The Times, UK December 03, 2005
By Xan Rice and Jan
Raath
The ruination of Zimbabwe seems to have broken the spirit
of its
people
IN CHITUNGWIZA, a dormitory town
home to more than one million
black Zimbabweans, a breeze is a curse. It
shifts the rotting rubbish in
front of the tiny houses. And it laces the air
with the stench of human
waste, which drifts in thin dark rivers in the
streets.
"We are sitting on a time bomb," Misheck Shoko, the
Mayor of
Chitungwiza, said as he gestured towards a concrete pipe spewing
thick brown
effluent into a stream outside the town's main sewerage
treatment plant. The
stream feeds the Manyame Dam, which supplies the
capital, Harare, with its
water. "It's a miracle there have not been more
outbreaks of disease."
Across Zimbabwe the scene is
the same: townships that were once
models for Africa have become stinking
health hazards. The big cities are
not much better. Some parts of Bulawayo
have not had water for seven weeks.
Refuse collection in Harare is sporadic.
Power failures are routine.
In small towns such as Bindura
and Shamva to the north, rubbish
is collected by ox wagon. Zimbabwe is fast
sinking into the past.
The meltdown of one of the continent's
best infrastructures has
been years in the making, the result of
underinvestment and mismanagement.
But the speed of the decline over the
past few months has been astonishing.
Zimbabweans long accustomed to
hardship cannot remember a worse time.
It has been driven by
a crippling shortage of foreign currency.
Since the seizure of white-owned
commercial farms began in earnest nearly
six years ago, agricultural output
- the mainstay of the economy - has
dropped 80 per cent. Without dollars the
Government cannot buy the £70,000
worth of parts it needs to fix the
sewerage plant in Chitungwiza, where
dozens of people have already
contracted dysentery. It also cannot buy fuel.
Service
stations have not had petrol or diesel for months. Fuel
can only be bought
on the black market - at more than four times the
official pump price. Air
Zimbabwe cancelled all its flights for a day last
week because of a lack of
jet fuel.
Prices have doubled in the past month. Annual
inflation reached
411 per cent in October, according to official numbers.
But TM, a
supermarket chain, estimated that it was closer to 700 per cent,
based on a
typical shopping basket. The International Monetary Fund predicts
that the
economy will decline by 7.2 per cent this year; GDP is $4.3 billion
(£2.5
billion), barely half of what it was seven years ago. A US dollar now
costs
Z$61,000 at official rates; Z$85,000 on the black
market.
The effects of the economic crisis are visible
everywhere.
People queue for hours just to buy maize meal, sugar and bread,
and pay for
a trolley-full of goods with briefcases full of cash.
Supermarkets, which
change their prices every week, have started installing
note-counting
machines at their tills.
Only 15 of the
country's 175 railway locomotives are in running
order. The state-owned
Zimbabwe United Passenger Company, which runs Harare's
bus services, is
broke with debts of £410,000. Hospitals, receiving an
increasing number of
patients suffering from malnutrition, are creaking
under the strain. In a
recent parliamentary report Harare Central Hospital
said that it may have to
close because so many nurses were leaving - 30 over
the past two weeks -
because of poor wages and a lack of medical equipment.
No more Aids patients
are being accepted for treatment because of a shortage
of drugs. Thousands
of soldiers have been sent on compulsory leave because
there is not enough
food and money.
Across the country commuters have turned into
hitch-hikers.
Demand for bicycles has soared. At Zacks Cycles, opposite the
railway
station in downtown Harare, Yossi Tal, the manager, said that he had
sold
thousands of heavy, single-speed bicycles this year to companies such
as
British American Tobacco. "Considering the situation here, it's been a
good
year," said Mr Tal, one of the few businessmen who can afford to
smile.
The Consumer Council of Zimbabwe said recently that a
typical
family of six needed Z$11.6 million a month to survive. But with
wages
unable to match inflation, the 20 per cent of adults with formal jobs
usually earn about Z$3 million a month. Those with access to foreign
currency, or who have relatives abroad, are coping. But many others are
not.
"I eat one meal a day, for lunch," Chamunorwa Makarawu,
a
resident of Mabvuku township on Harare's eastern outskirts, said. "Air pie
for breakfast and supper."
In the rural areas, which have
been badly affected by drought,
the suffering is even more acute. Near
Chivi, in the southern Masvingo
province, a bumpy dirt road cut through
parched countryside. Cows, their
ribs pressing through skin pulled taut,
chew leaves off trees; there is no
grass. Many cattle have perished. Their
owners may not be far behind.
"People are not starving yet," said Alfred
Matewe, 39, a short, barefoot man
with a grey-flecked beard and heavily
patched trousers. "But they will be if
the rains don't come
soon."
But rain will not solve the food crisis. A shortage of
seed and
fertiliser - and money to buy them - mean next year's harvest could
be one
of the worst. Aid agencies believe that more than three million
people will
need feeding by March. The Government, in denial over the scale
of the
problem, is reluctant to let food relief
in.
The hardship is tearing at the social fabric of a
country where
the life expectancy is now just 37. Everisto, an unemployed
man in
Mashonaland East who asked for his surname not to be used, said:
"People don't
communicate anymore. When you try to talk to your neighbour
they say, 'What
do you want? We have our own problems'."
Such
as finding money for school fees. Public boarding schools
have said that
they will increase their fees by 500 per cent next year, and
parents
organisations have given warning of a new surge of dropouts. Many
children
already rush from school to help their unemployed parents to earn
money -
something that has become much harder since government action
against
illegal trading and dwellings.
The brutal police
operation, known as Operation Murambatsvina
(Sweep out the rubbish), left
700,000 without homes or work. Operation
Hlalani Kuhle (Live well), meant to
provide legal homes and formal markets,
has barely begun, and the ban on
vending is still being ruthlessly enforced.
Newspaper boys
selling mobile telephone charge cards are frisked
and their stock is
confiscated; women selling a few tomatoes and eggs are
hauled off to police
stations.
Esnat Marowa, who tries to make a living as a
seamstress in the
Mabvuku township, said: "If they hear your sewing machine
going grrrr grrrr
in your house, they come inside and say, 'What are you
doing?'. If they see
a pile of things, they take it." Another resident said:
"When you see police
come, you know in their homes they are
hungry."
In the state media - which now include the Daily
Mirror,
furtively purchased with public money by the Central Intelligence
Organisation - the ruling Zanu (PF) party leaks stories of hope: that recent
uranium finds will help to boost the rural electrification programme, that
Zimbabwe can host the 2010 African Nations Cup, that a Stalin-type command
agriculture will help to utilise idle land, that petrol will arrive "within
days". Most ordinary Zimbabweans, beaten down, despondent and dismayed by
the infighting in the opposition Movement for Democratic Change, seem to
have accepted their miserable fate.
The IMF has refused
credit unless urgent economic reform takes
place. Donor countries have long
closed their wallets. Even China, to whom
President Mugabe has turned with
his Look East policy, has refused to bail
Zimbabwe out. South Africa, which
does not want its neighbour to collapse,
will only loan money if there is
political reform.
Near Chivhu, a government stronghold in
central Zimbabwe,
Nicodimus Joni, 43, a farmworker in tattered blue overalls
and sandals made
of old car tyres, waited for a lift to work. Closing his
eyes, and slowly
moving his head from side to side, he tried to find words
to describe what
was happening in his country.
"Ah,
Zimbabwe," he eventually sighed. "Zimbabwe is dead."
THE
FIGURES
a.. GDP has declined by 7.2 per cent this
year, after a 4.2 per
cent fall in 2004 and a 10.7 per cent fall in
2003
a.. Rocketing inflation, shortages of foreign exchange and a
decline in farm output have led to shortages of basic goods, including
diesel
a.. The economy has shrunk by 50 per cent since 1997,
exports
have fallen by two thirds and living standards have retreated to
levels last
seen in the mid-Fifties, according to estimates
a.. The IMF has forecast the fiscal deficit to GDP ratio will
double to 14.2
per cent this year, from 7.1 per cent last year and 0.4 per
cent in
2003
a.. Import volumes expected to drop by 11.9 per cent this
year,
from 5.8 per cent in 2004 and 19.9 per cent in 2003
a..
In 2000 primary crop production was estimated at 2.5 million
tonnes of
cereals in total compared with 1 million tonnes in 2003
a.. The
IMF forecasts that inflation will reach 400 per cent by
the end of the year.
However, the Mugabe Government predicts that the
economy will grow by 2 per
cent this year
VOA
By Chinedu
Offor
Washington
02 December 2005
Zimabwean
Finance Minister Herbert Murerwa's forecast of renewed economic
growth in
2006 as a key assumption for the 2006 budget he unveiled this week
has drawn
some skepticism. Given the steep downward trajectory of the
economy some
consider this to be wishful thinking at best.
Mr. Murerwa presented a
Z$124 trillion budget to parliament on Thursday,
projecting gross domestic
product growth of 2% to 3.5% next year after an
estimated contraction of
3.5% in 2005. Inflation has reignited and is now
running at an annual rate
in excess of 400% with little sign of slowing.
Senior economist David
Cowan of the London-based Economist Intelligence Unit
says Harare has not
made the reforms necessary to revive an economy that has
been shrinking for
six years.
Mr. Cowan told reporter Chinedu Offor of VOA's Studio 7 for
Zimbabwe that
Mr. Murerwa's call for a pickup in manufacturing, agriculture
and mining is
unrealistic.
Agriculture has been crippled by
continuing state land seizures and wildcat
takeovers by ruling party
officials, army officers and local officials, as
well as by scarcities of
seed, fertilizer and fuel. Export manufacturing
firms in particular have
been hit hard by a lack of access to foreign
exchange, in addition to
extreme shortages of fuel and a generally hostile
economic environment.
IOL
December 03 2005
at 08:38AM
By Peta Thornycroft
Ahead of the March
general election a long-serving human rights
activist commented in casual
conversation to journalists that Morgan
Tsvangirai would never lead
Zimbabwe.
She said she didn't believe he had the qualities for the
job but
couldn't define what those qualities were.
The Movement
for Democratic Change was the fastest growing political
party in Africa's
history when it came within a whisker of beating Robert
Mugabe's Zanu-PF in
the 2000 general election when it was only nine months
old despite appalling
state-sponsored violence.
Now the party is in shreds, divided
irreconcilably between loyalists
of party president Tsvangirai and the other
faction unofficially lead by
secretary-general Welshman Ncube, an acerbic
lawyer.
Deep divisions of style and content within the MDC
coalesced over
participation in last Saturday's senate elections, with
Tsvangirai calling
for a boycott, and Ncube saying the party had a
constitutional obligation to
obey a narrow decision by its National Council
to take part and defend
political space.
Tsvangirai
successfully led a boycott which also decampaigned 26 MDC
candidates who
lost all but seven senate seats.
The split is getting uglier by the
day with youths guarding the
entrance to the MDC's scruffy city centre
national headquarters to ensure
Ncube doesn't enter.
John
Makumbe, a veteran political scientist and largely supportive of
Tsvangirai
said: "He is trade unionist who didn't know what a political
consultant was
before 2000. He is naive, but he is the most courageous
leader Zimbabwe has
ever had, politically gullible and to use a phrase from
someone who was
talking about him this week, he doesn't have the 'anointing'
to
lead."
A political observer who is neutral in the fatal split said:
"He is
brave, compassionate, hard working, naive, headstrong, and latterly,
self-important.
"He lost self-confidence when he was charged
with treason weeks before
the presidential election of 2002, which was
Mugabe's master stroke. Morgan
does not abide by collective decisions of his
elected officials and had he
consulted he would never have fallen into that
trap. The treason trial
diverted his attention from the election, completely
drained the party's
financial resources and consumed the MDC, so
fundamentally it never
recovered."
Tsvangirai was trapped by an
intelligence sting in Canada believing he
was hiring a political lobbyist
and fund raiser, who had been previously
hired by security minister Nicholas
Goche to implicate Tsvangirai in a
non-existent plot to assassinate Mugabe.
He was acquitted two years later.
"Morgan trusts people who are
patently incompetent and he has ignored
or demoted some of the most talented
members because he saw them as a
threat," the observer said.
That is also a widely held view by several of Tsvangirai's confidantes
providing of course, they are not identified.
"Organisation for
the mass protest in 2003 was in the hands of an
entirely incompetent
official who Morgan trusted, and still does. It was
chaotic."
That was the last MDC demo.
"If he had not been so impulsive he
would not have alienated Thabo
Mbeki as he did in 2003 when he called him a
liar. He was correct, there
were no negotiations between the MDC and Zanu-PF
as Mbeki claimed, but
Morgan should have been diplomatic."
Makumbe believes that even if Tsvangirai had the most sophisticated
political skills and all the resources in the world, it was impossible to
defeat Mugabe democratically and persuade stodgy old Africa that he was not
a "British puppet".
Former MDC MP Roy Bennett, one of
Tsvangirai's most loyal supporters
who lost his parliamentary seat when he
was sent to prison last year said:
"I am not sure any outsider, including
you journalists, have any real idea
of how badly the people were punished by
Mugabe for supporting the MDC. I
have seen things which have never been
reported, the most terrible, terrible
things. I am furious at the
leadership, all of them. They let the people
down."
The
management committee which used to run the MDC's daily affairs
admits it
failed to restrain Tsvangirai's "indiscretions" or effectively
censure his
mistakes so he didn't repeat them.
"It is true, we tried to keep
the party together at all costs to
overcome Mugabe," one of them said this
week.
There is no obvious replacement for Tsvangirai, certainly not
Welshman
Ncube who has known all his life that no Ndebele could lead
Zimbabwe for the
foreseeable future despite the MDC's efforts to obliterate
Mugabe's legacy
of tribal and clan politics.
At present the
rumours are flying to explain the collapse of the MDC.
The most
persistent from Tsvangirai's camp is: Welshman Ncube had
secret visits with
Mbeki.
He has had a secret visit with Mujuru, (retired general
Solomon
Mujuru) whose wife Joice is vice president and who is manipulating
Zanu PF
succession problems. He has, so the rumour goes, agreed with Mbeki
that
Tsvangirai must be ousted to allow Ncube to lead a government of
national
unity.
Taking part in the senate elections was part of
that plot, says this
faction of the MDC.
The other side is
convinced, but has no hard evidence that Tsvangirai
has surrounded himself
with advisors in the pay of the Central Intelligence
Organisation whose job
was to destroy the MDC through internal fighting.
They have now accomplished
their mission. - Independent Foreign Service
Saturday 3rd December 2005
Dear Family and
Friends,
Having just come to terms with writing cheques using millions of
dollars,
working out how many zeroes to add and being very careful about
counting
digits on the ends of prices before I purchase things, this week
all that
carefully accumulated knowledge became rather pointless. I spent
one
afternoon this week listening to the Minister of Finance presenting
Zimbabwe's 2006 budget. Millions were gone completely and all the figures
were billions and trillions. I sort of lost the thread right near the
beginning of the budget presentation when I heard the announcement that the
national football team had been allocated 10 billion dollars. I already have
to consult my dictionary to work out how many millions make a billion but
when I tried to tap in ten billion dollars to see how much each player may
get, it didn't work. My calculator has only got enough digit spaces for nine
billion and after that it reverts to gobbledy gook and so I just sat in
stunned open mouthed silence listening to next years budget.
It looks
like the way things are going in Zimbabwe, and the speed at which
they are
getting there, I might not have to worry about how many zeroes to
add to get
billions after all. A lot of the numbers being used in the budget
this week
were in trillions and unless some clever cookie invents a bigger
calculator,
hey, I'm out! My dictionary tells me that a trillion is a
million million
but that until quite recently it used to be a million,
million, million -
either way there are just too many zeroes and my head
spins in dizzy circles
trying to understand it all.
It wasn't just numbers getting my head
spinning this week but also quite a
large number of words. The Minister of
Finance announced that agriculture
had declined by 12.8% in 2005 but that
this would change dramatically and
agriculture would increase by 14% in
2006. He said: "Government is committed
to enforce utmost discipline in the
agricultural sector. Any disruption of
farming activities is not in the
national interest and will not be
tolerated." This statement was met with
jeers, scornful laughter and
derisive comments by MP's in the House. It
comes at a time when commercial
farming continues to be the most dangerous
and uncertain occupation in a
country where millions of people go to bed
hungry every day. In the last
three months over 60 commercial farmers have
been thrown off their
properties; last week a commercial farmer in Harare
West was murdered and a
dairy farm in Beatrice which produces nine thousand
litres of milk a day was
besieged by none other than a High Court Judge who
demanded the owners leave
as this was now his farm. Nine thousand litres of
milk, by the way, at last
week's price, was worth 270 million dollars a day
- no wonder his Honour
wanted the farm! So, the Minister's stern words are
painfully hollow because
without political backing, enforcement at all
levels from the bottom right
up to the top and plain and clear instructions
to Zimbabwe's police - and
judges - they are mere words. What a shame words
don't fill tummies.
Zimbabwe's budget in 2007 will, by all accounts have
to be in Zillions and I
shudder at the thought because my dictionary doesn't
define a zillion it
just says it is an "indefinite large number."
Oops.
Until next week, love cathy.
News24
03/12/2005 11:21 -
(SA)
Harare - Zimbabwe opposition members locked in a bitter row with
their
leader over recent elections asked a court on Friday to slap a gag
order on
Morgan Tsvangirai.
The legal action against the leader of
the Movement for Democratic Change
came after the party's national council
on Thursday decided to suspend six
senior members from the leadership for
refusing to heed a call to boycott
the elections.
"We have filed an
application in the High Court for an order to gag the
president and prohibit
him from performing party functions and using party
property or visiting
party offices during his suspension," said Gift
Chimanikire, the MDC's
deputy secretary general.
Chimanikire said the application was filed on
behalf of a six-member party
disciplinary committee which last week sacked
Tsvangirai as MDC president,
citing misconduct and violations of the party's
constitution.
Tsvangirai has scoffed at the suspension and continued to
perform his
official duties and visiting the party offices.
Severe
blow to the MDC
Founded six years ago, the Movement for Democratic Change
has split over
Tsvangirai's call to boycott the November 26 elections to a
new senate.
The row has dealt a severe blow to the MDC, which had in
recent years been
widely regarded as the most credible challenge to
President Robert Mugabe's
25-year uninterrupted rule.
Tsvangirai
maintained that the elections were a waste of money at a time
when the
country was facing a severe food shortage, but his opponents within
the MDC
contended that voters should be given a choice at the ballot
box.
Mugabe's Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (Zanu-PF)
won 43 of
the 50 contested seats, while the MDC picked up seven seats in the
elections
that were marred by poor turn-out.
Chimanikire was one of
six senior MDC members who were sacked from the party
leadership at a
meeting of the national council, newly-appointed
spokesperson Nelson Chamisa
said.
The other five were secretary general Welshman Ncube, vice
president Gibson
Sibanda, treasurer Fletcher Dulini-Ncube, information and
publicity
secretary Paul Themba Nyathi and secretary for policy and research
Trudy
Stevenson.
But Chimanikire said the decision was
"inconsequential", adding that the
decision was taken by "a faction, not the
national council".
Infighting in the MDC came to a boil after Tsvangirai
overruled a decision
of the national council and declared in late October
that the opposition
would not participate in the polls.
Cricinfo staff
December 3,
2005
Zimbabwe's senior players and stakeholders have been invited to an
emergency
meeting in Harare on Monday where the one subject will be the
crisis
affecting the game in the country.
The meeting has been called
by Justice Ahmed Ebrahim, the vice-president of
Zimbabwe Cricket and a
former supreme court judge, in the light of growing
national and
international concern over the rift between senior officials of
ZC on the
one side and players and administrators on the other.
"I am calling
together all the provincial chairpeople, all stakeholders and
all legitimate
members of the board," Ebrahim told the Associated Press. "It
is very
important that we act quickly. The staff will also need assurances."
It is
not known whether Peter Chingoka, the embattled ZC chairman, and Ozias
Bvute, the MD, will attend.
There was due to be a board meeting
today, but once again it was cancelled
after Chingoka claimed that it had
not been possible to raise a quorum. That
was disputed by his opponents who
maintained that it was another move aimed
at thwarting attempts to call the
board to account.
Ebrahim said he wanted former captain Tatenda Taibu,
other senior players
and player spokesperson Blessing Mahwire to also attend
Monday's meeting.
Ebrahim said he would ask Taibu whether he would consider
reversing his
decision to quit the captaincy. Taibi has said that if
Chingoka and Bvute
are removed then he will reconsider his position. It is
also possible that
were the two to leave then other players might reconsider
their own
decisions to retire.
With the players refusing to represent
Zimbabwe until the pair are ousted,
it could be that Monday's meeting is
decisive in removing them. That
Ebrahim, a senior figure in Zimbabwe cricket
and one who is respected
internationally, has made this announcement is a
serious blow to Chingoka
and Bvute. It was also noticeable that he asked
Phil Simmons to attend.
Simmons was fired as Zimbabwe coach by the board and
replaced by Kevin
Curran, but the players have made it clear that they do
not support the new
man and want Simmons reinstated. Ebrahim tellingly
referred to Simmons as
"the national coach" and said that Curran's status
had yet to be sorted out.
© Cricinfo
Harold Doan and Associates
Dec. 2 2005
Press Release -
World Food Programme
Harare, 02 December 2005 - WFP has
warmly welcomed a 10 million
British pound (Zim$1.23 trillion) cash donation
from the UK Department for
International Development which will be used to
buy urgently needed food
supplies for the people of
Zimbabwe.
The transfer of funds to WFP followed a signing
ceremony in the
capital Harare today between the Country Directors for WFP
and Britain's
Department for International Development
(DFID).
Critical time
The funds will be
used to buy up to 40,000 tonnes of food which
is enough to feed more than
three million people for a month.
"This support comes at a
critical time for WFP's programmes in
Zimbabwe, when we are scaling up our
programmes to reach over 3 million
vulnerable people," said Kevin Farrell,
WFP Country Director in Zimbabwe.
"Combined with support from
a range of donors, DFID's generous
contribution helps WFP to buy food
regionally for distribution in Zimbabwe
at the height of the hungry
season."
DFID
The donation by DFID brings
the amount of humanitarian
assistance given to Zimbabwe to 120 million
British pounds (Z$14.7 trillion)
since 2001.
This year
alone, DFID will give 40 million pounds (Z$4.9
trillion ) to the people of
Zimbabwe through UN agencies and
non-governmental organisations working in
the country.
Crucial partner
"The UK is
pleased to be able to provide this help to the people
of Zimbabwe at this
important time," said John Barrett, Head of DFID
Zimbabwe.
"WFP is a crucial partner in the international
effort to
distribute food to the poorest and most vulnerable people in
Zimbabwe."
Severe drought
The donation
follows the conclusion of a memorandum of
understanding yesterday between
WFP and the Government of Zimbabwe which
sets out the modalities of food
distributions through non-government
organisations in the
country.
WFP has been carrying out feeding programmes in
Zimbabwe since
2001 when severe drought, compounded by HIV/AIDS, affected
agricultural
production across all of southern Africa.
In
addition, this year, the UN agency plans to feed more than
three million
people through vulnerable group feeding programmes, while
continuing ongoing
school feeding, home based care for people living with
AIDS and orphan
support programmes.
Pledge
DFID previously
announced this pledge to WFP in a press release
issued on 22 September 2005
announcing £11.05 million funding to combat
Southern Africa food shortages,
of which Zimbabwe received £10 million.
The announcement made
today does not represent additional
funding to the £10 million committed by
DFID in September.
IPS
Moyiga
Nduru
JOHANNESBURG, Dec 2 (IPS) - Campaigners from Southern Africa are
bracing for
the World Trade Organisation (WTO) talks to be held in Hong Kong
later this
month. Some plan to send representatives to the meeting, to
protest against
unfair trade legislation - particularly as this relates to
agriculture.
These representatives will include two cotton farmers from
Zimbabwe, says
Ntando Ndlovu of the Zimbabwe Coalition on Debt and
Development, a
non-governmental organisation (NGO) based in the capital,
Harare.
"The two farmers will be in Hong Kong and make noise using
anything,
including the beating of drums," she told a gathering of Southern
African
activists this week at a conference held in the South African
commercial hub
of Johannesburg. Ndlovu also urged Mozambique and South
Africa to send
cotton farmers in support of their Zimbabwean
counterparts.
Zimbabwe's controversial land re-allocation programme has
not really
affected cotton farmers in the country, said Ndlovu. However,
trade rules
for cotton have undermined them - and producers further
afield.
According to leading British charity Oxfam, "Africa has lost on
average 441
million dollars as a result of trade distortions in world cotton
prices."
Mali, Burkina Faso, Benin, Chad and Cameroon are the countries most
affected
by subsidies which the European Union and the United States are
paying their
cotton farmers.
Many believe a failure to reform the
cotton trade will derail the WTO
meeting.
"Cotton could be a big
issue to block Hong Kong," Dot Keet of a Cape
Town-based NGO, the
Alternative Information and Development Centre, told
IPS.
But
agriculture is not the only source of grievance for Africa in the
upcoming
trade negotiations. Governments and civic groups across the
continent are
also concerned about intellectual property rights, and
attempts to
liberalise the trade in services.
"There is a perception that TRIPS
(trade related aspects of intellectual
property rights) is ill-conceived.
It's not a trade issue - it's a human
rights and knowledge issue," Keet
said.
TRIPS, which concerns the manufacture and distribution of
anti-retroviral
drugs (ARVS) for managing HIV/AIDS - amongst other issues -
has been under
discussion for some time.
"With a blockage in
agriculture - and nearly every other area of the talks -
the TRIPS and
public health issue appears to have fallen off the agenda and
is no longer a
priority for rich countries," says Oxfam.
The group accuses the U.S.
pharmaceutical lobby of "pushing U.S. negotiators
to refuse anything, even
if this means leaving millions of poor Africans
without access to affordable
drugs."
But certain campaigners also blame African governments for the
lack of
progress on broadening access to ARVs. Sub-Saharan Africa is the
region most
affected by AIDS, globally.
"African governments have not
taken advantage of producing generic drugs as
India and Brazil have done,"
Emmanuel Ndlangamandla, executive director of
the Swaziland-based
Co-ordinating Assembly of Non-governmental
Organisations, told
IPS.
The price of ARV treatment has fallen from 10,000 dollars to 150
dollars per
year, offering African HIV/AIDS patients a new lease on life,
according to
Oxfam. But, these prices are still high on a continent where
World Bank
estimates indicate more than half the population lives on less
than a dollar
a day.
African campaigners are also opposed to the
WTO's non-agricultural market
access (NAMA) discussions.
"NAMA must
be taken out of WTO - it's profoundly immoral. We don't have
services to
export," Keet said. "NAMA will destroy our economy. With NAMA,
economies
which have not been industrialised will never industrialise."
There are
fears that the sensitive debate over agriculture will be used to
prise open
the industrial and service sectors of African countries.
"Industrialised
nations say they'll reform their agricultural policies, but
we must give
them improved market access into our agriculture market, our
services and
industrial sectors," Keet said. "They are using agriculture as
a bargaining
ploy."
Given the heated debate over these issues, many believe the Hong
Kong talks
offer little hope.
"If they can't agree on (reducing)
subsidies, which African countries have
been demanding for years, I doubt
there'll ever be a breakthrough in Hong
Kong," Vitalice Meja, advocacy
director at the Harare-based African Forum
and Network on Debt and
Development, told IPS.
He believes this holds dire implications for the
continent: "We believe
trade is the only way that African countries can move
out of debt traps.
Rich countries should open up their markets and remove
high tariffs - and
African countries should start trading among
themselves."
These words are echoed by Harare-based campaigner Thomas
Deve.
"I'm not optimistic that there will be a breakthrough in Hong Kong.
The
council of ministers didn't come out with a consensus document between
July
and now. WTO Director General Pascal Lamy has failed to garner
consensus,"
he told IPS.
Keet says there are also fears that Chinese
authorities will put a damper on
the activities of NGOs represented at the
WTO summit.
"It's going to be controlled. There will be fewer NGOs in
Hong Kong than
they were in Cancun," she said. "If there's a low attendance,
don't conclude
that people have lost interest. That's why we must be there.
We must make
our voices heard." (The last major round of trade talks took
place in the
Mexican resort town of Cancun, in 2003.)
(END/2005)
From The Herald, 3 December
Herald Reporter
The Media and Information
Commission (MIC) has censured and given the
Financial Gazette (Fingaz) a
seven-day ultimatum to respond for willfully
contravening the Access to
Information and Protection of Privacy Act.
Failure to respond within the
prescribed time frame, would result in the MIC
issuing an order compelling
the publication of both a retraction and
rebuttal of a story it published
claiming that the Central Intelligence
Organisation (CIO) had blocked the
registration of The Daily News. In a
statement yesterday, MIC chairman Dr
Tafataona Mahoso ordered the weekly
newspaper to publish the rebuttal and
retraction in their next issue. The
order, Dr Mahoso said, would require a
full retraction of the story and a
publication of a rebuttal of the same
story to be authored by a person
chosen by the Commission. The MIC chairman
also gave the weekly paper seven
days to respond and demonstrate why they
should not be charged under AIPPA.
Dr Mahoso said the story
constituted gross misrepresentation, prejudiced
selectively, and far-fetched
embellishment of material, which had become
part of a court record and was
readily accessible to Fingaz reporters at the
time. "In terms of Section (7)
(c), you are invited to reply to these
allegations within seven days of this
notice and to demonstrate why the
Media and Information Commission should
not proceed to issue an order
compelling the publication of both a
retraction and rebuttal. "Therefore in
terms of section 71, subsection (7)
of the Access to Information and
Protection of Privacy Act, the Media and
Information Commission hereby
notifies you of its intention to issue an
order in terms of section (6) of
the same section," Dr Mahoso said. He said
the MIC could not be allowed to
stand such gross distortions in the front
page story on their December 1
issue headlined "Former MIC Commissioner
spills the beans: CIO blocked Daily
News registration - Mystery surrounds
minutes of critical meeting." "Please
note that the Commission reserves its
right to consider proceeding in terms
of section 80 of the same Act," he
said.
Dr Mahoso said the Fingaz story sought to discredit the
determination of a
quasi-judicial body, the MIC. "The question whether
quasi-judicial bodies in
Zimbabwe observe the rule of law and administer
their affairs in accordance
with the rules of administrative justice is a
matter of national interest
and public concern," he said. He also said the
story was wrong and false but
the reporter and the editor deliberately
published it. "I can only suggest
malice and mischief, since the two
explanations cannot be both true. On
November 24, you were in fact saying
that both the publishers of The Daily
News and their chief executive officer
knew why they were not licensed, that
is because their CEO made a lot of
strategic errors that the company has
paid for heavily. "How then does it
require bringing in the CIO to make
sense of the MIC's decision," he said.
Dr Mahoso also said the ANZ was
denied registration after it intentionally
and defiantly contravened
sections 65, 66, 72, 76 and 79 of AIPPA. He also
said the Fingaz story was a
gross violation of the code of ethics of
MIC.