Breaking the Silence
Building True Peace
A report into the
disturbances in
1980 - 1988
Catholic Commission
for Justice and Peace in
Legal Resources
Foundation
April 1999
A SUMMARY
This report is
a short version of a much longer book, the original of which was published and
released for sale in
A copy was
sent to his Excellency the President, and other Cabinet Ministers in
Why
was the original book written?
People who
live in
However, most
people from other parts of
Why
has this summary been written?
The first book
was very long, and had to include many details in order to make sure that the
claims of the book were well supported. This made the book expensive to produce
and expensive to buy.
The writing of
a short version was therefore seen as a good idea. It includes only the most
important parts of the first book. It has been produced more cheaply so that it
can be available in communities that want to know what the report says. This
shorter version has also been translated into Ndebele and Shona. In this way,
people in affected regions can read how their history has been told, and people
in unaffected regions can learn about it for the first time.
How
is the book structured?
Part
One of the report tells the history of the 1980s in
Part
Two includes two case studies, which are covered in more
detail. These are Tsholotsho and Matobo, one district from each
We know that
the stories told here are only a handful of the stories still to be told, but
it is a beginning. Because of limited finance, it was not possible to include
every district in one book, or to speak to every person in Tsholotsho and
Matobo. But it was hoped that by including two areas in some detail, other
people reading the report could start to get an idea of what life was like for
those affected by the violence.
Part
Three of the report looks at some of the problems people still
face because of the disturbances. It tries to begin assessing what the real
material and emotional cost has been to the region. It also looks at the
problems of mass graves and shallow graves in some detail, and has some
recommendations about these.
Part
Four of the report has some important recommendations about how
damage to the region can be repaired, and how steps can be taken to ensure this
never happens again. The recommendations are summarised at the end of this
document.
Preface
The events of
the 1970s have been well documented. CCJPZ is among the many organizations that
stood up for human rights during these years, and who have published books and
videos making sure that there is a permanent record of these things. The Man in
the Middle (1975) and The Civil War in
While much has
been written about the liberation struggle, there has been little written about
what happened in
PART
ONE
Background
I.
INTRODUCTION
What
happened in
The Government
responded by launching a double attack in
The
Government's attitude was that the two conflicts were one and the same, and
that to support ZAPU meant to support dissidents. ZAPU denied it was supporting
dissidents. Whatever the truth of this, it is clear that thousands of innocent
civilians in
Why
should people know this history?
Unity
- national acknowledgement
The violence
of those years was ended by the signing of the Unity Accord on
Unity is a
good thing to aim for, to try and truly bring together people from different
regions of the country. This is for the sake of all our children who may
otherwise face violence in the future. Such unity only seems likely if all
Zimbabweans face up to what happened in the 1980s, and take steps to prevent
Government soldiers from ever torturing civilians again in Zimbabwe.
But people all
over
Painful
wounds - healing through talking and being heard
This story is
not just about the past, but about how the past affects the present. There are
many problems that remain in communities as a result of what happened, in
particular from the murders and beatings by soldiers.
Many people
can tell stories of how they have failed to get death certificates for those
who died, or how such certificates have a false cause of death, which upsets
them.
Others tell of
mass graves or shallow graves in their areas and how this disturbs their
communities. Some tell how members of their families were taken at night and
have never been seen again.
Many other
individuals have to live with physical injuries, which means
they cannot work well in the fields, or travel easily on buses, for example.
And still others lost homesteads or possessions and have been poor ever since.
There is still
much pain in the communities as a result of what happened. This affects not
only the bodies, but the hearts and minds of those who suffered. Some people
are bitter and suspicious of the Government to this day. This means people
often do not feel that their ability to contribute in
Telling
stories, and being listened to, can allow the healing of these painful memories
to begin. While there were some people speaking out at the time
atrocities were occurring, these claims were not being "heard",
either in the country or outside the country. Only a few churches and human
rights workers and a few journalists from overseas,
really listened to these stories. Until the report was released in 1997, the
story of the 1980s remained almost entirely unspoken and unheard.
This book will
speed up the process of "Breaking the Silence" and, it is hoped, of
"Building True Peace". It is hoped that more people will feel safe to
tell their stories once they see others have done so. This means that more
people will hear about the events and see the need to do something to speed
development in affected regions.
Restoring
communities through development
While the
telling of stories is an important step, there is also need for some kind of
economic compensation. It is difficult to obtain compensation for individuals
now. Proof of injury or loss is hard to prove after so many years. Other laws
prevent cases from being brought forward now.
But there is
need to repair communities through development. This may mean more schools,
better roads, dams, jobs and other types of economic progress for affected
regions. By showing that events of the past are still damaging in the present,
it is hoped that both internal and external founders, including the Government,
will speed development in
II.
DATA SOURCES
Where
did the information about the events come from?
Written
records from the 1980s
We know what
happened during these years because some people recorded what happened at the
time. These people were mainly missionaries but also journalists and lawyers.
During the l980s human rights groups such as Amnesty International and the
Lawyers Committee for Human Rights in
The CCJPZ has
kept many letters and reports, including reports they sent to the Government at
the time, asking them to stop the killings and beatings. They also kept the
statements from victims they collected for the Government Commission of Inquiry
into events, which took place in 1984.
The daily
newspapers also provide a record of what was happening, in particular of what
the Government claimed the dissidents were doing, and what certain Government
ministers had to say about events. The Bulawayo Chronicle was used a great deal
to confirm opinions and dates of events. Monthly magazines such as Horizon and
Moto also had information.
Medical
records
Some missions
still have medical records of civilians who were beaten or shot and then
treated at their hospitals. Other people we spoke to still have their clinic or
hospital cards and x-rays showing their injuries.
Evidence
from graves and mine shafts
Skeletons have
been taken out of mine shafts at Antelope Mine in Matobo, and at Old Hat Mine
in Silobela in the
Evidence
collected from people in the 1990s
In order to
try and get a more complete idea of what it was like to be a civilian in a
rural area in the 1980s, the Bulawayo Legal Project Centre (BLPC) sent
interviewers into two chosen districts to collect more information. It was only
possible to reach a few hundred people in this way, and it was only possible to
go to these two areas. We know there are thousands of others who suffered and
who did not speak to us. We also know those districts such as Lupane; Nkayi,
Silobela, Gokwe, Bulilimamangwe, Gwanda, Beitbridge and others also suffered
violence in the 1980s. It would have been too expensive and have taken too long
to try to speak to everyone. But by choosing one district in each province, we
hoped to give everyone some idea of how things were in these years.
This history
is far from complete. But what we have written in the original report we know
to be accurate, because we used only those pieces of evidence that we felt were
reliable. In the end, more than a thousand people told something of their
stories. Others can now add to this history.
How
has the information been used?
Computer
records
All the names
of people who suffered during these years were entered into a computer.
Information from the human rights groups like CCIPZ and BLPC was entered into
one part of the computer. Information from The Chronicle newspaper was entered
into another part of the computer.
The computer
sorted names alphabetically which meant that it was easy to see if the same
person had been entered twice. It was also possible to see if the newspaper was
reporting the same things as the other sources. In this way it was possible to
count up all the people who had suffered different kinds of injuries whether
this was death, torture or property loss and also to note the year, and
districts where people were from. Who committed the offences, such as 5 Brigade
or dissidents, was also recorded. From this information it was possible to draw
graphs showing the general way in which things happened over the years from
1982 to 1987. This is one way the information was looked at.
Village
by village summaries
In the two
case studies of Tsholotsho and Matobo, all the information about these
districts was looked at again. This time it was organised in terms of which
village (or line) had been involved in the violence. This meant looking at a
large number of reports about a small group of villages, and proceeding in this
way through the whole district. In this way it was possible to write a detailed
history on a small scale, to help others understand how it was during those
years.
III.
HISTORICAL OVERVIEW
1.
What happened in the 1970s?
From the 1960s
onwards, the people of
Some things
that happened in the 1970s made what happened after
In addition,
ZIPRA and ZANLA competed with each other for territory and support, and
frequently fought and killed each other before
Laws
from the 1970s
In 1965, the
Smith Government declared a state of emergency in order to allow the Unilateral
Declaration of Independence (UDI) to take place. Other laws were enacted, such
as the Emergency Powers (Maintenance of Law and Order) Regulations, which
allowed for detention without trial, the banning of public meetings and
curtailment of political activity.
After
Before the
first election in
Some of these
Rhodesians who had tortured remained on in the Zimbabwean CIO and other units.
A few used their position to act as South African agents to destabilise
In 1988, after
the Unity Accord had brought an end to violence, a second amnesty was announced
in
The very men
who tortured people in the 1970s used the same methods to torture people again
in the 1980s. Both times they got away with it and were never punished. Some of
these men still hold senior positions in the Zimbabwean Government and armed
forces.
Conflict
between ZANLA and ZIPRA
Until 1963,
there was one main liberation movement, known as ZAPU. At this time, the party
split for many reasons, some political and some personal. A new party was
formed, called ZANU. Neither party was tribalist by nature. Both had people
from all tribal groups within their membership. However, over time, the two
parties became quite different in certain ways. ZAPU's army was trained in
The two
armies, ZIPRA and ZANLA, came to see each other as rivals for popular support.
There were many battles between them when they met, both inside and outside
Some would say
the problems between Shona speakers and Ndebele speakers go back to the 1800s,
when Ndebele warriors raided Shona tribes and stole their cattle and women.
However, other historians have said these traditional ideas were deliberately
exaggerated by colonisers, and then for political reasons after
However, one
of the saddest outcomes of the violence in the 1980s is that many people have
come to see the conflict during this time as ethnic in nature. It has been
misinterpreted as a civil war between Shonas and Ndebeles. This is not
accurate. Most people in Mashonaland had no idea what was really happening, nor
would they have wished ordinary people in
But the
Government increasingly referred to supporters of ZAPU as being supporters of
dissidents:
ZAPU,
dissidents and Ndebele-speakers in
This is clear
when reading newspaper reports from those years.
It is
important to remember the conflict was really more about politics than
ethnicity: it was about creating a one-party state in
2.
What role did
During the
l980s,
Spreading
false information and military attacks
In
In addition,
there were military attacks by
This behaviour
by
Operation
Drama
"Operation
Drama" was the code name given to the undercover support the South
Africans gave to a group of dissidents known as "Super ZAPU". This
group was trained in the northern
Not much is
known about this group to this day. It seems this was not a large operation,
but it added to the problems being faced in
3.
Why did some people become dissidents?
There are
various explanations of why dissident numbers grew during the early 1980s in
The Government
claimed that the dissidents were actively supported by ZAPU who wished to
overthrow the Government.
ZAPU believed
the Government was using the "dissident problem" as an excuse to
crush ZAPU completely and create a one-party state.
The dissidents
believed they had no option but to desert the army and take to the bush again
as they were being persecuted within the army in various ways.
There is
evidence to support the last three views, but so far no important evidence to
support the Government's view that ZAPU was responsible. Two treason trials,
one in 1982 against Comrade (Cde) Dumiso Dabengwa, and one in 1986 against Cde
Sydney Malunga, failed to prove ZAPU had actively supported the dissidents in
any organised way.
Whatever the
cause, by the middle of 1982 there was a serious problem with armed bandits in
Entumbane
There were
problems after
By the end of
1980, only 15 000 troops out of 65 000 had been placed in the army. Some of the
remaining ex-combatants were moved to the cities. Many ex ZIPRA cadres were
given housing in Entumbane in
In November
1980, Cde Enos Nkala made remarks at a rally in
In February
1981, there was a second uprising, which spread to Glenville and also to
The Government
asked Mr Justice Dumbutshena, the former Chief Justice of Zimbabwe, to hold an
inquiry into the uprising. To date the findings and report have never been
released.
Army
defectors
Many ZIPRA
cadres defected after Entumbane, mainly be cause they were afraid of staying in
the army as they felt some of their colleagues were disappearing mysteriously.
They were also annoyed because they felt ZANLA cadres were being favoured for
promotion. It was these issues rather than any clear political policy which
caused them to leave the army, taking their guns.
This situation
became worse after the finding of arms caches in February 1982. ZANU-PF now
openly accused ZAPU of plotting another war and ZAPU leaders were arrested or
removed from cabinet. However, the treason trial in 1982 involving Comrades
(Cdes) Dabengwa, Masuku and four others failed to prove a case against them.
All were released although Cdes Dabengwa and Masuku were re-detained without
trial for four years. Possibly thousands of ex-ZIPRA cadres deserted the army
after this. Most of them now claim that they saw this as necessary to stay
alive. With their leaders all locked up or in exile, they felt there was nobody
to protect them within the army. "We were threatened, that was why I
decided to desert", said one dissident.
How
did the dissidents operate?
The dissidents
took a while to get organised, but in late 1983 they divided
The ex-ZIPRA
dissidents were suspicious of "Super ZAPU", the South African backed
dissidents. They said they did not want "to be like UNITA", whom
There were
others who became dissidents who were not ex-ZIPRA, mainly youth from
Around 75% of
the dissidents either had been killed, captured or had
left for
Did
the dissidents have popular support?
Ordinary
people living in rural areas did not willingly support the dissidents,
especially after early 1983. People could see no point in this conflict of the
1980s. What was its purpose? People had understood the need to suffer in the
1970s in order to bring about independence for
What
did the dissidents do?
The dissidents
murdered at least 33 white commercial farmers or members of their families.
This forced farmers to move into town, leaving their farms unproductive. The
commercial farmers in
The dissidents
also destroyed property, especially Government property: "where the
Government put money, we destroyed that thing." There were also many armed
robberies committed by dissidents, who robbed stores and buses.
Summary
The dissidents
were a small, organised group of men on the run, who tried to stay loyal to
ZIPRA ideals, even though they were ultimately leaderless. There were many
types of dissidents, including ex-ZIPRA cadres, youth, criminals, "Super
ZAPU" and pseudo-dissidents. They did not have any clear policy, apart
from staying alive and causing damage where they could. They also did not have
much support from people in rural areas. There is no evidence linking them to
ZAPU leaders. Their swift surrender at the end of the disturbances was a result
of their loyalty to ZIPRA ideals of discipline. They never numbered more than
400, and numbered only 122 by March 1988.
4.
How did the Government respond to the increasing banditry?
The Government
said quite rightly that it was their responsibility to try and maintain law and
order during these years. However, their response to the problem was seen by
many as being too harsh. From early 1982, the Government used emergency powers
to enforce widespread curfews, roadblocks, detention without trial and house to
house searches.
Kidnapping
of six tourists
When six
foreign tourists were kidnapped allegedly by dissidents in Matabeleland North
in mid-1982, large numbers of troops were sent into
The kidnapping
caused the Government to bring back a law first used by the Rhodesian
Government in 1975, preventing the prosecution of anyone in the security forces
no matter what they did, as long as it was done to "preserve
security" in Zimbabwe. As soon as this law was enforced, there were a
growing number of reports of people being randomly or systematically detained,
and of troops abusing civilians.
"Dissidents" or ordinary civilians?
From mid-1982
onwards, the Government increasingly failed to distinguish between
"dissidents" and those they alleged were "supporters of
dissidents". Even Prime Minister Mugabe himself stated in April 1983 that
when troops were in rural areas where people were thought to be feeding
dissidents, "we eradicate them. We don't differentiate when we fight
because we can't tell who is a dissident and who is not". Other Ministers
made similar statements and the complaints of abuses of civilians continued to
grow. In November 1982, CCJPZ met the Prime Minister to express their concern
about this.
However, the
worst was yet to come for civilians. In early 1983 the Government unleashed the
5 Brigade on rural areas, thus beginning in earnest what could be called a
"double-edged conflict" On the one hand, the Government continued to
target genuine dissidents with the help of 4 Brigade, 6 Brigade, the
Paratroopers, the Police Support Unit and the CIO. On the other hand, they
deliberately targeted civilians through the use mainly of 5 Brigade, but also
through CIO and, in 1985, ZANU-PF Youth Brigades.
5.
Who were the 5 Brigade?
In
October1980, Prime Minister Mugabe signed an agreement with the North Korean
President, Kim Il Sung, that they would train a
brigade for the Zimbabwean army. This was soon after Mugabe had announced the
need for a militia to "combat malcontents". However, there was very
little civil unrest in
In August
1981, 106 Koreans arrived to train the new brigade which Mugabe said was to be
used to "deal with dissidents and any other trouble in the country".
Even by August 1981 there had been very little internal unrest. Joshua Nkomo,
leader of ZAPU, asked why this brigade was necessary when the country already
had a police force to handle internal problems. He suggested Mugabe would use
it to build a one-party state.
Mugabe replied
by saying dissidents should "watch out", and further announced the
brigade would be called "Gukurahundi", which means the rain which
washes away the chaff before the spring rains.
5 Brigade was
drawn from 3500 ex-ZANLA troops at Tongogara Assembly Point. There were a few
ZIPRA troops in the unit at the start, but they were withdrawn before the end
of the training. It seems there were also some foreigners in the unit, possibly
Tanzanians. The training of 5 Brigade lasted until September 1982 when Minister
Sekeramayi announced training was complete.
The first
Commander of 5 Brigade was Colonel Perence Shiri. 5 Brigade was different to
all other army units in that it was not integrated into the army. It was
answerable only to the Prime Minister and not to the normal army command
structures. Its codes, uniforms, radios and equipment were not compatible with
other army units. Its most distinguishing feature in the field was the red
berets. 5 Brigade seemed to be a law unto itself once in the field.
Deployment
of 5 Brigade -
In late
January 1983, 5 Brigade was deployed in Matabeleland North. Within weeks, its
troops had murdered more than two thousand civilians, beaten thousands more,
and destroyed hundreds of homesteads. Their impact on the communities they
passed through was shocking.
Most of the
dead were shot in public executions, often after being forced to dig their own
graves in front of family and fellow villagers. The largest number of dead in a
single killing involved the deliberate shooting of 62 young men and women on
the banks of the
At the same
time as 5 Brigade was sent into the area the Government had introduced a strict
curfew on the region. This prevented anybody from entering or leaving the area,
banned all forms of transport, and prevented movement in the region from dusk
to dawn. A food curfew was also in force with stores being closed. People
caught using bicycles or donkey carts were shot. No journalists were allowed
near the region. This situation meant that it was very hard to get news of
events out of the region, and hard to judge the truth of the early accounts.
However, as some people managed to flee the area, stories of the atrocities
began to spread.
Targeting
civilians: During these early weeks, 5 Brigade behaved in a way that
shows it had clearly been trained to target civilians. Wherever troops went
they would routinely round up dozens, or even hundreds, of civilians and march them
at gunpoint to a central place, like a school or borehole. There they would be
forced to sing Shona songs praising ZANU-PF, at the same time being beaten with
sticks. These gatherings usually ended with public executions. Those killed
could be ex-ZIPRAs, ZAPU officials, or anybody chosen at random, including
women. Large numbers of soldiers were involved in these events, sometimes as
many as two hundred, and often forty or more.
It is clear 5
Brigade was following orders when it targeted civilians in this way, because
the pattern is similar throughout the regions affected.
Early
response to events
In spite of
the curfew news spread and by early February the first efforts were being made
to tell everyone what was happening and to get the Government to stop 5 Brigade
activities. These efforts were met with denial on the part of Government
officials. Minister Sekeramayi claimed the foreign press was "spreading
malicious stories about the so-called atrocities". In March, officials
from CCJPZ met with Prime Minister Mugabe, showing him evidence of atrocities.
Mugabe made a public statement a few weeks later, on 6 April, denying
atrocities and accusing his critics of being "a band of Jeremiahs".
However, a few days later, the curfew was lifted and it was agreed atrocities
would be looked into.
The Government
continued to make contradictory statements during these months, sometimes
seeming to express regret at atrocities, and at other times clearly seeming to
encourage them, The Minister of State Security in charge of CIO, Emmerson
Mnangagwa, told a Victoria Falls rally in March 1983 that the Government could
choose to burn down "all the villages infested with dissidents". He
added that; "the campaign against dissidents can only succeed if the
infrastructure that nurtures them is destroyed".
5
Brigade: April to December 1983
By the end of
April the curfew had been lifted. 5 Brigade also changed their behaviour and
the mass killings stopped. Random killings and beatings on a small scale
continued throughout the year, except for a month midyear when 5 Brigade was
withdrawn for retraining.
Deployment
of 5 Brigade -
In January 1984, 5 Brigad