he was talking tough and ordering
manufacturers to stop
using the RTGS rate in pricing goods and services.
Masimirembwa sounded like
he had just discovered the trigger for the rapid
rise in price -- the RTGS
system.
This is what his commission
will be seized with in the next few weeks
as they open hostilities on a
front where they face another humiliating
defeat.
The NIPC and
government have been focusing on the symptoms and not the
real cause of our
malaise.
It has been the failure to remove the shroud of
uncertainty that
pervades all aspects of the country.
It is
important for Godwills and his comrades in government to wake up
to the fact
that the negative sentiment is a boon for black market
activities which in
turn is the trigger for steep price increases. Sentiment
now constitutes at
least 50% of the price of any product sold here.
Dealers are asking
themselves how much more they can make from the
same product the next day.
Negative sentiment cannot be legislated away
unfortunately.
As
Gono has come to realise, it is "the expeditious resolution of the
current
political differences" that is key -- not blitzes and operations.
By Vincent Kahiya
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Comment
Thursday, 07 August 2008 16:44
THESE are notes in response to Dr Alex
Magaisa's article in the
newzimbabwe.com site titled "Managing the bad news
from Pretoria" on the
current talks between Zanu PF and the two
MDCs.
I found the article eloquent in a number of respects
but also too
indulgent of the MDC's tendency to play victim even in cases
where it makes
glaring errors of judgement and loses the game. I don't
believe we are
helping the MDC to grow either as an opposition or as a
ruling party by
playing the role of activists who must see no evil, hear no
evil and speak
no evil about its leadership.
*The MDC is not
out of power simply because it is an innocent victim
of violence and
cheating by Zanu PF. To me this boils down to what Nelson
Mandela recently
called a "tragic failure of leadership" as being
responsible for Zimbabwe's
spiral of political and economic decay. Some of
this will be evident
below.
*We should be careful not to overstretch the dangerous
thesis that to
win a "democratic" election a political party always needs
the military on
its side. This smacks of political opportunism. Democracy
can't be all about
wresting control of the military and the police from
President Mugabe and
handing over the same institutions to Morgan
Tsvangirai.
*If Tsvangirai had not been fooled to spurn the
one-candidate
principle, it is more than probable he would have won the
March 29 election
outright. His failure to win the mandatory 50%-plus votes
was almost a
repeat of the 2000 constitutional referendum -- a wake up call
to Zanu PF.
*Having thus failed to win the required 50%, there was
no way the MDC
could legally assume power without going through a
presidential election
run-off. That is what the rule of law is
about.
Once again the MDC leadership vacillated, claiming
Tsvangirai had got
67%, then 56,1%, 53,1%, 54% and finally 50,3%. But the
wish could not
translate into fact. By the time it accepted the reality of
the June 27
election run-off, Zanu PF had embarked on its criminal campaign
of violence
just as it had done in 2000.
But again at the last
minute Tsvangirai was advised to take a suicidal
tactical gamble - pull out
of the election race in the hope that Mugabe
would declare himself winner.
That action by Mugabe would have been
perfectly legal but a sham victory
since Tsvangirai received more votes (not
won) in the first round. It was a
fatal miscalculation. Tsvangirai cannot
seriously claim to have pulled out
of the race because of violence after he
declared that violence would not
deter his supporters. He boasted that he
could win without campaigning. He
said the injured in hospitals had been
more galvanised and itching to limp
to the polls to finish off the dictator.
Having decided he needed
to hide (as he did in Botswana and at the
Dutch embassy) to protect his
life, Tsvangirai should simply have urged
those of his supporters who wanted
to vote to go ahead. Any victory by
Mugabe would still have been contested
on the basis of violence, not
Tsvangirai's withdrawal.
Forget
this obsession with legitimising Mugabe. He hasn't had it since
2002 and he
doesn't expect it from Western nations. The surprising thing is
that the MDC
keeps trying to use the same fig leaf it has used to boycott
past elections,
yet nothing has changed.
*There is nothing to be gained by
pretending that Tsvangirai won the
March 29 election on the basis of
speculation that it was rigged.
Reprehensible though it might be to delay
the release of election results,
such a delay on its own doesn't confer
victory on anyone.
*Closely linked to the legitimacy argument is
the mistaken belief
that, having cheated his way into power, Mugabe will
meet his Waterloo in
the battle with the economy. But an economic implosion
doesn't automatically
translate into Tsvangirai assuming power and
represents the height of
political despair, just like appealing for divine
intervention in a
political dispute.
This is a favourite tune
of those who make pious daily vigils at the
temple of the capricious deity
of sanctions. It is treacherous terrain, not
least because while the MDC
likes to dangle this for leverage ("economy will
worsen", "tongai tione"),
it has absolutely no power to determine how and
when these can be removed
and the money start flowing in. Who will make the
final decision on whether
the sanctions have achieved their objective? In
the case of the US, George
Bush will leave that burden to his successors
after the November
elections.
To me, Mugabe has remained legally in power because of
four
fundamental factors:
*The MDC's strategic and tactical
blunders just outlined which have
allowed Mugabe to win against popular
sentiment;
*The party's ideological muddle-headedness over the land
reform
programme, an ambivalence inherent in its unfortunate, mixed
parentage;
*Mugabe's refusal to defer to age Nelson Mandela-style,
ascribed by
his critics to fear of prosecution for alleged human rights
violations; and,
*Most fundamentally, a party and a national
constitution modelled for
life presidency and thus with no term limits or
clear succession plans.
To address the last point, one must hope
that a new constitution will
set not only term limits for the president but
also include a First
Amendment-type clause forbidding parliament from
amending the constitution
to extend a president's term of
office.
Thus in the context of the talks, beside posturing for the
media, both
Zanu PF and the MDC must acknowledge that they are desperate to
have the
talks succeed. The MDC must give its voters hope. It cannot
continue to play
the advocacy role of mocking Zanu PF's failures from the
sidelines in the
hope that this will appease its hungry
supporters.
What ordinary Zimbabweans need right now does not
require the
involvement of Jean Ping. No doubt there are many whose devious
personal
interests are threatened by any peace deal and have been praying
for the
collapse of the talks even before the ink was dry on the
MoU.
By Joram Nyathi
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Comment
Thursday, 07
August 2008 16:41
NEWS headlines this week proclaimed how close Robert
Mugabe and Morgan
Tsvangirai were to agreeing to a power-sharing
deal.
Since the talks started more than a fortnight ago
civil society and
the media have been engrossed in power permutations in the
so-called
Government of National Unity or a transitional
authority.
But beyond the deals, there are key benchmarks that the
new
dispensation must also bring on board. In fact citizens and civil
society
should start preparing a checklist of what the negotiating parties
promised
to achieve under the MoU signed on July 21. On Wednesday, Zanu PF
and the
MDC issued a joint statement denouncing violence, a welcome
development
which should however be continuously tested against developments
on the
ground. We carry in this edition evidence of the appalling treatment
meted
out to photographer Tsvangirayi Mukwazhi, arguably the country's
leading
photographer.
There are other issues at stake, such as
the plight of political
prisoners,outstanding charges against newspapers and
trade unionists,
restrictions on humanitarian aid, and steps needed to lift
sanctions.
The checklist is important because it fathoms the
negotiators'
commitment to fundamental issues. This should be part of the
process of
keeping politicians under check. It is easy for civil society and
the media
to negate this watchdog role and train attention on the diplomacy
surrounding the talks.
The danger has always been for us to
celebrate an event and not
interrogate its significance. In 1980 the country
celebrated the coming of
Independence and political freedoms. But in the
frenzy of celebrations there
was no real attempt to ensure that certain
benchmarks guaranteeing
sacrosanct rights were established to ensure that
the new government did not
stray from the ideals of the struggle. And indeed
our rulers have gone off
the rails on numerous occasions under our
collective watch as a nation.
This malfunction has manifested
itself in the enactment of repressive
laws, lack of political tolerance,
bureaucratic truancy in the civil service
and local government, and
corruption in the private sector and the arms of
the state.
Also over the past 28 years of Independence, political leadership has
presided over policies that have seen the country sliding down the economic
slope to the morass we find ourselves in today. We have entered phases of
depravity wrought by lack of political tolerance. Dark spots on the fabric
of our history, including Gukurahundi, post-electoral violence in 1985,
political violence in 2002, Operation Murambatsvina, price controls, the
continued crackdown on civic society and oppositional forces and the madness
that followed the first round of polling in March all have their roots in
the quest by the government to create a conformist society under a
monolithic political leadership.
The resolution of the
political impasse through the current dialogue
should be an opportunity for
the country to reflect on the nature of society
the new political order
should create. The biggest deliverable from the
dialogue should not
therefore be a new power balance but the removal of
institutions that have
over the years been used to promote hate and violence
and those which have
served as outlets of patronage.
Civic society groups meeting in
February drew up a people's charter
that is still relevant today as it was
before the election. The groups which
have been demanding inclusion in the
talks can get a foot in the door by
creating a nexus between their demands
and the dialogue.
The civic groups said there was a lack of
fundamental rights and
freedoms, including freedom of expression and
information, association and
assembly. They said the climate was
characterised by the militarisation of
arms of the state and
government.
Zimbabweans should have a political environment in
which all people
are guaranteed without discrimination the rights to freedom
of expression
and information, association and assembly, and all other
fundamental rights
and freedoms as provided under international law, they
said.
The groups said all people in Zimbabwe should live in a
society
characterised by tolerance of divergent views, cultures or
religions,
honesty, integrity and common concern for the welfare of all.
They demanded
guarantees for safety and security, and a lawful environment
free from human
rights violations and impunity. The groups said all national
institutions
including the judiciary, law enforcement agencies, state
security agencies,
and electoral, media and human rights commissions, should
be independent and
impartial.
This is the time for the nation
to collectively declare that never
again shall we let lives be lost, maimed,
tortured or traumatised by the
dehumanising experiences of political
intolerance and violence.
Nationalistic and sovereignty dogma should never
again be used as excuses
for tyranny.
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Young Leaders In Zanu PF Giving Us A Raw
Deal
Letters
Thursday, 07 August 2008 16:57
THE major
problem that the youth in Zimbabwe have is that they seem to
have no purpose
or mandate to achieve.
This is more apparent in the young
ministers and legislators coming
from Zanu PF.
Their venturing
into politics, I believe, seems to have been motivated
by the desire to
amass wealth. In contrast Mugabe and his peers from his
generation had a
goal, which was to free the masses from colonial rule. I
believe they
achieved that goal and no one can take that away from them.
However, I must point out that their deeds, however valiant are now
history
and the people have to move on. They want a new Zimbabwean vision
which will
provide food on their tables, bread and butter issues, democratic
freedom,
social and economic prosperity and justice among many other things.
It is my belief that the older Zanu PF members are reluctant to leave
power
because when they look at their young brood, they do not see
leadership
material.
We want our children to attend better schools, have
access to good
health services, provide for our elderly and be able to save
money for
retirement.
I believe I speak for many when I say to
the young leaders in Zanu PF,
give us a reason to believe in you as leaders,
give us a vision we can be
part of and relate to.
Collen
Ngundu.
-------------
No Future For Youth Militia
Generation
Letters
Thursday, 07 August 2008 16:53
I
AM a young Zimbabwean and I strongly believe that the use of young
people as
Zanu PF militia is a disgrace to society and should be condemned
by all
right thinking Zimbabweans.
When we see people looking on
and not acting we start to think that
may be they condone the whole
concept.
The question is, where is this youth militia
going?
What country is going to be defended by ordinary, young and
inexperienced citizens?
The youths are young, what form of
defence are they going to ensure a
nation when clearly they need defending
themselves?
Their legs are hardly strong enough to carry them and
already military
responsibility is being shoved on them.
Honestly it says a great deal about the Commander-in-Chief of the
Zimbabwe
Defence Forces himself.
What seems to have been forgotten is the
fact that these children have
a future too and that they need to look into
it.
Why should they be the ones to protect the interests of a whole
nation
while the president and his retinue send their children to
schools.
They live their lives without caring what happens to the
ordinary
child in their community.
Are their parents saying
that it is fine with them having their
children embark in this dead end,
fruitless career, that would either send
them to their early graves or leave
them out cold with nothing to fall back
on?
Is this what they
have always wanted for their children?
Children are getting sucked
into a dark, bottomless pit that they may
not be able to climb out of (at
least not alive I am sure), and parents are
silently watching. Have
society's standards really dropped that far down?
The point that I
am driving at is, a nation is going down and people
are standing back and
watching, no one is willing to condemn the use of
these children by Zanu PF
in the guise of national duty. This is abuse of
office and
power.
The future of a nation lies with the development and
nurturing of its
young people.
How is that possible if the
future leaders of that nation are being
sent off to military regimes instead
of appropriate education facilities?
What becomes of tomorrow --
which is our future if today is fading
away each minute as we silently watch
the horror unfold?
Putting it simply, youth militia could not be a
bigger crime to
humanity anymore than it already is in
Zimbabwe.
Emergency law enforcement has suddenly become more
important than
human life in what is left of this once beautiful
country.
Children are supposed to enjoy their youth and not spend
their time
waiting for orders of state laws that condone such an inhuman
act.
One may say it's not every youth that has been recruited into
military
service so why the fuss, but I say as one nation, our voices should
be heard
as one.
It should not matter whether you are affected
by the situation in
question or not.
Greed is surely a
dangerous thing.
Who could have thought that the youth of Zimbabwe
would be working for
irregular or no salaries at all in such great
numbers?
There is no greater exploitation than this one. It is true
after all,
some people really do have fiery hands, everything they touch
burns to
ashes.
So is the case with the rulers of this country.
Ironically, the world
watches in disgusting silence.
Trishia Mabhena,
by e-mail.
-----------
Goodies
For Judges - Will System Improve?
Letters
Thursday, 07 August
2008 16:52
THE recent gifts to judges of plasma TVs, satellite dishes,
Mercedes,
4x4's and generators by the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe are a bit
like the
cherry on top without the ice cream
underneath!
They will undoubtedly be appreciated by the
judges, but will hardly
improve the legal system in this country. On the
contrary, the entire
package smells strongly of bribery -- like their
farms!
Indeed, it is the height of offensiveness to the majority of
citizens
for the Master of the High Court to justify the utility vehicles on
the
grounds that "it was not desirable for judges to drive Mercedes Benz in
rough terrain going to their farms".
The question is -- why
now? Can it be that either government or the
RBZ or both envisage being
brought before these judges in the near future?
It would have been
better to install generators at the courts or
indeed, to launch and
implement a genuine economic turnaround so that the
courts and the rest of
us do not have to think about generators any more!
Come on, RBZ, be
serious please.
Trudy Stevenson.
Secretary for
Policy and Research MDC.
------------
All Should Support
Talks
Letters
Thursday, 07 August 2008 16:50
ZIMBABWE'S talks should be supported by all and sundry.
Unfortunately it does not seem like there is some sense of hope for
Zimbabwe
among many political commentators and analysts.
There is so much
denigration of the talks in South Africa. What I
sense is a spirit among
many that the troubling conditions can only get
worse.
Firstly,
I do not think that the negotiators in Pretoria are anything
less than those
that constituted the Kenyan dialogue (which included all
those who own
democracy).
People like Raila Odinga seem to think that they have
authored a GNU
model for Africa -- far from it. No one wants a model that
develops in a
pool of blood and perfected around a white clothed
table.
(How much I wish Zimbabwean politicians should do everything
that
distances them from Odinga's loud diplomacy.)
My point is
-- Zimbabwean negotiators must be credited with some
intelligence which
allowed them to craft constitutional ammendments that
made it difficult for
anyone to rig the March 29 elections. The same talks
are the ones which
limited presidential appointees to parliament.
My second point is
that there are political players out there who have
been wounded by their
exclusion from the Zimbabwean talks, especially those
from the "best" side
of the world.
In their frustration they have taught our
"journalists" to embrace
meaningless jargon such as "quiet diplomacy". Most
writers have frozen their
real understanding of the term diplomacy which
actually represents what is
happening in South Africa.
Talking
about terms, people should be reminded that the same people
are the ones who
yesterday called Nelson Mandela a "terrorist"!
Do we realise that
this is the same term that is used for Bin Laden?
How do we reconcile
this?
Please give African diplomacy a chance, even if you decide to
call it
"quiet or loud".
Time will come when Zimbabweans will
be proud of having concluded a
deal good for their country's future. I am
praying and hoping that the day
comes sooner than later.
Third!
There are people in this world who are not happy that the MDC
did not choose
the war path. In Zimbabwe I pray for, and I see a realistic
opportunity for
opposition to attain power -- without a civil war. In Africa
we (all
countries) are all on the same journey towards attaining democracy.
I say democracy is a journey because African countries are barely 50
years
in independence yet they have accomplished so much which the "perfect
models" have failed in a couple of centuries.
And as we set out
to democratise our continent we suffer from
stumbling blocks which include
unfair interventions such as the one that
produced the "GNU model" in
Kenya.
Jacob Maforo
----------
Consumer Now
Poorer
Letters
Thursday, 07 August 2008 16:49
DR
Gono, what are you doing to us? On Friday August 1, at a
supermarket in
Greencroft, an item was priced at $19. On Monday August 4,
the same item
cost $370 an increase of 1 850%.
Now if the price is going
to increase every four days at this rate, at
the end of August the same item
will cost a whopping $20 370 227 553.
Either way the zeros are back
by the end of August. Who is the winner
here? The guys collecting VAT and
the shop owner. Who is the loser? Simple,
the consumer is left poorer. Why
did you go through the exercise in the
first place?
Poorer,
Harare.