http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 09 December 2010
20:01
PRIME Minister Morgan Tsvangirai has called for a “global campaign”
to
ensure free and fair elections in Zimbabwe, warning the current
transitional
arrangement has largely failed due to internecine conflict
within the
unstable inclusive government.
Tsvangirai’s remarks at
the high-profile European Development Days
conference in Brussels on Monday
have put Zimbabwe under the international
spotlight again as the country
prepares for fresh elections after a series
of disputed polls since
2000.
The conference was attended by 15 738 participants, 5 309 civil society
organisations, 927 media groups, 382 stakeholders, 44 ministers, 24 heads of
state, 12 prime ministers and six Nobel Laureates.
Tsvangirai
said Zimbabwe needs free and fair elections to resolve the
current political
stalemate.
“It is against this background that South African
President Jacob Zuma is
leading a regional effort to stabilise the political
tension in Zimbabwe and
making sure we craft a roadmap to a free and fair
election; an election
where the people’s will is respected and where the
result is not
contestable,” he said. “There must be a global campaign to
support a
peaceful election in Zimbabwe.”
Previous disputed
elections created a decade-long political stalemate in
Zimbabwe, which
devastated the economy at the height of hyperinflation in
2008 and left the
country on the verge of collapse.
President Robert Mugabe, who lost
the first round of the 2008 presidential
election before resorting to
violence and intimidation to recover from
defeat, says he wants the
elections by June next year, but faces fierce
opposition from Zanu PF
officials and other parties which want conditions
for genuine and credible
polls created first.
Tsvangirai said Zimbabwe should avoid the 2008
situation and what happened
in Kenya in 2007 and Ivory Coast
recently.
Ivorian President Laurent Gbagbo lost the November 28
election to opposition
leader Alassane Ouattara. Although the electoral
commission declared
Ouattara the winner, Ivory Coast’s Constitutional
Council annulled votes in
the country’s north over claims of irregularities
and declared Gbagbo as
winner. The world was outraged and is up in arms
against Gbagbo over his the
brazen electoral fraud. Kenyan President Mwai
Kibaki also stole an election
in 2007, forcing a GNU
arrangement
ment as in Zimbabwe. Mugabe retained power under similar
circumstances and
now Gbagbo has done the same, much to the consternation of
even hitherto
quiet African leaders. West African and African Union leaders
have called
upon Gbagbo to accept defeat and quit.
“The Ivory
Coast is an example: Democracy has once again failed because we
choose to
ignore the people, even after the people have unequivocally
expressed
themselves in an election,” Tsvangirai said.
“The Ivory Coast
scenario is likely to produce another coalition government.
We have seen
this in Kenya and Zimbabwe. We in Zimbabwe have travelled this
road before,
where people’s rights are trampled and democracy subverted for
the sake of
forced stability.”
The premier said although the inclusive government
has scored some
successes, it had largely failed due to “residual
dictatorship”.
“We are in a transition where we have made notable
progress. But the
transitional arrangement has also failed to work because
of tension,” he
said.
“GPA disagreements, unilateralism and
residual dictatorship have impacted
negatively on our great opportunity to
usher in democratic reforms and to
respect human rights. Despotic attitudes
and practices by our colleagues in
the inclusive government continue to
negatively affect people’s lives and
the vision for a new, democratic
dispensation is under threat.”
Tsvangirai said the world must take
note that Zimbabwe was sliding back to
repression.
“Those in our
inclusive government with a history of repression have begun a
new wave of
violence and a crack-down on the free press. There is now
deployment of the
army, arrests of journalists and editors of the
independent press, etc,” he
said.
“The people of Zimbabwe are once again on the frontline in the
war for
freedom. The struggle unfolding in Zimbabwe is one that pits good
over evil,
right against wrong and freedom against tyranny. It is a fight
that I am
determined to wage and a fight that I, the MDC and the people of
Zimbabwe,
will win.”
Dumisani Muleya
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 09 December 2010 20:06
VICE-President
Joice Mujuru and Finance minister Tendai Biti this week
unusually closed
political ranks and threatened MPs from Zanu PF and MDC-T
with expulsion
from their parties if they blocked the 2011 national budget,
the Zimbabwe
Independent can reveal.
The legislators were told bluntly in separate
meetings held on Tuesday and
Wednesday that they would be fired if they
blocked Biti’s bid to have the
budget passed without amendment. This marked
unfamiliar cooperation between
the two main parties in parliament which are
usually fighting for control
and dominance.
While Biti held several
meetings with chief whips, MDC-T and Zanu PF senior
backbenchers and also
addressed his party’s caucus to whip MPs into line,
Mujuru sent a chilling
message through former Health minister David
Parirenyatwa just before the
debate on the budget started on Wednesday,
ordering her party’s MPs to help
pass the budget without any amendment.
Parirenyatwa is a Mujuru
loyalist.
Biti used a carrot-and-stick approach when he promised MPs
new single-cab
pick- up vehicles in the New Year if they passed the budget,
which, combined
with threats of expulsion, helped to ensure the budget
sailed through the
House of Assembly on Wednesday without any
debate.
Biti had lobbied hard for the budget to go through. The
Finance minister
held marathon meetings with chief whips and senior Zanu PF
and MDC-T
legislators on Tuesday evening and Wednesday morning. He issued
threats of
dismissal but also promised MPs new cars, while saying he would
in addition
write off their car loans. Most MPs have got two cars, one of
which they are
making loan repayments on.
Zanu PF chief whip
Joram Gumbo and Budget and Finance portfolio committee
chairperson Paddy
Zhanda confirmed that they were threatened with expulsion
and also promised
new vehicles.
Gumbo said the meetings produced nothing except
promises. “We held two
meetings with the minister.
He did not
give in to our demands to review allocations to agriculture,
welfare of MPs,
constituency development fund or the taxation of imported
foodstuffs as a
means to promote the local industry. He merely promised to
provide new
single cab pick-up vehicles to MPs in the coming year and to
consider
writing off car loans,” Gumbo said.
Zhanda expressed disappointment
with the outcome of the meetings,
particularly the threats implied by the
minister against those who wanted to
oppose him.
“We failed the
nation. The minister did not take our input into
consideration. We were
reminded that tampering with the budget was akin to
challenging the whole
question of the establishment of the inclusive
government,” Zhanda
said.
In addition to the two meetings, MDC-T MPs had a party caucus
during which
they were told to either pass the budget or
resign.
Deputy Prime Minister Thokozani Khupe and national party
youth chairperson
Thamsanqa Mahlangu attended the caucus meeting that was
addressed by Biti.
MDC-T chief whip Innocent Gonese refused to
comment on what transpired in
their party caucus, saying it was
confidential.
Sources within MDC-T, however, revealed that MPs were
whipped into line
through threats of expulsion.
“We were bluntly
told to vote for the budget or resign. To carry the threat
forward there was
a register of all members who were in the House to check
which way they
would vote if the House was divided,” the source said.
A Zanu PF
source said his party’s MPs had been told just before debate
started on
Wednesday that Mujuru had instructed them to pass the budget
without
amendment.
“In a twist to the earlier agreed party position not to
pass Votes 22 and
23, Parirenyatwa was sent by Mujuru to tell members to
pass everything
without debate. We were all shocked,” said the
source.
Vote 22 is an allocation to the Ministry of Media,
Information and Publicity
while Vote 23 was for Small and Medium Enterprises
and cooperative
Development.
The ministries were allocated $5,6
million each.
Mwenezi East MP Kudakwashe Bhasikiti (Zanu PF) who
moved a motion proposing
that steps be taken to improve conditions of
service for civil servants, was
shocked together with other parliamentarians
that the budget was being
passed without any objections.
“In
politics nothing is certain — it happens. We got it all wrong,”
Bhasikiti
said.
Parliamentarians from the three parties last week in an
interview with the
Zimbabwe Independent called for the suspension of the
whipping system during
the budget debate to ensure that debate is not
stifled.
Zhanda, Bhasikiti and Ronald Ndava from Zanu PF and Shepherd
Mushonga and
Takalani Matibe from MDC-T were opposed to the whipping system,
while Dorcas
Sibanda (MDC-T) argued that the system could not just be wished
away as it
served certain purposes in governance.
Budget passing
timeline behind the scenes:
Tuesday
At 2pm Mujuru
instructs Zanu PF MPs to block Votes 22 and 23 of the budget.
The message
was sent through Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara and
Gumbo. At 7pm
Biti meets chief whips and senior backbenchers. Shoots down
demands from
MPs. Promises to write off car loans and offers new single-cab
trucks next
year. By 9pm Biti confirms to Zimbabwe Independent that the
budget would
pass after negotiations behind the scenes.
Wednesday
At
10am MDC-T caucus MPs whipped into line after being given a choice to
“vote
or resign”. Around 12 pm Gumbo, Zhanda and other MPs meet Biti at his
offices to gain some concessions but got nothing.
At 2pm Mujuru through
Parirenyatwa orders Zanu PF MPs to pass the budget
without any amendment.
3pm Biti tells the House that voting against the
budget is an attack on the
GPA and the inclusive government. 4pm budget
passes without debate or
amendment. 5pm MPs cry foul over whipping system.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 09 December 2010 21:28
GOVERNMENT
and private-sector workers could next week face delays in
accessing monthly
salaries and annual bonuses after commercial banking
employees threatened to
embark on strike following a deadlock on
remuneration negotiations, a
workers union has warned.
Peter Mutasa, Zimbabwe Banks and Allied Union
(Zibawu) president, a union
representing 5 000 members, said bank workers
will next week embark on
industrial action over a failure by employer
organisations to award a 115%
salary rise backdated to July this
year.
Zibawu said a stalemate was reached when the employers offered
a 5%
increment for the lowest paid non-clerical worker currently earning
US$273
monthly. The threat comes barely four months after another looming
strike
was averted when Zibawu concerted to an annual bonus instead of a
salary
hike. The workers and employers during the last minute breakthrough
also
agreed to engage in once-a-year salary bargaining negotiations, marking
a
shift from the traditional quarterly salary reviews.
“Zimbabwe
Banks and Allied Workers Union hereby advises all customers of
commercial
banks operating in Zimbabwe that its members will embark on
collective job
action anytime next week,” said Mutasa in a statement.
“This has been
necessitated by Bankers Association of Zimbabwe (Baz) and
Bank Employers
Association of Zimbabwe’s unwillingness to meaningfully
address welfare
issues, especially salary review for the period July 2010 to
June
2011.”
Mutasa said the union had planned to carry out the job action
in phases to
mitigate “great inconvenience” to the public.
Apart
from the banking public, the industrial action will impact heavily on
the
corporate sector currently contributing the bulk of an average US$5
million
that is transacted through the banking system daily.
Mutasa said
eight banks, Standard Chartered, Stanbic, CBZ, NMB, Kingdom,
Barclays, IDBZ
and POSB, would be “affected the most during the first phase
of the job
action”.
He accused bank executives of unfairness saying they were
receiving handsome
salaries and perks above US$15 000 monthly while
shop-floor workers were
“surviving on leftovers”.
Baz president
John Mushayavanhu and his deputy George Guvamatanga could not
be reached for
comment as their mobile phones continued to ring
unanswered.
Mushayavanhu was in August quoted by the Zimbabwe
Independent saying banks
would not give in to unsustainable salary demands
when workers demanded an
80% salary increment.
“You find
state-of-the-art vehicles even in struggling banks like Agribank
when our
members are earning salaries beyond the poverty datum line of
US$498,”
Mutasa fumed. “Even struggling banks like Genesis have paid in full
school
fees for executives’ children for the entire 2011 calendar.”
Bank
employers, Zibawu said, should “evenly distribute the cake” as bank
deposits
grow and profitability improves. Official figures show that bank
deposits in
October grew to US$2,3 billion from US$1,8 billion in June as
confidence
steadily improved in the sector which lost a savings culture
after years of
hyperinflation and arbitrary actions on foreign currency
accounts by the
central bank.
Zibawu last embarked on a job action in 2008 when bank
employees went on a
go-slow citing an unbearable cost of living triggered by
the then
unprecedented economic meltdown.
Bernard
Mpofu/Berven Chatendeuka
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 09 December 2010 21:26
A ZANU PF
official in February confided to United States Ambassador Charles
Ray that
the party was badly fractured, only holding together because of the
threat
from the opposition, a confidential report released by WikiLeaks on
Wednesday has shown.
Nine cables from the US Embassy in Harare sent
between 2000 and 2010 were
leaked by Wikileaks on Wednesday. They cover the
state of Zanu PF, progress
in implementing the Global Political Agreement
(GPA), MDC-T’s proposal for a
transitional authority in 2000, the looting of
diamonds, involvement of the
army in Marange and the displacement of the
villagers from that area.
In a cable sent in February this year, a
Zanu PF member, who was only
identified as Mudarikwa, told Ray that the
party was like a “stick of TNT”
(a high explosive), “susceptible to ignition
and disintegration”.
“He likened Zanu PF to a troop of baboons
incessantly fighting among
themselves but coming together to face external
threat,” read Ray’s cable.
“New leadership was essential and would emerge as
some of the old timers
including (President) Robert Mugabe left the scene,”
Mudarikwa further said
there were potential leaders in Zanu PF’s presidium
that could take over
from Mugabe.
“Mudarikwa opined that
Vice-President Joice Mujuru or SK Moyo (former
ambassador to South Africa
and now party chair) were possibilities, although
Mujuru’s fear of Mugabe
was affecting her ability to lead,” read the cable.
It could not be
established which Mudarikwa this was, as Simba Mudarikwa,
Zanu PF’s MP for
Uzumba/Pfungwe, denied ever meeting Ray.
“I have never met the
ambassador,” Mudarikwa said. “Actually I do not know
him. However, there are
many Mudarikwas who belong to the party (Zanu PF),
some are chairpersons
while others hold other posts in the party.”
However, the
Uzumba/Pfungwe MP is the only known senior Zanu PF official
with that
name.
The cable said Mudarikwa took an opposite view to that of Youth
and
Indigenisation minister Saviour Kasukuwere on economic indigenisation,
arguing that the programme would benefit nobody “except those who were
already wealthy”.
This cable showed the chasm in Zanu PF as the
party is building its election
campaign around
indigenisation.
These revelations came at a time when other cables
released since last week
have shown mixed reactions over Mugabe’s
leadership.
Regional counterpart Yoweri Museveni of Uganda said
Mugabe snubbed fellow
African leaders saying they were not his age
mates.
In a report prepared by the US Secretary of State Condoleezza
Rice, Museveni
is quoted as saying Mugabe did not take calls from fellow
leaders.
“Museveni thought Zimbabwe’s faltering economy and Mugabe’s
poor
understanding of the private sector were at the root of Zimbabwe’s
political
problems,” said Rice in the confidential report. “He said a
discussion of
the economy would provide an entry point to tell Mugabe that
he has failed
and is embarrassing liberation leaders.”
Museveni
also confided in the United States Assistant Secretary Jendayi
Frazer in
June 2008 when he said he was told by Mugabe that he did not want
election
monitors from countries that were “hostile” to Zimbabwe, but would
not mind
observers from other countries (to monitor the runoff which was
described as
a sham election).
In another cable that was released by the
whistleblower website last week,
US political counsellor in London Richard
Mills said while Zimbabwe should
and would remain a top priority for the
United Kingdom, their history “of
bombastic statements has only served to
solidify President Mugabe’s status
as a colonial liberation leader and
rallied South Africa’s unwavering
support.”
“From a strategic
perspective, analysts (from think-tanks in the UK) termed
the US
government’s focus on Zimbabwe as surprising because Zimbabwe is not
a
threat, but largely a contained crisis,” said Mills in February last year.
“They said that Zimbabwe’s crisis should be treated as a regional issue, not
an international one, and that the US government should not sacrifice its
relations with South Africa, the more strategic partner, over Zimbabwe, even
if the political events in Zimbabwe run contrary to the US government’s
democracy agenda.”
Mills said the think-tanks had recommended
that the international community
take a “tough and quiet” approach to Mugabe
and Zanu PF, sanctioning and
obstructing their personal freedoms but without
commenting publicly.
The think-tanks asserted that the international
community’s concern about
Zimbabwe being a regional “destabiliser was
largely unfounded, as most of
the Southern Africa Development Community
(Sadc) — especially South Africa —
can take care of
themselves.”
Another cable showed the extent of looting of diamonds
in Chiadzwa in 2007
accusing senior government officials and well connected
elites of selling
undocumented precious stones to foreigners who included
Belgians, Israelis,
Lebanese, Russians and South Africans.
In a
cable from the US embassy in Pretoria, also released Wednesday, showed
that
in 2007 exiled businesspeople resident in South Africa made efforts to
have
a transitional authority that would have curtailed Mugabe’s executive
powers
and allowed the appointment of a technocratic Prime Minister.
“To get
Mugabe to accept the deal, Mugabe would remain President until 2010
with
some power over the security apparatus, but the Prime Minister would
run the
economy and get the country back on its feet,” read the cable from
Pretoria.
“All parties would work together to draft a new
constitution. X, (the exiled
businessperson whose name was not disclosed in
the cable) was open to ideas
on who best to sell the plan, but suggested new
UN Secretary-General Ban
Ki-moon, working through an envoy like former
Malaysian PM (Mohamad)
Mahathir, as possible mediators.”The US embassy, in
the cable said they
could not comment on the merits of the plan, but “find
it encouraging that
senior Zimbabwean exiled businessmen are discussing
solutions to their
country’s political and economic crisis.”
Ten
cables out of 2 998 on Zimbabwe have so far been leaked by Wikileaks, a
website that has more than 250 000 confidential and classified documents
emanating from various US embassies and consulates across the
world.
The first cable on Zimbabwe was released on Sunday last week
and with the
then US ambassador to Zimbabwe Christopher Dell questioning the
ability of
the opposition to unseat Mugabe and at the same time
acknowledging that the
president managed to outmanoeuvre opponents by
radicalising the political
environment.
Leonard Makombe
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 09 December 2010 21:24
MDC-T has set
up a probe team to investigate allegations of irregularities
in the
Chitungwiza provincial elections that were won by Zengeza East MP
Alex
Musundire against Chitungwiza senator James Makore in July.
At the
same time, Musundire is being accused by suspended district
executives of
purging individuals he suspected of voting against him, an
allegation which
he has since denied.
The probe team led by national executive
committee member Blessing Chebundo
started gathering evidence from districts
that make up Chitungwiza province
on the elections at Harvest House on
Monday.
So far the team has received evidence from three districts —
Mhondoro,
Goromonzi and Zengeza West.
Musundire, in an interview
with the Zimbabwe Independent on Wednesday, said
he hoped the investigation
would absolve him of any wrong doing.
“The party has opened a probe
into the provincial election that ushered me
into the province. I cannot
comment more on the process as that would be sub
judice,” Musundire
said.
He, however, refuted allegations that he was purging perceived
political
opponents in Zengeza East constituency, but said the members were
suspended
after being accused of committing acts of
violence.
“The suspensions of the six members in the constituency
were done above
board,” Musundire said. “They are alleged to have committed
acts of violence
against other party members at a meeting and the youth
chairman suspended
them pending a disciplinary hearing.”
He added
that the constitution was silent on who should suspend errant
members, but
it is logical for the immediate supervisor to do so and the
youth chair was
correct.
“That gap in the constitution can only be solved by the
national council,
but in the meanwhile someone has to suspend and that
person has to advise
his decision to a disciplinary board to conduct a
hearing,” Musundire said.
“It is a surprise that some of the people who
accuse me of purging them were
in actual fact in my campaign team. They were
on my side how could they say
they were in the opposite
camp?”
The purging allegations are contained in a letter that the six
wrote to the
national organising secretary Elias Mudzuri challenging their
suspension and
the composition of the ad hoc committee that was set up to
conduct their
disciplinary hearing.
They alleged that Musundire
used Jabulani Mtunzi, the district youth
chairman, as his henchman in their
suspension on charges of causing
disturbances at a party meeting in
September 2010.
The six suspended are Felix Chihoro,Taurai Shenje,
Geylord Chenjera, Sarah
Gambe, Taurai Muterere and Simba Pembaton
Runesu.
In their defence letter dated October 11 to Mudzuri, the six
accused
Musundire of meddling in matter pertaining to the district in an
Endeavour
to oust his political opponents from the party.
“The
provincial chairman and MP for Zengeza East, Alex Musundire, is the one
who
is behind all political disturbances and divisions in Zengeza East. It
is so
sad that he is using district youth chairman Mtunzi to make false
charges
against us as part of his well calculated plot to have us kicked out
of the
party,” read the letter.
They added that Musundire’s actions were
also premised on self-preservation
as one of the suspended members was
eyeing his seat in the next elections.
“Musundire is also suspecting
that we are clandestinely backing the district
youth vice chairman, Taurai
Shenje, to take over from him as the party’s
parliamentary candidate in the
next harmonised poll,” they said in the
letter.
Chitungwiza
province has always been volatile and the last provincial
executive was
dissolved on charges of abetting and condoning corruption in
Chitungwiza
municipality. MDC-T went on to fire all its 23 elected
councillors from the
party.
Paidamoyo Muzulu
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 09 December 2010 21:23
MDC-T leader
Morgan Tsvangirai has attacked his party’s Matabeleland North
provincial
executive for failing to create vibrant structures and dividing
the party
through factionalism, which he said could erode the party’s
support base in
that province.
Party insiders told the Zimbabwe Independent this week
that Tsvangirai
launched a blistering attack on the provincial leadership
when he was in
that province last Friday attending a funeral service for the
late Hwange
senator Jabulani Ndlovu in Victoria
Falls.
The party insiders said Tsvangirai fumed over the
election of a provincial
representative, Esau Ncube, to the national
executive, which he said was
done unconstitutionally.
The
premier, the source added, explained that a provincial representative
was
supposed to be a senior party official appointed rather than
elected.
Ncube is accused by MDC-T hardliners of having links with
Local Government
minister Ignatius Chombo.
Sources said
Tsvangirai had no kind words for the Sengezo Tshabangu-led
provincial
executive, which he blamed for failing to meet the November 30
structures
audit deadline.
Matabeleland North was supposed to complete the audit
of wards and districts
as well as co-option of members into the provincial
executive before the end
of last month, but the local leadership failed to
do this, according to
MDC-T officials.
“Tsvangirai was also upset
over the absence of security department officials
in the provincial
structures. The premier ordered the organising secretary’s
office to look
into the Matabeleland North issue urgently,” another source
said.
Stanley Torima, sources said, was the self-proclaimed
provincial head of the
security department, but he was one of the MDC-T
security officials who were
sacked this year.
Sources said the
organising secretary Elias Mudzuri met other party
officials from his
department on Wednesday where they discussed the
Matabeleland North
problems.
Meanwhile, Tshabangu has come under fire from senior party
officials for
allegedly unilaterally appointing members of the provincial
executive
without consulting others.
The co-option of Bigboy
Mawundira as provincial secretary for economics,
Thembinkosi Sibindi
(international relations secretary) and Prince Sibanda
(research and policy
making) was not accepted by other provincial executive
members, sources
said.
Those opposed to Tshabangu’s appointments were provincial youth
secretary
Bhekimpilo Ncube, information and publicity secretary Margs
Varlley, and
provincial secretary Gift Mabhena.
Tshabangu was not
available for comment on Wednesday as his mobile phone was
not
reachable.
Brian Chitemba
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 09 December 2010
21:13
ZANU PF politburo members have resigned themselves to the fact that
free
discussion on President Robert Mugabe’s successor is almost impossible
due
to fear of retribution.
Top party officials interviewed by
the Zimbabwe Independent this week said
debate on the succession issue will
remain taboo until Mugabe opens the
discussion on his successor because if
anyone else did, it could be
misconstrued as an attempt to stampede him out
of office.
In an interview with the Independent a fortnight ago,
party chairman Simon
Khaya Moyo was unwilling to comment on Mugabe’s
succession and skirted
around the matter.
In May 2009, the
politburo set up a succession committee chaired by
Vice-President John Nkomo
to deal with the matter.
The six-member committee, comprised Emmerson
Mnangagwa, retired army general
Solomon Mujuru, Oppah Muchinguri, Sydney
Sekeramayi and Didymus Mutasa, has
since been dissolved.
Zanu PF
spokesperson Rugare Gumbo told the Independent yesterday that: “It
(the
succession committee) never took off the ground for various
reasons.”
Asked what the reasons were, Gumbo said: “I would rather
leave it at that. I
don’t want to say anything further.” Although Mugabe at
one time permitted
little debate on the succession, he, at the same time,
moved swiftly to
destroy politically anyone who declared a personal ambition
to succeed him.
Six provincial chairpersons felt Mugabe’s full wrath
after reports of an
alleged coup plot designed to make Mnangagwa president.
They were suspended
from the party in 2004.
Politburo member
Dzikamai Mavahaire was suspended from the party in 1998 for
calling for
Mugabe to go, losing his provincial chairmanship and position in
the central
committee. He was only re-admitted after a five-year
suspension.
Mavhaire’s closest ally, the late Eddison Zvobgo, was
dropped by Mugabe from
government in 2000 for his criticism of his ruling
style and for suggesting
he retire.
A senior politburo this week
said no one in Zanu PF would dare raise the
succession issue in front of
Mugabe. The politburo member acknowledged that
they created this problem by
making Mugabe a very powerful leader when they
gave him titles such as
president and first secretary of the party, which he
said were not
necessary.
“Unfortunately, the party has not addressed the succession
issue but it has
to be someone from the highest level that should address
it. But he is not,”
said the politburo member.
“The politburo
would have been the right forum but it will depend on how it
will come out.
The only thing I can say is that we inherited an unfortunate
system or
legacy, which we have become used to and cannot undo.”
He added that:
“Even having to create the post of president and first
secretary of the
party was not necessary but it was done and it became
ingrained in the party
— so you can’t all of a sudden undo these things. It
is a big challenge to
all of us and we have to find mechanisms of undoing
this.”
While
another party top official pointed out that no one in the party’s
politburo,
even those that are perceived to be very powerful or “darlings”
of the
president, would not dare raise that issue.
“The thing is that chef
(Mugabe) might have his weaknesses, one of which is
his old age, but he
still has his brains – he is still very sharp. So the
problem is that we
don’t have shining and outstanding individuals who can
match the president’s
intellect and be able to debate one on one with him,”
said the politburo
member.
“In that case, who is going to raise the issue? How is that
person going to
phrase the question and be able to argue his or her way
around it with the
president, considering the downfall of other people who
have raised it? All
I can tell you is that no one is willing to face
Mugabe’s wrath.”
Another politburo member said there were too many
people with “dirty” hands,
who could not afford a fallout with
Mugabe.
“Some of my colleagues want to accumulate wealth and they are
now some of
the richest people in the country, but you ask yourself how they
accumulated
so much wealth and where all the money came from?” said the top
official.
“We may not be dealing with the succession issue because
too many people
have dirty hands and would not want to make the president
angry by asking
him when he is going to step down.”
The last time
Mugabe indicated that he would step down was in April 2005 in
an interview
with Indonesia’s Jakarta Post when he had three years before
his term
expired in 2008. He was quoted then saying: “I have said it before
that when
my term ends I will retire. I still have to do three years…but it
is my
intention to retire.”
Mugabe added that: “I will never groom a
successor. We will never do that.
We will never make that
mistake.”
However, since then he contested the 2008 March election
and June
presidential run-off poll. Mugabe has also indicated that he would
be Zanu
PF’s candidate in the next elections, which he wants mid-next year.
All the
party provinces have endorsed him as their presidential candidate
for the
next elections.
Mugabe has been stifling open debate on
the succession issue and his
argument is that it is up to the people and
that he would only step down if
and when his supporters decide
so.
Faith Zaba
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 09 December 2010 21:12
STUDENT
activism is slowly dying in Zimbabwe at a time when tertiary
institutions
are facing serious problems to do with high tuition fees,
educational
funding, college accommodation and a mass exodus of seasoned
lecturers.
At the country’s leading university, the University of
Zimbabwe (UZ),
student activism has become an old shell of itself with no
identified
students’ representative council since 2007.
This is
in great contrast to its heyday when it produced activists like
Munyaradzi
Gwisai, Arthur Mutambara, Brian Kagoro and the late Learnmore
Jongwe.
There was also an earlier generation of student activists,
among them Mike
Holman, Judith Todd, Titus Mapuranga, Iden Wetherell and
Ibbo Mandaza.
Student activism has in the past made an important
contribution to the
struggle for democracy in the country. These students
were the ones that
revolutionalised activism when corruption started
creeping into government
and human rights abuses were first
registered.
Students became the “voice of the voiceless”. They
demonstrated against
corruption at Willowvale involving senior government
officials, protested
against Zanu PF’s proposal to establish a one party
state and strongly
opposed the introduction of Western-backed economic
structural adjustment
programmes.
At the turn of the century,
student activists, in partnership with the
National Constitutional Assembly
and the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions,
successfully campaigned against
the government-led Godfrey Chidyausiku draft
constitution in
2000.
Now fast forward to 2010, the college does not have a students’
union yet
higher education today faces more challenges than in the late
1980s and
early 1990s. The halls of residence have been shut, students eat
from
informal roadside caterers and students’ vocational loans are not
available.
It emerged early this year that 28% of students had dropped out of
the UZ.
Students have been struggling to raise fees of between US$300 and
US$1 500
in a country where civil servants earn less than US$300 per month
and
unemployment is pegged at 90%.
Exacerbating an already dire
situation, according to the Medium Term Plan,
as of May last year, the
University of Zimbabwe had an establishment of 1
171 but only 385 posts were
occupied leaving 786 vacancies, while National
University of Science and
Technology had a staff complement of 232 against
493 required. Bindura,
Lupane, Great Zimbabwe and Midlands State University
and Harare Institute of
Technology had a combined shortfall of 615
lecturers.
Student
activist, Chamunorwa Madiridze, a third year student, laid the blame
squarely on the current UZ administration headed by Levy Nyagura that has
since 2007 deliberately blocked students from organising elections to select
a students’ representative council citing lack of funds.
“We have
been denied our right to have a democratically elected
representative of the
students sit in the UZ council. The last election was
held in 2007 when
(Lovemore) Chinoputsa was elected president and since then
the
administration has frustrated every move the students have made to elect
their representatives,” Madiridze said.
He added that a number of
students have been suspended by the Nyagura-led
administration for trying to
organise the long overdue elections as
stipulated in the University of
Zimbabwe Amendment Act.
“Tinashe Chisaire was suspended last month
(November 2010) for organising an
aborted election after the administration
interfered. Personally, two weeks
ago I was taken away from a lecture by
police and other security agents for
organising elections which we hoped to
hold this December,” he added.
Madiridze and a few other student
activists have approached ZCTU and
Zimbabwe Election Support Network (Zesn)
for financial and logistical
support to organise elections but the UZ
administration still blocks the
initiatives.
Former student
activist and Media Centre director Earnest Mudzengi said
student activism
was “killed” by the UZ Amendment Act of 1990 and successive
repression by
the state machinery on student activities.
“The root cause of all
this is Zanu PF’s dictatorship and the curtailment of
freedom,” Mudzengi
said. “UZ Amendment of 1990 made sure that student
activism was taken to the
graveyard. Students were disempowered economically
so that they would cease
to care about national issues but concentrate on
their well being only.
Beggars do not become activists.”
The UZ Amendment Act declares the
vice-chancellor as the administrative and
disciplinary officer of the
university with powers among other things to
dissolve or suspend,
indefinitely or for such a period as he may specify,
any activity or
function of the students’ union or any of its committees or
organs.
Mudzengi added that: “Minister Tendai Biti’s proposal to
reintroduce student
loans is set to re-energise the students and once more
make them the voice
of the voiceless.”
Another former students’
leader and now MDC99 Information director Gibson
Nyambayo said student
activism was also weakened by the emergence of the MDC
in
1999.
“Student activism used to be a signal agitation for democracy
and justice,”
Nyambayo said. “Most of the time, it was a fight against
(President Robert)
Mugabe. Birth and success of the MDC killed student
activism as student
leaders were seen as MDC apologists. Neutral students
failed to join in
student activism thus killing activism at
colleges,”.
To compound the student woes, the Zimbabwe National
Students Union (Zinasu)
has been blighted by power struggles in the recent
past over political
affiliation. The students have been split along
political lines especially
between the two biggest parties MDC-T and Zanu
PF.
Maybe, it is now time that students start fighting for their own
issues and
find a voice once more.
Paidamoyo Muzulu
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 09 December 2010
21:08
THE international donor community has refused to supplement
salaries of
teachers because this does not fall under their humanitarian
ambit, a
cabinet minister said this week.
Education, Sport, Arts and
Culture minister David Coltart said this at the
Zimbabwe Independent-run
Independent Dialogue in Bulawayo on Wednesday whose
theme was “The State of
Education in Zimbabwe”.
“There is a limit to what I could do to
address their (teachers’) legitimate
concerns regarding conditions of
service,” Coltart said. “One of the first
things that I did after my
appointment was to approach the international
community to try and raise
money to supplement their income, but
unfortunately that was
unsuccessful.”
The international community said payment of teachers
did not fit under the
scope of a humanitarian crisis and to that extent they
could not justify
expenditure to teachers in the same way as they did to
nurses and doctors.
“They were not prepared to incur recurrent
expenditure costs unlike one-off
payments towards textbooks. They said they
are not prepared to pour money
into a bottomless pit of salaries,” he
said.
However, Coltart said though conditions of service were still
far from being
satisfactory, he was pleased that this year has been “the
best teaching year
in a decade in terms of days of learning as there was
minimum disruption
through industrial action”.
Only 27 days of
learning were recorded in 2008, Coltart said.
On infrastructure,
Coltart said virtually all schools had become dangerous
learning centres due
to a decade of neglect.
He said several billions of dollars were
required to rehabilitate close to 8
000 schools, but such funds were not
available.
The education sector is still in a state of crisis “and a
mammoth task lies
ahead before we stabilise issues and that all children in
Zimbabwe can
expect quality education”.
However, participants at
the dialogue, mostly from teacher organisations,
expressed concern at the
safety of teachers during the run-up to possible
elections next
year.
They asked Coltart what measures the ministry would put in
place to ensure
their safety.
Coltart said the ban on the usage
of learning facilities for rallies would
be enforced.
“Last year,
I issued a policy directive stating that schools were not to be
used for
partisan political activity… I am in the process of revising
legislation, to
have legal measures to re-enforce that policy directive,” he
said.
“Schools should only be used as education institutions and
not to be used
for partisan political activity. Yes, I will enforce the ban
on the usage of
schools for rallies by political parties in the run up to
future elections.”
He said in instances where teachers have fallen
victim to political violence
he has acted swiftly to protect
them.
Coltart cited a group of teachers in Chiweshe and Rushinga who
were tortured
during the 2008 presidential election, but were intimidated
upon their
return after the elections.
He said he had to move
them out of the hostile environment.
However, Coltart said as
minister “it is difficult for me to prevent these
incidents from taking
place as they happen beyond the realm of the education
system”.
However, one of the panellists, Lawton Hikwa, the Dean
of Faculty for
Information and Communication Sciences at the National
University of Science
and Technology, said Coltart had a tall order in
achieving a total ban due
to historical reasons.
“Schools tend to
be the most common available utilities used by rural
communities for
worship, for traditional meetings and also because of our
long history of
one political party rule which became part of the regime of
things to view
schools as facilities that could be used for political
gatherings,” he
said.
Hikwa questioned the “much celebrated high literacy levels in
Zimbabwe” and
challenged politicians to explain how the country was managing
to attain the
high levels.
According to the latest United Nations
Development Programme (UNDP) Digest
released in July, Zimbabwe has overtaken
Tunisia to become the country with
the highest literacy rate in Africa,
jumping from 85% to 92%.
“Zimbabwe has been topical in celebrating
its literacy rate and what I don’t
hear from politicians is how we justify
the high levels. Are we talking of
literacy rate as ability to read and
write?” he asked.
In response, Coltart said UNDP findings were
“deceiving”.
“A few months ago, UNDP released figures that showed
that Zimbabwe had the
highest literacy rates in Africa.
But I found
it hard to reconcile that information against data coming
through our own
education sector,” the minister said. “UNDP seems to have
reached their
conclusion on attendance figures for the first four years of
education and
it seems Zimbabwe does have the high attendance levels in
Africa. However,
attendance figures do not translate to high literacy
levels...We need to
question this basis.”
Coltart said most schools did not have adequate
test books and “we are
deceiving ourselves if we rely on United Nations
figures”.
Nqobile Bhebhe
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 09 December 2010
20:57
FROM the ominous all-stakeholders conference characterised by
violence last
year, the constitution-making process, which has stalled, was
predestined to
travel a rugged and narrow road.
After the
violence at the all-stakeholders’ conference in July last year,
many
observers had a premonition that the road to a new constitution was
never
going to be easy and this is slowly becoming a reality as problems
continue
to rock the process.
To many, the issue of political
polarisation was going to be a major problem
and this was understandable
because the parties were spearheading the
constitution-making
process.
However, at that time, it was the political contestation
between Zanu PF and
MDC-T mainly that threatened to derail the process, but
18 months later,
other issues have cropped up.
As the
Parliamentary Select Committee on the Constitution (Copac) takes
stock after
the outreach programme, there is a realisation that
administrative and
financial problems now saddle them at a time when they
have to do a massive
public relations exercise to exorcise the ghost of
violence that was
witnessed.
Copac has to quicken its steps if it is to meet the
deadlines and timelines
set under the Global Political Agreement (GPA) in
September 2008. However,
27 months later, reality has dawned for those
driving the programme and
after pouring around US$17 million into the
constitution-making process,
there is still a US$6 million deficit as
participants involved in the
outreach are yet to be paid and hotel bills are
still to be settled.
At least US$6 million is needed for data
analysis leading to the drafting of
the constitution which, together with a
report would be presented to
parliament. The draft would then be approved or
rejected by a referendum,
for which government allocated US$1
million.
The failure to adequately finance the constitution-making
programme has
stalled the process which was already running behind schedule.
Analyst said
the stasis was likely to have an impact on the final
document.
It came at a time when it was announced that the country
would hold
elections by mid next year, further derailing the already
staggering
process.
Zanu PF appears to have used the outreach as a
political dip-stick to
measure the depth of their support and what their
chances were in the event
of an early election, even without a new
constitution. Since then the call
for polls have been growing louder as the
party prepares for its annual
conference.
An analyst, Sabelo
Ndlovu-Gatsheni, a professor at the University of South
Africa, said the
genesis of the problems the constitution-making process
faced could be
traced back to the first all-stakeholders’ conference.
“The
constitution-making process has been hit through and through by bad
political weather of Zanu PF and MDC feuding and manoeuvrings,” said
Gatsheni-Ndlovu. “This was clear during the inaugural meetings where Zanu
PF-rented groups disrupted the process from its
birth.”
Gatsheni-Ndlovu said Zanu PF supporters interpreted the
constitution- making
process as a “regime change” project while MDC members
took it as a
continuation of their agenda to fight from
within.
“My take therefore is that the otherwise noble
constitution-making process
became a political ball played by political
gladiators with the aim of
scoring political points rather than making sure
the people of Zimbabwe
participated freely to produce a credible national
document,” said
Gatsheni-Ndlovu.
Tapera Kapuya, another analyst
and political activist, said political
parties seemed convinced that a new
constitution, “no matter how bad the
process that gives rise to it or how
bad its contents”, was a critical
precursor for a general
election.
“As such, constitution-making is viewed not as a
fundamental national issue
but only as an enabler for electoral contest and
ultimately political
power,” said Kapuya. “This view limits possibilities
for a national
consensus on objective constitution-making that would give
Zimbabweans a
real opportunity to input in the writing of their country’s
supreme law. The
only way left for a genuine people-driven constitution to
be realised in
Zimbabwe is through rejecting the document of convenience
that will be
brought to referendum next year.”
Another analyst,
Trevor Maisiri, who is the director of the African
Leadership Reform
Institute, acknowledged that the current problems would
impact negatively on
the final document.
“The failure to get enough finance may have an
impact on the final
document,” said Maisiri. “We still have a number of
processes to be
finalised and these may need
financing.”
Gatsheni-Ndlovu said he was convinced that the country
was destined to have
a deeply flawed end product called a
constitution.
The constitution, Gatsheni-Ndlovu said, would
reflect its problematic birth
and chequered history mediated by political
tutorials that are prisoner to
either regime change agenda or regime
security agenda.
Maisiri said he would go for a radical approach as
there was no way the
current constitution-making process would be
saved.
“The whole constitution-making process would be addressed
after free and
fair elections as the current process is burdened by the way
we started and
what we are doing,” Maisiri said.
Leonard
Makombe
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 09 December 2010 20:51
SADDLED with
an external debt of US$6,9 billion, Zimbabwe’s credit-risk
profile has
scared away potential local and multilateral financiers from
supporting the
nation’s negative balance-of-payments position.
In addition, prospective
donor support to the fiscus has thinned whilst
indigenous means to finance
the budget remain hamstrung by a host of
structural
complications.
As GDP growth is not export-oriented but driven by
domestic demand, the
impact of the rising debt stock needs to be seen, more
appropriately,
against the background of the widening current account
deficit.
Politicians seem to worry more about their money piling up
as opposed to
finding a viable lasting solution to service the debt to avoid
future high
taxes.
The International Monetary Fund (IMF) sees Zimbabwe’s
domestic and foreign
debt increasing by US$1 billion to US$8,6 billion by
year-end.
The debt will be almost thrice the GDP estimated at US$3,5
billion.
With a US$6,9 billion debt and an estimated population of 14
million, it
means every Zimbabwean would owe local and foreign creditors
US$492, a
figure that is almost the same as the November Consumer Council of
Zimbabwe’s
family basket of six which is US$498.
Economic analyst
Eric Bloch told businessdigest on Tuesday that the
magnitude of Zimbabwe’s
foreign and domestic debt (US $6,9 billion and
rising) impacts negatively on
the economy.
Bloch said the debt was a major deterrent to Foreign
Direct Investment
(FDI), critically required for a meaningful economic
upturn.
“Similarly, foreign supplier lines of credit to Zimbabwean
commerce and
industry are minimally forthcoming because of Zimbabwe’s low
credit rating,”
he said.
Bloch said the rising debt was
constraining government’s access to funding
for rehabilitation and
enhancement of infrastructure, energy generation,
rail and air services,
telecommunications and water supply to the prejudice
of all economic sectors
and the populace.
Historic examples of countries whose economic
performance was adversely
affected by the magnitude of their national debt
include Germany between
1922 and 1924, Hungary (1946), Israel (1977),
Bolivia (1981) and Argentina
between 1983 and 1984.
Recent and
current examples are Greece, Ireland and Portugal.
“Government can
only control and contain the debt by minimal recourse to
further borrowings
through pursuit of policies that stipulate that
expenditures should not
exceed revenues,” Bloch said. “Seeking international
relief under the
Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) policies of
progressive debt
forgiveness,” he said.
However, economic consultant and analysts
Sonny Mabheju told businessdigest
on Wednesday that public debt can be a
useful source of funding for
financing economic and social development in a
country.
“Governments have often resorted to borrowing to finance
budget deficits and
large infrastructure projects. It has also been used to
balance external
accounts and as an instrument for monetary and fiscal
policy. However, it
has also been increasingly seen as a threat to economic
stability where it
is badly managed leading to overburdening the economy,
companies and
individuals,” he said.
Mabheju said Zimbabwe’s debt can
be contained by monitoring of government
expenditure against the country’s
gross domestic product (GDP).
“Public disclosure of total debt by government
can be an effective way of
containing debt. If appropriate and adequate
disclosure is made timeously,
governments will be made to justify the levels
of debt before it is incurred
or reduce levels of future debt given the
levels of current debt disclosed
and its effects on the economy,” he
said.
Mabheju said it was important for governments to adequately and
timeously
disclose the impact of current and projected borrowings using well
explained
(to the understanding of the ordinary man) indicators like,
interest bite,
the expenditure ratio, the tax bite, debt to GDP,
budget-to-actual score
card, comparing forecast deficit and debt levels with
actual results.
The Zimbabwe Coalition on Debt and Development
(Zimcodd) said it was
actively lobbying for a debt audit in order to ensure
that the country only
owned up to legitimate debt.
Debt experts
categorise debts into two: legitimate debts and odious debts.
Legitimate
debts were classified as debts incurred by legitimate debtors and
creditors,
while odious debts were those that were incurred other than for
the needs of
the state.
Economist Brains Muchemwa said high government debt levels
continued to
constrain its ability and indeed private sector to secure or
guarantee
cross-border lines of credit as the country risk elements remain
high.
“It becomes imperative therefore for Zimbabwe to coin workable
domestic
strategies that harness the few available financial resources to
benefit the
economy under liquidity challenges,” he
said.
Muchemwa said government has to shore up its revenue to manage
the
spiralling debt, and higher taxes should be levied on key minerals such
as
diamonds and platinum that are exhibiting “excessive surplus
profits.”
“There is no reason whatsoever for the inclusive-government
to be apologetic
on that aspect. Equally, engaging creditors for debt
forgiveness should be a
priority,” said Muchemwa.
Presenting the
2011 national budget, Finance minister Tendai Biti confirmed
the full extent
of Zimbabwe’s indebtedness and the effect of capitalisation
of interest due
to arrears accumulation, which were yet to be quantified.
He hinted
government has already initiated a debt validation and
reconciliation
programme to ascertain the full extent of its external
indebtedness.
Economist Farayi Dyirakumunda, who is the executive
director at African
Investment Markets, said credit finance in Zimbabwe was
not a new concept,
since credit has been availed to consumers by the various
financial
institutions.
“When kept within reasonable levels, debt
is an effective way of enhancing
spending capacity and stimulating demand to
the benefit of the economy,” he
said.
“What is imperative in
allowing consumers to enjoy the extra spending dollar
within reasonable
levels is a first class credit risk management system that
will reward good
credit from bad credit standing. This is gradually taking
shape in the
economy and as liquidity improves more favourable rates and
tenure will be
available to the borrower,” Dyirakumunda said.
Paul Nyakazeya
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 09 December 2010 20:42
THE
Ministry of Finance presented the 2011 budget which, like any ordinary
budget presentation, was digested with mixed feelings. Some quarters
criticised it on the grounds that the IMF and World Bank had much influence
over its contents.
It was not surprising to note that with debt levels
still at 103% of GDP
there was an inadequate conservative US$2,7 billion
against the ballooning
balance-of-payments deficit while capacity
utilisation in various economic
sectors struggle to surpass
50%.
The scenario looks complicated and a daunting puzzle for the
national
treasury given that there is need of substantial external financial
support
at the same time as the country’s capacity to settle its debt burden
is
crippled because of the unforgivable sovereign risk. Last week,
government
was reportedly negotiating with regional financiers to raise
about US$150
million for the next fiscal year to complement its option of a
cash budget.
There has been an increase recently in the positive
relationship between
gradual improvement in capacity utilisation and the
supply of long term
credit.
Despite the notable growth in bank
deposits from US$2,1 billion to US$2,3
billion, the market remains short of
critical long term liquidity to grease
the wheels of the
economy.
At this level of deposits, banks have been accused of
failing to support the
economy through extending credit, even though the
loans to deposit ratio
increased from 52,45% to 64,4%. Bank deposits have
been largely demand or
short-term deposits for quite a long time and this
means that banks cannot
adequately meet the current 180-360 day financing
requirements.
This again has resulted in the high cost of funds
available for working
capital, which is already above 20%. Consequently, the
effect has been an
increased cost of production resulting in locally
produced products being
less competitive against imports. There is a
currently tabled proposal for a
Statutory Instrument to compel banks to
publish deposit and lending rates,
in a bid to regularise lending; but this
alone does not imply that money for
long term projects would become much
more readily available.
While the aforementioned liquidity situation
is painful to needy sectors,
local banks still have an important role to
play in helping improve capacity
utilisation. Recently, banks have shown
commitment in trying to mobilise
long term finance for the economy.
F
or example, the current work in progress of a US$70 million diaspora
bond by
CBZ and Afreximbank, to mobilise funding, is a good leap in the
effort to
raise long term funds for the economy. Furthermore, Agribank and
ZB Bank
also launched US$10 million and US$30 million 360-day bills,
respectively,
aimed at financing the agricultural sector mainly tobacco and
livestock
production.
The major impediment to such noble
initiatives is the loss of confidence, a
lender of last resort limitation
(currently at US$7 million) and Zimbabwe’s
prolonged fall in the doing
business indices which continue to cloud
development prospects. This might
be a reason why reception of these
products remains significantly very low
resulting in a stagnant secondary
market with loan products limited to
bankers’ acceptances.
In an effort to complement local banks’
efforts, the current increase in the
participation of regional banks like
PTA Bank, Afreximbank, Industrial
Development Corporation and Development
Bank of South Africa (DBSA) has
helped to improve capacity utilisation in
various sectors. Long term finance
at a lower cost is essential to ensure
growth.
However, the agriculture sector has largely been on the
receiving end of
this multilateral assistance for instance through the
recent approval of a
$14.6 million corporate loan by DBSA to support the
Cotton Company of
Zimbabwe.
While the formation of Zimbabwe
Economy and Trade Revival Facility is a good
initiative, the government
needs to strengthen its partnership and improve
cooperation with these
regional financial institutions.
These financing initiatives also
need to be coordinated and extended to
other sectors like manufacturing and
mining to even the growth trajectory.
The energy sector needs to be a
prioritised recipient as growth in this
sector can then be transmitted to
other various sectors of the economy.
The country continuously mourns
“mattress or pillow” banking and lack of the
financial sector’s support but
there is no evidence of a significant change
in the immediate future. Hence,
negotiating for long term finance is the
sole panacea to realise the
forecast growth of 9,3% in 2011.
The government does not need to be
the ultimate recipient of the finance as
local banks are capable of
appraising the eligible sectors with the ability
to repay the
loans.
Many local companies are not willing to exchange equity for
the required
liquidity and the capital requirements to satisfy the current
regulations
concerning local ownership are as yet unclear. At the same time,
their
operations are in need of funding.
Lack of fiscal space
continues to be a constraint unless the government
reengages multilateral
financial institutions to partner with local banks to
avail seed capital to
the ailing corporate entities.
It is imperative to acknowledge that
an internally financed budget is not a
panacea to solve this problem as this
just compels the country to continue
riding on the current unhealthy
dependency on Vat which is the highest in
Southern Africa at
39,5%.
Without long term finance which can ensure optimal performance
across
various sectors, the projection of a budget surplus in 2011 is likely
to be
over-optimistic and corporate balance sheets and income statements
will
continue with their current bleeding.
Jealous Chishamba
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 09 December 2010 20:40
A
PARLIAMENTARY committee on Budget, Finance and Economic Development has
taken Reserve Bank chief Gideon Gono to task over the bank’s decision to
award a million dollar tender to a senior official of the central bank
during its farm mechanisation exercise.
Committee chairperson and
Goromonzi North MP Paddy Zhanda on Monday asked
the central bank chief why
the bank entered into a contract with Farmtec, a
company purportedly
co-owned by former central bank senior official Elias
Musakwa.
The Reserve Bank four years ago embarked on a farm
mechanisation exercise
aimed at retooling black farmers that benefited from
the land reform
exercise at the turn of the millennium.
The
equipment restocking exercise was part of the central bank’s
quasi-fiscal
operations which critics blamed for accelerating economic
decline during the
past decade.
The central bank, however, maintains that the exercise
was a
“sanctions-busting” strategy to sustain government after Western
governments
isolated President Robert Mugabe’s administration for alleged
gross human
rights violations.
Zhanda asked Gono whether the apex
bank had been thorough in observing
tender procedures. MDC-T legislators
Webber Chinyadza and Willas Madzimure
also took turns to grill the central
bank boss.
“Farmtec is purported to be owned by one of your former
employees, so one
will be curious to know, did that employee declare his
interest in
participating in the tender that was floated by the Reserve
Bank,” Zhanda
said. “I think the owner in particular must have been Musakwa.
The details
that we have are that he was actually involved in the farm
mechanisation
programme and could have been part of Farmec.”
Gono
in his response said the bank, with the approval of the Ministry of
Agriculture and Farm Mechanisation, scrutinised the tenderers. He further
revealed that Farmtec is linked to a late government official believed to be
former Zanu PF secretary of the commissariat and former minister without
portfolio Elliot Manyika.
“To the best of my knowledge, the
employee concerned whoever he is or she
is, I’m not aware of that,” Gono
said. “But I’m aware of a late senior
member of government who was a part
shareholder of that. I’m not privy to
the details of the other owners. But I
will be interested to.”
In September our sister newspaper, The
Standard, cited a central bank
correspondence which confirmed that in 2008,
Manyika, through Farmtec,
entered into an agreement with the central bank to
supply 150 tractors to
the bank under the farm mechanisation
exercise.
Recent media reports, however, show that Farmtec also
trades as Elimobil
Enterprises, a company reportedly linked to
Musakwa.
Madzimure then asked Gono to “furnish the committee with the
people who were
responsible for vetting” potential tenderers when the deal
was struck nearly
three years ago. Chinyadza on the other hand asked the
central bank chief to
inform the committee on which exchange rate was used
when the Farmtec sued
the bank for non-payment of the tractors
supplied.
Gono said he would further make an inquiry into the
tender.
“From the details that seem to be emerging, Mr chairman,
relating to the
Farmtec issue, it would seem to me that your committee is
privy or has
certain information which the governor does not actually have
or is not
privy to,” Gono said. “Such things do happen in the realm of life.
I would
say I cannot comment beyond what I basically said except to say we
are going
to look at it a little bit more and if there are more facts to
this, we will
be delighted to defend with these.”
Farmtec is one
of the several companies that obtained a writ of execution
from the High
Court that saw assets of the RBZ being auctioned for a song
across the
country.
The seizure of the assets was blocked by a presidential
decree following
recommendations by Finance minister Tendai Biti that
government had to
protect the assets of the apex
bank.
Bernard Mpofu
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 09 December 2010
20:36
THE TOBACCO industry has a potential to produce 150 million kgs
next season
up from 123 million kgs reached this year, growers have
said.
Tobacco Industry and Marketing Board (TIMB) CEO Andrew Matibiri said 42
992
hectares of tobacco had been planted by last week.
“Of the
planted crop, 14 474 hectares (about a third) is irrigated crop,”
said
Matibiri. “This is an improvement of the 21 818 hectares that had been
planted by the same time last year.”
Matibiri said there were 24
690 registered growers and slightly more than
half of them (51%) were A1
farmers while A2 farmers constituted 7%.
Large scale commercial
farmers, who constituted the largest share of growers
prior to 2000, now
account for 3%. Communal farmers account for 38% of
registered
growers.
“We are targeting as much as 170 million kgs but it is too
early to tell,”
said Matibiri.
The Zimbabwe Tobacco Association
president, Kevin Cooke, said there were
improvements in terms of the area
under the crop compared to last season.
“Basically, the figures are
up on last year,” Cooke said. “However, our
yield potential is governed by
the amount of rain. If we have a very wet
season, the figures will go
down.”
Tobacco output has grown from 56 million kgs in 2008 to about
59 million kgs
last year before it rebound to 123 million kgs this
season.
The 110% growth in tobacco output spurred agriculture to
expand by 33,9%.
However, the tobacco industry’s reliance on the dry
land crop, where the
farmers rely on rain, means it is susceptible to
weather changes.
Tobacco and maize were the crops which quickly
responded to the changed
operating environment after the adoption of
multiple currencies as there has
been significant financial support for the
former. Increased production in
the last season was underpinned by self
financing from the previous year’s
tobacco proceeds of around US$161 million
as well as additional bank and
contract financing. Agribank has already
launched US$10 million tobacco bond
aimed at financing the 2010/2011 crop.
ZB Bank has also launched agro-bills
which will finance the growing of
tobacco and livestock production.
In the 2009/10 season, about 65 000
hectares were put under tobacco, with 30
000 hectares under contract
farming, 20 000 hectares on self financing and
15 000 hectares by communal
farmers.Last season’s rebound took many by
surprise after output exceeded
conservative projections of 93 million kgs.
Leonard Makombe
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 09 December 2010
20:56
Zimbabwe will host a multi-stakeholder diaspora conference later
this month
in Victoria Falls, we are told. It will bring together business
leaders,
civil society, and politicians under the theme “Engaging the
diaspora
towards Zimbabwe’s Economic Reconstruction”. Delegates are expected
from
Australia, Botswana, the Netherlands, the UK and US, the Herald tells
us.
Labour leaders will also be present together with religious leaders.
Conference organisers are the Development Foundation for Zimbabwe (DFZ), a
non-political organisation. They will engage the inclusive government and
other stakeholders to see how the skills of diasporans can best be
harnessed.
But DFZ director Nokwazi Moyo admitted there could be
problems. “There are
several individuals that may feel afraid, threatened or
otherwise
constrained to return home for this conference,” Moyo said. But
any
negotiations which include the inclusive government should be held on
home
soil, he said.
“The DFZ is opening up dialogue between key
stakeholders to devise ways and
means of capitalising on this important
resource represented by the
diaspora.”
This looks like being another
dead duck. How many of these meetings and
“indabas” have we had over the
past two years and what have they achieved?
And what about those Zimbabweans
reluctant to test the water when people
such as journalists are being
arrested?
Moyo points out that in the age of the Internet, coming home
doesn’t have to
be physical. It can assume a number of forms.
But this is
disingenuous. If key players such as Strive Masiyiwa feel unable
to be here
in person, then that sends a powerful signal to other players
that the
terrain is not yet ready for engagement. The prime minister, deputy
prime
ministers and the parties they represent have not been able over a
two-year
period to create an environment conducive to investment. That tells
us all
we need to know about “harnessing” the diaspora.
During the conference there
will be special sessions on social development
and investment…and other key
areas such as citizenship, property rights and
migration, we are
told.
OK, so here’s a test for the organisers. Will those politicians who are
seeking the largesse of diasporans extend the franchise to them? Why should
they cough up their hard-won resources when the government has made no
effort to give them a say in the future shape of the country? Presumably
they will be taxed upon their return? So they must insist upon the principle
of “no taxation without representation”. It’s as simple as
that.
President Mugabe has another title to add to his string of
honorifics. He is
a lawyer, he told President Zuma during the South African
leader’s recent
visit to Harare.
“I told President Zuma I am a lawyer and
I am unhappy to be in a thing which
is semi-legal,” the Sunday Mail reported
him as saying.
He was referring to the Global Political Agreement. We know
Mugabe has a
number of degrees and this one we assume was the product of a
correspondence
course when he was in detention. That of course doesn’t make
him a lawyer if
he has never practised, nor is he a member of the Law
Society!
If Mugabe is a lawyer, then he should know there is nothing
“semi-legal”
about the GPA and inclusive government. They are firmly rooted
in Amendment
19 to the constitution.
What we don’t understand is why Zanu
PF regards every other amendment as
cast in stone (especially No 7), but No
19 is treated as “semi-legal” and
“makeshift”.
And if Zimbabweans should
be guaranteed constitutional and electoral
certainty, why is Mugabe plunging
them into another election only two years
after the last one?
At least we
got a confession from the president on the vexed issue of
governors.
“Yes, we initially conceded to matters of governors to bring
about harmony
in the inclusive government,” he said, “until we started
noticing that the
MDC-T was blowing hot and cold on matters primary to us,
namely sanctions
and other forms of external interference including pirate
radio stations.”
So, blowing hot and cold is a major offence? Then what about
Zanu PF
retaining exclusive control of broadcasting which it abuses to make
partisan
claims when it lost the last election? What do we call that, hot or
cold?
This might explain why nobody is asking external stations to close
down.
Why should they when ZBC spews its toxic lava across the
landscape?
But we did like the way Zanu PF suddenly starts “noticing” things,
as in “we
started noticing the MDC-T’s disconcerted disposition (sic)”.
What’s it
doing the rest of the time? And we would love to know what new
sanctions the
MDC-T is allegedly calling for? Surely, if there were new
sanctions on the
agenda Rugare Gumbo would have told us.
And where does
General Douglas Nyikayaramba fit into this? Isn’t that why
they call it a
“general” election?
Meanwhile, it was inevitable, we suppose, that
columnists in the state media
should seize on Chris Dell’s remarks as
revealing what the Americans think
of Zimbabwe’s opposition leader, Morgan
Tsvangirai, at the time (2007).
There was nothing new in those views of
Tsvangirai, often expressed in
private by his friends and allies:
“Indecisive” readily comes to mind
although “brave” and “committed democrat”
take equal place. But while
commentaries in the Zanu PF press picked up on
words like “flawed”, they
carefully edited remarks about Mugabe,
concentrating on what Dell called his
“tactical skills”. That was translated
in the Herald as a “brilliant leader”.
But instead of publishing what the US
ambassador said in 2007 (and we never
got an unexpurgated version), why not
mention what South Africa’s
international relations minister Maite
Nkoane-Mashabane said just the other
day: that Mugabe was “a crazy old man”.
How come that bit got left out in
the Herald’s extensive coverage of the
leaks?
South African ministers were quick to point out the remarks were made
“light-heartedly”. But it was interesting that they were made at
all.
Then we have Ian Khama’s thinly veiled criticism of Mugabe, broadcast by
the
BBC on Monday night. Khama was referring to events in the Ivory Coast.
But
his remarks about leaders who maintain themselves in power despite
electoral
outcomes could not be mistaken.
Khama urged the international
community not to broker a power-sharing
agreement as it did in Kenya and
Zimbabwe. “Elections there were hijacked by
the ruling party and if that’s
going to happen every time someone wants to
dispute an election result and
may then stay in power by default through a
mechanisim of power-sharing —
it’s wrong.”
We were shocked by the Herald’s front-page picture on Monday
of hundreds of
people from Nyamakate near Karoi scrambling for food that
fell off a truck
that was involved in an accident. They ignored the driver
who was trapped in
the wreckage.
And then in the same edition the Herald
continued its crusade against
farmers leasing their land to whites. Those
engaged in this ideological
heresy came under fire from Mashonaland West
governor Faber Chidarikire and
Zanu PF national chairman SK Moyo.
Moyo
labelled those leasing land to whites as “saboteurs” bent on
compromising
government’s empowerment efforts.
So who are the real saboteurs here? Farmers
who enhance agricultural
production by leasing land to those who can farm
it, and learn something
useful in the process, or those waging war against
farmers leasing land
irrespective of the consequences for agriculture. Their
policies can be
found in that front-page Herald picture on Monday of hungry
villagers
raiding an overturned haulage truck.
That picture was
emblematic of Zanu PF’s rule and represented an appropriate
rebuke to Moyo
who will clearly say anything to justify his ascent up the
greasy political
pole, and Faber Chidarikire who appears to have lost his
head again. Perhaps
Temba Mliswa can deal with him! And what can we say of
the Herald that
didn’t even understand the significance of its own
front-page picture?
Unless of course they have a “saboteur” hiding in their
midst!
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 09 December 2010
20:53
IN the course of his marathon 2011 national budget statement,
Minister of
Finance Tendai Biti noted that Zimbabwe’s “diamond industry has
huge
potential”. However, he correctly urged against over-reaction and
excessive
expectation as to that industry’s economic impact, saying that
diamond
revenues “will not necessarily be the panacea to all the challenges
bedevilling” the Zimbabwean economy.
Emphatically, he said that “if we do
not tread cautiously and transparently,
this natural resource endowment
might detract us off track from the
necessary but painful initiatives we
need to embrace”.
Biti added that Zimbabweans “need to manage
expectations with regards to the
scope and extent of diamond revenue
realisations”.
Ever since the discovery of the Chiadzwa diamonds,
there has been widespread
hype that they would become the resolution of all
Zimbabwe’s economic ills,
and that great wealth lay ahead for the country,
and all its people.
Most astutely, Biti has sought to bring to all
awareness of reality, and
that is as economically significant as the diamond
resources may be, they
are far from a “cure all” for the decimated economy.
He wisely cautioned
that reality should prevail, stating that “the current
opaqueness with
regards to the mining of diamonds and resultant realisations
can only serve
to raise false expectations and public alarm over the extent
of the
perceived leakages”.
It is indisputable that the leakages
of diamonds from Chiadzwa were
considerable, with illicit trafficking of the
diamonds across the Mozambican
border, and elsewhere, by residents of
Chiadzwa, some of the armed forces
and politically connected.
But,
undoubtedly, perceptions of the extent thereof were, and still are,
extremely exaggerated. That that is so is strongly corroborated over past
months. Belatedly, government took the necessary steps to curb and contain
the unlawful mining and sale of diamonds to the extent that finally, in May
2010, Kimberley Process Certification (KPC) was
forthcoming.
Since then, three KPC authorised sales of diamonds have
taken place. The
first and second sales were conducted in August and
September, generating
proceeds of US$56 476 194 and US$29 914 789.
Therefore, total inflows to
Zimbabwe from those two sales amounted to US$85
390 983. Of that amount,
US$17 154 745 flowed out of Zimbabwe as dividends
(net after non-resident
shareholders’ tax), yielding Zimbabwe a net benefit
of US$68 236 238.
Obviously, as the diamond fields are developed and
their potential fully
exploited, these yields will increase exponentially,
but not to an extent
that will miraculously transform the
economy.
Zimbabwe has a national debt of approximately US$6 billion, and
in addition,
the population as a whole needs to have an annual income of at
least US$12
billion merely for all to be surviving at the level of the
Poverty Datum
Line.
Such an income, and the settlement of the
national debt, cannot possibly be
forthcoming wholly, or even substantially,
from Zimbabwe’s diamond
resources.
This does not gainsay that those
resources cannot, and will not, yield a
meaningful contribution to the
economic needs, especially so if regard is
given to the employment
generation, the downstream economic activity which
will flow from the
diamond fields exploitation, and the revenue flows to the
fiscus, directly
and indirectly.
The reality of Zimbabwe’s circumstances is that it
must not be bedazzled by
the diamonds, even though their exploitation must
be maximised.
Concurrently with that exploitation, in a constructive,
productive,
transparent and lawful manner, Zimbabwe must determinedly
address the
exploitation of its other resources which have the potential of
greatly
enriching the economy.
The resource wherewithal is there for
Zimbabwe to progressively develop an
exceptionally viable economy, with
concomitant near total elimination of the
widespread poverty and suffering
that currently prevails. However,
achieving that development is contingent,
first and foremost, upon genuine
political will.
The resources
are manifold. Zimbabwe has a land of proven great fertility,
capable of
sustaining the nation and of generating great export revenues.
This was
so for more than 100 years, until a myopic government embarked
upon
much-needed land reform in the most counter-productive ways
possible.
Now, as a major step towards economic transformation, land
reform needs to
be reformed, with a key priority being the restoration of
land tenure.
Concurrently, government has to ensure continuous timeous
availability of
agricultural inputs, at realistic prices, and that normal
market forces
drive the prices of agricultural production.
Under
the fertile land, Zimbabwe has immense mineral wealth. Not only
diamonds,
but also gold, platinum, lithium, nickel, chrome, and much else.
Although a
not insignificant mining industry exists, it could be many times
greater if
Zimbabwe desisted from deterring investment through political
instability
and confrontation, threatened “indigenous” domination of and
supremacy over
investors, excessive direct and indirect taxation, defective
parastatal
services, and other investor deterrents.
The manufacturing sector
also has gargantuan potential, and particularly so
in fields of
value-addition to the high quality primary products that
Zimbabwe can
produce. But the development and growth of the manufacturing
sector is
greatly dependent upon substantial investment into it, and the
deterrents to
mining sector investors apply similarly to those interested in
investing
into manufacturing. Without downplaying those deterrents, foremost
issues
requiring resolve include reliability of energy supplies, ready
access to
working capital, and resolution of the prevailing confrontational
relationships between employers and labour.
Yet a further
economic growth opportunity is tourism. Zimbabwe has vast
wealth of
remarkable, world-renowned tourist resources, waiting to be
exploited to a
greater degree than has been the case. But investment into
tourism requires
the same conducive
environment as apply to the other economic sectors,
concurrently with
restoration of Zimbabwe’s international and regional image
as an attractive,
safe and secure investment destination.
If
government would, at last, give recognition to facts, instead of
recurrent
submission to megalomaniac and paranoid hallucinations, and would
genuinely
strive to transform Zimbabwe constructively, all its economic
sectors would
be diamonds. They would be jewels in the crown of a vibrant
economy.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 09 December 2010 20:49
FOR
Western journalists visiting Zimbabwe in the middle of the last decade,
a
background chat with US Ambassador Christopher Dell was an opportunity not
to be missed.
A veteran Foreign Service officer with a refreshingly
informal, outspoken
style, Dell could be counted on to deliver candid
assessments of Robert
Mugabe’s latest skullduggery and of the hapless
efforts by Zimbabwe’s
opposition to get rid of him.
When I met
him at his sprawling residence in the verdant northern suburbs of
Harare in
May 2006 while reporting a New Yorker story about Mugabe, Dell
laughed as he
told me of his arrest by the dictator’s thugs for trespassing
near the
presidential palace in downtown Harare. He was clearly enjoying
rattling the
regime. “I cannot even spell the word Dell with a ‘D’ but an ‘H’
and that is
where Dell should go,” Mugabe declared that year, to Dell’s
delight.
Dell was one of those rare US diplomats who was nearly
as frank with
reporters and in his public pronouncements as he was with his
State
Department colleagues.
So many of the observations in his
dispatches to Washington, released by
WikiLeaks last week, have a certain
degree of familiarity to them: his
grudging respect for Mugabe’s survival
skills (“give the devil his due,” he
wrote, “he is more clever and more
ruthless than any other politician in
Zimbabwe”), his disgust at the
dictator’s ignorance of basic economics and
appetite for violence, his low
opinions of many members of the Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC), and
his conviction that, with US help and
encouragement of the forces arrayed
against Mugabe, “the end is not far off”.
Still, it’s fascinating to
read the former ambassador’s unvarnished views
about Zimbabwe’s politics and
personalities, and his predictions about the
country’s future. Much of what
Dell writes here is on the money: he
appreciates MDC leader Morgan
Tsvangarai’s “courage” and “star quality”
while noting his “questionable
judgment in selecting those around him”.
This nuanced assessment took
place just after a bitter and debilitating
split along ethnic lines of the
MDC, prompted in part by the beatings of
some of Tsvangarai’s critics by his
fiercely loyal youth wing. (Tensions
within the opposition party continue to
undermine its effectiveness.)
He astutely dismisses the slick and
superficial Arthur Mutambara, leader of
the breakaway faction and
Tsvangarai’s main opposition challenger, as a
“lightweight who spends too
much time reading US campaign messaging manuals”.
Dell saw that
pressure was building on Mugabe both from the streets and from
his own
ruling Zanu PF circle, who were beginning to suffer from the effects
of
Mugabe’s ruinous economic policies. He saw a range of possible
denouements
looming — from a free and fair election, to a
South-African-brokered power
sharing deal that would “perpetuate the status
quo,” to “a popular uprising”
that, he cautioned, would likely result in “a
bloodbath.”
There
are also some observations that seem off the mark. Dell was far too
trusting
of South African leader Thabo Mbeki. “Mbeki appears committed to a
successful mediation and is reportedly increasingly irritated by Mugabe’s
efforts to manipulate him or blow him off altogether,” Dell wrote back in
2007. In fact, the South African president turned into Mugabe’s chief
enabler, standing by him, propping him up with money and electricity, and
turning his back on the opposition as the country spiralled into
crisis.
Dell seems to have underestimated the obscene lengths to
which Mugabe, or
those around him, would go to perpetuate his hold on power.
The Fear, a book
by Peter Godwin — the Rhodesia-born correspondent who has
become the most
intrepid chronicler of Zimbabwe’s last decade — describes in
chilling detail
the beatings, tortures, and murders that Zanu PF mobs
inflicted on the MDC
supporters in the spring and summer of 2008, after
Tsvangirai defeated
Mugabe in the presidential election and was subsequently
forced to compete
in a run-off.
Hundreds of people were murdered,
thousands were assaulted, and tens of
thousands were driven from their homes
in a campaign of terror so widespread
and relentless that Tsvangirai was
forced to surrender his challenge (while
Mbeki blandly looked on, saying
nothing). Dell may also have overlooked the
determination of Mugabe’s
generals — terrified at the prospect of being
hauled to The Hague or the
International Criminal Court of Justice — to
subvert the transition to an
MDC government.
Four years later, Zimbabwe has, in fact, tasted all
three of the scenarios
that Dell envisioned in his memos. It had a
surprisingly transparent
election in March 2008 — albeit one that was
subsequently stolen by Mugabe.
It had a bloodbath.
And now it has
the “power sharing deal” brokered by South Africa, with
Mugabe in the
driver’s seat. The 86-year-old dictator is arguably as strong
as ever — Zanu
PF controls most levers of power — and the diplomatic
pressure on him has
eased.
Dell’s take on the Mugabe dictatorship proved to be uncannily
accurate. The
only thing he really failed to see was the utter inability of
his own
government to make a difference.
Joshua Hammer is a
Berlin-based foreign correspondent and the author of,
most recently, A
Season in Bethlehem: Unholy War in a Sacred Place (Free
Press). –– The New
Republic.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 09 December 2010 20:47
ZIMBABWE is
currently in a process of political transition, epitomised by a
power-sharing government comprising the country’s three major political
parties. This shaky but necessary political pact may be terminated by
elections which may or may not be held next year.
Zimbabweans should look
beyond the current situation and attempt to paint a
picture of the future.
We should not allow our present frustrations and
sense of crisis to eclipse
the vision of a better Zimbabwe epitomised by
social, economic and political
transformation.
Political transformation necessarily entails the
totality of the values,
systems, structures, culture, behaviour, laws and
policies that engender
good governance, respect for the rule of law and
upholding of fundamental
human rights.
Political transformation
in the African context and specifically in the
Zimbabwean context would be
useless if it does not give birth to
socio-economic transformation which
culminates in economic growth,
availability and access to basic services and
goods, employment as well as
improved standard of
living.
Zimbabwe is in the mess that it is in because we have failed
to run our
country, economy and manage our people properly. In order for
Zimbabwe to
move towards good governance we need a broad shopping basket of
measures,
actions, attitudes and institutions to be in
place.
First and foremost we need a good constitution that will
clearly and
properly define the relationship of the state with its citizens
thus
providing an enabling framework for citizens to exercise their rights
and
participate in decision making. It should define the powers of the state
at
various levels, state obligations, responsibilities, duties and
prerogatives.
The current constitution-making process is thus an
important step towards
transformation but we should not fool ourselves into
thinking that once we
have a good constitution everything will fall into
place and we will live
happily ever after in democratic tranquility --
Cinderella fashion.
We also need a new political culture which respects
democratic practice
including citizen participation in decision making, a
culture of
transparency and the respect of individual and collective rights
as well as
ingrained democratic values. It is interesting that the British
have no
written constitution but they are still able to respect fundamental
liberties.
In order to move from transition to transformation we
need a government that
has the capacity to govern and to deliver. The past
15 years have seen the
gradual collapse of state institutions culminating in
lack of proper policy
formulation and implementation, deterioration of
service delivery and the
creation of a prohibitive environment for business
to take place.
We would need a government with the necessary human,
technical and financial
capital to competently manage the country and move
it to new heights. Up to
2008, the Zanu PF led government was unable and
seemingly unwilling to move
the country forward as evidenced by lack of a
coherent shared national
vision and consistent policy
making.
Government has also not been able to deliver because of
massive skills
flight to other sectors and other countries resulting in
technical
deficiencies at all levels of state governance. Under
capitalisation of
government departments and utilities has also resulted in
an underperforming
and in fact non performing government. It would thus be
necessary to address
lack of capacity to deliver in government
by:
* Enhancing government’s ability to formulate and
implement policy.
* Building the government’s capacity to revive and
evaluate policy
formulation.
* Strengthening its technical and
human resource base.
* Sufficiently capitalising government to carry
out the functions of
government. This would entail broadening its revenue
collection base,
leveraging investor/donor funding and unlocking the
commercial value of
Zimbabwe’s vast mineral wealth, eg Chiadzwa diamonds
which are not currently
sufficiently contributing to the national fiscus.
The country has huge
potential in the tourism sector which could provide
impetus for economic
growth. This is entirely dependent however on a
conducive political and
economic climate.
In order for democracy to
thrive it needs the support of strong pillars of
governance in the form of
strong democratic institutions. These democratic
institutions include
independent commissions accountable to parliament, ie
media, human rights,
anti-corruption and Justice and Truth Commissions.
Beyond statutory
institutions, Zimbabwe needs a strong civil society
movement that will
enable citizens to participate meaningfully in decision
making in an
organized and informed manner.
Civil society should not be an
appendage of opposition parties but should
provide space for citizens to
critically and constructively engage their
government through organised
advocacy processes.
Zimbabwe is in need of a brand of leaders that
will have an appreciation of
democratic values and the imperatives of good
governance at a personal
level. Transfer of power from Zanu PF to MDC or any
other party for that
matter may be pointless if the MDC, for instance,
embraces the same
political culture that has culminated in the current state
of affairs. We
need to move away from a culture of impunity, exclusivity,
corruption,
self-aggrandisement, top-down “serve me” chef leadership and the
use of
violence as a political tool.
The march towards
transformation also demands leaders of substance, vision
and integrity.
Zimbabwe is currently suffering from a deficit of credible
leaders not
because those leaders are not there but principally because
these leaders
are wrongly positioned and deployed. We have many politicians
but few
statesman, many managers but few corporate leaders, many wealth
accumulators
but few wealth creators, many activist but few thinkers, many
dealers but
few proper business people, many clerics with titles but few
true shepherds
and pastors. The country is blessed with many intellectuals
but many of them
are functionally illiterate.
Zimbabwe desperately needs pro-active
leaders who will not be caught in
victim mode blaming all our failures on
sanctions, Zanu PF, MDC, the West or
the weather. We need leaders who will
take responsibility and chart the way
forward.
There are too many
political parties, government departments, parastatals,
businesses, civil
society organisations and local authorities that are led
or rather misled by
mediocre leaders who do not have an agenda for change
and transformation.
There is a great clarion call for capable leaders from
all sectors of
Zimbabwean society to emerge or to be allowed to emerge.
The
advent of this new breed of leaders should not threaten the old leaders
who
may feel they are being challenged as these are the people who will help
bridge the gap between the past, the present and the future. The older
generation of leaders will assist in the transition as we drink from their
rich wells of wisdom. After all age comes with wisdom, but at times age
comes alone. Some now reject the emergence of capable emerging leaders
because they did no “die for the country”. We do not only want to die for
our country but to live for it and to make it live.
The advent of
the inclusive government has by design or default culminated
in the
availability of basic goods in the country’s supermarkets. Whilst
this is a
most welcome development it is not sustainable in the long run.
There is
need to revive the productive sectors of the economy as a consumer
economy
will not serve the best interests of the nation. H
owever for this to
happen we need a conducive environment for business to
operate and for
production to take place.
Foreign direct investment is needed to
capitalise industry, tourism, mining
and agricultural sectors. This
investment will not come as long as we have
an unstable political
environment which poses a threat to property rights
and proper conduct of
business.
The first step in boosting investor confidence will be
formulating investor
friendly policies as investors are not Father Christmas
institutions that
give out gifts to deserving countries during the festive
season.
In the next five years we need a programme that will revive
the capacity of
central and local government to deliver services. This
should begin with
concerted efforts to devolve power from central government
to provincial and
local authorities.
The second stage would be that
of building the capacity of these authorities
to deliver basic services such
as clean water, electricity, health and
education to residents. There are
sufficient resources at local level to
fund service provision in partnership
with development agencies and Non
Governmental Organisations
(NGOs).
The NGO sector has done a great job in providing relief to
hundreds of
thousands of Zimbabweans and this should be
commended.
There is need however to move away from the paradigm of giving
people hand
outs so that they can survive to a model that promotes secure
and
sustainable livelihoods. Relief is synonymous with emergency situations
not
sustainable development and it is time we started moving towards
empowering
communities to utilise the resources and potential which they
have instead
of reducing them to perpetual passive recipients. It is a fact
that Africa
needs more trade than aid.
In addition to strong
leaders, Zimbabwe needs active citizens who will be
able to participate in
all levels of decision making and policy formulation.
This is imperative in
any participatory democracy. This will result in
accountable governance and
an improvement in the quality of service delivery
by local authorities and
statutory service providers.
This, in my opinion, will assist in the
cause of transformation.
Dumisani Nkomo is an activist, spokesperson
of the Matabeleland Civil
Society Consortium and the Chief Executive officer
of Habakkuk Trust, a
leading Christian advocacy organization. He writes here
in his personal
capacity.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 09 December
2010 21:07
COMPARED to the 1980s or the period before the end of the Cold
War, Africa
has marginally progressed in terms of embracing democracy. Most
countries
now hold regular elections although there remain lingering
obstacles
blocking smooth transitions towards democratic dispensations still
remain.
The collapse of the Berlin Wall in 1989 triggered winds of
change across the
continent and brought an end to one-party states and life
presidents while
ushering in political pluralism and regular
elections.
If elections are used as a measure of democracy, the
1990s, notwithstanding
signs of authoritarian recidivism, was a period of
democratic expansion on
the continent.
However, there is still a
long way to go. Most African countries are still
run by self-seeking
despots.
Autocrats old and new have proved adept at using elections
to legitimise
their undemocratic regimes and practices. They have learnt how
to use
multiparty elections to retain and consolidate power under the cloak
of
democracy.
President Robert Mugabe is practised and efficient
in this. That is partly
why Zimbabwe remains democratic in form but
autocratic in substance.
Elections are beckoning again. Outcomes of
previous polls were disputed due
to manipulation, ballot fraud and violence.
This is what created this
current political stalemate and led to the
devastation of the economy and
impoverishment of the people. In spite of
persistent lies by authors of the
problem, who invariably blame foreigners
and their actions, including
sanctions, for the situation, all enlightened
people know their incompetent
leadership and policy failures are the root
cause of this crisis.
As we move towards new elections, there is need
to remember the context and
objective of the next polls. The next elections
would be about trying to
steer Zimbabwe through the transition from
dictatorship to democracy.
It must be remembered the GNU was formed
as a result of a disputed
presidential election. The next vote must resolve
the situation.
Mugabe lost the first round of polling in 2008 and the
electoral commission,
which was clearly acting under his regime’s control
and direction, spent
more than a month refusing to release the results. When
the results finally
came they showed there was no outright winner but raised
suspicions that
Mugabe had lost and needed time to create the smokescreen of
an impasse
while crafting a fight-back strategy.
Following a
barbaric campaign of brutality ahead of the blood-spattered
June 2008
presidential election run-off, Mugabe emerged the “winner”. MDC-T
leader
Morgan Tsvangirai had pulled out of the race due to violence. Mugabe
was
hastily sworn in as president, just like what happened after elections
were
stolen by Mwai Kibaki in Kenya in 2007, and now Laurent Gbagbo in Ivory
Coast.
Gbagbo lost the November 28 election to opposition leader
Alassane Ouattara.
Although the electoral commission declared Ouattara the
winner, Ivory Coast’s
Constitutional Council annulled votes in the country’s
north over claims of
irregularities and declared Gbagbo as winner. The world
was outraged and is
up in arms against Gbagbo over his brazen electoral
fraud.
The GNU in Zimbabwe was formed to put in place a transitional
mechanism to
ensure free and fair elections. Sadc leaders must now pressure
the GNU
leaders to implement the GPA and hold fresh and credible elections
as soon
as possible. What happened in Kenya and Ivory Coast must not happen
here
again.
Dumisani Muleya
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 09 December 2010
21:05
GOVERNMENT’S indigenisation policy remains opaque and two events
this week
made it more muddled — leaving many of us wondering where we are
going.
Industry and International Trade minister Welshman Ncube earlier this
week
announced the freezing of the indigenisation policy only to have Youth
Development, Indigenisation and Empowerment minister Saviour Kasukuwere
pouring cold water on the pronouncement by declaring that he alone has the
authority to make statements on indigenisation.
One conclusion
that can be drawn from the differences between the two
ministers is that
government has no clear communication strategy and there
are multiple voices
on the same issue, leaving the recipients confused.
However, there
are matters deeper than this: It further exposes the opaque
nature of the
country’s indigenisation policy as government appears not to
have a clear
position on this crucial matter.
Given the polemical differences
inherent in the Government of National
Unity, one would have expected a
triangulation of policies, addressing the
potentially divisive issues
through progressive policies.
But what we have seen since the
announcement of the indigenisation
regulations in February, causing a 25%
fall on the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange,
is a fragmented and disjointed policy
pronouncement.
What the policy-makers should know is that investors
are very sensitive to
all the incoherence and confusion we have witnessed
since the announcement
of regulations and until the channels are clear, they
will steer clear of
the country.
The indigenisation regulations
are premised on wrong grounds as they are not
about wealth-creation but
grabbing what is already there.
It is a policy that is
anti-entrepreneurship as instead of encouraging the
formation of new
companies and businesses, local investors are being egged
into parcelling
out shares from operating firms.
If the local investors have the
means to buy significant stakes, up to 51%,
in say Zimplats (for argument’s
sake) why not have them start a completely
new venture with their
capital?
History has shown that only a cabal of elites benefit from
policies such as
indigenisation as they usually cannibalise the companies,
leaving them as
mere shells.
What is equally worrying is that
Kasukuwere has shown administrative
incapacity in executing this flawed
policy as he has failed to come up with
new regulations as he promised
investors at a conference in South Africa
last month.
The
investors, the honourable minister should know, are not party supporters
whom you tell what they want to hear even if it is not
practical.
They are serious, focused people, looking for a safe
destination for their
investment and would not risk placing it here when
there is such policy
incoherence.
These investors would like to
know how the flawed indigenisation policy
would be financed, how it would be
carried out and when. Until then, the
country would continue waiting in vain
for the much needed foreign
investment.
Constantine Chimakure
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 09 December 2010
21:04
AFTER years of toying with the idea of privatising state
enterprises,
government now seems keen to dispose of shareholding in
non-performing
parastatals. First to go will likely be Agribank. Government
hopes to sell
60% of its shareholding in the troubled bank.
While the
exercise would definitely turn around the fortunes of the
companies,
benefits to the economy cannot be underplayed. This should also
ease the
burden on treasury which has been channelling millions of dollars
annually
to shore up the quangos. But a lot needs to be done to ensure the
exercise
is a success and free from corruption. This is however requires
transparency, a rare attribute in government.
Without
transparency and public accountability, the privatisation effort
will be a
failure and could leave the economy worse off.
Though government
finally found a good suitor for the Zimbabwe Iron and
Steel Company (Zisco),
underhand developments surrounding the bidding
process exposed the ugly face
of influence peddling with certain politicians
backing company A while
others backed company B.
Undoubtedly, such politicians had received
bribes to ensure their handlers
won the bid. Corruption should not stand in
the way of privatisation of
these enterprises. Even after Essar Group won
the bid to acquire a
controlling stake, the dust has not settled yet, with
politicians
mudslinging the winning bidder for very obvious
reasons.
Those who did not get a piece of the cake through infamous
“facilitation
fees” are possibly hoping to cash in on the sale of at least
10 other state
enterprises — Air Zimbabwe, National railways of Zimbabwe,
Noczim, Agribank,
Cold Storage Company, Grain Marketing Board, NetOne, and
TelOne.
Apart from corruption and lack of transparency, government
should choose
partners on the strength of their balance sheets and conduct
thorough due
diligence exercises into would-be suitors to avoid
embarrassment of
yesteryear that saw government handing out a management
contract to a
dubious Indian outfit that failed to revive the steelmaker,
actually leaving
it in a worse-off state.
All the companies
slated for privatisation have one thing in common; they
are struggling and
have been in this position for a long time largely
because of poor
management and failure by the state to recapitalise the
firms.
Finance minister Tendai Biti aptly captured the dire need
for privatisation
at Agribank while presenting his 2011 fiscal policy
statement earlier this
month.
He said Agribank was in such financial
trouble that before the company
trades, the bank is already in a loss
position.
Judging by the government’s current financial position, the
state cannot
afford to reinvest in all its companies, especially now when
government
generates revenue just in excess of US$2 billion
annually.
Real and sound reforms need to be instituted in parastatals
so they can play
a pivotal role in the economy’s growth and turnaround. At
the moment
institutions such as Zesa and the National Railways of Zimbabwe
are but an
albatross around the economy’s neck. It is generally accepted
that energy
and a sound infrastructure underpin any economy’s
growth.
Government last year approved a new programme to restructure,
commercialise
and privatise at least 10 companies and had received interest
from foreign
investors.
The government solely controls or is the
major shareholder in 78
corporations in sectors such as energy, transport,
finance, mining and
telecommunications.
The CZI recently said:
“There can be no economic growth with the parastatals
in the condition in
which they find themselves. There is need for
government to give specific
timelines on privatisation. In addition, given
the seriousness of the matter
and the huge economic benefits to the nation,
CZI suggests that the issue be
handled in the Office of the Vice-President.
The first major step to
achieve requires government to let go. It must take
a cue from the success
of other privatisations and commercialisations of
parastatals such as Dairy
Market Board, now DZL, Cotton Marketing Board now
AICO, and see the
benefits.
These two companies — DMB and CMB — are perhaps the most
shining examples of
how successfully privatised state enterprises can
contribute to the economy’s
growth and the fiscus at the same time.