The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.

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Reserve Bank Warns Zimbabwe To Brace For Monetary Reforms > Copyright © 2003, Dow Jones Newswires

HARARE, Zimbabwe (AP)--The newly appointed head of the Reserve Bank told Zimbabweans on Thursday to brace for monetary reforms aimed at curbing soaring inflation and spurring recovery in the country's crumbling economy.

Bank Governor Gideon Gono, in his first monetary policy statement, stopped short of announcing a devaluation of the local currency demanded by business and industry leaders.

But he said some hard currency earnings would be sold to the highest bidders under a new currency auction system starting next month aimed at reining in illegal black market deals.

The central bank is also setting up a "whistle blower's fund" to reward those reporting illegal currency deals to the bank, Gono told business leaders at a briefing broadcast on state television.

Beneficiaries would be paid 10% of the value recovered from thwarted deals in hard currency, he said.

Zimbabwe is suffering its worst economic crisis since independence from Britain in 1980. Inflation has reached a record 619.5%, one of the highest levels in the world, and the country is gripped by acute shortages of hard currency, food, gasoline and other essential imports.

Gono said he wasn't intervening to curb soaring commercial interest rates, which are threatening to shut down heavily indebted businesses, because it would increase the speculation that fuels inflation.

But he said a range of "homegrown" measures would be introduced next month to "lay a road map for economic recovery" and fight inflation.

"There is going to be the pain of readjustment," he said. "If you want honey, you must expect to be stung by bees."

The government's official exchange rate is 824 Zimbabwe dollars to the U.S dollar, but the U.S. currency fetches up to 7,000 Zimbabwe dollars on the black market.

Under the new system, Gono said individuals and businesses who bring in foreign currency would be required to submit one-fourth of their earnings to auction and sell another fourth to the central bank at the official exchange rate.

They would be allowed to keep the rest in designated hard currency accounts to buy imports and raw materials, or offer for sale.

A range of incentives and penalties will be introduced to ensure hard currency is captured into the financial system as quickly as possible, Gono said.

The government's seizure of thousands of white-owned farms for redistribution to blacks, as well has erratic rains, have crippled Zimbabwe's agriculture-based economy.

Foreign aid and investment have dried up after nearly three years of political violence and economic turmoil.

Gono said the bank hoped to resume negotiations with the International Monetary Fund, World Bank and other financial institutions that have cut off loans to Zimbabwe, citing the country's mounting arrears and failure to meet prescribed economic targets.

"We seek to repay all our debts in the fullness of time," Gono said.

(END) Dow Jones Newswires

December 18, 2003 14:19 ET (19:19 GMT)

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National Business Review, New Zealand
 
Opinion: Standing up to Mugabe
Pavel Molchanov

For a country that is not exactly used to playing power politics, New Zealand found itself on the receiving end of some unusually harsh criticism over its attitude to Zimbabwe's dictatorial regime of President Robert Mugabe.

Regardless of one's position on the political spectrum, any reasonable observer must recognise New Zealand's position, as affirmed at the recent Commonwealth summit in Nigeria, was entirely appropriate.

This position was fully endorsed by the UK, Australia and (implicitly) the US ­ all countries with which bilateral ties have been rather stressed this year. But I would argue for Prime Minister Helen Clark this was not a question of placating her nation's erstwhile opponents on the Iraq issue.

In the best traditions of human rights diplomacy, this was a decision guided by moral considerations, not national interest.

Granted, it was not a difficult call to make. There is nothing of practical significance Mr Mugabe can do to retaliate for Ms Clark's forceful condemnation of his regime. He cannot expel the New Zealand high commission in Harare (as he has threatened to do for the UK and Australia) because the office was moved to Pretoria several years ago to cut costs.

Even if he could, it would only isolate his own government further. Trade between the two nations is minimal (less than $7 million), and even if Mr Mugabe at some point decrees it cease, any economic consequences would fall solely on his impoverished citizenry.

The only real damage Mr Mugabe can inflict is to New Zealand's international reputation, by portraying it, along with the Commonwealth's other "old dominions," as imperialistically motivated stooges.

His message that the west is aiming to recolonise his country is on par with his earlier claim the Bush administration was planning an armed invasion. (Must be all those hidden oil reserves.)

Sadly, it resonates with many African leaders and ordinary people. The Southern African Development Community, for instance, has already denounced the Commonwealth's decision to extend Zimbabwe's suspension.

Of course, it is London ­ not Canberra or Wellington ­ that bears the brunt of such disapproval, but its geopolitical might means it is already far more used to accusations of heavy-handedness.

New Zealand is widely regarded, particularly in the Third World, as a liberal, broad-minded country, and as unfair as it is, Mr Mugabe's propaganda could affect this perception for the worse.

The spuriousness of Mugabe's suggestion that New Zealand's uncompromising stance against his tyranny is akin to neocolonialism should be self-evident to anyone with even a basic knowledge of modern New Zealand history.

Arguably, no western nation of a comparable size has done so much to advance the cause of majority rule and democratic governance in southern Africa.

For decades, Wellington was at the forefront of the anti-apartheid movement, particularly in its role as a vocal Commonwealth member.

This included the imposition of sanctions until the first free election in 1994. Prime ministers such as Sir Robert Muldoon and Jim Bolger also stood up for Namibia's right to self-determination, and NZAID still funds development assistance there.

It is also crucial to recognise New Zealand does have its supporters in the Commonwealth generally, and its African members specifically. Nigeria, for one, has adopted a middle-of-the-road position ­ in favour of continued pressure on Mr Mugabe, though tempered by careful diplomatic engagement.

Even more importantly, the Movement for Democratic Change (Zimbabwe's embattled opposition party) hailed the Abuja summit's decision as a recognition the situation in their country is not improving and may actually be deteriorating.

Now that Mr Mugabe has abruptly pulled out of the Commonwealth, it is unlikely New Zealand will play any major role in the movement to bring him back. This will be the job of Nigeria and, to a lesser extent, South Africa.

It remains to be seen whether the "quiet diplomacy" approach favoured by Zimbabwe's neighbours will bear fruit, but it appears increasingly probable any meaningful domestic change will only come after Mr Mugabe leaves office.

He shows every intention of holding on to power at any price.

In the most piquant irony of this entire debacle, Don McKinnon, the Commonwealth secretary-general, helped oversee the group's Harare Declaration during his years as New Zealand foreign minister. Signed in Zimbabwe's capital, this 1991 charter affirms the commitment of every member to a set of core democratic values.

By taking the lead on ensuring Mr Mugabe's gross violation of the declaration will not go unnoticed, New Zealand exemplifies the Commonwealth's lasting value ­ as the only global forum in which the voice of one small state can make a massive difference for the better.

Pavel Molchanov, an American, observes New Zealand affairs from Texas, where he is a financial analyst. Email psm4@duke.edu

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Hi
At 4.00 am a month ago, enjoying the sound of gentle rain, there was one clap of thunder, from a sky which the night before had looked empty.  I shot out of bed like a scalded cat and raced out to the new cold room to switch it all off.  Well it would have been too late anyway, but the bolt had taken out the telephone line.  I supplied five litres of petrol, and they came out and fixed the line.  I found out that I'd blown the modem, so bought a new modem and fixed that.  In desperation this week I collected the technician and his ladder and they fixed the thingie at the local junction box.  Sadly, the whole system is in its death throes, and it keeps going off at odd times during each day, so receiving the emails and replying is an extremely hit and miss affair.  Fairly typical for the dying throes of the whole country. 
 
Happily our good friends of South Africa are going to buy us a lovely new phone system from our lovelier friends in China, and theoretically we will be sorted out next year.  And even better is that the monstrosity of a  chinese cement factory next door will mean we go to the top of the list for new system.  Theoretically.  Dont hold your breath.
 
Meanwhile Clive went fishing, and I had the bad news for him on his return that our farm had been listed at last.  I've been checking the newspapers for ages, wondering what we were being kept for.  Aha, its the backlash for being thrown out of commonwealth.  And todays news indicates that our tractors and implements. are to be liberated as well, by presidential decree.  The sense of humour gets a bit thin.  Luckily we dont care that much any more, but it will be a bit crowded at the house in town, as our daughter moved in there when they were thrown off their farm!
 
However farming is no great shakes, as here we are in another dastardly drought.  Our president chose a really bad time for a land programme because we've had nothing but lousy weather since it started..a bit like a jinx, isnt it.
 
Living in 500+% inflation is a challenge, its quite an education as well.  Do you stagger at the price of milk, or a loaf of bread, or at the price of a car, or a meal, or wonder how to educate a young girl at 5.8 million per term?  You cant even forecast what a price will be, or how you are going to deal with it.  I keep thinking its got to crumble, but it doesnt, and I cant even work out why not.  The economists keep saying that governments crumble when inflation is as bad as this, but ours is invincible I think, and then pity the poor people who have to puzzle their way out of the mess.
 
But have a happy Christmas all, drink a toast to the survivors, wish them luck for the rough ride of the next year.  At some stage "Next year WILL be better"
Love,
Ann Hein..  Messages are my own personal opinions.
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IOL

        Mbeki, Mugabe meet - but what about Morgan?

            December 18 2003 at 02:24PM

      Harare - President Thabo Mbeki went straight into talks with
Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe after his arrival in that country's
capital, but it appeared he would be ignoring opposition leader Morgan
Tsvangirai, whom he has met in all previous visits there in the last two
years.

      Mugabe met Mbeki at Harare International airport, stopped off at a
hotel amid an unusually heavy presence of Mugabe's presidential guard and
drove on for formal discussions at Mugabe's official residence, State House.

      "In the African revolution we shared the trenches together,"
Zimbabwean state radio quoted Mbeki as telling supporters of Mugabe's ruling
Zanu-PF party at the airport.

      Paul Themba Nyathi, spokesperson for Tsvangirai's opposition Movement
for Democratic Change, confirmed that party had received no contact from
Mbeki's office over a meeting.

            'In the African revolution we shared the trenches together'
      "If these guys are throwing a tantrum and don't find the political
will (for consultations with the MDC), we as a party are not going to beg
for an invitation," he said.

      Earlier on Thursday Mbeki's office in South Africa said a meeting with
the pro-democracy Zimbabwean leader would take place "only if he thinks it
is necessary".

      Mugabe last week withdrew Zimbabwe's membership of the now 53-member
body after it resolved to continue Zimbabwe's suspension for a second year.

      It was first excluded over presidential elections in March last year
that the majority of members of the association of former British colonies
saw as rigged in Mugabe's favour.

      Mbeki's office added that there would be no change in his policy of
"quiet diplomacy" over Zimbabwe. - Sapa

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Mail and Guardian

Mbeki meets with Mugabe, Tsvangirai

      Harare, Zimbabwe

      18 December 2003 17:24

South African President Thabo Mbeki held lengthy talks with President Robert
Mugabe in Harare on Thursday over Zimbabwe's crisis, and was due later to
see opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai, opposition officials said.

Mbeki was met by Mugabe at Harare International airport, stopped off at a
hotel amid an unusually heavy presence of Mugabe's presidential guard, armed
with automatic rifles, and drove off for formal discussions at the
president's official residence, State House.

"In the African revolution we shared the trenches together," Zimbabwe state
radio quoted Mbeki as telling supporters of Mugabe's ruling Zanu-PF party at
the airport.

A spokesperson for Tsvangirai's opposition Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) said "the party's leadership" would be meeting Mbeki at a Harare hotel
later.

Diplomats said Mbeki appeared to have had a change of heart, his office
having earlier ruled out the likelihood of talks with the opposition leader.

The MDC was contacted over the meeting long after Mbeki arrived in Harare.

Mugabe last week withdrew Zimbabwe's membership of the now 53-member
Commonwealth after it resolved to continue Zimbabwe's suspension for a
second year. Zimbabwe was first excluded over rigged presidential elections
in March last year.

The MDC said in a statement on Wednesday night that it hoped that Mbeki's
visit would "fortify and complement the latest Commonwealth Heads of
Government Meeting position" that "the root cause of the Zimbabwe crisis is
a crisis of governance and legitimacy".

It said that "successful brokerage in the resolution of the Zimbabwe crisis
will be determined by even-handedness and the willingness to hear both sides
of the Zimbabwe political equation".

Mbeki's office said earlier on Thursday there would be no change in his
controversial policy of "quiet diplomacy" over Zimbabwe.

Mbeki last week returned from the Commonwealth summit in Abuja, Nigeria,
enraged after failing in his bid to get the body to have Zimbabwe readmitted
to the organisation, and shocked many colleagues in South Africa last week
when he accused Britain of opposing Zimbabwe's return so that it could
protect "its white, colonial kith and kin".

He also said Western nations' demand for democratic reform in Zimbabwe was a
disguised bid for "regime change" to get rid of Mugabe.

He also indicated support for the Harare regime's lawless seizure of
white-owned farms when he said that the four-year expulsion of about 4 000
white farmers was "probably inevitable". -- Sapa

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Mail and Guardian

DA: 'Read riot act to Mugabe'

      Cape Town, South Africa

      18 December 2003 13:40

President Thabo Mbeki needs to "talk straight and hard" with his Zimbabwean
counterpart, Robert Mugabe, during his current visit to that country, the
Democratic Alliance said on Thursday.

"The suffering people of Zimbabwe are looking to South Africa to come to
their rescue during their darkest hour," DA spokesperson Graham McIntosh
said in a statement.

"Today's [Thursday's] visit to Zimbabwe presents President Mbeki with his
last chance to restore his credibility on the matter," he said.

History will be a very harsh judge if the South African government does not
change its "quiet diplomacy" approach.

"President Mbeki must talk straight and hard with his Zimbabwean counterpart
today. That is his duty, both to South Africa but also to the people of
Zimbabwe and the region," McIntosh said.

The costs in economic terms and in the real human suffering Zimbabwe has
caused to its own people and to its neighbours, including South Africa, are
unacceptable and avoidable.

Mbeki should "read the riot act" to Mugabe. He should ensure Mugabe is given
a road map that respects a genuine process of negotiation for a transitional
government of national unity leading to a new Constitution and elections.

"The shadow-boxing and deceit around the so-called negotiations with the
[opposition Movement for Democratic Change] MDC must stop.

"What President Mbeki must discard is an outdated and increasingly unpopular
'liberation solidarity' with Zanu-PF, who have a record of exploiting tribe,
land and race to justify their oppression of those people who do not share
their political views," McIntosh said. -- Sapa

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Channel News Asia

South Africa, Zimbabwe should help solve each other's problems: Mbeki

      HARARE : South African President Thabo Mbeki arrived in Zimbabwe for
talks on political and economic chaos, and declared that the neighbouring
countries had common problems they could help each other resolve.

      The South African leader was addressing hundreds of Zimbabwean ruling
party supporters at Harare International Airport shortly after arriving for
the talks with President Robert Mugabe.

      "Our countries faced common problems. They shared common problems of
oppression. They share common problems today. And in reality that is why we
are here," Mbeki said Thursday.

      Zimbabwe and South Africa share a similar history. Mugabe's ruling
Zimbabwe African National Union - Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) and South
Africa's African National Congress (ANC) fought to liberate the black
majority from colonial and white minority rule.

      At an impromptu rally at the airport, Mugabe recalled that shared
history and said Mbeki was in the country as "a brother and also as the
President of the ANC and South Africa."

      Mugabe has said that any visiting head of state from a Commonwealth
country would be welcomed in Zimbabwe in their own right, but not as a
member of the 53-member grouping of mainly former British colonies.

      This follows Zimbabwe's angry withdrawal from the Commonwealth less
than two weeks ago after the grouping prolonged the southern African
country's 20-month suspension.

      Zimbabwe was suspended from the body in March last year, after Mugabe
was reelected in polls that observers said were marred by violence and
vote-rigging.

      "We greet our brother with that warmth of heart and warm greetings
because yesterday, as we fought imperialism, they were fighting a kind of
imperialism in the form of apartheid," said Mugabe.

      The two leaders then went to a hotel in central Harare for a
preliminary meeting. Later they departed to State House, Mugabe's official
residence, for the main talks.

      While international criticism of Mugabe's government mounts, the South
African leader remains a key supporter of Mugabe's government.

      He believes in a policy of "quiet diplomacy" towards Harare, meaning
he does not publicly criticise Mugabe.

      Opposition political parties, church leaders and independent observers
have slammed the approach, saying it has not yielded concrete results.

      Zimbabwe is in the grip of severe economic hardships, and the country
is deeply divided between ZANU-PF and the main opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC).

      Mbeki was at the forefront of brokering inter-party talks that broke
down last year after MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai launched a court challenge
against Mugabe's victory in disputed 2002 presidential polls.

      Meanwhile economic woes continue to take their toll on the country.

      This week Zimbabwe's inflation surged to close to 620 percent, up from
a previous figure of 526 percent. Employment is at around 70 percent and
there are severe shortages of food threatening half the country's 11.6
million people.

      Mbeki said Thursday he was "absolutely certain... that yes, indeed, we
will solve these problems, both this side of the Limpopo and that side of
the Limpopo", referring to the river that forms a natural border between the
two countries.

      He has promised that a solution to the political and socio-economic
crisis in Zimbabwe would be forthcoming by June next year, but to date there
has not been any sign of change.

      The massive food shortages have been blamed on drought and the
government's controversial land reform programme, under which white-owned
farmland has been seized and redistributed to blacks.

      - AFP

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    Reuters

      18 Dec 2003
      Zimbabwe’s food crisis spreads to cities
      By Busani Bafana

--------------------------------------------------------------------------

BULAWAYO, Zimbabwe (AlertNet) – Relief agencies, long experienced in
channeling food aid into Zimbabwe’s rural areas, are increasingly turning
their attention to the country’s towns and cities as harsh economic
conditions make staple foods unaffordable.

"There is an undoubted real need for more assistance in the urban areas,"
Horace Ndubiwa, chairman of the Bulawayo Welfare Society, told AlertNet.
"The number of people needing food assistance has as a result more than
trebled as life becomes very difficult to sustain, more so in the urban
areas."

The Bulawayo Welfare Society currently helps about 1,400 people on food aid
in Zimbabwe’s second-biggest city -- a fraction of the total number of
people in need.

Severe drought and low agricultural productivity during the past year have
hit Zimbabweans hard, prompting government appeals for international
assistance through the World Food Programme (WFP).

The response has not been overwhelming.

Several donor agencies have launched food aid programmes and provided
humanitarian support for children and other vulnerable groups in the
countryside, but little attention has been paid to the new urban needs.

More than five million people around Zimbabwe currently need food aid. The
government claims the situation is under control, but experts say the
situation will deteriorate if the drought continues.

In an apparent admission that the crisis is growing, the government last
month launched a nine-week survey to determine the levels and distribution
of poverty throughout Zimbabwe.

CRISIS GROWING

The latest report by the Famine Early Warning Systems Network (FEWS NET),
funded by the U.S. Agency for International Development, estimates the rural
population in need of food aid at 4.1 million between October and December,
and 5.1 million in the January-to-March period next year.

The trend is also getting worse in the cities.

"The role of the Welfare Society of Bulawayo will in the year ahead be more
critical than it has ever been, given the current situation," Ndubiwa said.
"Economists predict the further decline of the agricultural sector by 50
percent next year, amidst the government’s inability to finance the
2003/2004 season.

"If the Almighty does not bless us with abundant rains, 2004 is set to be
another and more difficult year in which lives are more than likely to be
lost due to hunger and starvation."

Run mostly by volunteers and social workers employed by the Bulawayo City
Council the society launched a pilot food aid programme in May with the help
of international donations.

Under the project, many households in the city receive 25 kg of mealie
meal -- finely ground maize -- five kg of beans, 25 kg of porridge and two
litres of cooking oil distributed through the housing offices of the local
council.

NGOs operating in the Matabeleland region have launched fresh appeals for
international aid in an effort to meet needs in urban areas.

"There is a definite need for food aid in urban areas as people cannot
afford a square meal due to the difficult economic times we are facing,"
said Norbet Dube, chairman of a consortium of NGOs in the region.

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Farmers Decry Lack of Inputs, Equipment Losses

UN Integrated Regional Information Networks

December 18, 2003
Posted to the web December 18, 2003

Johannesburg

The ongoing lack of agricultural inputs and a new law that allows the
government to "compulsorily acquire" farm equipment have been slammed by
Zimbabwe's Commercial Farmers Union (CFU).

According to the newly gazetted Statutory Instrument, the government can
identify, value and "compulsorily acquire" any farm equipment or material,
not currently being used for agricultural purposes, on any agricultural
land.

The CFU hit out at the new regulation, and the lack of agricultural inputs
available for the planting season this year. The union said the government
should have liberalised the importation of agricultural inputs before the
season began, instead of debating the issue in parliament in mid-December.

The official Herald newspaper reported on Thursday that the parliamentary
committee on agriculture had suggested the private sector be allowed to
import maize seed and fertiliser as a matter of urgency to help ease the
shortage of inputs.

It quoted portfolio committee chairman Daniel Ncube as saying that the
shortage of inputs would impact on crop production.

The Zimbabwe Farmers Union (ZFU) had warned earlier this year that a
shortage of inputs, and inflation - currently over 600 percent - were
hurting the prospect of agricultural recovery in Zimbabwe. Aid agencies say
over six million people will need food aid in the first few months of 2004.

TOO LITTLE TOO LATE?

The CFU's George Hutchison told IRIN on Thursday that, should the government
allow private sector imports of inputs, it would still be too late for the
current agricultural season.

"By the time the imported [seed] arrives it will be already too late.
However, it may be of some use to [allow private sector] imports of nitrogen
top-dressing and various chemicals. But for seed, in my opinion, it is too
late - by the time the seed gets here it will be January at the earliest, so
they've missed the boat for this planting season," Hutchison noted.

He added that Zimbabwe could expect a harvest of between 800,000 mt to
900,000 mt this season, at best - still short of the more than 1.5 million
mt national consumption requirement.

Meanwhile, the CFU was seeking legal advice on the new regulation allowing
state acquisition of farmers' equipment.

Any equipment compulsorily acquired will be valued by any public service
official the Ministry of Agriculture deems is qualified to do so.

"An acquisition order will be accompanied by a notice in writing, inviting
the owner or holder to indicate within 14 days whether he or she is
contesting the order. When an acquisition order is served, ownership of the
equipment or material passes to the acquiring authority, who then has the
power to take immediate possession of the equipment or material," the new
regulation states.

Adding that "payment or compensation for the equipment will be at least 25
percent within 30 days, with the balance paid over five years (for
equipment) and one year (for materials)".

A CFU statement said the government had effectively "placed yet another
hurdle in front of commercial farmers who have lost their farms and now face
losing whatever equipment they might have salvaged from the land reform
programme".

The union noted that "many of our members, who have been evicted from their
farms in the past three years, have been storing their equipment in the hope
that they will be able to return to the land in the future". However, it was
now apparent "that they will lose out on this last vestige of hope".

The new regulation would further erode any capital savings the farmers were
hoping to maintain, and "in the current hyperinflationary times the country
is experiencing, being compensated over five years for their equipment will
leave many farmers destitute".

CFU President Doug Taylor-Freeme said it was "yet another way for government
to dispossess farmers under the guise of providing farm equipment for new
[resettled] farmers".

He took issue with the equipment valuation and compensation system, calling
it "meaningless".

"Farmers are still waiting for realistic compensation to be paid for the
fixed assets on their farms, and now the same is likely to happen for their
movable assets and inputs," he said.

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Ruling On ANZ Case Expected Tomorrow

The Herald (Harare)

December 18, 2003
Posted to the web December 18, 2003

Harare

BULAWAYO-BASED president of the Administrative Court Mr Selo Nare is
tomorrow expected to hand down judgment in an application by the Associated
Newspapers of Zimbabwe to resume operations.

Mr Nare early this month ruled that the Administrative Court had
jurisdiction to hear an application by ANZ to publish The Daily News and its
weekly The Daily News on Sunday.

He then proceeded to hear arguments from the ANZ and the Media and
Information Commission's lawyers before he reserved his judgment.

ANZ had asked for an order seeking to enforce the judgment of the same
court, which ordered MIC to grant the newspaper group a licence to operate a
media business by November 30 this year failing which it would be deemed
licensed.

MIC appealed against that decision at the Supreme Court.

The appeal has the effect of suspending the judgment of Mr Nare.

Authoritative sources yesterday revealed that Mr Nare had communicated to
the court's registrar that he would announce his judgment tomorrow.

According to the sources, Mr Nare said the appeal against his decision to
hear the ANZ case would not stop him from announcing his judgment.

Mr Nare had written to the registrar of the court advising them that he was
proceeding with the ruling, the sources said.

He is expected to announce his ruling in Bulawayo.

MIC chairman Dr Tafataona Mahoso yesterday confirmed that the commission had
been advised that the ruling would be announced tomorrow.

"We are of the view that the court should stop from proceeding with the
ruling," said Dr Mahoso.

He said they were still discussing their legal position with their lawyers.

ANZ director of legal affairs Miss Gugulethu Moyo, who was informed on
Tuesday of the date of judgment said she would rather reserve her comments
until the court delivered its ruling.

"I have nothing to say at this stage.

But I will give my comment after the court's ruling, which we are waiting
for," said Miss Moyo.

MIC, in its appeal, is asking the Supreme Court to set aside Mr Nare's
judgment and permanently stay the proceedings.

The commission also argues that Mr Nare misdirected himself on a point of
law in asserting that the court had jurisdiction to hear the ANZ case.

The appeal will be heard on February 2 next year.

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Anti-cholera campaign launched in Zimbabwe

      www.chinaview.cn 2003-12-19 03:04:02

          HARARE, Dec. 18 (Xinhuanet) -- The Ministry of Health and Child
Welfare launched the 100 million Zimbabwean dollars (about 121,359US
dollars) anti-cholera campaign on Thursday in the wake of unreliable
sanitation and safe water supply in urban areas.

          Health Minister David Parirenyatwa said that cholera would
continue to cause untold suffering to individuals, families, and communities
and that given the current sanitation and safe water supply situation, the
problem of cholera and other diarrhea diseases is likely to increase.

          Parirenyatwa said the increase in local incidence of cholera had
been compounded by gaps in the levels of awareness about cholera.

          It was important for communities to know the causes and the
prevention of the diseases.

          Cholera had killed more than 30 people in Kariba following the
latest outbreak.

          He added that cholera could kill and spread very fast if people do
not know what measures to take.

          The campaign will focus on advertising the measures that help in
the prevention of cholera and the general awareness about the disease.
Enditem

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South African maize too expensive for WFP
JOHANNESBURG, 18 Dec 2003 (IRIN) - Increasing maize prices in South Africa,
partly due to drought and currency fluctuations, have forced the WFP to look
to foreign markets to procure food aid for its emergency operation in
Southern Africa.

"It's unfortunate that South Africa may be heading into drought at a time
when Southern Africa has a huge need for food," Mike Sackett, WFP Southern
Africa Regional Director, said in a statement.

WFP had sourced "substantial amounts of maize from the South African market
over the last 18 months to feed millions of people across the region". But
South Africa is simply no longer competitive, he said.

WFP has been carrying out emergency feeding in the region since 2001. At the
peak of its operations last year 10.2 million people received WFP food aid.

Since January 2003, WFP has procured nearly a quarter of million tons of
maize in South Africa totalling more than US $35.5 million.

White maize prices in South Africa have increased by 32 percent since 1
December, rising from R927 (about US $142) for 1 mt to R1,225 (about US
$188).

The South African currency has also played a role in the affordability of
maize. It had weakened to its lowest levels of around R13 to US $1 about two
years ago but has staged a remarkable recovery, currently trading at R6.60
to the greenback.

WFP spokesman Michael Huggins told IRIN that the rand, using the UN's
average rand/dollar rate, has appreciated by 32 percent against the dollar.

While "not all donations to WFP are in US dollars, but also currencies such
as the euro, currency fluctuations in general always play a role in what we
can afford to buy," he said.

Huggins noted that rand had not only improved against the dollar but most
major currencies. The rand/euro rate was R9.5 to the euro last year
December, "it's averaging R6.4 to the euro this December".

"WFP still needs to procure more than 100,000 mt of maize for hungry people
across Southern Africa between now and the end of June 2004, and the fact of
the matter is that it's cheaper for us to buy food overseas and ship it here
than it is to buy food in South Africa," Sackett added.

Huggins warned that WFP was still facing a "dire situation" with regard to
its Southern Africa appeal.

"We appealed for US $311 million in June and to date we have received US
$149 million, which leaves a 51 percent shortfall. Given that we are heading
into the lean season it's going to be a very bleak picture for the Christmas
period and into the new year," Huggins said.

The need for food assistance is still significant in the region and WFP is
currently trying to feed 6.5 million people in Zimbabwe, Zambia, Lesotho,
Swaziland, Malawi, and Mozambique.

"That's even before we consider that Lesotho is heading for its worst
drought in memory. People are already talking about a total crop failure in
Lesotho. We will need continued international assistance for the foreseeable
future," Huggins added.
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Allow Private Sector to Import Maize Seed: Committee

The Herald (Harare)

December 18, 2003
Posted to the web December 18, 2003

Harare

A PARLIAMENTARY portfolio committee yesterday said the private sector should
be allowed to import maize seed and fertiliser as a matter of urgency to
help ease the shortage of inputs.

The chairman of the portfolio committee on Lands, Agriculture, Water
Development, Rural Resources and Resettlement, Cde Daniel Ncube (Zhombe,
Zanu PF), said the shortage of inputs would impact on production. Cde Ncube
said this while presenting the committee's report on the 2003/2004
agricultural season inputs situation in Parliament.

Government, he said, should formally appeal to the non-governmental sector
and donor community to assist import the required inputs.

"The distribution of inputs should be targeted at farmers who have been
properly vetted as opposed to the prevailing free-for-all scenario," Cde
Ncube said.

He said seed production should be classified under agro-business and
commercial farmers who had complied with maximum farm size should be
protected from eviction.

The Ministry of Lands, Agriculture and Rural Resettlement, in conjunction
with seed houses and fertiliser companies, should come up with a
comprehensive plan which would restore and guarantee seed and fertiliser
security in the country, Cde Ncube said.

Inputs, he said, should be distributed to farmers by May of each year to
avoid last minute logistical bottlenecks.

The legislator said the land tenure system should be urgently clarified and
finalised to restore security and confidence in the agricultural sector.

Cde Ncube said the recent established Land Bank should also provide a
specific facility to assist seed growers with funding.

The Zimbabwe Farmers Union, he said, expressed concern over the tillage
rates that were being charged b the District Development Fund (DDF),
especially on communal and A1 farmers.

Cde Ncube said DDF was charging wet and dry rates of $32 000 per hectare and
$25 000 per hectare respectively and very few communal and A1 farmers could
afford such rates.

Responding to the committee, the Minister of Lands, Agriculture and Rural
Resettlement, Cde Joseph Made, said Government was working flat out to
secure inputs.

He said the Government was in the process of importing maize seed to cover
the shortfall arising from the high demand of seed following the successful
land reform programme.

The minister said the Government recently bought 4 500 tonnes of maize seed
that was imported by Pannar Seed Company.

He said the Agricultural Rural Development Authority (Arda) was playing an
instrumental role in producing maize seed as it produced about 90 percent of
the seed.

"We are strengthening the capacity of Arda so that it becomes a major
producer of maize seed as the authority is currently the major producer of
cotton seed," he said.

Cde Made said the DDF was providing tillage services under very difficult
circumstances.

He said the shortage of agricultural equipment had resulted in the
Government announcing regulations to acquire from farms equipment and
material that was lying idle.

The new regulations come in the wake of reports that some former commercial
farmers had either destroyed or removed equipment from farms to warehouses
in towns in a bid to derail the land reform programme.

Zimbabwe needs about 80 000 tonnes of maize seed but it is estimated that
only 32 000 tonnes are available for this season.

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This is a powerful  report by 10 South African priests who spent 19 August to 3 September with their counterparts in Zimbabwe.  It is distributed by the Solidarity Peace Trust, a Zimbabwe/South Africa group set up by, I think, Bishop Pius Ncube from Bulawayo.  If it were possible for the various apologists of Zimbabwe to read it, I think they would have to hang their heads in shame.
 
 

 

 

“The Suffering Church of Zimbabwe”

 

 

A summary of observations by ten South African Church leaders

 

19 August to 3 September 2003

 

 

 

 

 

Edited by

 

The Solidarity Peace Trust

 

December 2003

 

  

I saw aged women coming to church without shoes. In my heart I felt that they were coming to church, and the only thing they were going to eat all day was the communion wafer.

 

 

What I find missing is the joie de vivre of the people – you hear them laughing, you hear them singing, but they are not joyful. Why should you be joyful when life is such a burden?

 

 

But among the priests there is division as well. One of the priests told me that the queues were not that bad and said “we have been demonised in the media.” I would have thought he could see the hardship of the people.

 

 

I struggle to sleep at night. I am just coming in to observe and I have been affected in such a bad way. I don’t know how the Government sleeps. When people speak to you they are looking over the shoulders all the time. The priest I was staying with was so afraid - the fear they have instilled in the peoples minds, is mind-boggling.

 

 

 

– if we don’t speak, people of God will perish: let the blood of this nation not be upon us.

 

                                                           

                                                            COMMENTS BY SOUTH AFRICAN CLERGY
Foreword from Bishop Kevin Dowling

 

Dear friends and all who seek for peace through justice,

 

This report from priests and pastors is both tragic and at the same time instructive for those who have “eyes to see” and “ears to hear”. To those who are wilfully blind and deaf, the cries of the poor, the marginalised, the vulnerable, and the oppressed in this report will go unheard – and yet another shocking injustice on our continent will not be addressed, and the “little ones” in Zimbabwean society will once again be sacrificed for political ends which have nothing to do with the ideals espoused by the African Union.

 

The Solidarity Peace Trust has prepared this report for one purpose only: to proclaim the truth in the ongoing quest for justice in Zimbabwe, and so that the suffering and cries of the oppressed millions in Zimbabwe will be heard. This quest of ours faces formidable obstacles, above all the obfuscation and manipulation of the reality by the Zimbabwe regime supported by an African leadership, particularly in the SADC region, which is nothing short of shameful.

 

It belongs to the Church and faith communities, especially but not only in the SADC region, to raise its prophetic voice in the name of all those who have been tortured, killed, raped, and denied basic human rights in Zimbabwe by a regime which callously disregards its fundamental duty in terms of the UN Charter. This duty and responsibility is very simple and clear: to protect and promote the rights and quality of life of every human being in Zimbabwe, regardless of race, religion, sex, economic condition, political persuasion, or any other distinguishing characteristic – but especially of the poor and marginalised in that society. That the Zimbabwe Government has not done so is abundantly clear from what you will read here.

 

What is truly iniquitous is the way the “land issue” and ideological red herrings such as “standing up against Western imperialism” and “you are getting engaged in the Zimbabwe question only because white farmers have been affected” have been used by African political leaders to mask what is the real issue. And that is, that President Mugabe and his Government have systematically engaged in human rights abuses of the very worst kind in order to retain political power.

 

To politicise food distribution in a time of famine; to deny access to health clinics by the poorest members of Zimbabwe society, i.e. by those who are regarded by the regime as MDC supporters and who are systematically excluded from such access, has nothing whatsoever to do with the “land issue” or anything else. It is simply a blatant abuse of power to make political opponents, and those who simply want a change of government, suffer for a choice which should be free.

 

To engage in systematic torture of MDC supporters, either real or perceived, on a countrywide scale is to engage in what is specifically prohibited by all conventions accepted by the world community; to train at least 30,000 young people as a youth militia and then unleash them on civil society to create mayhem by arson, torture, rape, murder and intimidation on behalf of the ruling party flies in the face of United Nations conventions on child soldiers, and borders on what is defined as “crimes against humanity”.

 

Such examples are not idle speculation. These human rights abuses have been carefully documented and attested to by Zimbabwean people themselves, aided by Churches and NGOs who care about people and not about meaningless myths. I personally witnessed victims of torture by the Zimbabwe regime in Bulawayo in June 2002, and I participated in the release of documentary evidence of systematic use of torture and the training of youth militia in Zimbabwe at 2 news conferences this year. The second news conference brought before the media three former youth militia who gave chilling evidence of the above - quite apart from the heartrending account of a young woman repeatedly gang raped in the youth militia training camps, and who was now trying to come to terms with the fact that she had AIDS  - and a baby to care for.

 

For African leaders to commit themselves to “solidarity” with President Mugabe and his regime, and to turn a blind eye to the suffering of millions of ordinary Zimbabwe citizens, again has nothing to do with the “land issue”, nor with “standing up against Western imperialism”. It has to be named for what it is, and Church leadership must fearlessly proclaim this.

 

Such “solidarity” is to take an option which clearly states that the ordinary African citizen in Zimbabwe does not have basic human rights which should be protected and promoted at all costs by African political leaders. Indeed, by African leaders who should be publicly proclaiming now their solidarity with their suffering African sisters and brothers in Zimbabwe – just as they did when their South African brothers and sisters were suffering under the brutal apartheid regime. Their silence and denial at the moment is deafening.

 

It is to take an option which, in effect, proclaims to the world community that ordinary African citizens can be “used” and “sacrificed” on an “altar”, i.e. not for some valid reason, but for what amounts to an ideology. It is this: that the protection of and support for manifestly unjust African political leaders like Robert Mugabe must be pursued against all odds and at any cost by African heads of state to ensure the “sovereignty” of African nations, to find “African solutions to African problems”, to resist “the use of human rights by Western nations to whip Africa into shape”, or whatever. It is to state that fundamental human rights, as enshrined in the United Nations Charter, mean one thing for the rest of the world, and entirely another thing for Africans. And that, I would submit, is an appalling affront to the dignity of African people in Zimbabwe and on this continent. Human rights are objective realities and belong to the essence of what it means to be human both as individuals, and as communities and nations. Human rights, therefore, mean exactly the same thing whether one is in Europe, or in Zimbabwe.

 

I hope that this report, and the others released by the Solidarity Peace Trust, will help in some small way to conscientise our African people everywhere, supported by all who have a concern for justice and human rights, to challenge African political leadership to fulfil its fundamental responsibilities on the African continent, and to stop hiding behind obfuscations and manipulation of truth and reality. Nothing less than decisive action on these issues is demanded by the present situation in Zimbabwe. We cannot allow the cries of so many poor, suffering and unprotected people in Zimbabwe to remain unheard. That would be to “walk by on the other side” and to condemn our sisters and brothers in Zimbabwe to a truly hopeless future.

 

Bishop Kevin Dowling

 

Trustee: The Solidarity Peace Trust

 

Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace representative within

South African Catholic Bishops’ Conference


 

 

Contents

 

                   Introduction                                                          6

 

1.       Impact of the trip in general terms                           9

2.       Fear, torture and intimidation                                  10

3.       Poverty and Starvation                                           11

4.       The rich and powerful                                            14

5.       The urban council elections                                    15

6.       Youth                                                                    16

7.       Media                                                                    16

8.       The suffering church of Zimbabwe                         17

9.       Queues, shortages and corruption                          18

10.     Positive observations                                             20

11.     Understanding of dynamics – who is to blame?       20

12.     What needs to be done?                                         22

13.     Detailed torture accounts                                        25

 

Photographs (- these have been removed to make this file smaller)

 

Front cover:                Procession with crosses to commemorate those who have died in political violence since 2000 in Zimbabwe: 29 June 2002, St Mary’s Cathedral, Bulawayo.

 

Back cover:                 Laying on of hands by pastors, 29 June 2002, St Mary’s Cathedral, Bulawayo.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Produced by:        The Solidarity Peace Trust, Zimbabwe and South Africa

 

Contact info:               email: selvanc@venturenet,co.za or leopard@metroweb.co.za

phone: + 27 (0) 83 556 1726


 

Introduction

 

The Solidarity Peace Trust has a Board consisting of church leaders of Southern Africa and is dedicated to promoting the rights of victims of human rights abuses in Zimbabwe. The Trust was founded in 2003. The Chairperson is Catholic Archbishop Pius Ncube of Bulawayo, and the Vice Chairperson is Anglican Bishop Rubin Phillip of Kwazulu Natal.

 

In August and September of this year, The Solidarity Peace Trust organised for ten priests and pastors from South African parishes to spend a fortnight in Zimbabwe. The priests came from Kwazulu Natal, Gauteng and Cape Town, and were billeted with Zimbabwean priests in urban centres around the country. They came from a cross section of denominations, including Roman Catholic, Anglican, Methodist, Baptist, and various Evangelical churches. The hosting towns were Harare, Chitungwiza, Bulawayo, Mutare, Kwekwe, Gweru, Masvingo, and other small towns. The priests arrived in mid August and left on 3 September.

 

The vision behind the exchange was that it would give South African priests the opportunity to to experience at first hand the problems being faced in our parishes at this time, and to carry this knowledge back with them to their bigger church communities in South Africa, to express solidarity with their Zimbabwean counterparts.

 

The visit also coincided with the Urban Council Elections in Zimbabwe, and while the priests were not formal observers, they were able to informally observe and comment on the elections in their hosting parishes.

 

There was no precise agenda given to the visitors apart from this – to be in Zimbabwe in solidarity and to live the life of a local parish priest for two weeks, to meet with ordinary parishioners and gather impressions of the current state of the nation.

 

On their last day in the country, the South African priests gathered in one city, together with a few Zimbabwean facilitators, and spent many hours discussing their observations with one another. The entire conversation was recorded and transcribed. In addition, priests also submitted their written findings at a later date.

 

Summary of findings

 

What was clear was that all the South African priests were deeply saddened and moved by what they observed. Some had been to Zimbabwe before in the recent past, and even they were shocked at the decline and the current poverty and starvation in small urban centres. Everyone commented on the high levels of fear in the general populace. Some had very personal exposure to intimidation, with one South African priest being chased out of his hosting parish by suspected CIO threats, and several others hearing terrible accounts of State torture from victims themselves. Priests were shocked at the inability of victims to receive justice, particularly as in several cases the torturers were the police.

 

Several witnessed what they considered election irregularities over the Urban Council Elections. All were horrified at the endless queues, the depression, the hopelessness, the exorbitant cost of basic commodities. Starvation and poverty and also the impact of HIV/Aids were frequent themes. The plight of the youth in particular was another common theme.

 

The visiting clerics also commented on the divisions within the Zimbabwean church, the silence of many priests and the collusion of yet others with government. They also noted the persecution of those priests who spoke out. Zimbabwean priests were able to learn much from their visitors, who were mostly very active in the struggle against apartheid in their own country, and who can remember facing the same timidity and insecurity in their own recent pasts.

 

The South African visitors drew their own conclusions as to who is to blame for the state of Zimbabwe today – western imperialism? or misrule by its own government? Observations were also made about the “land issue”.

 

Finally, the South African priests all felt there was a real need for them to do more – all were touched and wanted to return to South Africa and spread the word of their experiences, and to be available to help their Zimbabwean counterparts in any way possible. All felt they would pray for Zimbabwe, and some felt there was need for real action, that prayer without action was meaningless. The South Africans intend to lobby their own government based on their findings, and to inform their own parishes. Several have already spoken out strongly since their return including to the media.

 

Report structure

 

The rest of this report is made up of selected extracts from video transcriptions and written reports from the ten South African priests. The extracts have been reorganised in terms of theme, as the report-backs threw up common observations and concerns. In accordance with a request from the visiting priests, anonymity is preserved. There were concerns about negative repercussions for Zimbabwean priests if critical comments made by the visitors could be traced back to hosting parishes. There was also awareness from the visitors that they spoke as individuals and not on behalf of their bigger church communities in South Africa, and anonymity precludes the linking of their precise parishes to specific comments by themselves.

 

Rather than try to summarise or paraphrase, the priests’ words have been left as they were spoken. However, the report does not include every comment by everyone, for the sake of space and in order to avoid repetition. Italics and plain print alternate to indicate a change from one speaker to the next. All speakers should be assumed to be South African unless otherwise indicated. In the few instances when Zimbabweans spoke out, this has been indicated clearly.

 

Accounts of torture

There are a few very detailed reports of torture, which are included exactly as written by the priest who met the victims. Because of their length, they are added in their own section after the main body of the report. 

 

The way forward

 

The South African visitors were very aware that their fellow citizens do not have the full picture of what is happening in Zimbabwe, and nor do others in the SADC region. They formally requested that a final report be compiled based on their observations and that this be sent to both political and church leaders in the SADC region, as well as to others.

 

It is the wish of the priests who visited Zimbabwe that their observations are shared with as many others as possible in order to create greater understanding and empathy with ordinary Zimbabweans and their parish priests. The editors of this report have summarised these observations in good faith and in accordance with this request.

 

It is the hope of all participants in this exercise, that further exchanges of this nature will take place, in both directions, with Zimbabwean priests visiting countries in the region to relate their experiences, and priests from SADC coming to Zimbabwe at regular intervals. It was the perception of the Zimbabweans that the visit had given local church leadership hope and new ideas at a time when preaching to parishioners without hope has become the challenging task for many Zimbabwean pastors.

 

Regarding this present report, the Solidarity Peace Trust sees its only role in acting as a multiplicator, making the South African visitors’ impressions known to a wider audience in the region and beyond. Apart from this, the Solidarity Peace Trust would like the following statements to speak for themselves.

 

 

 


 

1.       Impact of the trip in general terms

 

We came to work in solidarity, to see the suffering of ordinary Zimbabweans  - to be a witness - and most importantly to take back what we’ve seen to our churches, to South Africa, to our own government – I can say, “I came, I saw, I witnessed  - and I don’t like what I saw.”

 

We will take back a message of suffering. People are living lives that are so desperate, and people across the border don’t know what is happening. The church is supposed to be for everybody. If a pastor was arrested in South Africa because he gave a practical ministry, the others would protest in solidarity. Priests here need to stand in queues and sing “we shall overcome.” We need to take back a message to South Africa, to take back the truth.

 

At the moment I’m ashamed to be Catholic, because so many people doing terrible things in this country are Catholic. The President is Catholic and the Foreign Minister is Catholic, Stan Mudenge. I was told Stan goes to church every week. Can you imagine what that has done to me? -  knowing that that man sits in a Catholic service every Sunday, and yet he isn’t moved by the suffering of his own people? I found a lot of poverty and things like that, but I also found a lot of people who are oblivious to what is happening on the ground.

 

I am ashamed to be Catholic because a lot of people who are causing the hardship and pain in this country - they are Catholic. There is only one man prepared to stand up and be counted and he is also Catholic – Archbishop Pius Ncube.

 

I was very fortunate because I spent my time with a man obviously close to the people. He is aware of the suffering the people are going through. He spoke passionately from the minute I got there until the minute I left. He prepared his parish for my arrival. He had come through the war - he told me of some of his escapades during the war, how people protected him and warned him where not to go on certain days.

 

The woman in Kwekwe whose sons were beaten for being MDC, when I was talking to her at her little vendor’s stand, I said I came through Bulawayo. She told me that when I went back to Bulawayo, I should tell Fr Ncube that “we are suffering in Kwekwe.” And I found it consoling that the person they were looking up to was the Archbishop Pius, who is Catholic.

 

I struggle to sleep at night. I am just coming in to observe and I have been affected in such a bad way. I don’t know how the Government sleeps. When people speak to you they are looking over the shoulders all the time. The priest I was staying with was so afraid - the fear they have instilled in the peoples minds, is mind-boggling.

 

How can a whole nation be subjected to that? This violence is black on black and it is people who live next door doing these things to each other. I cannot understand, I cannot comprehend.


 

2.       Fear, torture and intimidation

 

The level of fear in this country is tangible – you can feel it.

 

I had to leave the small rural town I was staying in. That is another kind of situation. You know, I had heard that people were being intimidated for supporting another political party but I thought it was not going to happen to me, because I came as a minister of a South African church and was not supporting any local political party. But last Friday when I got back to the house there, as I entered the door Fr C said “we need to talk”. He got me into a panic, I was saying, “what have I done?” He was in a very anxious state - he had received a few calls from a man who later called himself Dube, who asked by name --where was I? Fr C said, I think you need to go. It was a scary situation – was I safe to stay another night there? This caller Dube had said about me – “get out of town, get out of the country, you are causing problems for us here.” But I felt I wasn’t even doing anything political, I was just meeting church leaders, praying with them, meeting one NGO, World Vision, in order to understand what was happening in the country.

 

I’ve been through that in South Africa, I’ve been intimidated. I prayed with Fr C and left. But I have seen, and I have heard - and I know it is true people are suffering in this nation. People are dying in this nation.

 

I had the privilege of meeting a couple of people during the week, who shared with me horrific stories of torture. I thought we were through with all this in our region. I have never ever come across such brutality as I have this last week and it is haunting.

 

If these MDC people are treated so badly, who stands with them? They stand by themselves. They are all alone. What do you say to a man who has been forced to eat his own faeces? Forever he will be a broken man.

 

Zimbabwean response: I wouldn’t agree that forever he will be a broken man, because what you said before - they are all alone - that is not true. People know that these things are happening to so many people, because so many people want change. It is important for you to speak out back in South Africa, because when we hear of protests outside the country, it gives hope to people here. They feel not alone. The fact that you listened to him is factual proof that he is not alone, but that other people realise and that other people care.

 

It is no longer humiliation, torture becomes a political statement if others will listen.

 

I went to the house next door. The guy has a big problem. The Ruling Party attacked him, because they wanted him to vote for them and they took everything – his ploughs, all his tools for farming. And what they did is they came back at night and chopped the tails off his oxen.

 

I said to him don’t worry, they did this because they know that oxen get their power from the tail - but they didn’t know the Power is from above - have courage. And he said, I said to them “What do you want? I am a man of God - there is nothing I can do. I won’t vote for either party.” He said to me “what must I do in this situation?”

 I said you have answered yourself – you have to pray.

He said, “You go and report to the police, they report to the same people who did this, so it’s no use.”

 

I had time to visit cities around Gweru. To sum up what I’ve seen is that power in the wrong hands is destructive. I have seen that Zimbabwean people –their rights have been violated.  Nobody has the right to have freedom to abuse whoever he wants, yet the State does that here.

 

Zimbabwean: Politicians are afraid of pastors. I have heard of pastors with midnight knocks on their doors. For weeks we have to put pastors in safe houses. The reason they pursue us, is because they are afraid of us. Once they know you are monitoring them, they become afraid and we should not forget that.

 

 

3.       Poverty and starvation

 

In Y, which is a poor area, I saw aged women coming to church without shoes. In my heart I felt that they were coming to church, and the only thing they were going to eat all day was the communion wafer.

 

I have seen pain. The way I can describe the situation here is pain, pain, frustration, depression, fear, you name it - this is what I have experienced.

 

I was very conscious of eating better than others. The meals in the presbytery were very simple -there was no lavishness and I felt they were trying to be at one with the people around. This upset me really at X parish itself, this lady told me that she wasn’t sure where she was going to get her next meal from, or how to get money for her children to go to school. Her dress was beautifully washed and ironed – but her shoes, there were no laces in her shoes and they were too small for her.

 

I went out with World Vision to distribute food - it was a heart-moving situation. I saw how people are suffering there. At one distribution point we found hundreds of people who were waiting. The sad thing is that most of these people are not working and I found myself asking how people were surviving out there. I met people who said they hadn’t had food for more than a day.

 

What I find missing is the joie de vivre of the people – you hear them laughing, you hear them singing, but they are not joyful. Why should you be joyful when life is such a burden?

 

We saw people selling mealies and the police arrested them - it was pitiful because you can see these people are hungry - they are very hungry.

 

Yesterday I went to a supermarket and asked a vendor outside how much he earns a month and he earns Z$400 a week - but one loaf of bread is Z$1,000 and maize is Z$1,000.

 

In fact, even going to the restaurant, a lot of lessons were learnt. As an outsider, I asked for certain things like chicken, like beef, and the restaurant would say we have run out of food in the country.

 

I remember another incident -I was at Gwanda train station and a goods train came along and stopped. People around there ran to the goods train to see what it is carrying and I heard people shouting “mumbu, mumbu” which means “mealies, mealies,” and I realised how desperate people were – they are always waiting for people to bring something, to bring mumbu or whatever.  In South Africa we are taking things for granted, but here it’s a different story altogether – even for maize it’s a big thing for them, although even to get maize it’s so expensive. I see these people in town – what about those people out there in the bush? I saw on a video this old man eating monkey bread. Others are surviving by eating roots from certain trees, and I said, “Wow, this is really bad, people are really starving.”

 

I think a lot of people are living in total despair. People cannot survive except from other people’s generosity.

 

One school-teacher, who is a temporary teacher, earns Z$20,000 a month – he pays 10,000 rent so he has 10,00 to live on. I had him to a meal, which was a simple meal of meat and sadza and relish and he said he hadn’t had such a sumptuous meal in how long, but it was an ordinary meal.

 

What I noticed is there is a problem – the economic situation is very bad. When you look around you can see that people are hungry. I had to go house to house and I discovered that people are hungry, they were not afraid to share their sufferings they are going through, they said bread is too expensive for them and it is very hard to get mealie meal and it is hard to go to town because transport costs too much and even transport is a problem and does not flow as it should because of fuel problems.

 

My pastor took me to Old Township. There it was really a poverty stricken area. What I witnessed there was heart wracking. Overcrowding, people lived in shacks, you’d find a mother trying to get some corn out and feed some babies. They live so close together and I was praying there will never be a fire there because that whole township will be destroyed.

 

It is impossible to even buy a loaf of bread if you are not working. It is coming towards December time. But how are people going to get anything - there are long queues and no money. I just experienced so many things, but for example I was standing by the main gate and the pastor brought a lady. She told me that she cannot buy food because she has no cash. They did try to come together to get a solution but it is impossible.

 

I notice there is a big difference between the poor and the rich. What is the cause of this - the poor are getting poorer and the rich are getting richer. A gentleman said every day I wake up and come to town and queue all night, and then whosoever comes the next morning I say take my place for five thousand dollars and this is how I survive.

 

We saw a small little child in Harare - she came to me and said, “I am hungry.” She said they are two brothers at home and a little one and herself. Her parents died of TB and they all survive by what this little sister can do, aged less than ten, washing cars to put bread on the table.

 

My eagerness to chat to people landed me in a beer hall. I bought myself a beer and chose a comfortable corner. I identified a group of 4 people that I could join, two youngsters and two fairly old men. The language spoken was a mixture of Sindebele, English and a little bit of Nambian. I introduced myself to them and they did likewise. These are some of the observations in the discussion: a.) as a South African who was eager to hear about their country, I was like a hero to them. b). The semi-old man was concerned about the fact that tomorrow was a pay day for the  industry he was working at. He had a family to support and a student who was waiting for money. He was concerned about what the bank would say when he wanted to withdraw his money. c). The old man in our midst, who was also a pensioner, said that he receives pensions that would buy him only three loaves of bread per month!

 

The plight of the mere citizens there is very real. Right now, not a single of them is prepared to tell of their experiences except if they have gained confidence in you. The old man in the bar for instance had to say that he has taught himself how to live on only one main meal i.e. dinner, since he no longer can afford three meals.

 

They await the year 2006 in which the President is supposed to retire. But how much damage will be caused by then?

 

Politicisation of food

 

Food is being distributed on partisan lines through the district administrator’s office. As a result, MDC supporters are beaten whilst queuing for food. They are told that they should get their food from MDC.

 

The first day, I saw the Daily News article about the chiefs and headmen being supposed to hand out WFP food. And a young man said,  “my father lives in a rural area and because he asked a question in a ZANU meeting he was labelled MDC and couldn’t get food.”

I don’t know how people can use food to get votes and things like that.