Zim Online
Saturday 09 December
2006
HARARE - Zimbabwe and Lesotho could
lose more than a quarter of their
labour force to HIV/AIDS by 2010 unless
the government ensures universal
access to anti-retroviral (ARV) drugs,
warns the International Labour
Organisation (ILO) in a report just
published.
The report, released last week to coincide with the
commemoration of
World AIDS Day, said HIV and AIDS could reduce the labour
force in the two
countries by more than 25 percent in the next four years as
long as ARVs are
not readily available to workers infected with
HIV.
According to the ILO, nearly 28 million economically active
men and
women had died by 2005 in the world since the onset of the HIV
pandemic.
The ILO noted that, even with increased survival due to
increasing
availability of ARVs, the total labour force losses is projected
to reach 45
million by 2010 and 31 economically active men and women will be
lost to
Africa for every 14 lost to all the other regions.
The
ILO said: "At that point, unless access to ARVs has increased more
rapidly
than now anticipated, Botswana and Swaziland will have lost more
than 30
percent of their labour force, Lesotho and Zimbabwe about 25
percent, the
Central African Republic, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, South
Africa, Uganda,
the United Republic of Tanzania, and Zambia between 11 and
19 percent; and
Congo, Côte d'Ivoire, Kenya, and Rwanda will have lost 9 to
10 percent.
"
Zimbabwe is estimated to have already lost about 20 percent of
its
workforce by 2005.
These projections continue to argue
loudly for comprehensive workplace
action against HIV and AIDS, according to
the report entitled HIV/AIDS and
Work: Global Estimates, Impact on Children
and Youth and Responses 2006.
Zimbabwe does not have sufficient
stocks of ARVs to provide to all the
people requiring them, a problem that
has been blamed on a critical shortage
of foreign currency to import the
medication.
In May 2006, the country was reportedly left with a
month's supply of
the drugs as pharmaceutical companies were not allocated
funds to import the
medicine.
The ILO report noted that as
successive generations of persons living
with HIV become ill with AIDS and
die, the total death toll was bound to
rise.
It projects that
by 2015 countries such as Botswana, Lesotho,
Swaziland and Zimbabwe would
have lost more than three out of every 10
workers due to AIDS. -
ZimOnline
Zim Online
Saturday 09 December
2006
HARARE - Zimbabwe's bakers have
written to the government for
permission to increase the price of bread by
more than 200 percent while
individual retailers in Bulawayo city had by
Friday already hiked bread
prices, as the country's economic crisis showed
no signs of easing.
National Bakers Association of Zimbabwe (NBAZ)
chairman Burombo Mudumo
said the association had written to Industry and
Trade Minister Obert Mpofu
seeking to be allowed to increase the price of a
standard loaf of bread from
$295 to $700.
Bread is among a list
of essential commodities whose prices are
tightly controlled by the
government.
"We applied for the price to be increased to $700 after
looking at all
factors affecting the production of bread," said Mudumo, who
was jailed last
week for flouting price controls.
Mudumo, who
is also chief executive officer of one of the country's
largest bakeries
Lobels Bread was last week jailed for 30 days after he was
found guilty of
increasing the price of bread without permission from the
government. He is
out on bail pending appeal against both conviction and
sentence.
Mpofu was not immediately available for comment on
the matter. But
sources said the Industry Minister had tabled the bakers'
request for a
price review at last week's meeting of President Robert Mugabe
and his
Cabinet which is expected to decide on the matter sometime next
week.
But bakers in the second largest city of Bulawayo, impatient
at the
government's delays in permitting the hiking of the price of bread,
had by
Friday unilaterally increased prices to between $600 and
$700.
Bakers interviewed by ZimOnline cited the shortage of flour
forcing
them to import at a higher cost and ever increasing charges for fuel
and
foreign currency on the black market as reasons for hiking bread
prices.
An official with INNSCOR, one of the country's leading
bread makers,
said: "Flour is in short supply locally and we have to import
it from
neighbouring countries like Botswana and South Africa.
"Fuel prices also went up to more than $15 000 for a five litre gallon
on
the black market, while the parallel market rates of foreign currency
also
went up sharply this week. The only way we can survive is by hiking our
prices as well."
The police however threatened to unleash a
fresh crackdown against
bakers selling bread at prices higher than those
permitted by the
government.
"We will continue to arrest them
if they breach the (prices) law. They
will not get away with what they are
doing," a police spokesman, Oliver
Mandipaka, said.
Bread, like
other commodities whose prices are controlled, has been
scarce in Zimbabwe
since the government began fixing the prices of the
staple food and jailing
bakers who charge above the official price. -
ZimOnline
Zim Online
Saturday 09 December
2006
HARARE - Zimbabwe's Central Statistical Office
(CSO) on Friday failed
to release the latest figures on the country's
runaway inflation because of
as yet unexplained reasons.
The
CSO which at the beginning of the year pledged to make available
inflation
figures by the 10th of the month or by Friday in cases when the
10th falls
on a weekend did not give reasons why it failed to produce the
latest data
on the key rate.
CSO director Moffat Nyoni was not available for
comment on the matter
but officials at the Ministry of Information later
said inflation figures
would now be released next Monday.
Inflation, pegged at 1 070.2 percent last October and the highest in
the
world, is seen climbing to more than 1 100 percent with analysts citing
rising prices of fuel, public transport fares, food and other key
commodities as the main drivers of inflation.
But
hyperinflation, described by President Robert Mugabe as Zimbabwe's
number
one enemy, is only one on a long list of troubles bedevilling the
southern
African country in its seventh year of economic recession.
The
economic recession has also spawned shortages of fuel, essential
medicines,
food, hard cash and just about every basic survival commodity. -
ZimOnline
VOA
By Jonga Kandemiiri
Washington
08 December
2006
The Grain Marketing Board says it does not have money to
pay all of the
farmers who consigned their wheat harvests to it in the
recently ended
market season.
The state-controlled Herald newspaper
quoted GMB Chief Executive Samuel
Muvuti as saying his agency's cash flow
problem was temporary and would be
resolved.
The GMB increased the
price to farmers for their wheat in August to
Z$218,000 a tonne from Z$9,000
previously, but is unable to make good on its
commitments.
The crisis
could scuttle hopes for many farmers of good results in the
current maize
season, because they need wheat revenues to purchase inputs
like fertilizer.
The Grain Marketing Board requires farmers to pay cash for
those
inputs.
Agronomist Thomas Nherera, past president of the Indigenous
Commercial
Farmers Union, told reporter Jonga Kandemiiri of VOA's Studio 7
for Zimbabwe
that the GMB's cash may have been drained when large wheat
deliveries came
all in at once.
VOA
By Blessing Zulu
Washington
08 December
2006
A business group led by retired Zimbabwe army general
Solomon Mujuru - who
is the husband of Vice President Joyce Mujuru - faces a
challenge in the
country's supreme court over allegations his political
clout allowed it to
illegally seize a diamond mine.
A Harare high
court judge this week ruled for Mujuru's River Ranch Ltd.
consortium against
Bubye Diamond Mine of Beitbridge, which had asked the
court to prohibit the
sale or export of the mine's precious output without
permission from
Bubye.
The high court judge in the case, Lawrence Kamocha, set aside four
other
judgments in Bubye's favor. Mining industry sources said Zimbabwe is
losing
US$1 million a month in royalties while diamond exports and sales are
blocked by the suit.
Mujuru's consortium announced earlier this year
that it would sell 22,000
carats of diamonds through the state monopoly
Mineral Marketing Corporation.
Bubye Diamond Mine Director Adele Farquhar
told reporter Blessing Zulu of
VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that the latest
high court judgment is
disturbing.
Somewhat ironically, Bubye Diamond
Mine is represented by Terrence Hussein,
President Robert Mugabe's personal
lawyer, who said he is confident that his
clients will prevail against the
Mujuru consortium at the supreme court
level.
International Herald Tribune
Published:
December 8, 2006
One problem with labeling states as pariahs is that
it's all too easy to
forget about them. Robert Mugabe's Zimbabwe is a prime
example: It is under
economic sanctions by the United States and the
European Union and few
tourists go there, so the suffering of its people is
largely out of sight
and out of mind to the Western world. Yet things are
truly terrible there.
The latest indication comes in a UN-funded report
by Zimbabwe's own social
welfare ministry. Figures never tell the whole
story, of course, but these
are astounding: More than 63 percent of the
rural population couldn't meet
"basic food and non- food requirements" in
2003, the last year for which
figures were available. Things have gotten far
worse since: Malnutrition
among children is up 35 percent, people without
access to health care is up
48 percent, HIV/AIDS afflicts 18 percent of the
population, unemployment is
at over 70 percent, life expectancy is down to
35, hyperinflation is the
worst in the world....
Mugabe's government,
of course, blames sanctions, weather, former colonial
rule, market
conditions - everything except itself. Yet the real culprit for
the
deepening misery of his people is Mugabe, who has run Zimbabwe since
independence in 1980. Now 82, he is a master at the blame game, accusing the
West of colonialism and racism when it criticizes his devastating scheme to
break up white-owned commercial farms among blacks, or his cruel expulsion
of 750,000 slum-dwellers from cities, or whatever else he
does.
There's not much the West can do; more sanctions would only bring
more
suffering. But Africans could do something, if they joined in
condemning
Mugabe. For understandable reasons, African leaders have been
reluctant to
publicly criticize fellow Africans, especially former
anti-colonial
resistance leaders. But as UN Secretary General Kofi Annan
declared on
Friday, "human rights are perhaps more in need of protection in
Africa than
in any other continent." They are certainly in desperate need of
protection
in Zimbabwe, and the sooner the better.
ZTVP Zimbabwe Torture Victims / Survivors Project
Report issued by Zimbabwe
Torture Victims/Survivors Project to
coincide with the 16 Days of Activism
Against Gender Violence.
7 December 2006
Thousands
of Zimbabwean women have been subjected to several forms of
torture,
including rape, throughout the country's current political,
economic and
humanitarian crisis, according to a new report produced by the
Zimbabwe
Torture Victims/Survivors Project.
The report was written to
coincide with South Africa's 'Sixteen days
on gender activism'. It shows
that a significant proportion of the women who
have fled Zimbabwe for South
Africa have experienced state torture. Large
numbers of Zimbabwean women are
fleeing their homes and even their country
to avoid violence.
Zimbabwe's ongoing crisis has resulted in a dramatic increase in state
violence. More than 15,000 cases of organized torture and violence have been
documented in Zimbabwe since 2001, according to the Human Rights
Forum.
Among the Zimbabweans who have fled their homes for South
Africa, 40%
are woman, according to a small sample surveyed in the Gauteng
Province.
Thirty percent complain they suffered political violence and 44%
report
having been denied access to food because of their support for the
opposition, according to a snap survey carried out by ZTVP in
2005.
The Zimbabwe Torture Victims/Survivors Project (ZTVP) offers
medical
assistance, counselling and limited social assistance to Zimbabwean
survivors of torture who are living in South Africa. The project has been
operating in Johannesburg, based at the Centre for the Study of Violence and
Reconciliation, since February 2005.
Women make up 32% of all
torture survivors seen by the project from
February 2005 to September 2006.
More than 84% of the women have arrived in
South Africa since 2004. They are
young, with an average age of 29, and
mostly single. More than half (63%)
had some form of employment in Zimbabwe.
Most (67%) report that they were
politically active in some way, with 43%
reporting membership in the
opposition party, the Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC). Most (70%) came
from Zimbabwe's urban areas and most came from
Matabeleland in southwestern
Zimbabwe.
Significantly, 15% reported that they had been subjected
to rape,
which is much higher than recorded by earlier human rights reports.
Beatings, sensory over-stimulation, burnings, falanga (beatings of the soles
of the feet), electric shock were other forms of torture reported by the
women. Nearly half the women reported multiple violations. They reported
that the violence was inflicted by supporters of Zanu-PF (48%), war veterans
(17%), police (10%), army (5%) and the Central Intelligence Organisation
(5%).
The report features several harrowing first-person
accounts of rape
experienced by the women. The ZTVP also has a video about
the problem of
rape in Zimbabwe.
The survey found that women
who reported rape were also significantly
more likely to report severe
torture, particularly beatings. The women who
reported rape were
significantly more likely to be assessed as suffering
psychological problems
following the trauma.
The report highlights that only 36% of the
Zimbabwean women torture
survivors have received a Section 22 status, which
is the first step of
applying for refugee status. Only 2% had succeeded in
getting refugee
status.
"Given the strong prima facie grounds
that these women have for
acquiring asylum, it is a disgrace that so few
have been accorded such
status," concludes the report. "Not only does it
seem that the South African
authorities have scant regard for the
application of its own Refugee Act,
but also that they seem oblivious to the
enormous literature pointing out
the need for special treatment of women
refugees."
Introduction
This report has been
issued to coincide with the 16 days on gender
activism, and concerns the
organized violence and torture experienced by
Zimbabwean women during the
crisis that has engulfed Zimbabwe since 2000.
The women described in this
report have all fled Zimbabwe into exile in
South Africa, and most are
currently seeking political asylum.
There have been enormous
strides in protecting women's rights since
the 1993 Vienna Conference, but
it is trite to say that women's rights have
come of age in the context of so
much continued violence against women.
Across the world, women's rights
continue to be violated in both the public
and the private sphere, and it is
now widely accepted that women, and
children, are the most common victims in
situations where organized violence
and torture become prevalent. Despite
the enormously significant
developments in women's rights since the Vienna
Conference in 1993, it is
still the case that women are frequently the first
victims in civil conflict
and become the major affected group in both
internally and externally
displaced populations.
The violence
experienced by women is a significant cause of increased
morbidity. The
World Health Organization has argued that collective violence
is one of the
more significant causes of mortality. The WHO recognizes
various forms of
collective violence, which include:
. Wars, terrorism and other
violent political conflicts that occur
within or between states.
.
State-perpetrated violence such as genocide, repression,
disappearances,
torture and other abuses of human rights.
. Organized violent crime
such as banditry and gang warfare.
Whilst the first category
rightly draws the greater attention of the
world community, it is also the
case that the second has become an area of
increasing concern. Women are not
only vulnerable during the obvious wars,
but they are also at serious risk
in states where repression is common.
Whether it is termed "collective
violence" or "organized violence", it is
evident that such causes of
morbidity are a serious health concern, and this
concern is greater when the
conflict leads to significant numbers of
refugees or internally displaced
persons.
Refugees as a whole are more likely to report having been
victims of
organized violence and torture. One report estimates that between
5 to 35%
of the world's refugees have had at least one experience of
torture. A
recent study of African refugees indicated that the prevalence of
torture
ranged from 25% to 69% by ethnicity and gender, and also found that
women
were tortured as often as men. This study commented upon the need to
identify torture in African refugees, and especially in women. Other recent
studies have pointed out that there are significant risks and worse outcomes
for women, especially those who are older and more educated, and this
replicates a number of other studies.
Now there is frequent
dispute about whether Zimbabwe since 2000
constitutes a situation of
"collective violence", and this leads to the
frequently expressed view that
the estimated 3 million Zimbabweans living
outside of Zimbabwe, and mostly
in South Africa, are "economic refugees" and
not political refugees
deserving of asylum status. This view is reinforced
by the parlous state of
the Zimbabwean economy, and it is certainly the case
that, in the world's
fastest declining economy, Zimbabweans are leaving the
country because of
the economy.
However, it is also the case that Zimbabwe has
experienced significant
levels of organized violence and torture since 2000,
with the Zimbabwe Human
Rights NGO Forum recording over 15,000 violations
since July 2001. Thus,
whether Zimbabwe currently is described as a country
at war or a country
suffering under state repression, it seems fair to
conclude that the country
is in the grip of a "complex emergency", which is
the most recent
characterization of countries in severe political conflict.
This is defined
by the UN as follows:
''A humanitarian crisis
in a country, region or society where there is
total or considerable
breakdown of authority resulting from internal or
external conflict and
which requires an international response that goes
beyond the mandate or
capacity of any single agency and/or the ongoing
United Nations country
programme.''
The features of complex emergencies - the dislocation
of populations;
the destruction of social networks and ecosystems;
insecurity affecting
civilians and others not engaged in fighting; and
abuses of human rights -
are all currently present in Zimbabwe, and have
been present for several
years now.
It is also important to
highlight one factor generally specific to
women: rape and other forms of
sexual violence. This factor receives
considerable attention, and draws
frequent reference from those responsible
for monitoring human rights and
the rights of women. There has been frequent
reference to rape and other
forms of sexual violence during the past 6
years, but much has remained in
the realm of anecdote. This is not to say
that sexual violence against women
has not occurred, but rather that the
extent remains unknown. For example,
the reports of the Human Rights Forum
show a relatively low incidence of
rape, although the cases reported
demonstrate unequivocally that
politically-motivated rape has occurred. A
recent report on the Mugabe
government's mass housing demolitions, Operation
Murambatsvina, showed a
considerable rise in the incidence of rape and other
forms of sexual abuse
since 2000, indicating that rape had risen to between
8-11%, and sexual
abuse had risen to between 12-30%. It is clearly very
important to determine
the extent to which this startling increase is
directly due to political
violence, as is frequently the case in conflict
situations, and how much is
the consequence of the "complex emergency" and
the social breakdown that has
accompanied this complex emergency.
Rape and sexual violence are,
however, only part of the picture. Women
in Zimbabwe have been victims of
the most egregious forms of organized
violence themselves, as well as having
to carry the burden of families in
which their partners have been victims
and their children witness to
violations. In organized violence and torture,
it seems that there is no way
that women can escape the consequences. Large
numbers of Zimbabwean women
are running away from their homes to avoid
violence and many are fleeing to
South Africa as a place of
refuge.
Zimbabwe Torture Victims/Survivors Project
[ZTVP]
The Zimbabwe Torture Victims/Survivors Project [ZTVP] has
been in
operation since February 2005. Based at the Centre for the Study of
Violence
and Reconciliation [CSVR] in Johannesburg, the project offers
medical
assistance and counselling for Zimbabwean survivors of torture who
are
living in South Africa. The project also provides limited social
assistance.
Virtually all of the clients seen by ZTVP are refugees on
account of their
previous persecution and ill-treatment.
The
first report from ZTVP, a small "snap" survey in Gauteng Province
of 236
Zimbabwean refugees, reported that 30% of the sample had been victims
of
political violence, and 44% reported have been denied food as a
consequence
of their political affiliation. A high percentage [85%] of the
sample came
to South Africa after 2000, and nearly 40% of the sample was
female. This
study, whilst it could not be taken as indicating the overall
prevalence of
torture survivors amongst the Zimbabwean refugee population,
clearly gave
cause for concern.
This present report is based on an examination
of the women who have
attended the ZTVP since its inception. Women torture
survivors were 32% of
all survivors seen by the Project. A previous report
from ZTVP provided
details of all persons seen since the beginning of the
project, but made no
specific gender analysis. In this previous report, it
was observed that the
women seen were less likely to be married than the
men, less likely to
report having been political or civic activists, and
less likely to report
having been arrested or detained. However, no attempt
was made to compare
men and women, or to specifically analyse women as a
group. This report thus
focuses on women as a distinct group. There were 102
women in the sample,
seen between February 2005 and September
2006.
Findings
Over 84% of the sample had arrived
since 2004. They were generally
young, with an average age of 29 years, and
were mostly single. Most [63%]
reported that they had had some form of
employment in Zimbabwe prior to
leaving, and 37% reported that they had held
jobs in the formal sector.
Most [67%] reported being politically
active in some way, with 43%
reporting membership of the Movement for
Democratic Change [MDC]. Most were
urban [70%], and most came from
Matabeleland, with nearly half this group
coming from Bulawayo itself. The
largest percentage came in 2005 [34%], the
year of Operation Murambatsvina
and a general election, but there were also
significant percentages coming
in 2000 [9%] and 2002 [18%]. Thus, years in
which there had been large
national events comprised 61% of the total
sample.
Violations reported
Over half the sample had experienced more than
1 violation. It was
noted in the previous report that there was a
significantly increased chance
of further violations occurring if the victim
did not leave the country, and
this finding was replicated for the women
[see Table below].
Table 1
No. of violations Number
Percentage
1 43 47.25
2 32 35.16
3 10 10.99
4 4 4.40
5 2 2.20
In common with most studies and reports
on torture, forms of
psychological torture were the most frequent violations
reported, followed
by beatings. Significantly, rape was reported in 15% of
the cases, which is
a much higher frequency than in past human rights
reports. The Zimbabwe
Human Rights NGO Forum indicates a very low frequency
of rape in a recent
overview; only 20 cases on over 15,000 reports. The most
recent report for
the Human Rights Forum indicates a frequency of rape as
only 2% of all cases
involving women. However, ActionAid International, in
its recent report on
Operation Murambatsvina, reported a prevalence of
between 8-10% since 1998.
It was also interesting to note that very
high frequency of sensory
over-stimulation was reported [see Table 2 over],
which is a form of abuse
strongly suggestive of systematic torture, which
must be read together with
burnings, electrical torture and falanga being
reported too. Sensory
over-stimulation is a term used to describe the
extreme manipulation of the
sensory environment through isolation, sleep
deprivation, etc.
Table 2
Violation Frequency
Severe psychological torture 78%
Threats 76%
Witnessing
violation 70%
Harassment 67%
Beatings 63%
Sensory
over-stimulation 41%
Unlawful arrest/detention 17%
Victim of
Murambatsvina 15%
Rape 15%
Burnings 8%
Indecent
assault 8%
Falanga 4%
Electrical shock 2%
Case
study:
Maria*, a 40 year old female, who was constantly harassed
and
intimidated by the police and soldiers. Her husband was an MDC official
in
the Midlands area. He was arrested several times. In 2003 her husband was
arrested and severely beaten. He started complaining of chest pains, was
hospitalized and died a few months later.
In April 2006 X
attended an MDC meeting. She was arrested with four
others and taken to
Harare Central Police station. They were held for three
days without any
food.
On their release, X was forced into a Defender van and taken to
the
bush and raped by a policeman. She tried to resist. She was trampled
upon,
and burnt with a cigarettes on her thighs and buttocks. The
perpetrator
ejaculated inside her vagina and smeared his semen all over her
body. He
also urinated on her.He did this so that she could not forget the
experience. She was taken back to Harare Police station and instructed to
bathe herself. She was also threatened with death should she inform
anyone.
* This name and others used in these accounts have been
changed for
the protection of the individuals.
Perpetrators
The most frequent perpetrators reported were
supporters of the ruling
party, Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic
Front (Zanu-PF), and indeed
non-state actors accounted for the greatest
number of perpetrators reported.
Nonetheless, state agents - police, army,
and Central Intelligence
Organization [CIO] - were reported too, with the
police being the most
frequent state agency reported. It is important to
note that Zanu-PF
supporters often inflict violence and commit
politically-motivated crimes
with impunity and without fear of arrest by
police. Police often refuse to
intervene when Zanu-PF supporters are beating
others, saying they will not
intervene in a 'political
matter'.
Table 3
Perpetrator Frequency
Zanu-PF 53%
Zanu-PF Youth 26%
Militia 10%
Army
6%
Police 18%
War veterans 16%
Youth militia
3%
CIO 6%
MDC 0
Unknown 7%
Effects of
torture
As has been continuously demonstrated in studies of
torture, the most
persistent long term consequence of torture is
psychological disorder, and
high rates of psychological disorder were seen
in this sample. 71% had
scores on the SRQ-8 that indicated clinically
significant psychological
disorder.
Thus, it is unsurprising
that 53% of the sample was referred to a
psychiatrist as their presenting
complaints warranted further professional
intervention, with 15% being
placed on psychotropic medication, and 48%
being referred for professional
counselling. 35% were referred to medical
specialists from conditions
related to their previous ill-treatment, and
this was for a wide variety of
medical conditions. These referrals ranged
from those who required
orthopaedic surgery through to those who were
suffering from HIV [4%]. 24%
required immediate assistance in the form of
food relief, whilst 11%
required assistance with shelter.
Although the sample reported a
history of organized violence that
provided prima facie grounds for being
granted asylum, only 36% had received
a Section 22 status, and,
distressingly, only 2% had been granted refugee
status.
So this
general overview indicated that Zimbabwean women frequently
experienced
organized violence and torture, with much higher rates of rape
reported than
previously. Additionally, there were very high rates of
psychological
disorder reported, with most requiring specialist psychiatric
intervention.
Analysis of findings
The
findings were then examined for a number of factors related to
women that
have been shown in the research of organized violence and
torture, as well
as number of factors that have been shown to be important
in Zimbabwean
human rights reports. As was pointed out earlier, these were
not explicitly
examined in the previous ZTVP report. Here only statistically
significant
findings are highlighted.
Effects of gender
There are
numerous studies that indicate that the consequences for
women of organized
violence and torture are more severe than for men, and
also that this holds
for refugee populations. This sample is both torture
survivor and
refugee.
The trend for both groups in seeking refuge and asylum was
the same,
although there a significant increase in the number of women
coming to South
Africa in 2005, presumably associated with Operation
Murambatsvina.
Table 4
Female Male
2000 1%
1%
2001 1% 1%
2002 6% 4%
2003 8% 8%
2004 11%
13%
2005 66%* 53%
2006 8% 14%
*p=0.025
There were a number of differences between men and
women in their
profile. As can be seen from Table 5 below, and as was
reported in the
earlier report, men were more likely to be married than
women. Men were also
more likely to have had formal employment, to report
having been an
activist, and claim membership of the MDC. Women were more
likely to have
been unemployed or only employed in the informal sector, but
high
percentages of women reported being activists or members of the MDC
too.
Table 5
Female Male
Married 31%
52%*
Unemployed 18%** 8%
Informal employment 21%* 9%
Formal employment 37% 66%*
Activist 63% 77%**
MDC member 43%
58%**
*p=0.005; **p=0.025
Men were also significantly more
likely to have experienced multiple
violations, although the women had a
high number [49%] that did experience
multiple violations too. There were no
differences in the reported
perpetrators, apart from a significantly
increased frequency on the part of
men to report the Zimbabwe Republic
Police [ZRP] as perpetrators.
However, there were great differences
between men and women in the
types of violations experienced. Men reported
beatings, unlawful arrest and
detention, sensory over-stimulation,
witnessing violations, electrical
shock, and falanga significantly more
frequently than women. Unsurprisingly,
women reported rape and indecent
assault more frequently than men. However,
it should also be pointed out
that, despite the higher frequencies of
violations reported by men, the
women did also report very high frequencies
of violations other than rape
and indecent assault, as can be seen in Table
6 below.
Table 6
Female Male
Beatings 63% 83%*
Unlawful
arrest/detention 17% 36%*
Threats 76% 90%*
Sensory
over-stimulation 41% 60%*
Harassment 67% 65%
Victim of
Murambatsvinaa 15% 10%
Psychological torture 78% 90%
Witnessing violation 70% 87%*
Electrical shock 2% 18%*
Falanga
4% 11%**
Burnings 8% 9%
Rape 15%* 1%
Indecent assault
8%** 3%
*p=0.005; **p=0.025
Thus, it is evident that
differences exist between women and men, but
it is also evident that some of
these, especially in respect of the
violations experienced, are simply
quantitative. The qualitative
differences, on employment, are what would be
expected from a Zimbabwean
sample.
Single versus Multiple
incidents
Above it was noted that men were more likely to report
multiple
violations, but it was also noted that nearly half the female
sample also
reported multiple violations. Hence, an analysis was done to
determine
whether there were any factors that might explain the differences
in the
female sample only. A contrast between women that reported multiple
incidents as compared with those who only had a single incident was
done.
No strong differences in the timing of their seeking refuge
were found
between the 2 groups, except a trend for more women from the
multiple
incident group to arrive in South African in 2006. Again there were
no real
differences between the two sub-groups in age, marital status or
employment
status, and there were no differences in the reported rates of
being
activists or members of the MDC. However, those who reported multiple
incidents were significantly more likely to report having experienced their
violations at the hands of Zanu-PF Youth or the ZRP [see Table 7
below].
Table 7
Single incident Multiple
incidents
Zanu-PF 48% 58%
Zanu-PF Youth 12% 36%**
Militia 12% 9%
Army 5% 7%
Police 10% 24%*
War
veterans 17% 15%
Youth militia 0 5%
CIO 5% 7%
MDC 0
0
Unknown 10% 5%
*p=0.05; **p=0.01
There were
a number of differences found in the two groups as regards
the types of
violations reported. As can be seen from Table 8 [over], those
who
experienced multiple incidents were significantly more likely to report
having being arrested and/or detained, being burned, raped, or having
experienced indecent assault. More simply, those who had experienced
multiple incidents were more likely to have experienced serious
torture.
Table 8
Single incident Multiple
incidents
Beatings 55% 67%
Unlawful arrest/detention 10%
22%
Threats 64% 85%
Sensory overstimulation 33% 48%
Harassment 62% 71%
Victim of Murambatsvina 19% 12%
Psychological torture 76% 81%
Witnessing violation 64% 75%
Electrical shock 0 3%
Falanga 0 7%
Burnings 2% 12%*
Rape 7% 20%*
Indecent assault 2% 12%*
*p=0.05
Case Study:
Mary is a 23 year old female who fled to South Africa
in 2004. She
came from a family of MDC activists. She attended an MDC
meeting, and was
targeted by Zanu-PF youth. She was arrested and taken to
the local police
station and beaten all over her body. She was released by
the police early
the next morning. Her family was harassed by Zanu-PF
supporters. She was
advised by her father to leave Zimbabwe. She tried to
visit her father who
was living with her younger sister. En route to her
sister she was informed
that her father had passed away. He had been beaten,
to death. She fled to
South Africa as she feared for her life. Mary was
accompanied by another
female. They were offered a lift by two truck drivers
who raped them as they
were being smuggled into South Africa. She and her
companion were dropped
off on the highway within Gauteng Province. In South
Africa she was raped by
a policeman.
Elections
A
consistent observation about the human rights climate in Zimbabwe
has been
that all violations tend to increase significantly during
elections, and
this was also examined here. The sample was sorted according
to whether they
had arrived in South Africa during an election year - 2000,
2002, and 2005.
72% came during one of these 3 years, but the majority came
during 2005,
and, since this was both an election year and the year in which
massive
displacements took place, it does not appear as if elections were a
significant precipitant of moving to South Africa.
However, as
can be seen from Table 9, most violations are increased
during election
years, which was also finding in a recent Human Rights Forum
report. Since
there is no difference in the rates of reporting being a
victim of Operation
Murambatsvina, it would appear that it was the
violations themselves that
precipitated becoming refugees.
Table 9
No Election
Election
Beatings 46% 69%*
Unlawful arrest/detention 14%
18%
Threats 71% 77%
Sensory over-stimulation 54%* 37%
Harassment 50% 37%
Victim of Murambatsvina 14% 15%
Psychological torture 71% 81%
Witnessing violation 61% 73%
Electrical shock 4% 1%
Falanga 4% 4%
Burnings 4% 10%
Rape 25%* 11%
Indecent assault 11% 7%
There were no
significant differences in the perpetrators reported by
either group.
Zanu-PF supporters of one kind or the other were the most
common
perpetrators reported, and non-state actors as a whole were more
common than
state agents for both groups.
Table 10
No Election
Election
Zanu-PF 39% 58%
Zanu-PF Youth 29% 24%
Militia 4% 12%
Army 0 8%
Police 14% 19%
War veterans
14% 16%
Youth militia 0 4%
CIO 7% 5%
MDC 0 0
Unknown 14% 4%
Case study:
Margaret was an MDC
official and campaigning for the Parliamentary
elections in 2005 within the
area of Mashonaland East. She and other MDC
supporters were interrogated by
Zanu-PF youth and beaten. They were rescued
by the police. On her arrival at
home she and two friends were taken to a
base camp called Commando One by
soldiers. She was separated from her
friends and kept in a room for about
three hours. Two soldiers returned and
instructed her to remove her
clothing. She was forced to lie on the cold
floor and they took turns in
raping her. One soldiers stood guard at the
door whilst the other raped her.
These rapes took place over a period of
three days. Margaret was taken in a
private car and dropped off on the road
between Harare and
Masvingo.
She fled to sister's place and was informed upon her
arrival that
soldiers had been looking for her. She then fled to South
Africa.
Effects of Rape
As was mentioned at the outset of
this report, there are always
significant concerns about sexual violence
against women, and especially in
times of collective violence. Earlier it
was noted that the reported
incidence of rape in this sample was
considerably higher than in previous
human rights reports, although the
incidence was similar to that reported in
a recent community survey. Hence
it was decided to examine the cases of rape
as a separate category, and the
rape cases were compared with the remainder
of the sample. A number of
disturbing findings emerged.
Firstly, women that reported rape were
also significantly more likely
to report severe torture, and particularly
beatings [81% v 59%], electrical
shock [10% v 0], and psychological torture
[95% v 75%]. Secondly, women that
reported rape were significantly more
likely to have experienced multiple
experiences of torture. Thirdly, women
that reported rape were more likely
to have their first gross human rights
violation, but not necessarily the
rape, in 2002, the year of the
Presidential election. Interestingly, both
the data from the Human Rights
Forum and the ActionAid International
community survey confirm 2002 as
having the highest incidence of rape in the
past 6 years, although the
ActionAid survey aggregates the data for 2001 to
2003.
Finally,
as has been observed in many studies of women that have
experienced
political rape, the health consequences for this group were more
severe than
for the remainder. The women who reported rape had significantly
higher
scores on psychiatric screening and were significantly more likely to
be
placed on psychotropic medication by a psychiatrist.
Thus, rape was
both associated with more severe abuse and more serious
health
consequences.
Case Study:
Mathilda was an MDC
supporter in Matebeleland. In 2002 she was
discovered to be carrying an MDC
membership card by Zanu-PF supporters who
were wearing MDC T-shirts. She was
forced into a car, blindfolded and taken
to a cattle kraal in the bush. She
was interrogated and beaten with baton
sticks all day. She was burnt with
firewood on her arms and legs. Her
clothing was cut off with a knife and she
was raped by two men. After the
rape they left her lying in the
kraal.
Towards the Presidential elections in 2005 she was
instructed by
Zanu-PF supporters to attend Zanu-PF meetings. She did not
attend three
meetings. She was forced to urinate into a tin and forced to
drink her
urine. Her urine was also poured over her body. She and her family
were
threatened with death if she did not attend Zanu-PF
meetings.
Conclusions
Women are clearly at great risk
during times of organized violence and
torture, or collective violence as
the WHO terms this. Women can be direct
victims, as is amply described in
this report, or also they are likely to be
the indirect victims, caring for
their men who have been the victims. As the
Special Rapporteur on Torture
has observed:
"The torture of one individual affects the entire
family and community
of the victim. When the conditions in which a person is
detained or the
treatment to which she or he is subjected are made known to
her or his
relatives - sometimes intentionally, with a view to putting
pressure on them
or to punishing them - the impact thereof may also amount
to a form of
ill-treatment."
Whilst there are no reliable
estimates of the overall number of
Zimbabwean women affected by the
political violence since 2000, it does seem
that the numbers are likely to
be high, probably in the order of tens of
thousands.
Thus, it
would seem that the general finding - that women are at very
high risk of
abuse during times of political conflict - holds true for
Zimbabwean women.
Zimbabwean women have been as much at risk of becoming
victims of organized
violence and torture as their male counterparts, and
the consequences of
this exposure are undoubtedly amplified by displacement,
whether this is
internal or external. As has been amply described in this
report, women in
Zimbabwe have been and are continuing to be the victims of
organized
violence and torture. In this sample, more women fled to South
Africa after
2005 than in any other period before, and this certainly
contradicts the
view that the human rights situation in Zimbabwe is
improving. Many
Zimbabwean women are so fearful of organised violence and
torture that they
are on the run, even taking the drastic step of uprooting
themselves to seek
a new life in neighbouring South Africa, even though they
know it will be a
trying existence as a foreigner.
Although women may not suffer
violations as frequently as men,
nonetheless the types of violations
reported were not trivial, and very high
frequencies of some violations were
reported by women. Women were markedly
more likely to report rape and
indecent assault than men, and, as was seen
above, the consequences of rape
were serious; both because rape was
associated with more severe abuse and
because the health consequences were
more severe. It was also instructive to
note that, in this sample, the
prevalence of rape, which has not been
frequently documented, was very much
in accord with a community survey in
2005, suggesting that previous
estimates have been unduly
conservative.
As a whole, these women refugees had a very high
prevalence of
clinically significant psychological disorder, with 71%
reporting scores on
screening indicative of such disorder, and 53% required
referral to a
psychiatrist. 15% were placed on psychotropic medication, and
48% were
referred for professional counselling, whilst 35% were referred to
medical
specialists from conditions related to their previous ill-treatment.
These
consequences were worse for those that reported rape.
One
finding should cause the South African authorities serious
embarrassment is
that concerning the refugee status of these women. A mere
36% had received a
Section 22 status, and, only 2% had been granted refugee
status. Given the
strong prima facie grounds that these women have for
acquiring asylum, it is
a disgrace that so few have been accorded such
status. Not only does it seem
that the South African authorities have scant
regard for the application of
the Refugee Act, but also that they seem
oblivious to the enormous
literature pointing out the need for special
treatment of women
refugees.
Perhaps it is relevant to point out to the South African
authorities
the challenge that faces women survivors of torture and sexual
violence. As
Human Rights Watch has put it:
One of the greatest
challenges is to prevent sexual violence against
women in the first
instance. This can be achieved by making concerted
efforts in at least three
arenas. First, there must be heightened respect
for women's human rights in
all aspects of their lives. Failure to address
sex discrimination as a
significant underlying cause of sexual violence will
ensure that present and
future generations of women continue to be at risk
for sexual violence.
Second, there must be significantly improved compliance
with the provisions
of IHL during armed conflicts. Key methods include
regular training and
education of soldiers and other combatants regarding
international legal
protections for civilians,
specifically prohibitions against rape and
other forms of gender-based
violence. Finally, there must be vigorous
condemnation, investigation, and
prosecution of gender-specific crimes
against women in times of peace as
well as war.
.................
The Zimbabwe Torture Victims Project is a partner
project of the
Centre for the Study of Violence and
Reconciliation
Contact Details for ZTVP
Physical: 23
Jorissen Street,4th Floor, Braamfontein Centre,
Braamfontein
Postal: P O Box 30778, Braamfontein, 2017
Email: Dolores Cortes,
Project Coordinator: dcortes@csvr.org.za
Frances
Spencer, Clinical Manager: fspencer@csvr.org.za
Tel: (011)
403 5102
Fax: (011) 403 7532
List of abbreviations within this
report:
CIO Central Intelligence Organisation
CRISIS
Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition
CSVR Centre for the Study of Violence and
Reconciliation
DHA Department of Home Affairs
Falanga Beatings
on the soles of the feet
MDC Movement for Democratic Change (Opposition
party)
Militia Military youth wing of Zanu PF
NGO
Non-Governmental Organisation
Operation Murambatsvina Government run
'clean up' operation in 2005
Section 22 Asylum Seeker Document issued
by the Department of Home
Affairs in South Africa
War Veterans
Veterans from the Liberation War of Zimbabwe
WHO World Health
Organisation
Zanu PF Youth Youth members of Zanu PF
Zanu PF
Zimbabwe African National Union - Patriotic Front (Ruling
party)
ZRP Zimbabwe Republic Police
ZTVP Zimbabwe Torture Victims / Survivors
Project
Source: Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum (Hrforumzim)
Date: 08 Dec
2006
Report produced by the Zimbabwe Human
Rights NGO Forum as a contribution
towards 16 days of Activism against
Gender Based Violence
Introduction
'Women throughout the world
face systemic attacks on their human rights and
chronic, routinized and
legal discrimination and violence, much of it
justified through cultural and
religious arguments. Even where
discrimination is prohibited it often
persists in practice. By any
reasonable measure, state failure to uphold
women's rights as full and equal
citizens sends an unmistakably clear
message to the broader community that
women's lives matter less, and that
violence and discrimination against them
is acceptable.'
Gender
stereotyping, usually associated with a society which identifies with
patriarchal norms, is easily identified as prevalent in Zimbabwe where it
often presents itself under the guise of traditional African or conservative
Christian values. On several occasions in post-independent Zimbabwe such
values have been expressed by parliamentarians in the course of debating
gender-focused legislation. The most recent of many available examples arose
in a parliamentary debate over a Bill aimed at curbing domestic violence.
The following excerpt from a press article on the debate, quoting MP Timothy
Mubhawu, is illustrative:
"I stand here representing God Almighty.
Women are not equal to men,"
[Mubhawu] said amid jeers from women
parliamentarians. "It is a dangerous
Bill and let it be known in Zimbabwe
that the right, privilege and status of
men is gone. I stand here alone and
say this Bill should not be passed in
this House. It is a diabolic Bill. Our
powers are being usurped in daylight
in this House." The proposed law, Mr.
Mubhawu said, was crafted in a manner
that promoted western cultural values.
.. Mr. Mubhawu said the issue of
proper dressing by women should also be
addressed in the Bill as "some of
the dressing by women is too inviting."
Women in positions of authority, he
said, should be role models in their
marriages. "Women leaders in
Government, judiciary and Parliament should be
exemplary by at least
marrying," he said.
In Zimbabwe, despite
equality clauses in the country's Constitution and the
fact that Zimbabwe is
a signatory to CEDAW , the perception of women as in
some way "belonging" to
men or beholden to them remains strong . The
Domestic Violence bill proved
controversial precisely because of the
perception amongst some men that they
should, and indeed ought, to
physically "discipline" their wives when the
occasion requires . While the
Legal Age of Majority Act in 1982 removed the
status of women as perpetual
minors under the guardianship of either father
or husband, the legislation
did not, of course, immediately alter this
traditional perception . It is
still the case that instances of rape in the
rural areas are dealt with
outside of the courts by village leaders.
Frequently, the settlement
requires the rapist or his family to pay
compensation, not to the woman or
girl, but to her father. The compensation
which is paid is regarded as
ameliorating what would be a reduced bride
price "roora" paid to the bride's
father on account of the violation. As
will be seen below, this "proprietal"
ethos in relation to women has a
sinister dimension in facets of political
violence against
women.
Both civil conflict and internal displacement have been key
characteristics
of Zimbabwe since 1999. The source of internal displacement
has been
twofold, firstly, through the displacement of farm labour during
the
invasion of white-owned farmland from early 2000 to 2005 and secondly
through the now-notorious "urban clean-up" operation called "Operation
Murambatsvina" which saw the demolition of homes and the displacement of an
estimated 700 000 people. It has been noted that women and children, are the
most common victims in situations where organized violence and torture
become prevalent and are frequently the first victims in civil conflict.
They are also the most greatly affected in cases of internal displacement.
This report, examining the violent and turbulent years between 2000 and
2006, shows that Zimbabwe has been no exception in this regard.
Institute for War and Peace Reporting
Gideon Gono's initial popularity has waned as the country's economy
continues its record decline.
By Hativagone Mushonga in Harare (AR
No. 86, 8-Dec-06)
Since his appointment three years ago as Governor of
the Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe, Gideon Gono has seen his once high public
reputation fall as
people accuse him of hurting the poor through what
analysts describe as his
"ambush economics" - policy decisions that take
everyone by surprise.
Gono, related by marriage to President Robert
Mugabe's wife, Grace, was
chief executive of the Commercial Bank of Zimbabwe
before he was appointed
Reserve Bank governor. He was tasked by Mugabe with
staving off the
country's threatened expulsion from the International
Monetary Fund and
halting the drastic decline of an economy where inflation
has topped 1200
per cent, unemployment runs at more than eighty per cent and
the majority of
the people are permanently hungry.
In the early days,
he enthused about creating a "national spirit of
recovery" and talked about
the need to establish virtue and accountability
in the Zimbabwean system.
However, he avoided pointing a finger at just
exactly who in the system was
being dishonest and failing to be answerable.
And, although he embarked
on a vigorous anti-graft campaign, it was
noticeable that his targets had
one thing in common: all had knowingly or
unknowingly crossed
Mugabe.
As time has passed, Gono's initial public popularity has waned
and Zimbabwe
has continued to maintain its unfortunate record for having the
fastest
declining economy in the world.
"His policies are not
tackling real issues for the benefit of every
Zimbabwean," a Harare-based
political and economic analyst told IWPR.
"Nearly every decision he has made
has worsened the already dire situation
in which ordinary people find
themselves as they battle with skyrocketing
prices, shortages of fuel, bread
and other basic
commodities."
Gono, who began as a humble tea boy
before rising through the ranks to bank
boardrooms, has enjoyed the
limelight as governor, even being tipped in some
quarters as a future state
president. Some analysts say he is already the de
facto prime minister of
the country, filling the vacuum created by a
president who has run out of
ideas and an emasculated cabinet.
A low profile governorship is not for
him, as illustrated by the fact that
he unashamedly awarded himself an
honorary degree when head of the
University of Zimbabwe Council.
In
2004, he marked his Reserve Bank debut by closing down overnight a number
of
banks, discount houses, asset management companies and bureaux de change
which had serious liquidity and other problems. He said his actions were
necessary to bring sanity to the financial sector. But, as a result of this
first bout of ambush economics, millions of hard working ordinary
Zimbabweans woke up to find their life savings and investments trapped in
closed financial institutions.
They had no immediate money to provide
for their families or to pay school
fees. Many lost their lifetime
investments while the redundant bank and
other institutional executives
relocated to South Africa, the United Kingdom
and the United
States.
Maureen Chitapi, who lives in the middle-class Harare suburb of
Cranborne,
was one of the many whose life was terribly affected by Gono's
closures.
In 2004 she had just taken early retirement as a result of ill
health and
invested all her severance money, amounting to ten million
Zimbabwe dollars,
enough at that time to buy a small car, in an investment
services company
called National Discount House.
National Discount
House was one of the financial institutions closed by
Gono, and it was only
this year that Chitapi got her money back. But now, as
a consequence of
Zimbabwe's runaway inflation, that sum is enough only to
buy ten loaves of
bread. "I became a destitute overnight," Chitapi told
IWPR. "All that I had
I had invested with NDH. On the day of the closure the
little money I had on
me was all that I was left with. Imagine waking up and
being told that the
money you have on you is all that you are going to have?
I was totally
devastated."
One multi-millionaire commercial bank executive told IWPR he
took to the
bottle and became an alcoholic when his bank was shut down.
"Imagine. When
the bank was shut down in 2004 I had more than 200 million
Zimbabwe dollars
in my account. I was a devout Christian and had never taken
alcohol in my 48
years of life.
"I sold my cars to cover my monthly
obligations and then I had nothing. I
started drinking spirits. I left the
church. Gono destroyed me. When I
finally got my cash years later, its value
had been hopelessly eroded by
inflation."
Nearly half of all
commercial banks were forced to close their doors in
2004. This took 2.6
trillion of Zimbabwe's inflated currency out of private
hands and left
hundreds of thousands of depositors without reserves or even
money to live
on.
The assets of all the closed institutions have now been taken over by
the
amalgamated Zimbabwe Allied Banking Group.
In May 2005, Gono
turned riot police loose in a five-day blitz on street
vendors, flea market
stalls and other informal businesses, accusing them of
possessing foreign
currency and fuelling the roaring black market. Stalls
were torn apart and
goods confiscated in what turned out to be the opening
shots in Mugabe's
Operation Murambatsvina (Operation Drive Out the Filth),
in which the homes
of close to a million people were bulldozed,
sledge-hammered and burned to
the ground by security forces.
Poor Zimbabweans are still reeling from
the effects of Mugabe's and Gono's
Murambatsvina war on the poor. The
informal sector, which absorbed an
estimated eighty per cent of the
employable population, was snuffed out.
In 2006, he has struck again, not
once but twice, in the name of fighting
money launderers and cash barons
whom he has accused of causing Zimbabwe's
economic ruin by hoarding foreign
currency and smuggling it abroad.
To make it easier for people to carry
cash, and because computer systems
unable to handle multi-digit transactions
began crashing, Gono lopped three
zeros off the currency in August, scrapped
old banknotes as legal tender and
issued a new family of "bearer cheques" as
the new currency. Gono said the
existing currency would be "useful only as
manure".
The bearer cheques are printed on low-quality paper because the
government
no longer has enough foreign exchange to import the kind
necessary for
printing standard bank notes. They have no security and expire
as a means of
exchange beyond a date printed on them.
The changeover
was vicious and militarised. Armed police, soldiers and
Mugabe's youth
militia subjected ordinary people, on Gono's instructions, to
many hours of
humiliating roadside searches. Individuals were allowed to
deposit only 100
million Zimbabwe dollars (400 US dollars at the latest
official exchange
rate) a day in bank accounts, in exchange for the new
bearer cheques, in an
effort to flush out suspected money launderers and
other alleged criminals.
Anyone carrying in excess of that amount had the
money confiscated unless
they could show good reason for having it - for
example, a legitimate
transfer of company wages.
The military searches were draconian, with
regular reports of women being
stripped by militia members. Many trillions
of Zimbabwe dollars in old notes
were confiscated. Already, because of
galloping inflation, two of the three
removed zeros are back.
Three
months later, Gono announced in November the closure of 16 money
transfer
agencies, MTAs, sending shockwaves through the country because many
people
depend on remittances from relatives working outside the country for
their
day-to-day survival.
Many thousands were left without means of support
after Gono made his sudden
ambush economics announcement that they would not
be able to access their
money through the MTAs. Gono accused the 16 MTAs,
which included high
profile banks like Standard Chartered, Stanbic, CBZ,
Interfin and the
Central Africa Building Society, of abusing their licences
and doing deals
on the black market - even though the black market has
effectively become
the official market. Out of necessity, everyone uses it
because in the
surreal world of Zimbabwe, the official exchange rate bears
no relationship
to harsh economic realities.
About three million
people, a quarter of the country's population, now known
as the "Zimbabwean
Diaspora", have left the country as economic refugees to
seek work in South
Africa, Botswana, Australia, Canada, the United States,
the United Kingdom
and elsewhere in the European Union. Most send back money
to their families
in Zimbabwe.
Although the official exchange rate is 250 Zimbabwe dollars
to one US
dollar, on the thriving parallel black market one US dollar buys
1600
Zimbabwe dollars, with rates fluctuating by the hour.
A study by
the Geneva-based International Organisation for Migration on
Zimbabwean
expatriates in the United Kingdom and South Africa said, "Around
three-quarters of respondents sent economic remittances, and of those that
sent these remittances 85 per cent said the main reason was to support
family members."
Eighteen per cent of respondents said they remitted
on average 565 US
dollars per month. Another 18 per cent said they sent
between 377 and 563 US
dollars. While thirty-seven per cent transferred
between 188 and 375 US
dollars.
Gono has decreed that all remittances
from overseas must be channeled
through the Reserve Bank's dedicated
Homelink facility, which only trades
foreign currency at the official
exchange rate.
"Gono's decision lacks economic sense and is divorced from
reality," said
Dennis Ncube, a nurse working in England. "Zimbabwe has the
highest
inflation in the world and daily price increases are the order of
the day.
To continue to peg the US dollar to 250 Zimbabwe dollars, while on
the
parallel market it is more than five times the official value, shows
that
some economists do not know what is happening among the
poor."
Stella Mbizi, a grandmother caring for her four grandchildren in
Mabvuku, a
poor suburb of Harare, relies on the remittances from her son and
his wife
working in South Africa to make it through each month. "The
favourable rates
that we were able to get from the MTAs enabled me to look
after my
grandchildren and my two other unemployed children reasonably. The
controlled rates will mean we will benefit very little," she
said.
Like many Zimbabweans with access to foreign exchange, she has been
thinking
of ways to outwit the authorities. "I will have to advise my son
and his
wife to personally bring the money to Zimbabwe, so that I can change
it on
the parallel market," she said.
Sharon Nzira's only source of
money for medication, food and utility bills
is her three children in the
United Kingdom and the United States. "Instead
of trying to make life easier
for us ordinary Zimbabweans, Gono seems to be
on a path to make it as
difficult as possible," she told IWPR. "Gono knows
that most Zimbabweans
have been surviving because of the Diaspora support.
Now he wants to close
that channel.
"He doesn't worry about the cost of his policies. I believe
that the
decision to close the MTAs was harsh and he could have put in place
other
measures or mechanisms to deal with the indiscipline. But rich Gono
does not
look at the consequences of his policies for ordinary
people."
Gono's home is a 112-room mansion, with four helipads, in
Harare's plush
northern suburb of Borrowdale. Among the other features are
an art gallery,
billiard room, library, a 60-guest dining room, servants'
quarters, plasma
televisions in virtually every room, and a swimming pool so
large that it
has three islands.
Gono has no lack of belief in his
ability to turn Zimbabwe's economy around
and perhaps become the next head
of state. But Trust Shumba, a columnist
with the weekly Standard, one of
Zimbabwe's few remaining independent
newspapers, probably has a more
realistic view of his chances. "Does the
Governor of the Reserve Bank really
believe that economic development can
take place in a distressed and hostile
political environment such as
Zimbabwe?" Shumba wrote recently, reflecting
widespread Zimbabwean views.
"No matter how Dr Gideon Gono executes his
monetary plans, all his efforts
will come to nought or even exacerbate the
problems bedevilling the nation
... The Governor's policies cannot work in a
distressed political
environment.
"In the three years or so of his
tenure, the results of all his efforts and
policies have impacted negatively
on the lives of the people of this nation.
None of his policies has ever had
a positive effect. It's been a long time
since the wheels have come off and
the economy keeps hurtling down. The IMF
must have also whispered this
unpalatable truth in his ears a long time
ago."
Hativagone Mushonga
is the pseudonym of an IWPR journalist in Zimbabwe.
Institute for War and Peace Reporting
Once productive farmland stands idle, becoming overgrown with weeds
and
reverting to bush.
By Joseph Sithole in Harare (AR No. 86,
8-Dec-06)
Six years after President Robert Mugabe sanctioned violent
invasions of
Zimbabwe's commercial farmland - mostly but not entirely
white-owned - by
landless peasants, the facts show that the so-called "new
farmers" have
failed dramatically to produce crops to feed their
countrymen.
The poor peasants who led the invasions, at the behest of
Mugabe, have since
been driven off the best farms. The prime properties have
been reallocated
to the president and his close relatives, ministers, the
country's top
judges and armed forces and police officers, and pliant
journalists. These
farms are mainly used as weekend retreats and, for the
most part, have
ceased to be productive.
"It looks like land reform
was never meant to benefit the ordinary person,"
said Professor Gordon
Chavunduka, a veteran African nationalist and former
vice chancellor of the
University of Zimbabwe. "Land reform was only meant
to benefit a few special
individuals, and that may lay the ground for future
conflicts."
In a
typical example, 96 peasant families who settled on the
state-of-the-art
Eirene Farm at Marondera, 80 km southeast of Harare, were
subsequently
forcibly removed when Mugabe allocated the property to his air
force chief,
Air Marshal Perence Shiri. The farm was the property of Hamish
Charters, who
was driven from his home and badly beaten up in 2002.
On the remaining
land not wanted by Mugabe's favoured elite, the rural
people who were the
spearhead of the drastic land reform have achieved
little success. The
revolution designed to empower them, according to
Mugabe's rhetoric, has
failed.
Recognising the scale of the catastrophe, resulting in the
majority of
people going constantly hungry in a land that was until 2000
dubbed the
Breadbasket of Africa, Mugabe's ZANU PF government launched a
seven billion
Zimbabwe dollar (28 million US dollar) plan eighteen months
ago to
kick-start production on land allocated to the new
farmers.
The money in the Agricultural Sector Productivity Enhancement
Fund, Aspef,
was designated for the purchase of fuel, seed, fertiliser,
ploughs and
tractors and to rehabilitate irrigation equipment vandalised and
stolen
during the farm seizures. But Mugabe said in an angry speech in early
December that 400 tractors released by the government under Aspef had either
been stripped of their parts for resale or had simply
disappeared.
The return on the Aspef investment has been minimal. Most of
the peasant
farmers lucky enough to have been allowed to remain on the land
they invaded
have sold their fertiliser and maize seed on the thriving black
market to
raise money for immediate needs. Consequently, as the independent
weekly
Financial Gazette's trenchant columnist Mavis Makuni pointed out,
"They are
working the huge tracts of land allocated to them under the land
reform
programme using their bare hands." This season, she said, they could
not
harvest their winter wheat crop fast enough before the spring rains
caught
up on them and destroyed the grain.
Makuni added, "It means
that for these farmers everything spent on land
preparation, inputs and
labour, is money down the drain. The farmers will
not only lose their wheat,
but this failure to harvest will affect their
preparation of the land for
the next crop."
The so-called "cellphone farmers" given the best former
commercial farms
have not used the heavily-subsidised fuel allocated to them
by the
government to maintain productivity. Called cellphone farmers because
they
visit their farms only at weekends for braiis (barbecues), they sell
their
cheap government fuel on the thriving black market at huge
profit.
While ordinary motorists have been buying scarce petrol and
diesel at some
400-600 Zimbabwe dollars a litre for much of the past year,
top-of-the-tree
new farmers were getting it for 23 Zimbabwe dollars,
although this was
recently revised to 335 Zimbabwe dollars. They sell their
subsidised fuel at
black market rates of between 1,600 and 1,800 Zimbabwe
dollars per litre.
Instead of powering tractors and producing food, they
sell it for quick and
easy profits.
Finally, attempting to get to
grips with the disastrous consequences of this
get rich-quickly mentality,
Gideon Gono, governor of the Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe, announced in November
an end to cheap money for farmers. He said
that those who are committed to
farming should in future borrow money from
private financial
institutions.
Unfortunately, this can only mean a further reduction in
already hugely
depleted production and therefore more food
shortages.
Because of the way land was forcibly and extra-judicially
seized, and
because farmers driven off their land continue to contest the
evictions
through the courts, Zimbabwe's new farmers - whether from the
powerful elite
or the peasantry - do not have title deeds to their land.
Title deeds are
the necessary collateral demanded by banks and other private
financial
institutions before they will advance loans.
According to a
new survey by the independent Mass Public Opinion Institute,
MPOI,
Zimbabweans believe Mugabe's land reform was flawed, hurried and
unplanned.
Those farmers still producing maize, Zimbabweans' staple food,
refuse to
sell it through the government's monopolistic Grain Marketing
Board, said
the MPOI survey. They instead prefer to sell illegally to
private traders.
They complained to survey compilers that the 33,000
Zimbabwe dollars (132 US
dollars) per tonne offered by the marketing board
is a pittance, which does
not cover their costs. In addition, payments from
the government agency are
frequently heavily delayed and come in the form of
bank cheques, requiring
expensive travel into town. Black market buyers,
they told MPOI, pay
immediate cash at a rate of 51,000 Zimbabwe dollars per
tonne.
Coming
as near as he has ever done to admitting his land reform policy has
been a
disaster, Mugabe, in the same speech in which he revealed the saga of
the
disappearing tractors, said, "Not everyone can be a farmer." He hinted
that
the government might launch a new land audit designed to ensure that
only
those committed to farming would be given land.
Last year, Zimbabwe
produced only 700,000 tonnes of maize despite good rains
and predictions by
Agriculture Minister Joseph Made of a bumper 1.8 million
tonne
crop.
But surveys are unnecessary to tell the sad story of Mugabe's land
reforms.
The evidence everywhere is of once productive farmland standing
idle and
becoming overgrown with weeds and reverting to bush.
IWPR
drove south from Harare towards the southern town of Masvingo. What
used to
be lush tobacco fields, earning bountiful foreign exchange, have
been
reduced to tiny isolated plots of stunted maize. New farmers have built
pole-and-mud huts along the road beyond Harare South golf course. Most have
no interest in farming. They are engaged in wholesale felling of trees that
they stack along the road for sale as firewood to Harare residents who are
constantly hit by power cuts and have reverted to wood burning stoves and
fires.
Lloyd Phiri, a new farmer in the Mahusekwa area, about 50
kilometres south
of Harare, told IWPR he would like to farm properly but the
government's
buying prices made agriculture unprofitable. "Why should I risk
my money
ploughing a piece of land when I can sell the fuel I get from
government and
get money for my immediate use?" he said. "Money is money, it
doesn't matter
how you make it. If I want a house or a car it doesn't matter
whether the
money is from farming or from selling fuel."
Phiri said
he runs a few cattle, but grows no crops, on the 200 hectare-farm
allocated
to him by the government. He said that with the country's
inflation level
having reached 1200 per cent and forecast by the
International Monetary Fund
to rise next year to more than 4000 per cent,
"it only makes sense to buy
what you want today - after all, there is no
guarantee that I will reap what
I sow with these unpredictable weather
patterns".
Samson Tigere,
another Mahusekwa new farmer, said serious problems are
caused by the
uncertainty about future land tenure or ownership, which
currently is
subject to the arbitrary decisions of Lands and Security
Minister Didymus
Mutasa, one of Mugabe's closest lieutenants. "Today I am
here, but there is
no guarantee that I will be here tomorrow," he told IWPR.
"Mutasa can issue
an offer letter to somebody else soon after I invest my
money in the land.
It is risky business. I would rather buy moveable assets
and be ready to
move at short notice."
The most fundamental lesson of Mugabe's failed
land reform programme is that
revolutionary rhetoric and zeal do not put
food on the table. Until order is
restored to agriculture and secure title
given, backed by an uncorrupted
legal system and judiciary, Zimbabwe's once
fruitful land producing prolific
crops will remain dead
capital.
Makuni commented, "While one sympathises with new farmers who
now openly
admit that commercial farming is a mission impossible without the
appropriate machinery, one wonders how they were allocated land in the first
place and how they thought they could succeed as large-scale commercial
producers when all they had were their bare hands. After six years on the
land, they cannot continue to be called new farmers."
Describing
Mugabe's land policies as an unrelenting vicious cycle of chaos
and
confusion, she added, "The authorities must decide whether taking land
from
a productive white farmer for its own sake is in the national interest
when
it results in perennial food shortages and hunger for the majority of
the
population."
Joseph Sithole is the pseudonym of the IWPR contributor in
Zimbabwe.
The Herald (Harare)
December
8, 2006
Posted to the web December 8, 2006
Tabeth
Mutenga
Harare
THE Grain Marketing Board has run out of money to pay
for wheat deliveries,
throwing farmers' preparations for the farming season
into disarray.
Most farmers have been looking forward to the money to
enable them to buy
inputs and pay for tillage.
But the suspension of
payment has left many disgruntled following
Government's cessation of the
inputs scheme that had guaranteed farmers
inputs without paying
cash.
Farmers now have to pay cash for inputs at GMB depots across the
country and
with many depending heavily on wheat payments, the suspension
will affect
their preparations a great deal.
GMB chief executive,
Retired Colonel Samuel Muvuti, yesterday confirmed that
farmers who had
recently delivered their wheat to the GMB had not been paid
after the
institution ran out of funds.
"It's not a question of the board having
suspended or stopped paying farmers
but funds have temporarily run out and
we are doing the best we can to
rectify the problem," he
said.
Stakeholders in the industry were concerned the suspension of
payments to
farmers because it would definitely affect the 2006/07 cropping
year.
Farmers have always complained about the GMB's delays in paying for
the
delivered grain and thus some were diverting their produce to the black
market for instant cash.
Both the Ministry of Agriculture and the GMB
assured farmers that funds
would be made available as soon as possible since
they were expecting
additional resources from the Ministry of
Finance.
The Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe in October loaned GMB $21 billion
to buy wheat
from farmers.
GMB has been paying farmers $217 913 per
tonne after Government increased
the producer price in
August.
However, some farmers were already facing a crisis, as they
needed the money
urgently since the season was at an advanced
stage.
The parastatal has been paying for wheat through electronic bank
transfers
which, have however proved to be efficient and quicker.
It
has been taking only three days from delivery to get payment.
As
harvesting picked up recently, GMB had received 110 000 tonnes of wheat.
Deliveries were continuing in different parts of the country despite the
suspension of payments.
Staff writer
8 December
2006
Three men convicted in Zimbabwe of spying for South Africa
will spend
another Christmas in prison after their appeal hearing at the
High Court in
Harare was delayed indefinitely.
Former
ambassador to Mozambique, Godfrey Dzvairo, former banker Tendai
Matambanadzo
and the ruling Zanu-PF party's former director for external
affairs Itai
Marchi, were convicted in February last year under the country's
Official
Secrets Act of supplying party information to South Africa's
intelligence
services.
The men, all closely linked to President Robert Mugabes
ruling
Zanu-PF, received sentences of up to six years and have been in
custody
since their arrest in December 2004.
Their trial was
controversially held in a closed court. A report in
the state controlled
Herald Friday said High Court Judge Anne-Mary Gowora
delayed hearing the
trios appeal against their convictions and sentences
because court records
were not yet ready.
The judge ordered the registrar of the court to
urgently produce the
necessary documents, the paper added. An earlier
attempt to get bail pending
appeal was dismissed this January when the judge
hearing the case ruled the
trio had international connections and could flee
the country.
Another ruling party official and local business
tycoon Phillip
Chiyangwa was also arrested on suspicion of supplying inside
information
about the party in return for money. He pleaded not guilty and
the charges
were later withdrawn. Chiyangwa, who is a distant relative of
Mugabe has
gone on to build his business empire and enjoy a lavish
lifestyle.
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe
news
The Herald (Harare)
December 8,
2006
Posted to the web December 8, 2006
Mutare
Close to US$800
million is required for power generating expansion projects,
setting up of
new transmission and distribution systems as well as carrying
out a cocktail
of maintenance work on existing infrastructure in order for
the country's
power sector to meet growing electricity demands.
In an interview on
Wednesday on the sidelines of the Zimbabwe Electricity
Regulatory
Commission's strategic business planning workshop in Vumba,
Commissioner-General Dr Mavis Chidzonga said substantial amounts of capital
injection were required to upgrade the country's power generating
capacity.
"The provision of stable electricity supplies in the country is
based on our
ability to expand our capacity to generate more electricity
that will be
able to satisfy demand without basing on unreliable power
imports from other
countries.
"A lot of capital injection is required
in the areas of power generation
expansion projects, transmission system
rehabilitation, refurbishment of
sub-transmission sub-stations, transmission
grid reinforcements, buying bulk
supply points, transmission network
upgrading and other activities," she
said.
Dr Chidzonga said the
on-going load-shedding would continue until the supply
side meets the demand
arm.
A whopping US$705 million is required for the financing of
distribution
systems development and maintenance while the replacement of
power network
control units and spare mobile transformers required close to
US$2 million.
At least US$6,5 million is required for the expansion of
power generating
projects, another US$6,5 million for transmission system
development, US$525
000 for the refurbishment of sub-transmission
sub-stations, US$18,7 million
for the reinforcement of grid projects and
US$23,3 million for buying new
bulk supply points.
The construction
of power circuits in Matabeleland North and South to
support irrigation
development requires US$6,04 million, while the
replacement of the National
Control Centre's SCADA/EMS system needs US$300
000.
A total of US$3,6
million is needed for the refurbishment of the power
telecommunications
system, with US$2,2 million for electricity trading
metering.
Dr
Chidzonga said besides the incapability by the existing power
infrastructure
to supply adequate electricity to the nation, the other
problem associated
with supply constraints relates to the lack of security
of supplies in terms
of imports.
Zimbabwe imports 32 percent of its electricity
requirements.
"The supply of electricity energy in Zimbabwe is
characterised by internal
supply shortages and the reliance on imports to
match the demand. This is
occurring at a time the load growth is increasing
at an average rate of 3
percent per annum, due to new mining and other loads
as well as the impact
of the expanded rural electrification programme," she
said.
At peak levels, Zimbabwe requires a total of 2 200 megawatts a day,
but the
existing infrastructure is only producing about 1 400
megawatts.
Of the total amount required 37 percent comes from Hwange
Power Station, 30
percent from Kariba, a single percent from small thermals
and the remaining
32 percent from imports.
Dr Chidzonga said if no
additional power generating plant is added onto the
system huge capacity
shortfalls would follow. Currently, Zimbabwe relies on
imports to cover up
the domestic power shortfalls, but in the future, it
would be difficult for
Zesa Holdings to secure imports in the medium term as
current indications
are that there would be power shortages by the year 2007
in the whole Sadc
region.
Dr Chidzonga said wasteful behaviour on the part of electricity
end-users
was also worsening the situation.
She said more than 20
percent of the power used daily in the country was
lost through inefficient
use by consumers and importing 32 percent from
other countries. Logically,
it means that we should only import about 12
percent if people do not misuse
electricity, she said.
Dr Chidzonga said some local authorities were
leaving public lights on even
during the day while households were not
switching off idle appliances like
geysers.
"This type of behaviour
is costing us," she said.
Dr Chidzonga said the licensing of private
players to enter the power sector
was progressing with some independent
power producers (IPPs) now feeding
their surplus energy into the national
grid.
These included sugar plantations in Hippo Valley and Triangle and
the Rusitu
mini-hydro that are now producing electricity for their
communities and
channelling the excess into the national grid.
The Herald
(Harare)
December 8, 2006
Posted to the web December 8,
2006
Harare
Zesa Holdings requires at least $100 million every
month to repair
vandalised infrastructure in Harare only, an amount that
continues to soar
every month due the hyperinflationary
environment.
Increase in thefts and vandalism of the equipment, has
forced some domestic
power consumers to go for weeks without
electricity.
In some cases load shedding has become a characteristic of
Zesa Holdings'
power supply trend largely as a result of problems caused by
vandalism to
the supply system.
Zesa Holdings corporate
communications manager Mr James Maridadi said the
amount needed to repair
the infrastructure was increasing each and every
month. This was being
further compounded by increases in thefts of
electricity cables.
"The
amount needed to repair the vandalised infrastructure has now gone up
to
$100 million a month and this is for Harare only," he said.
Mr Maridadi
could not ascertain the amount needed for the whole country as
this had to
be compiled from all the country's regions.
He called on the public to
report all cases of vandalism in their respective
areas.
"Whenever
there is vandalism members of the public should report and if the
culprits
are caught they should be exposed," he said.
He added that although Zesa
had its measures to deal with problems of
vandalism, there was need for a
multi-sectoral approach to curb the problem.
"We need support from all
stakeholders, blackouts affect everyone and
therefore it is everyone's
responsibility to take a leading role in the
fight against vandalism of Zesa
equipment."
Last month, the power utility spent at least $300 million to
replace 15
towers that were vandalised in Mwenezi.
Institute for War and Peace Reporting
Resistance in rival camps seems to be holding up unity
talks.
By Dzikamai Chidyausike in Harare (AR No. 86,
8-Dec-06)
Talk is rife in Zimbabwe about the reunification of the two
factions of
Zimbabwe's splintered main opposition party, the Movement for
Democratic
Change MDC, with some media predicting a Christmas or a New Year
re-marriage.
The main thrust for reunification is coming from veteran
MDC leader Morgan
Tsvangirai and rival faction head Arthur Mutambara, who
was appointed leader
of the younger breakaway faction when the MDC imploded
in November 2005.
However, both men have top officials who are resolutely
opposed to unity,
citing "irreconcilable differences".
After a
passionate plea from Morgan Tsvangirai, his MDC faction appointed a
five-member committee to negotiate unity. The Mutambara faction also set up
a committee led by its secretary General Welshman Ncube. Ncube, however, is
unenthusiastic about reunification.
Unity talks between both MDCs,
with both claiming to be the legitimate core
of the party, were supposed to
have started in late November. But as yet
nothing substantive has happened,
with both sides competing for advantage
through media contacts.
The
split was triggered by a dispute over whether to contest elections in
January this year to a new upper house of parliament, or Senate. The faction
loyal to Tsvangirai dismissed the Senate as a useless institution, a kind of
retirement home for failed politicians loyal to President Robert Mugabe.
Tsvangirai also said it was useless to contest the election because Mugabe
would rig it as he had done earlier presidential and parliamentary
elections.
No one has yet satisfactorily explained why Zimbabwe needs
a Senate or what
its limited powers are. "For most people, the senators will
do more dozing
than debating," mocked veteran Zimbabwean nationalist and
journalist Bill
Saidi.
A source close to Mutambara, 40, confirmed to
IWPR that the leader has been
talking with Tsvangirai, 54, about possible
reunification.
However, Gabriel Chaibva, spokesman for the Mutambara
faction, issued a
statement denying that reunification talks are underway.
It said, "The MDC
advises that, contrary to assertions that have been made
in the media and
also peddled by the [Morgan] Tsvangirai grouping about
reunification talks,
there are no such talks.
"The MDC has not set up
any reunification committee and there has not been
any contact with us from
the Tsvangirai grouping. However, we are not
opposed to any talks aimed at
bringing about reunification of all democratic
forces but emphasise that
such discussion should be premised on the founding
principles and values of
the MDC."
However, the source close to Mutambara said he has told his top
officials to
stop issuing statements that might derail the reunification
negotiations.
"The person who wants this reunification more than anyone else
is
Mutambara," the source told IWPR. "He is pushing hard for it and he has
the
support of Tsvangirai. They are both working hard to convince those that
are
anti-reunification to put aside their personal differences and put the
interests of the people first.
"They are telling them that they
should focus on their common enemy and
common goal which is to dislodge
Mugabe and that as a united front they have
a better chance of beating
Mugabe. The only problem is that people are more
concerned with protecting
their current positions, which will be threatened
by elections to a newly
reunited MDC."
Among those opposed to reunification in the Tsvangirai MDC
camp are national
organising secretary Elias Mudzuri; youth assembly
chairperson Thamsanga
Mahlangu; national chairman Isaac Matongo; deputy
secretary-general Tapiwa
Mashakada; committee member Cephas Makuyana; deputy
secretary of
international affairs Grace Kwinje; and women's assembly leader
Lucia
Matibenga.
In the Mutambara faction, parliamentary deputies Job
Sikhala and Abednigo
Bhebhe and deputy secretary-general Priscilla
Misiharabwi-Mushonga have
argued vociferously against unity.
A
businessman close to Tsvangirai, who is also one of his advisers, told
IWPR
that, despite resistance by some members of the executive,
reunification was
inevitable. He said, "It is just a question of when.
"A lot is happening
underground. I don't see Tsvangirai and Mutambara not
getting what they
want. They both feel passionate about
reuniting.
"I see Mutambara
jumping ship if his top guys like Welshman [Ncube] totally
disagree with
reunification. Reuniting will most likely mean Mutambara
becomes vice
president and the next in line to succeed Tsvangirai. He is
already dealing
with succession: Mutambara is very shrewd."
Mutambara, who had not worked
or lived in Zimbabwe for fifteen years, was
elected president of the
pro-Senate splinter group on February 25 this year.
Tsvangirai, the MDC's
president since its formation more than seven years
ago, has continued to
lead the anti-Senate MDC.
Eighteen years ago Mutambara was a militant
University of Zimbabwe student
leader and Tsvangirai a radical national
trades union leader who both openly
criticised the way the country was being
run by Mugabe and his ZANU PF
government.
The two were among the
first Zimbabweans to experience the wrath of Mugabe
against his critics as
popular discontent began to stir. They were arrested
in October 1989
following a series of anti-corruption demonstrations which
led to the
first-ever closure of the Harare-based University of Zimbabwe.
Tsvangirai
was detained for supporting the striking students and condemning
the
shutdown of the university.
The two shared a cell, held under emergency
powers retained by Mugabe from
the era of white minority government.
Mutambara was charged under the
draconian pre-independence Law and Order
Maintenance Act with publishing a
subversive document that branded Mugabe's
administration as worse than the
white minority apartheid government in
South Africa.
Tsvangirai was accused of attempting to bring the downfall
of the government
by unconstitutional means.
While Tsvangirai stayed
in Zimbabwe and helped found the MDC, Mutambara went
abroad, studied
advanced computer engineering, robotics and mechatronics at
Britain's Oxford
University before working with the Oxford Robotics Research
Group and with
the US National Aeronautics and Space Administration's Jet
Propulsion
Laboratory in Pasadena. Before returning to Zimbabwe, he had been
working in
South Africa for the Standard Bank and running a scientific and
engineering
consultancy.
Those opposed to unity in the Mutambara-led faction have
already set
conditions for a possible reunification. These include respect
by Tsvangirai
and his supporters for the breakaway party's constitution and
collective
decision-making processes; acceptance of culpability for events
leading to
the split; and putting national interests over personal
interests.
Political analyst and constitutional lawyer Lovemore Madhuku
told IWPR he is
deeply sceptical about the possibility of reunification.
"What would be the
motivation for the unity? There is nothing pushing them
to unite. The
grassroots are already used to having the two political
parties," he said.
But a veteran journalist based in Harare said, "Unity
talks or negotiations
are done secretly and announced at press conferences.
A good example is the
1987 Unity Accord between the then ruling ZANU and
opposition PF-ZAPU, which
if it had been played out in the media might have
dragged on or might not
even have been signed. I do believe there is
something happening in terms of
talks and negotiations between the two MDC
factions," he said.
Tsvangirai has been calling for all opposition
parties to unite behind a
single candidate for presidential elections
scheduled for 2008. He told an
MDC executive meeting that supporters had
been making impassioned pleas to
him to make sure all Zimbabwe's democratic
forces are reunited to confront a
common enemy.
Tsvangirai pointed
out that unity would be a big prize for the suffering
people of
Zimbabwe.
The weekly Zimbabwe Independent newspaper said in a recent
editorial,
"Tsvangirai knows that today he is a much weaker Tsvangirai than
the one who
lost narrowly to Mugabe in the contentious 2002 [presidential]
election.
"The party requires serious rehabilitation if it is to regain
the strength
it had built up five years ago. Part of the rehabilitation is
unity and a
visionary leadership."
Dzikamai Chidyausike is the
pseudonym of an IWPR journalist in Zimbabwe.
Reuters
Fri Dec 8,
2006 8:20 AM GMT
DHAKA (Reuters) - Bangladesh remained on course for
a one-day international
series sweep of Zimbabwe after they dismissed the
tourists for 146 in the
fourth match at Mirpur Stadium on
Friday.
Asked to bat by Bangladesh captain Habibul Bashar, Zimbabwe lost
wickets
with alarming regularity once opener Chamu Chibhabha was caught
behind for
four runs by keeper Mushfiqur Rahim off Mashrafe Mortaza to make
it 10-1.
The Zimbabwe batsmen found Mortaza almost impossible to attack
and the
paceman finished with figures of 3-14 off 6.2 overs.
Elton
Chigumbura and Keith Dabengwa top scored for the tourists with 32 runs
apiece. Chigumbura faced 47 balls, hitting three fours and two sixes, while
Debengwa struggled to make his runs from 70 balls and hit just one
boundary.
Captain Prosper Utseya was dropped on 11 by Bashar at
short fine-leg off
pacer Shahadat Hossain (2-36) before being caught by
Mehrab Hossain Jr at
point off Mortaza for 21.
Spinners Abdur Razzak
and Saqibul Hasan bagged two wickets each for 27 and
32 runs respectively,
while Mohammad Rafique claimed 1-28.
'As the pads are beyond the reach of
ordinary Zimbabweans, women are
using unhygienic materials like old rags and
newspapers which will have
long-term effects on their reproductive health,
particularly of Zimbabwean
girls.' Lucia Matibenga (ZCTU).
In
the last week of November, police manning a roadblock along the
Harare-Bindura highway, seized 81 packets of sanitary pads worth an
estimated $129 600 from members of the General Agricultural and Plantation
Workers Union of Zimbabwe (GAPWUZ). The goods were meant to be distributed
to farm workers at Docking Farm in Concession.
The sanitary
pads, which had been acquired by Zimbabwe Congress of
Trade Unions (ZCTU)
from Action for Southern Africa, had been collected at
the GAPWUZ Harare
office for distribution. Along the Harare Bindura Road,
police officers
manning a roadblock stopped and searched the vehicle before
seizing the
pads. According to members of GAPWUZ, the police took hold of
the goods
alleging that former Commercial Farmers had poisoned them. They
further
alleged that this was meant6 to damage former farm workers so they
fail to
work.
Police allegedly took the sanitary pads to the police station
en route
to the Ministry of Health for inspection. Efforts by GAPWUZ to
recover the
sanity pads have so far been fruitless as they are failing to
get in touch
with the Ministry of Health officials. The police also raided
GAPWUZ offices
in Mvurwi where they again seized 189 packets of sanitary
pads with a market
value of $302 400, which they claimed, were also
poisoned.
Farm workers are among the worst paid workers with a
minimum wage of
$8 300 a month, which in most cases barely covers the
average expenditure.
Due to unaffordability, some of these women and girls
are forced to use
newspapers and cloths, which are not only uncomfortable
but also a health
hazard. Condoms are viewed as basic and are sold at $100
but sanitary ware,
which is also a necessity for every woman is charged at a
minimum of $1 600.
It is distressing to note that Zimbabwe's
male dominated Parliament
sees no use in subsidizing sanitary ware prices.
The government has proved
insensitive to the plight of women who, for the
past years have called for
sanitary ware to be affordable and accessible to
every female regardless of
their social or economic standing. In 2003,
women's groups advocated for the
removal of the 15% tax on tampons and pads
as this showed that the
government was treating sanitary ware as a luxury.
Many debates on the issue
transpired in Parliament as some male
Parliamentarians dehumanized women by
asking them to demonstrate how pads
are used.
As the world recognizes 16 days against gender based
violence, it is
time the government put political differences aside and
tried to work for
the well being of their populace. It is violence enough to
deprive an
individual of basic necessities and expose them to danger.
Seizing goods,
which are meant to improve the lives of poor Zimbabweans
shows how
stonehearted the regime is and how much they disregard the role of
the woman
in society. There exists no tangible proof, which shows that the
pads were
'poisoned'. It is only a ploy by the government to smear and
disregard the
good works being done by Non Governmental
Organizations.
Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition is a conglomeration
of civil society
organizations whose vision is a democratic Zimbabwe.
Contact: P.O Box CY
434, Causeway, Harare; Telefax: + 263 4 788
135
Email: info@crisis.co.zw
Website: www.crisiszimbabwe.org