The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.

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Reuters

      Angolan Dies in Zimbabwe, Tests Under Way for Ebola
      Sun December 28, 2003 10:50 AM ET

      HARARE (Reuters) - Zimbabwean health officials are testing for the
deadly Ebola virus after an Angolan man died in Zimbabwe's prime tourist
town of Victoria Falls, Health Minister David Parirenyatwa said on Sunday.
      He confirmed a report in the official Sunday Mail that the patient, a
cross-border trader, died on Christmas Day after being admitted to hospital
with symptoms consistent with the highly contagious virus.

      "It could be hemorrhagic fever...but we still have to rule out Ebola,"
Parirenyatwa told Reuters, saying no other similar illnesses had been
reported in Victoria Falls, a town close to the Zambian border and the hub
of Zimbabwe's ailing tourism industry.

      "The person did not get into contact with anyone, he went straight
into hospital," he said.

      Parirenyatwa confirmed that samples from the man had been taken to
neighboring South Africa for laboratory tests but could not say when the
results were expected. The term hemorhagic fever covers a number of
different viral infections, some relatively harmless but others, including
the feared Ebola, extremely deadly.

      If confirmed as Ebola, it would be Zimbabwe's first case of the deadly
virus, which kills up to 90 percent of infected people. There is no known
cure.

      Ebola is spread through direct contact with bodily fluids. Its
symptoms include fever, weakness and muscle pain followed by vomiting,
diarrhea, reduced liver and kidney functions and internal and external
bleeding.

      The disease is named after a river in the Democratic Republic of the
Congo, formerly Zaire, where the virus was first identified in 1976.

      A confirmed Ebola case at Victoria Falls could blow another hole in
the Zimbabwean tourism industry, which has shrunk by more than 60 percent in
the past three years amid an acute political and economic crisis many blame
on President Robert Mugabe's government.

      It would also deal a further blow to Zimbabwe's health sector, brought
to its knees in the last two months by a strike by doctors and nurses in
government hospitals to press for salary hikes of up to 11,000 percent.

      The strike is one of several to hit the southern African country as it
grapples with chronic shortages of foreign currency, food and fuel, record
unemployment and soaring inflation, seen a result of government
mismanagement since independence from Britain in 1980.

      But Mugabe says his local and foreign opponents have sabotaged the
economy in retaliation for his seizure of white-owned farms for
redistribution to landless blacks.
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Year of decision for the man cradling Zimbabwe's hopes

Ahead of a crucial 12 months, the opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai is
upbeat about replacing Mugabe, as he tells Rory Carroll in Harare

Sunday December 28, 2003
The Observer

Directions to the rendezvous will be given at the last minute, says the
voice at the other end of the line, lest the secret police are listening.
In these days of fuel shortages it is just a 15-minute drive from central
Harare to the suburb where five polite young men, acting as sentinels, open
the gates leading to a pink house.

Standing at the door of his study, a one-room cottage in the garden, is
Morgan Tsvangirai, would-be President of Zimbabwe and nemesis of Robert
Mugabe. He looks like his newspaper photographs: a bit crumpled, smiling and
frowning at the same time.

A pumping handshake and he drops into an armchair, keen to discuss the fate
of his country. What happens next - continued stalemate, a bloody uprising,
a negotiated handover of power, fresh elections - hinges largely on him and
the opposition group he leads, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).

The coming year, most analysts agree, is make-or-break. If Tsvangirai gets
it right, Zimbabwe will have a 'soft landing' from 23 years of Mugabe rule.

If he gets it wrong, the country may go the way of Congo and pay in chaos
and bloodshed, or choke in the tightened grip of the ruling Zanu-PF party.
Tsvangirai knows it is his big test.

The 51-year-old knows many doubt he is up to the job, that maybe his
personality and leadership skills are no match for the daunting task ahead,
that he makes too many mistakes. Rubbish, his supporters say. It is
Tsvangirai who forged the MDC from a trade union base into a national
movement and has withstood huge pressure to pose the most serious challenge
Mugabe has known.

The MDC holds nearly half of the 120 elected seats in parliament, controls
the councils of nearly all the country's urban areas, and, according to most
independent observers, would have won the 2002 presidential election had it
been fair.

Despite the vote-rigging, violence and muzzling of independent media, the
party is intact and respected. 'Morgan still commands a great degree of
popular support and affection,' says one Western diplomat. But a growing
number of critics say that this is not enough. People grow hungry, poor and
destitute while the President's cronies loot farms and state assets with no
sign of a backlash.

Tsvangirai and his aides are accused of staying at home while sending
supporters onto the streets to be beaten up. Some MDC activists complain of
lost momentum, fatigue and disillusionment.

Sitting in the armchair, dressed in navy slacks and an African print shirt,
Tsvangirai listens and shakes his head. 'Totally unjustified. You can't have
the leaders on the streets when nobody is there behind them,' he says.

Six months ago the nation heeded his call for a week-long general strike but
declined to throng streets patrolled by the police, soldiers and Zanu-PF
thugs. 'It's easier for people to take the soft option and stay at home -
and that's disappointing.'

If they saw Tsvangirai and other leaders on the streets, might they not join
them? They might, he concedes, but the leaders might also be arrested,
decapitating the movement with barely an independent press left to report
it.

Some observers think the risk justified. In his guerrilla days, Mugabe was
incarcerated and his movement continued, so why not the MDC? 'The tragedy of
the MDC is they want to behave like gentlemen when they're in a war
situation. They should make it impossible for Zanu, make noise, sing,' said
Sam Nkomo, head of Associated Newspapers of Zimbabwe, the group which
published the Daily News, a feisty critic that the regime closed earlier
this year.

Nobody calls Tsvangirai a coward. He has been thrown into prison, been
beaten unconscious and almost hurled from a 10-storey window. Now he is on
trial for treason and could be executed. But critics say the movement's
morale and cohesion will falter unless it is bolder.

Asked about being a martyr if necessary, Tsvangirai, a father of six, dodges
the question. Pressed, he says: 'Yes, I think I'd be prepared to lay down my
own life.' What he does not add, though some aides do, is that the streets
are not filling with critics. 'Maybe we're still not desperate enough,'
sighed one disillusioned MDC activist.

That thesis may soon be tested. Tsvangirai promised to create a 'broad
alliance' with other pro-democracy organisations to 'intensify the pressure'
on the regime in 2004. He declines to elaborate on tactics, but says the
79-year-old despot is on his way out, comparing him to Jim Jones, the cult
leader who led a mass poisoning in the South American jungle in 1978. 'If a
man wants to commit suicide, you can't stop him.'

Tsvangirai left school early to work in a textile mill, then a mine, before
working his way up the trade union movement. He never went to university -
one of the reasons Mugabe, who reportedly has at least six degrees, is so
disdainful.

Sometimes depicted as a firebrand who shoots from the hip, at one point in
the interview he grows so animated he leaps to his feet, almost shouting.
But Tsvangirai stays on-message, carefully wording, for example, his
criticism of South Africa's President Thabo Mbeki.

Many in the MDC despair that Mbeki, the one power broker with leverage over
his wayward neighbour, cossets Mugabe. But Tsvangirai merely says the South
African has been 'misled' and 'must be very disappointed' at Mugabe's broken
promises to ease repression.

Another fraught issue is whether the MDC is secretly negotiating with
Zanu-PF. Opposition supporters in particular have been confused by
contradictory signals from both sides. 'There are no talks. People must not
misunderstand proximity contacts as talks. There have been no substantive
talks,' says Tsvangirai.

Since the crackdown Zimbabweans seldom hear his voice or read his words, but
if they did they may be surprised at how upbeat the opposition leader seems.

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New York Times
 

Reports of Rape and Torture Inside Zimbabwean Militia

By MICHAEL WINES

Published: December 28, 2003

Enlarge This Image

Lori Waselchuk for The New York Times
Debbie Siyangapi, with her daughter, said she was abducted in Bulawayo in 2001 and enrolled in a government-run paramilitary group whose young conscripts frequently raped her.

 


BULAWAYO, Zimbabwe — Last March, Debbie Siyangapi took the pulpit in an Anglican church here in Zimbabwe's second-largest city and confessed her darkest secret to several hundred worshipers. Within an hour, she had donned a nun's habit as a disguise and slipped out of the church through a side entrance, literally fleeing for her safety, said Ms. Siyangapi and human rights groups that are now sheltering her.

For Ms. Siyangapi's secret was not merely her own. Her appearance was also testimony to one of the least documented — and most brutal — practices of the military enforcers of Zimbabwe's authoritarian government, enforcers from whom she now has to hide. Ms. Siyangapi told listeners that month that she had been abducted from a Bulawayo street market in November 2001 and forcibly enrolled in the National Youth Service, a ragtag, government-run paramilitary group formed three years ago by the government to stifle growing political dissent among Zimbabwe's civilians.

Her duties, however, were not political: during her nine-month stay in a training camp and later at a paramilitary base, she said, she was raped almost nightly, sometimes several times a night, by some of the hundreds of young male conscripts there.

To the extent she had proof, she offered it to the crowd: a 6-month-old baby girl named Nocthula, or Peace.

"At night, they removed the globes from the light sockets," Ms. Siyangapi, 22, said in an interview at a hide-out in South Africa, to which she fled after escaping Bulawayo in July. "Sometimes there were 10 boys. They didn't leave until 3 a.m. If you cried, you were beaten."

Ms. Siyangapi is one of the few women to speak publicly about the prevalence of rape and other sexual atrocities in the Zimbabwe military. But a growing number of human rights groups have charged in recent months that forced sex and sexual torture are routine elements of life for men and women alike in the Youth Service, used as both a reward and a punishment.

In a report issued in September, the Solidarity Peace Trust, a faith-based group of southern African human rights activists, accused the youth paramilitary group of sanctioning "the rape, and multiple rape, of young girls by boys undergoing training with them and by their military instructors."

"The resulting pregnancies and infections with sexually transmitted diseases, including H.I.V., not only devastate the lives of the youth concerned but are creating a terrible legacy for the nation," the report stated.

Amnesty International documented cases of rape within the Youth Service in a report released in April. The Amani Trust, perhaps the most active human rights group currently in Zimbabwe, has estimated that as many as 1,000 women are being held in Youth Service camps as sexual servants. The trust, an affiliate of the International Council for the Rehabilitation of Victims of Torture, assists victims of political violence.

Anthony P. Reeler, a former director of the trust who has been barred from entering Zimbabwe by the government, said it was difficult to say how prevalent rape was within Zimbabwe's military and paramilitary because so few instances were reported.

"What's happening in the camps I would call forced concubinage," Mr. Reeler, now a human rights activist in South Africa, said in a recent telephone interview. "It's much more in line with the `comfort women' of the Japanese and Philippine armed forces" of World War II.

Still, the Amani Trust reported a rising incidence of sexual assault on political opponents of Zimbabwe's government before disputed elections in March 2002, which granted a new term to Robert Mugabe, Zimbabwe's president since 1980.

Mr. Reeler and others say politically driven assaults, opportunistic rape and the sort of forced servitude experienced by women like Ms. Siyangapi continue unabated.

In Bulawayo, Jenny Williams, the leader of the feminist organization Women of Zimbabwe Arise, said in a recent interview that the ranks of women within the youth militia were only increasing, a function of Zimbabwe's collapsing economy and social structure.

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From Worldwide Faith News <wfn@igc.org>
Date Sat, 27 Dec 2003 16:38:13 -0800


ALL AFRICA NEWS AGENCY
P. O Box, 66878, 00800 Westlands,
NAIROBI, Kenya.
Tel: 254-2-4442215 or 4440224; Fax: 254-2-4445847, or 4443241;
Email: aanaapta@nbnet.co.ke

AANA Bulletin Bulletin APTA
  Editor -Elly Wamari Editor - Silvie Alemba

AANA BULLETIN No. 49/03 December 15, 2003 Features

FEATURES  SECTION

[Extract - this was the only section referring to Zimbabwe]
Opinions Split Over Zimbabwe's C'wealth Decision

Even though many Zimbabweans have generally reacted with anger to President
Robert Mugabe's announcement last week that the government was withdrawing
from the Commonwealth, there is a clique behind him. The president made
this statement at the end of the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting
in Abuja, Nigeria, after it became apparent that the country's suspension
from the club last year, would be extended further. Our writer, Bhekisipho
Nyathi, reports

M
  ugabe's Cabinet, drawn from his ruling Zimbabwe African National Union -
Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), last Tuesday endorsed the country's withdrawal
from the Commonwealth.

"This is Zimbabwe's final decision, and the Cabinet has endorsed the
decision and confirmed it. It is now a government decision, following the
Cabinet's endorsement," stressed Zimbabwe's foreign affairs minister, Dr
Stan Mudenge.

Reacting to the government's pronouncements,  the main opposition party,
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), which Mugabe's main opponent, Morgan
Tsvangirai, heads, said Mugabe's decision was an indication of his
determination to persist with authoritarian rule.

"Mugabe has shown his determination to maintain his vicious dictatorship,"
said MDC Secretary-General, Welshman Ncube.

Civic activist, Lovemore Madhuku, who chairs the militant reform movement,
National Constitutional Assembly, said that the move provided clear
evidence that Mugabe was a "rigid dictator". "It is Zimbabweans who will
suffer as a result," he pointed out.

Human rights and pro-democracy groups in Zimbabwe said they were concerned
that the president's decision to pull the country out of the Commonwealth
had dashed hopes of dialogue between the government and the main opposition
party, prolonging the country's political crisis.

Top Church leaders have been engaging in efforts to bring President Mugabe
and Morgan Tsvangirai to one table, to resolve the country's detrimental
political conflict between the two.

"It is disappointing and it is distressing. It means that Zimbabwe is now
out of an organisation that had the potential to resolve the current
political crisis," Tawanda Hondora of Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition, an
umbrella body of non-governmental organisations  in the country, said.

He continued: "From Mugabe's perspective, it is a great Houdini Act,
stifling international criticism."

Mugabe said on December 7, that he would not accept a decision by
Commonwealth leaders to reaffirm Zimbabwe's suspension, stating that the
country would leave the 54-member group with immediate effect. He described
the Commonwealth's position, promoted mainly by Britain and Australia, as
"pure racism".

The Commonwealth groups mainly former British colonies, and its mission
involves addressing issues of democracy, human rights, sustainable
development, and gender, among several other matters of welfare development.

Zimbabwe was suspended from the council of Commonwealth after Mugabe's
controversial re-election in 2002, where he was accused of having rigged
the polls to deprive his key opponent, Tsvangirai, of certain victory. A
conclusion by a Commonwealth observer mission that the polls were neither
free nor fair, prompted the action, which has been sustained to date.

A six-member panel, formed in Abuja to deliberate on Zimbabwe's
reinstatement during the latest Commonwealth meeting from December 5 to 8,
ruled that not enough progress had been made on issues of governance, and
concluded that the suspension should accordingly be maintained.

This irked Zimbabwe's president, who angrily posed if it was worthwhile for
the country to stay as a member of the Commonwealth and lose its
sovereignty, or pull out completely and keep its sovereign power.  He
settled for the second option.

As a result, "we are moving to a very, very serious stage of isolationism.
We are at a dangerous stage where [the government] does not think it is now
accountable to the international community, or that it can be judged by
those norms and standards," said Phil Matsheza, director of the
Harare-based Human Rights Trust of Southern Africa.

Matsheza commented that there was little prospect at the moment, for any
meaningful dialogue between the ruling ZANU-PF and MDC.

"Talks are going to be a casualty (of Zimbabwe's withdrawal).  Human rights
and the rule of law are going to be a casualty. Definitely, there is going
to be less conciliation and more nationalism, with the government
portraying itself as a victim of racism," he is reported to have said.

Mugabe stated that a proposed Commonwealth mission to Zimbabwe to promote
national reconciliation would not be welcome.

Despite the general uproar over President Mugabe's decision, there is a
clique of sympathisers at home, as well as abroad.

Political analyst and newspaper publisher, Ibbo Mandaza, is quoted to have
said that the Commonwealth had left Zimbabwe with no other option but to
quit.

"There is a question mark over democracy in almost all countries of the
Commonwealth, including the host (of the summit), Nigeria. It is
hypocrisy.  The Harare Declaration (the Commonwealth's principles on good
governance) is a subterfuge to be used by the white Commonwealth (members)
when it is convenient," Mandaza told IRIN.

"The real issue is not about democracy, but regime change, and the issue of
land," he charged, referring to Mugabe's land redistribution policy
conceived in 2000, during which large-scale white farmers, most of them
British settlers, were forced to leave their large tracts of land for
redistribution to land-less indigenous Zimbabweans.

The same thought was reflected by Zimbabwean Information Minister, Jonathan
Moyo, who said: "These racist leaders are using the Commonwealth to try to
punish us for taking over land from their white kith and kin..."

Southern African Development Community (SADC) leaders have also come
strongly behind Mugabe, and have accuse the Commonwealth of taking a
unilateral decision, noting that there was a clear absence of consensus on
the matter.

The 14 member block said in strong statement released last week, that the
move to continue Zimbabwe's suspension from the Commonwealth was prejudged,
considering the fact that announcements to that effect were made by some
members before the issue was finalised.
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IOL

Zim beef on verge of extinction

      December 28 2003 at 10:42AM



By Fred Bridgland

Zimbabwe's commercial beef cattle herd, which until three-and-a-half years
ago earned more than R14-billion annually from exports, is on the verge of
extinction as a result of the country's political upheavals.

The national herd, bred over a period of 110 years for survival in
Zimbabwe's harsh conditions, stood at 1,4 million animals in 2000 when
President Robert Mugabe launched his farm invasion strategy. The invasions
initially benefited landless peasants. But they, in turn, were removed from
properties when government ministers and their relatives, judges, diplomats
and pro-government journalists began laying claim to farms.

"By the middle of this year only 210 000 beef cattle survived. At the last
count there were fewer than 125 000 animals, but the number will be lower by
now," Paul D'Hotman, chief executive of the Harare-based Cattle Producers'
Association, said on Friday.

"The entire national herd is on the road to extinction and the whole gene
pool is being wiped out."

The looming disappearance of one of Zimbabwe's most valuable assets is the
most dramatic illustration yet of the meltdown that is occurring in a
country with the world's highest inflation rate (620 percent) and the
fastest-declining economy.

Dirk Odendaal was one of Zimbabwe's top beef farmers until last year when he
was given 48 hours to quit his 2 015 hectare farm and homestead with his
herd of 1 200 pedigree cross Brahmin-Charolet cattle that he had bred over
22 years.

"It was impossible to get such a large number of animals off the farm in
that time," he said. "It was heartbreaking."

Odendaal, whose farm, Condor "A", lies 250km south of Harare in Masvingo
province, said that in the first few hours many of his cattle were stolen as
peasant settlers opened gates and broke down fences. "There was a complete
breakdown of law and order and no police backup. Thieves were coming from
all over."

Odendaal, who bought his farm in 1981, one year after Zimbabwe achieved
independence, said about 300 of his cattle were stolen. He managed to remove
others to a neighbouring property and began selling them for slaughter.

"Together with other farmers ordered off their land, I began going to the
abattoirs and auctions to convert my animals into cash." He estimates that
in Masvingo only about 1 000 beef cattle survive out of the 54 000 still in
the province less than 12 months ago.

The now homeless Odendaal is camped with his last 100 beasts on a small
property that has been lent to him. He intends selling most of the animals,
but prices are down 40 percent since last week.

"I'm not a viable unit anymore," said 55-year-old Odendaal, married with
three sons. "But I'm determined to stay here. I'm a Zimbabwean. I was born
and grew up here, and my mother was born here in 1918." - Independent
Foreign Service
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IOL

Expropriation of land looms

      December 28 2003 at 05:11PM



By Caroline Hooper-Box

The government intends to expropriate land as it speeds up its efforts to
wrap up the land restitution process by the 2005 deadline.

An amendment to the land restitution act of 1994, which will allow for land
expropriation, has been passed by parliament and is to be signed into law by
President Thabo Mbeki next month.

The constitution allows for land to be expropriated to help transform South
Africa's racially skewed patterns of land ownership. But the 1975
expropriation act, which allows the government to expropriate land in the
public interest for the construction of roads, schools, hospitals and other
infrastructure, does not consider land reform as part of the public
interest.

Tozi Gwanya, the chief land claims commissioner, told The Sunday Independent
this meant the government was hamstrung when it needed to return land that
was taken under apartheid-era forced removals. The land restitution act
allows the land affairs minister to expropriate land only with the consent
of the owners, and with a court order. The amendment, Gwanya said, would
allow the minister "to expropriate without a court order and without
farmers' agreement". Land owners would be paid market-related prices for
their property.

The new power of expropriation would not be used "willy-nilly", Gwanya said,
"and the minister will not use it arbitrarily".

Expropriation would be necessary "in very few cases", he said.

"If we were to use expropriation it would be [for] about five percent of the
remaining claims - there are 27 000 claims remaining.

"Even that five percent would be a maximum. Our view is that we would use
expropriation as a last resort when negotiations are not yielding results."

Since it started at the end of 1995, the commission has spent R2,7-billion
on restitution, settled 45 000 claims and transferred 810 000 hectares of
land to claimants.

There have been only two cases of expropriation since the start of the
restitution process. The land claims commission was working towards settling
all claims by 2005, Gwanya said. Some farmers were delaying the process of
land reform by refusing to negotiate the sale of their land for restitution,
he said.

"If they would co-operate in the negotiations there would be no need to go
to expropriation action E you cannot negotiate forever."

Lourie Bosman, the vice-president of farmers' union Agri-SA, said his
organisation objected strongly to the expropriation amendment.

"In very few cases has it happened that people are slowing down the
process," he said. "It's absolutely ridiculous."

Forcing farmers to come to the negotiating table by sidestepping the legal
route sent the wrong signal to investors about property rights in South
Africa, he said, and the timing was bad, coming on the back of land grabs in
Zimbabwe.

"This is very difficult to understand. We have a good working relationship
with the government, the agricultural sector plan is in place - now coming
up with this type of thing is not in line with what we're doing at the
moment."

The expropriation amendment would be more likely to slow down land reform
than speed it up, he said, as land owners could take the matter to court
under the administrative justice act.

"The process is much longer and places the burden on the owner of the land
to take the case to court. And obviously there would be costs involved. Most
farmers on land that has been claimed have not been part of the history of
the claim."

The hype around the expropriation amendment was "alarmist and unjustified",
said Ben Cousins, director of the Programme for Land and Agrarian Studies.
"It's a logical step to make it easier to expropriate where necessary, and
make it easier to achieve the 2005 deadline."

Cousins said he did not see the government undertaking expropriation on a
massive scale. "The government's track record has shown that they are quite
careful about interfering with property rights. They want to signal to
investors that property rights are secure."

Mangaliso Kubheka, national organiser for the Landless People's Movement,
said: "We have been calling for expropriation for a long time... Unused and
underutilised land must be expropriated. It's not right that land can be
kept as a commodity while people don't have land."
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