http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 10 February 2011 20:51
Faith
Zaba/Dumisani Muleya
PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe is in a tight spot over the
controversial lifespan
of the government of national unity, which he
purports ends today, as other
political parties and senior members of his
Zanu PF party say there is no
“sunset clause” terminating the troubled
coalition’s duration.
This comes as Zanu PF continues to plot how to collapse
the inclusive
government to force early elections.
The party has been
variously claiming, amid contradictory statements from
its top officials,
that the inclusive government ends today. I
t has also been desperately
trying to paint a picture that the government is
dysfunctional and that the
constitution-making process is not necessarily
connected to the elections.
Mugabe has been openly trying to set the agenda
by making declarations that
he could call for elections unilaterally if the
current inclusive government
processes collapse.
As part of the elections drive, Mugabe has been
going around stating that
the inclusive government, whose two other
principals, Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai and deputy prime minister
Arthur Mutambara, were sworn-in on
February 11 2009, ends
today.
Mugabe last October said elections would be held by mid this
year because
the inclusive government could not be extended by more than six
months after
its expiry this month.
“The constitution-making
process has to be accelerated because the life of
this creature (inclusive
government) is only two years. It started in
February last year (2009), it
must end. It would have lived its full life
and it will not be extended by
more than six months or a year,” he told the
Zanu PF youth conference in
October last year.
Just three weeks ago Mugabe told journalists on
arrival from Singapore after
his annual leave that he will use his power to
dissolve parliament if
parties do not reach a consensus over a new
constitution.
“The inclusive government was not meant to be a
permanent establishment and
if there is no consensus or political agreement
to come up with a new
constitution, I have the constitutional right to
dissolve parliament and
call for elections,” he said.
However,
Tsvangirai and his MDC-T party say Mugabe’s claims were unfounded
as they
had no “political and legal basis” in terms of the Global Political
Agreement.
Informed sources said Tsvangirai yesterday wanted to
issue a statement on
his own clarifying the issue but decided to seek an
urgent meeting with
Mugabe so that they could discuss the issue and make a
collective
announcement on the matter.
“Tsvangirai is making
frantic efforts to meet with Mugabe so that they can
jointly issue a
statement clarifying the issue. He wants the principals to
speak with one
voice saying the inclusive government does not expire
tomorrow as some say,”
a senior government official said.
“The prime minister says the GPA
does not place a timeframe on the duration
of the inclusive government and
there is no political or legal basis to
claim it ends today or anytime this
month.”
MDC-T spokesperson Nelson Chamisa said there was no time
limit given in the
GPA.
“The GPA does not have a sunset clause.
Not a single page nor clause of the
GPA speaks to the gestation period of
the GPA being two years,” he said.
“Two years is only mentioned by way of
referring to clauses…instead of a
termination clause, we have two review
mechanisms.”
MDC-N leader Welshman Ncube also said it was “not
correct” to say the
inclusive government ends today. He said the GPA does
not say that but
envisages the end of the coalition government upon the
completion of the
constitution-making process and collective announcement of
the election
timeframes.
To demonstrate confusion in Zanu PF over
the issue, party spokesperson
Rugare Gumbo tried to assist Mugabe to wriggle
out of his remarks, saying
the president was not categorical on the
issue.
“There was a lot of bickering between the parties, that is why
the president
said he was very uncomfortable with the GNU and that obviously
we cannot
allow the agreement to be extended more than it is welcomed,” he
said adding
that: “But the president did not state categorically that it
will end in
February. The position of the party is that we are fed up with
the GNU.”
Gumbo said it was, however, up to the principals to decide.
A senior Zanu PF
hardliner yesterday that said there was no lifespan of the
GNU in the GPA.
“If the truth be told, there is no timeframe in the GPA,” he
said.
The official said what was happening now was a contradiction of
what
happened during negotiations when Zanu PF wanted the GNU lifespan to be
five
years, but MDC-T demanded that it should be at most two
years.
“At the negotiations, Zanu PF wanted it to run for five years
and MDC wanted
a sunset clause at most of two years. Zanu PF said no to a
two year sunset
clause. Zanu PF didn’t want the timeframe and MDC now wants
today what Zanu
PF wanted then. After enjoying being in power, MDC now has
Zanu PF’s
position and Zanu PF has MDC’s position,” he said.
The
official said although the GNU could continue to exist until the
dissolution
of parliament in 2013 after its five-year lifespan, the
president could call
for an election within that period.
“Dissolution of government can
come around the dissolution of parliament and
until an election when there
is a new government,” he said.
“The government structure now is that the GPA
is the executive authority in
the country. The authority will subsist until
an election. Since the
executive is a GPA government it can still go for an
election in August or
whenever.
“The president is compelled to
the GPA until elections. There cannot be a
vacuum. The same president can
also insist on six months, if he feels
awkward - he can also tell you that.
Elections will give legitimacy to the
executive authority.
”
Mugabe’s spokesperson George Charamba yesterday said journalists
were
confusing the lifespan of the GNU and the call for elections to
legitimise
the government.
“Political time is quite different
from newsroom time. In politics, two
years can arrive six months later.
Indeed, the president has already
intimated that he has no problem in
extending the life of the GPA by six
months at most,” he
said.
“People are confusing the lifespan of the GNU and future
elections – they
are not linked. Are the principals not meeting – are they
not talking? The
issue of the GPA was not on the cabinet agenda when it met
on Tuesday –
therefore no one feels their work is about to be abridged. ”
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 10 February 2011
20:37
Dumisani Muleya
MORE than 75 000 ghost workers, most of
them unqualified Zanu PF militias
and supporters, have been unearthed in the
civil service through a
comprehensive payroll and skills audit done by Ernst
& Young (India) on
behalf of the Ministry of Public Service.
The
discovery of thousands of ghost workers — including 6 861 employed in
one
day in one ministry — has alarmed government ministers and stakeholders
who
say it revealed the extent of Zanu PF’s abuse of office to create a huge
patronage network using the public service at the expense of
taxpayers.
Zimbabweans are some of the most highly taxed workers in
the world and now
it has been shown that their money is being used to pay
illegal workers,
some of whom do not even render a service. Trade unions
have already
expressed outrage at government paying ghost workers while
failing to pay
its genuine employees.
Civil servants are paid
between US$150 and US$250 a month. Government is
working on plans to
increase their salaries.
The payroll and skills audit, seen by the
Zimbabwe Independent yesterday,
shows that there are more than 75 000 ghost
workers out of a total of over
188 000 employed in various
ministries.
“There are 75 273 civil servants out of a total of 188
019 in various
ministries who do not have the requisite minimum
qualifications as laid down
by the Public Service Commission for the
designated positions,” notes culled
from the audit report
show.
“Additionally, there are 17 088 civil servants whose
designations, as
recorded in the data file, do not appear in the Detailed
Establishment
Tables.
About 1 315 civil servants are working without
designation. There are 8 723
civil servants out of 188 019 employed by
various ministries that we are
unable to comment on whether they have
necessary qualifications as the
relevant information about their
qualifications and training has not been
captured in the
database.”
The audit indicates that Zimbabwe’s civil service is in a
shambles and has
become a haven for mainly Zanu PF patronage.
“In
all 188 019 civil servants were covered by the exercise. This includes 9
571
civil servants who were not in the Human Resources Repository Database.
Out
of this, 2 191 civil servants could not be enumerated as no information
was
made available during the enumeration exercise as well as during the
follow-up mopping-up exercise carried out by the Ministry of Public
Service,” the notes say.
“Apart from civil servants who were
enumerated as present or presumed
present (authorised leave and authorised
time off), attendance records
clearly show that there were 13 782 civil
servants who were enumerated as
absent or presumed absent (retired,
absconded, deceased, transferred,
resigned and other).”
The audit
notes show that despite ample notice to civil servants to
participate in the
enumeration process, these 13 782 workers did not show
up. It was therefore
assumed that these civil servants, still on the
payroll, were not rendering
their services anymore.
“Records show that there are 3 593 civil
servants appointed on or after
January 1, 2007 who have no verifiable
documentation relating to police
clearance, medical, clearance, appointment
letter and appointment form,” the
notes indicate.
“This is a
serious procedural lapse and a gross violation of the provisions
of the
Public Service Regulations, Health Service Regulations and documented
Salary
Service Bureau procedures,” the notes say.
“On closer scrutiny of 10
753 civil servants’ records it was observed that
they do not have either
police or medical clearance. This is serious
violation of government rules
and regulations relating to recruitment and
hiring of civil servants and
should be further be investigated to determine
who is responsible for these
lapses.”
The audit information also shows that 6 345 civil servants
obtained both
their police and medical clearance after their dates of
appointment, a
violation of the rules and procedures of
employment.
“About 10 135 civil servants who have been appointed in
various ministries
are in excess of their authorised establishment and were
appointed without
the necessary treasury concurrence, which is irregular,”
the notes say.
“There are also 90 cases of civil servants with different
employment
contract numbers with the same national ID number and should
therefore be
considered as civil servants potentially holding multiple civil
service
jobs. Also, 335 civil servants have a duplicate NSSA ID number.
Furthermore,
it should be noted that one particular NSSA ID number 4775559
is found 91
times in the Data File.”
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 10 February 2011 20:20
Paidamoyo
Muzulu
THE MDC leadership wrangle took a new twist yesterday when the
party’s
national council expelled former president Arthur Mutambara from the
party
for having allegedly willfully conspired with Zanu PF in trying to
resist
his redeployment in government as proposed by the party’s standing
committee.
The move comes hardly a day after Mutambara on Monday
said he did not
recognise the leadership elected at the party’s congress
last month and
subsequently fired Welshman Ncube from the party on Wednesday
for allegedly
causing confusion.
The party’s new
secretary-general and Minister of Regional Integration and
International
Cooperation, Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga, yesterday said
the national
council decision was informed by the discussion that took place
between new
Ncube and President Robert Mugabe on Wednesday on the party’s
proposed
deployment.
“The national council unanimously resolved to summarily
revoke Mutambara’s
membership using Section 4.11 and 4.10 of the party’s
constitution,”
Misihairabwi-Mushonga said. “President Mugabe on Wednesday
told Ncube that
he would not swear him in as deputy prime-minister as he
enjoyed a good
working relationship with Mutambara.”
Section 4.11
says that the national council by a majority of two thirds of
its membership
can expel a member whose continued membership is detrimental
to the party,
while Section 4.10 says a member who joins or support any
other party than
MDC is automatically dismissed.
Mugabe is alleged to have said: “I,
as Robert Mugabe, will not swear you,
Ncube (in) as deputy prime-minister. I
want to work with Arthur and we are a
trio with
Tsvangirai.”
Misihairabwi-Mushonga added that Mutambara last December
before the party’s
congress had sought and received an endorsement from the
other principals in
the inclusive government that he should not be removed
from the position of
deputy premier.
“Since December last year,
Mutambara had a deal with the other principals,”
she alleged, “They had a
strategy to go to the courts and let the matter
freeze there like they have
done in the past. Mugabe had notes on all
meetings that Mutambara had with
senior party members, including details
such as which restaurant we had
coffee at when we discussed party matters.”
MDC leadership conceded
that there was very little political room to move
after Mugabe’s Wednesday
position and resolved to give up the fight for the
deputy
premiership.
“Mutambara’s tenure depends on Mugabe. Politically there
is little we can
do,” party legal secretary David Coltart said. “We have a
political problem
and the courts will be used as a delaying tactic and the
case will not move
forward. So it’s a waste of time and
resources.”
The party cited Mugabe’s refusal to swear in MDC-T’s Roy
Bennett as deputy
minister on legal grounds and the outstanding electoral
petitions since
2000.
The national council resolved that they
would write to the other principals
and facilitator, South African President
Jacob Zuma, about Mugabe’s position
and their resolve to amend Section 20 of
the GPA to reflect the new
political reality in the country.
“We
will write to the facilitator and other principals that Mugabe has
continued
to violate the GPA by refusing to swear in our nominees just like
he did on
Bennett,” Misihairabwi-Mushonga said. “To that end we will propose
the
agreement be amended to say the other deputy prime-minister comes from
Zanu
PF since Mugabe wants Mutambara and will not respect MDC appointees.”
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 10 February 2011 20:17
Paidamoyo
Muzulu
THE Senate has passed the Criminal Law Amendment (Protection of
Power,
Communication and Water Infrastructure) Bill that will among other
things
allow police detention of accused persons up to 21 days before they
are
brought before the courts for a hearing.
The act that sailed through
the National Assembly in December last year was
passed on Tuesday without
any amendments by the upper house.
Justice Minister Patrick
Chinamasa, who steered the Bill through Senate,
said the law was intended to
curtail acts of vandalism of power,
broadcasting and water installations
across the country.
“This law is principled on trying to curtail acts
of vandalism perpetrated
on public utilities such as National Railways of
Zimbabwe (NRZ),” Chinamasa
said. “No bail should be granted to suspects
facing charges of vandalism of
these essential installations and police will
have powers to detain accused
persons for 21 days before bringing them to
court.”
Equipment covered in the act against vandalism include
electricity cables,
transformers, broadcasting equipment and water pumps and
other associated
installations.
“Vandalism of these installations
has a negative effect on the economy,” the
minister said, “In the past there
was no penalty for vandalising
broadcasting equipment. Convicted persons
will be sentenced to prison for up
to five years or fined up to level
14.”
Most of the vandalised equipment was trafficked to neighbouring
countries as
scrap metal and sold cheaply. The law would allow the state to
confiscate
and forfeit any equipment that is found in possession of the
accused.
“People will need special police clearance certificates to
transport
equipment such as water pumps, transformers, aluminum electricity
cables and
broadcasting equipment,” the minister said. “Transport used to
ferry the
stolen equipment will also be confiscated and forfeited to the
state.”
The Senate also passed three other Bills during the same sitting.
These are
the Attorney-General’s Office Bill, Zimbabwe National Security
Council
Amendment Bill and Energy Regulatory Authority Amendment
Bill.
These acts will see the Attorney-General’s Office becoming more
independent
as it will now have its own board and separate financial
allocation from the
national budget. National Security Council Amendment
Bill was meant to
include the minister of Justice into the council and
remove minister of
State Security in the President’s Office into the
political category of the
act from technocratic category and the Energy
Regulatory Bill sought to
create a single energy regulatory framework
instead of the present two, the
Electricity Regulation Commission and the
Petroleum Regulatory Authority.
The Bills now await the President’s
assent before they become law.
Meanwhile, Senate did not deal with
the Posa amendment Bill amid indications
that Zanu PF senators were ready to
shoot down the Bill after they received
party instructions to that
effect.
“We will not pass that Posa Bill. It’s as good as dead,”
confirmed one
senior Zanu PF senator, “We cannot be seen to pass that law to
allow the MDC
to cause anarchy in the country.”
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 10 February 2011 17:33
Bernard
Mpofu
LOCAL government, Urban and Rural Development minister Ignatious
Chombo
(pictured below) has said the state intends to mark new boundaries
for
traditional chiefs by year-end, an exercise that is likely to intensify
tension between local authorities and chiefs.
Chombo last weekend told a
visiting delegation of Zimbabwe journalists and
traditional chiefs in the
Royal Bafokeng Nation that his ministry is pushing
for a community share
ownership scheme that would empower traditional
leadership under the
controversial indigenisation and empowerment
regulations.
“By the
end of this year, every piece of land in Zimbabwe will be called
under the
name of a chief in that particular area. We are creating the new
boundaries
for the chiefs,” Chombo said.
“We are targeting one province per
month, which means that by December 31 we
should have a coded map of
Zimbabwe showing which chief presides over which
area. This is aimed at
complementing our dual governance system of
traditional and democratic
leadership.”
This exercise comes at a time when critics accuse Chombo
and Zanu PF of
using traditional chiefs to fight the MDC councillors
currently constituting
the majority of local authorities across the
country.
Apart from traditional leadership, the local government
minister has been
criticised for appointing partisan “special interest
councillors” to usurp
power from the erstwhile opposition.
Chombo
said his ministry was finalising marking boundaries for former white
commercial farms that were seized during the land reform programme
undertaken more than a decade ago.
He, however, said Harare and
Bulawayo metropolitan provinces would not be
affected by the
exercise.
Last year government gazetted indigenisation and
empowerment regulations
compelling foreign-owned companies worth US$500 000
or more to dispose a 51%
controlling interest to black Zimbabweans by
2015.
“We want chiefs to benefit from this asset especially mining so
that 10% is
really earmarked for the development of the area where the asset
(mineral)
is coming out so that they can build schools, clinics etc…If it
gives more
power to the chiefs, more money to the chiefs, I would agree on
behalf of
chiefs that it’s a good route. If Kasukuwere wants to increase it
from
10-15%, as minister responsible for chiefs, I would agree,” Chombo
said.
Speaking at the same event, Empowerment minister Saviour
Kasukuwere said his
ministry is considering proposals by chiefs in pursuit
of a broad-based
economic empowerment policy.
“We need to bring
about democracy in the economy. It can’t be good
politically and bad
economically,” he said. “If we say we can choose our
leaders except our
chiefs politically, then we must also be allowed to make
decisions in terms
of the economy. In terms of our mining resources, we are
still running this
sector based on the Rudd Concession.”
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 10 February 2011 17:32
Tendai
Zhanje
THE Ministry of Energy and Power Development instituted a forensic
audit
into the National Oil Company of Zimbabwe (Noczim) after it failed to
account for US$35 million fuel duty from independent
importers.
Energy and Power Development minister Elton Mangoma made the
revelation in
the Senate on Tuesday when he responded to a question during
his steering of
the Energy Regulation Bill through its second
reading.
“We instituted forensic audit of Noczim’s financial affairs
after the
management failed to satisfactorily prove where US$35 million fuel
duty from
independent importers had gone,” Mangoma said, “An internal audit
failed to
produce any answers hence the forensic audit whose report is now
on my
desk.”
Garnishing of the Noczim account by the Zimbabwe
Revenue Authority (Zimra)
and failure of a subcontractor to deliver US$5
million worth of fuel caused
the intermittent fuel supplies experienced in
the country from late December
2010 and early January this
year.
“Zimra action caused the oil authority to face cash constrains to
purchase
strategic fuel reserves,” the minister said. “This was further
compounded by
failure of Noah, a South African oil company, to deliver US$5
million worth
of fuel that it had been contracted to import to Zimbabwe in
December 2010.”
The ministry’s permanent secretary, Justin Mupamhanga,
said they were
pushing Noczim to quickly recover the money advanced to Noah
or receive fuel
imported through the South African agent.
“What we
are doing is to try and get our money back if they do not give us
the fuel
because we really did misread the data,” Mupamhanga said, “We were
in a
desperate state and I want to admit we bleeped, but what needs to be
done is
ask them to deliver or give us back the money.”
Noczim had not done
any due diligence on Noah prompting the Mines and Energy
portfolio committee
chairman, Edward Chindori Chininga, to conclude that the
company may have
been a shelf firm.
“US$5 million going to probably a briefcase company is
a lot of money,”
Chindori said. “I would have thought a company such as
Noczim would know
that they should deal with BP, Caltex or any of these
established
companies.”
Meanwhile, Noczim is offering golden
handshakes running into hundreds of
thousands of dollars to senior managers
who are not willing to join any of
the two successor companies after the
completion of the oil company’s
restructuring expected in the next few
months.
Two companies will be born out of the Noczim restructuring
exercise,
PetrolTrade and National Oil Infrastructure Company (NOIC).
PetroTrade will
be in charge of running fuel service stations while NOIC
will operate the
Beira-Feruka-Msasa pipeline and other fuel storage
infrastructure owned by
Noczim.
A source at the oil company said
managers were approached last week on
whether they want to join the new
companies or leave on generous terms.
“Negotiations for exit packages
began last week,” the source said, “senior
managers have an option to join
any of the two successor companies on same
conditions or better to the one
offered at Noczim or take a generous exit
package.”
The source added
that: “Those opting for retrenchment will get their
official vehicles,
personal computers and lump sums in the region of US$200
000 each. The
retrenchment package is tempting.”
The Independent is also reliably
informed that shop-floor workers to middle
management level will receive a
package that runs into tens of thousands of
dollars.
“The workers
committee has worked a package that will see the highest paid
in that group
receiving up to US$100 000 as their golden handshake,” the
source
revealed.
Sources said Ken Chakanetsa would be the chief executive at
NOIC.
“Chakanetsa will be joining NOIC from InPetro, a Mozambican
petroleum outfit
in which Noczim has shareholding. He is a chartered
accountant by
profession,” said the source.
Mines and Energy
permanent secretary James Mupamhanga confirmed the
development in an
interview with this paper on Monday this week.
“In any event when a
company restructures, a new manager will be hired and
others will be
retrenched,” Mupamhanga said, “The process started last week
and we hope
that it will be completed before the end of March, 2011.”
The permanent
secretary was, however, not at liberty to reveal the
retrenchment packages
to be given to those leaving Noczim.
“It’s not fair to disclose their
packages before the negotiations are
completed,” he said, “The senior
managers are handling the negotiations and
we hope that soon a position
would be reached.”
Noczim will become the first state-owned enterprise to
be unbundled after
cabinet last year agreed on a policy that spells out how
the state will turn
around companies that have become a drain on the
national fiscus.
The company had made perennial losses in the recent
past, particularly since
2000 when the company failed to supply sufficient
fuel to the nation due to
a combination of reasons - among them lack of
foreign currency, corruption,
maladministration and the general
deterioration of the economy in the last
decade.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 10 February 2011
17:29
PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe and Zanu PF are on record saying the
inclusive
government’s lifespan ends this month, but the MDC-T has a
contrary
interpretation of the GPA. MDC-T spokesperson Nelson Chamisa (NC)
yesterday
fielded questions from the Zimbabwe Independent Assistant Editor
Dumisani
Muleya (DM). Excerpts:
DM: There are reports in the media, some
made by politicians within the
inclusive government, that the GPA is
expiring tomorrow (today) and
concurrently with the lifespan of the
inclusive government. What exactly is
the position in your
understanding?
NC: Those are just reports from merchants of darkness
who are perennially
entrapped in the departure lounge mentality. In fact,
naïve and evil
characters, who like bacteria thrive in darkness would wish
the inclusive
government prematurely dead so that we are back to the period
of
non-accountability and free-for-all; the biblical Egypt. The GPA does not
have a sunset clause. Neither a single page nor clause of the GPA speaks to
the gestation period of the GPA being two years. Two years is only mentioned
by way of referring to clauses. As a matter of fact, instead of the
termination clause, we have two review mechanisms. One is done annually to
review the functioning of the inclusive government. The other, which is
supposed to be done to review the relationship of the (inclusive government)
upon the conclusion of the constitution-making process.
DM: If it
is true that the GPA expires tomorrow and hence the inclusive
government,
what will happen next? If it is not true, what also happens?
NC: The
GPA does not expire tomorrow. But as and when it expires, it shall
be the
prerogative of both the President and the Prime Minister to act in
consultation to dissolve parliament and have new elections as espoused by
Article 20.1.3(q) of the GPA. To the extent that this has not been the case,
the GPA shall subsist.
DM: How is the constitution-making process
unfolding? When should we expect
the referendum of the new draft
constitution?
NC: COPAC is better disposed to deal with this matter.
As a people’s party
of excellence and agents of real change, we have
ambassadors to represent us
in COPAC. We are reliably informed that we are
at the stage of uploading of
data. This shall be followed by thematic
committees, then drafting and then
a stakeholders conference. We are made to
understand that the referendum is
pencilled in for September this
year.
DM: Related to the above questions, when do we expect the next
elections?
Some say the polls could be in August or September, is this
feasible in the
current scheme of things?
NC: We have to expunge
the obsession with meaningless dates. We should not
put the cart before the
horse. First things first. We believe the holding of
an election should be a
creature and product of a process and conditions for
the holding of a free,
fair and credible plebiscite. In fact, in our
politics, seek ye first the
preponderance and kingdom of a conducive
electoral environment, everything
happily follows. August and September are
months on a calendar better
utilised for remembering and saluting our
heroes, heroines and loved ones
who gallantly fought for the liberation and
building of this beautiful
country, Zimbabwe. If Zanu PF decides to be
adventurous by pulling out of
the inclusive, transitional arrangement, the
MDC shall assume control of the
entire government in the national interest
and common good. We are happy
that the nation is fully behind and with us in
this regard.
DM:
Can we hold elections before the Constitution-making process is
finalised?
NC: In the GPA there is nothing that says elections
can’t be held before the
constitution process is finalised. In the event
that this becomes
inevitable, the President and the Prime Minister have to
agree. In our view,
what is desirable, to avoid a slide-back into the fiasco
of the past is to
be loyal to our signatures and walk the talk in the full
consummation of the
GPA. Further, the people’s party of excellence strongly
believes that the
election to be held is the unfinished and contested
presidential race, not a
general election that includes parliament and local
authorities. For the
record, the parliamentary election is only due in 2013.
This position is
supported by all fair-minded Zimbabweans, majority of Zanu
PF, rank and file
and has been communicated to President Zuma as the
mediator.
DM: How far have the parties in the inclusive government
gone in drafting
the elections roadmap which your party has been talking
about and demanding?
NC: As a people’s party of excellence, we take
the issue of the roadmap
seriously as an everlasting solution to ailments
that have afflicted our
governance and political fabric in Zimbabwe. A
roadmap etched in strict
timelines, tangible deliverables and signposts, the
role of State
institutions, Sadc and the AU in guaranteeing a peaceful,
dispute-free and
legitimate election.
DM: What exactly does your
party want to see included in the elections
roadmap?
NC: The
roadmap should be signposted by key electoral reforms, media
reforms, a new
constitution and the security of persons and the vote. In
particular terms,
the country needs a new, biometric and computerised voters’
roll, observers
and monitors to be in the country six months before and six
months after the
election, right of political parties to hold meetings,
rallies and peaceful
demonstrations. It is also critical to vaccinate
against the political abuse
of traditional leaders, civil servants and other
State actors during
elections by desperate and unpopular political parties.
The Zimbabwe
Electoral Commission should be staffed by non-partisan
personnel and not
functionaries from one political party.
DM: If Zanu PF stalls the
roadmap initiative and decides to call for
elections without a new
constitution and without reforms, would the MDC-T
take part in
elections?
NC: Your question connotes that if there is a coup, will
the MDC take part.
It’s both an unconstitutionality and impossibility. We
are not partakers in
the decimation of the constitution. As is the default
setting of Zanu PF, in
the event that by some sheer drive of madness, it
becomes possible, it would
be political hara-kiri on their part. We will not
allow Zanu PF to
jeopardise our collective national fortunes and destiny as
a people.
DM: What guarantee is there that this time around President
Robert Mugabe
and Zanu PF would accept the outcome of elections if they
lose?
NC: 2 Chronicles 7, verse 14, “If my people who are called by
my name, shall
humble themselves, and pray, and seek my face, and turn from
their wicked
ways; then will I hear from heaven, and will forgive their sins
and will
heal their land.” Our prayers as a people, for real change and a
new
Zimbabwe shall surely be answered. On our part, as mortals, we have
included
matters of accepting the result in the roadmap. More importantly,
we also
count on the prefects and referees of our continent, Sadc and the
AU, to
ensure that the red-carded player leaves the pitch in and with
peace.
DM: When are Sadc and SA facilitators in the inter-party dialogue
coming to
back to facilitate further talks?
NC: This is a very
important question, particularly considering the Zanu PF
demon of violence
that has manifested its ugly head over the past few days.
This demon needs
urgent exorcism. As to the ins and outs of the facilitation
team’s mission,
the mediator, President Zuma, is the perfect guest.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 10 February 2011 17:26
THE
government of national unity (GNU) turns two today with President Mugabe
having recently said its life cannot be extended by more than six months.
The Zimbabwe Independent Political Editor Faith Zaba (FZ) spoke to Zanu PF
spokesperson Rugare Gumbo (RG) at the party’s headquarters in Harare
yesterday on the challenges of the GNU. Below are the excerpts.
FZ:
President Mugabe has said the GNU expires this month and I also believe
that
is Zanu PF’s position. Where is the party getting that from considering
that
there is no timeframe stipulated in the Global Political Agreement
(GPA)?
RG: When the GPA was signed on September 15 2008, we as a
party welcomed the
decision simply because the election was inconclusive. We
felt it was
necessary to have the GPA and government of national unity to
work on
various projects that had been agreed upon. It was on that basis we
supported the constitution-making process, which was one of the clauses in
the GPA. But some of our colleagues in the opposition decided to violate the
agreement that they would campaign for the removal of sanctions against our
country.
Instead of working resolutely with us, they publicly said that
they wanted
sanctions removed, but privately they wanted them to remain in
force. There
was a lot of bickering between the parties and the president
said he was
very uncomfortable with the GNU and that obviously we cannot
allow the
agreement to be extended more than it is welcomed.
But the
president did not state categorically that it will end in February.
The
position of the party is that we are fed up with the GNU. We will not
make a
definite position with respect to that — we wait for the principals
to
decide.
FZ: You spoke about MDC not meeting their end of the bargain,
but there are
also issues that Zanu PF did not fulfill. There have been
accusations that
there was no political will in implementing them,
especially the agreed
issues such as security reforms, media reforms,
etc.
RG: Let us be clear that there are issues that are embraced in
the GPA and
there are others that came in the form of understanding and not
incorporated
in the GPA. The major part of our bargain was to appoint the
prime minister,
the deputy prime ministers and was also to appoint ministers
and to set up
cabinet and the president has done that. I don’t know what
else they would
have wanted him to do. They talk about the question of
governors, but it was
never included there (GPA) — they talk about
reassignment of ambassadors,
but it was never there. It was sort of an
understanding that these things
will be done. People talk of a meeting in
January 2009 in South Africa, it
was just an understanding, and a communiqué
is different from an agreement.
The president appointed ambassadors to
Australia, Senegal… You talk about
reforms; it is the responsibility of
parliament. If the reforms are not
passed in parliament what do you expect
the president to do?
FZ: On security reforms, Zanu PF is said to be
resisting and is opposed to
security reforms?
RG: What does the
GPA say about security reforms?
FZ: But it is on the list of issues
agreed and it is also in the report
forwarded to the principals by the
negotiators and also in the principals’
report to the facilitator (South
African President Jacob Zuma)?
RG: It is not in the GPA, but those
are understandings that came out after
negotiations. But they say we are
violating the GPA, they should instead say
maybe they are violating an
understanding.
FZ: But the GPA clearly states that the president
should consult the prime
minister when making key appointments. The
unilateral appointments of
governors and ambassadors, that is where the
violations come — that the
president is violating the GPA?
RG:
No, No, the governors were not in the GPA.
FZ: But there was an
agreed formula of 5-4-1?
RG: On governors, the president recognised
that time was up and there was no
consensus and he could not allow a
situation to continue with empty
vacancies — that was the beginning of the
problems, which had started a long
time ago.
FZ: What do you
mean there was no consensus; I thought there was an agreed
formula for the
appointment of governors?
RG: You are talking about what you guys
have been writing in the newspapers.
Wherein black and white was that
formula written?
FZ: In the negotiators report to the
principals?
RG: Was it approved? Did the principals approve? There
was no agreement from
what I got. It was just a suggestion from the
negotiators but was never
agreed on by the principals in black and white. I
remember the president
saying to us, where is this formula coming from,
where is this thing coming
from — which meant that as principals they had
not agreed on it. It might
have been presented to them but they did not
agree. Journalists you must try
and find out these things
first.
FZ: But seriously, total blame for lack of implementation
cannot be put
squarely on MDC when you guys said you will not make any
concessions until
sanctions are removed?
RG: It might be seen
that way. But the reality of the matter was that you
cannot move further
until the issue of economic sanctions is dealt with and
that’s when you saw
Tsvangirai saying sanctions must go in public and
privately they told them
to continue with the sanctions.
FZ: But you get the EU and the United
States saying they will not remove
them until there is full implementation
of the GPA and Zanu PF on the other
hand insisting that they will not move
until sanctions are removed?
RG: Let me be frank with you. The EU is
hypocritical about the sanctions
issue, they talk of good governance, human
rights, free and fair elections
and yet they recognise some of the worst
elections on earth. So the EU is
not being honest. On the issue of land,
they are getting a lot of pressure
from commercial farmers who say maintain
the sanctions. It is the land issue
which is key to the whole issue of
sanctions, not good governance.
FZ: The term of the GNU ends
tomorrow?
RG: We wait for the principals to guide us.
FZ:
I am sure there is a party position on how long the GNU should be
extended?
RG: Our timeframe is the conclusion of the
constitution-making process and
electoral reforms. If it is done in two
months well and good or six months —
but we don’t want to extend this thing
beyond six months.
FZ: But that’s the president’s position. What is
everyone else saying in
Zanu PF about the matter? Or is it a question of
whatever the president says
goes?
RG: Generally that is what the
president said and is what we know in the
politburo, that’s why we talk of
having a referendum by June/July
FZ: Then, are elections in August
or September?
RG: We don’t know because these processes may be cut
short. If the
constitution-making process is speeded up, the referendum
might be called
earlier.
FZ: But there is no
money?
RG: We have to find the money. If we can’t find the money then
the
constitution-making is inconclusive and then we revert to the Lancaster
House constitution — minus Constitutional Amendment No 19. For the purposes
of the elections it can be removed. We need elections and if they (MDC-T)
don’t want elections … we will go ahead and have elections. Whatever happens
with the constitution – whether we go for a referendum or not — elections
are on. We may have to go back to the constitution-making process after the
elections.
FZ: But don’t you think we will be rushing into this
election and risk
going back to the 2008 situation.
RG: There is
not going to be that. The election will ensure that Zanu PF
has a majority.
We are confident because we are mobilising the people. This
is the opinion
of the people — people are fed up with the GNU.
FZ: Aren’t you
worried that you might be shooting yourself in the foot by
thinking that you
have all this support when in fact people are giving this
confidence and
impression because of alleged intimidation by Zanu PF?
RG: We don’t
intimidate people. We are encouraging our people to do their
political
education in a peaceful manner to ensure that the referendum is
done in a
free and fair environment and the subsequent elections are
conducted in a
free and fair manner.
FZ: What were the challenges in the last two
years?
RG: Basically the challenge was the economy. We really want
to revive the
economy. Inflation has gone down and prices at one stage went
down. But more
could be done. For me the biggest challenge is to
industrialise the
country, we have just have to revive our factories, revive
steel companies.
All these companies that can bring value to our products.
The question of
financing agriculture is very, very important. Two things
which are really
critical
FZ: What is your take to suggestions –
even from officials from the African
Union Commission – that the government
should prioritise economic
development and not elections?
RG:
How do you operate when you have cabinet ministers who campaign for the
imposition of sanctions on the country? This is where the difficulty is. How
do you work with a finance minister who declines to finance agriculture, the
constitution-making process and other development sectors?
FZ:
Is there a possibility of extending the GNU to 2013?
RG: There is no
way. 2013 is out of the question. If you are talking of
perhaps going for
six months, perhaps.
FZ: People are worried about political violence
if early elections are held.
RG: The fear is justified, but do we
have an alternative. We can’t talk to
puppets of America. These are
difficult people to deal with, they are not
their own people. It’s all
nonsense.
FZ: But is the environment conducive for
elections?
RG: There is no time when an environment is conducive for
elections. How can
the environment be conducive when you have these petrol
bombings and damage
to property?
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 10 February 2011 17:16
PROFFESOR Welshman
Ncube, the recently-elected leader of MDC-N, formerly
MDC-M, is caught in
the eye of a political storm engulfing his party. Since
the party’s congress
on January 8-9, the situation has dramatically
deteriorated as his power
struggle with his former boss Arthur Mutambara
intensifies.
The battle
has been characterised by fierce rhetoric, court challenges,
dismissals and
counter-dismissals and emerging creepy political alliances in
which
President Robert Mugabe seems to be standing shoulder-to-shoulder with
Mutambara.
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai apparently remains
neutral despite
naturally having his own views and position on the
issue.
Zimbabwe Independent Assistant Editor Dumisani Muleya (DM)
interviewed
Welshman Ncube (WN) on Wednesday to get a deeper insight into
the political
cauldron that his party has become of late. Below are
excerpts of the
interview.
DM: Professor Ncube, you are currently
locked in a power struggle with
Professor Mutambara following your disputed
party congress and the election
of the new leadership led by yourself and
recommendations of changes in
government. To deal with these issues you met
President Robert Mugabe on
Tuesday, how did the meeting go?
WN:
Yes, I met President Mugabe at his government offices on Tuesday
afternoon
after cabinet and we discussed for two and a half hours these
issues. The
president has formal power in terms of the constitution to
swear-in and
remove government appointees and officials at all relevant
levels.
Basically, the meeting failed to resolve the issue and the president
ended
up saying the matter is “complicated” and he would have to consult
Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai. In short, the president raised the same
arguments which Mutambara has been raising. There was no difference at all,
it was the same script. We dealt with all those issues, the legal and
political arguments, including moral questions, but Mugabe refused to budge.
In the end he said he would have to consult and come back to
us.
DM: Mugabe has publicly said his hands are legally tied and he
can’t remove
Mutambara unless he resigns. What’s your comment on
this?
WN: Those are the sort of arguments which Mugabe raised to me,
but that’s
legally and politically incorrect. His hands are not legally tied
at all.
Mutambara has not gone to court to challenge the convening of the
congress
and my subsequent election. It is a few political malcontents who
were
afraid of losing elections who did that. Mutambara cannot involve
himself
opportunistically in a case in which he is not party to. Mugabe’s
hands are
therefore not legally tied as the GPA is clear. Mutambara was
deployed as
deputy prime minister by virtue of being leader of the MDC and
now he is no
longer the leader. This is a straight forward issue and the GPA
is clear on
how and why a deputy prime minister comes into office. Their
exit is
implicit on how and why they are appointed. Besides, there is no
court
interdict preventing Mugabe from exercising his powers and duties, nor
barring me from taking office. So I told the president “your hands are not
legally tied because there is no court interdict restraining you from
exercising your powers and allowing us to perform our functions”. In any
case even if there is a court case by those losers it doesn’t stop people
from working. Mugabe himself was challenged by Tsvangirai in the courts over
a disputed presidential election, but he did not stop working while awaiting
a ruling on the case. This is not about the law, it’s all
politics.
DM: How did Mugabe respond to your answers and reactions
during the
exchanges?
WN: He kept on saying Mutambara told me
this, Mutambara told me that and
this is what is happening and this is where
we are. It was clear he is
working very closely with Mutambara. Mugabe had
details of everything that
we do in the party and he told me that he was
told by Mutambara. For us, it’s
now clear Mutambara is a Zanu PF and Mugabe
surrogate.
DM: So if he (Mugabe) eventually refuses to remove
Mutambara and swear you
in as deputy prime minister, what are you going to
do?
WN: Mugabe is free to protect Mutambara. For us it’s not about
positions,
but principles. If he keeps Mutambara in there representing no
one except
himself, then it’s not only a gross violation of the GPA, but a
unilateral
re-writing of the agreement, as it would mean Zanu PF now has a
deputy prime
minister in government through the backdoor. He can keep
Mutambara, but he
is not our leader anymore and we will denounce
him.
DM: Mutambara is standing his ground and he has even fired you
from the
party. What are you going to do about it?
WN: It shows
he is staging a circus and he is the clown. How can an ordinary
party member
fire the leader of the party? Does he have emergency powers?
Where, in the
world of politics, has that ever happened? He is desperately
trying to
pre-empt our national council meeting tomorrow (Thursday).
DM: Your
party is going to hold a national council meeting to discuss the
Mutambara
situation. What is likely to be the outcome?
WN: I don’t know what
the national council will resolve. However, as the
standing committee of the
party we are going to recommend that he should be
stripped of his party
membership and be expelled. If that happens it does
not really change
anything in terms of his status in government, but
compounds his
situation.
DM: If after all these actions Mutambara still maintains
his ground, would
you take the issue to the facilitator, SA President Jacob
Zuma, and Sadc?
WN: I don’t think we should even go that far. I think
we should deal with
the situation using our national and political
processes. Our highest court
of appeal in this case is the people. They will
have the final say.
DM: I understand from our high-level sources in
the Office of the President
and Cabinet that Mugabe told you point blank
that he is not going to drive
Mutambara out of office to pave the way for
you. Is that true or not?
WN: I don’t want to go deep into the
details of my discussions with the
president except painting a general
picture for you, but that is true. He
said he is not inclined to do that
although he would consult the prime
minister.
DM: Is it true that
Mugabe, who actually speaks Ndebele, told you point
blank in Ndebele,
probably for the record and for the avoidance of doubt,
that he will not
swear you in?
WN: That is correct, but I won’t go into the details. I
think I have
explained sufficiently enough what happened when I met him. Now
we await the
outcome of his consultations with the prime
minister.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 10 February 2011 16:53
Leonard
Makombe
At two, the Government of National Unity (GNU) is showing all the
symptoms
that despite initial promise, it is headed for an inauspicious
death,
leaving behind a trail of abject failures and half- baked
achievements.
Just two years ago there was hope that the inclusive government
would
provide solutions to Zimbabwe’s decade-long socio-economic
crisis.
It was expected that the government would play a key role in
solving the
country’s economic crisis, simmering political tension and
restore its
standing in the international community.
Furthermore,
it was envisaged that the political creation would open the
floodgates to
much-needed investment and possibly lure the country’s skilled
manpower —
scattered in the diaspora — back home.
However — thanks to hindsight
—these expectations have proved way too
optimistic.
Zanu PF has
started writing an epitaph of the inclusive government,
declaring that
elections are inevitable, signalling an end of the political
arrangement
which was characterised by a contestation for power.
Dewa Mavhinga,
an analyst and regional coordinator with Crisis in Zimbabwe
Coalition, said
problems faced by the inclusive government were caused
mainly by the way the
global political agreement (GPA) was drafted.
“The GPA is a legal
document full of loopholes, ambiguous statements and
outright political
gibberish and hogwash,” said Mavhinga. “It reflects more
of political
chicanery than legal acumen; this is why President (Robert)
Mugabe and Zanu
PF continue to get away with snubbing GPA provisions.”
The inclusive
government has been known more for squabbles over the
implementation of the
GPA than policies which benefit ordinary people who
had borne the brunt of
the decade-long political and economic crisis.
Analysts agree that
the biggest undoing of the inclusive government was the
failure to agree on
how to fully implement the GPA as more energy was spent
on outstanding
issues that centered on power and “jobs for the boys”.
Ricky Mukonza,
a lecturer at Tshwane University of Technology in South
Africa, said the
conclusion of outstanding issues would have paved way for
the implementation
of real policies to benefit the people.
“This (full implementation of
the GPA) will ensure coherence in the manner
in which government articulate
key national issues,” said Mukonza. “As
things stand, there are two sides of
government, MDC and Zanu PF, which at
times churn out contradictory
pronouncements on policy matters.”
The inclusive government could be
credited for policies which saw schools
re-opening, medical supplies
improving in hospitals and clinics, capacity
utilisation increasing to
around 43%, up from 10% prior to February 2010,
and a 7,5% economic growth
last year.
A 7,5% economic growth in a year could have earned the
administration a pat
on the back but not in the case of Zimbabwe, which had
been experiencing a
negative growth in the preceding years.
By the time
the unity government marked its first anniversary, there were
signs that
things had stagnated as shop shelves were packed with foreign
products and
inflation had started to rise again despite the use of a stable
currency.
Rodgers Matsikidze, a lecturer at the University of Zimbabwe
Law Faculty,
said the GNU saved the country as it was on “the brink of a
situation
similar to what is happening in Egypt.”
“However, while it was
said the civil servants who were getting US$100 as
allowances would be
looked at, there was not much movement,” said
Matsikidze. “What we actually
saw was movement in bills such as Zesa
(electricity). Even in the private
sector, there was little salary increases
and in the second half of 2010
there were many appeals in the courts in
terms of collective bargaining as
companies were no longer able to give
increments.”
He said the workers,
particularly the civil servants, had sacrificed a lot
and the administration
had to reward them using proceeds from resources such
as diamonds as is the
case in the Middle East where kingdoms and small
states are built on returns
from oil.
The institution of the GNU appear to have failed to induce an
element of
transparency as the nation is in the dark as to how much is
realised from
the sale of the precious stones.
The failure of the
GNU in achieving goals for which it was instituted could
also be attributed
to the divergent backgrounds and ideological standings of
the partners in
the marriage.
Zanu PF, having transformed itself from a socialist
party, continues to
pursue command policies where government plays a very
significant role while
the MDCs are neo-liberal believing in the sacredness
of the market.
Apart from these differences, Booker Magure, a
post-doctoral research fellow
at Rhodes University in South Africa, said
Zanu PF went into the arrangement
with a view to “recapture power and it did
exactly that.”
“Things could have been better had all the parties to
the pact shared a
vision of what it is that would make Zimbabwe a better
place for everyone,”
said Magure. “The lack of a shared vision explains why
things did not work
out. What emerged was a power monopolising as opposed to
a genuine power
sharing arrangement.”
When the balance sheet of
the GNU is prepared at the end of the two year
period, it would be seen that
there is more debit than credit and as the
nation is being held hostage in
the election mode and there would be further
declines.
Zimbabweans who may have wanted to come back may
postpone until after the
elections and the same can be said by investors who
will delay further in
making any significant commitment to the country.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 10 February 2011
16:38
Paul Nyakazeya
NINE Airlines have proposed to fly into
Zimbabwe this year in a development
that could see increased traffic and
revenue for the tourism sector if
government approves the proposals,
businessdigest has established.
The airlines are — Air France, Austrian
Airlines, Egypt Air, Swiss Air,
Bulgarian Airlines, Qantas, Emirates
Airways, KLM and Lufthansa.
However, some aviation experts were
sceptical that the Zimbabwean government
would grant the airlines licences
to fly into the country as it would offer
stiff competition to Air Zimbabwe,
which they want to protect.
The national airline has been operating
at a loss accumulating huge debts
since 2000.
Civil Aviation
Authority of Zimbabwe public relations and communications
manager Annajlia
Hungwe on Wednesday told businessdigest that all the
airlines had been
plying the Zimbabwe route before and none was chased away.
The bilateral air
services agreement was never cancelled, she said.
“They are free to
come back and we will very much welcome them,” she said.
“It takes less than
a week (to approve the airlines applications) where
Bilateral Air Service
Agreements (Basa) are in place.”
She added: “No airline that fulfills
the requirements of the bilateral air
service agreement has been denied
permission to fly into Zimbabwe. Basa are
agreements entered into between
two states outlining provisions for the
establishment of air services
between them. It is a requirement under the
Chicago
Convention.”
In 2008, government refused three airlines permission to
fly into Zimbabwe
in what aviation experts said was a move to protect the
national airline
from competition and loss of revenue.
The three
airlines were — Nationwide from South Africa, Malaysian, and
Emirates from
the United Arab Emirates.
Addressing journalists at the time,
Zimbabwe Tourism Authority Karikoga
Kaseke said: “Reasons such as ‘we are
protecting our airlines’ were cited.
What are we protecting it (Air
Zimbabwe) from? They should learn to compete
with other airlines. That is
the only way they can remain competitive”.
Kaseke said it was not wise to
treat the national airline as if it started
operating last year when it has
been in existence for a long period.
“Tourism ambassadors go out to
market Zimbabwe. For example, in China they
cannot come by rail or road. The
presence of many airlines in the country
also increases the amount of
traffic, revenue and flexibility as to when one
wants to fly to Zimbabwe,”
said Kaseke.
Air Zimbabwe has pulled out of 18 routes from 25 and
scaled down on the
number of flights per week to rationalise operations and
contain costs.
While the airline has withdrawn from these routes citing
“viability”
challenges, its competition has stepped in to fill the
void.
Kenya Airways now flies to Harare 12 times a week between
Harare and Nairobi
while Ethiopian Airlines now flies into Harare
daily.
South African Airways ply the Harare Johannesburg route
daily.
South African Airways (SAA) and British Airways (Comair) are
now plying
Johannesburg- Victoria Falls flights daily.
Apart from
Air Zimbabwe, SAA, Air Namibia and British Airways Comair service
are
landing at Victoria Falls Airport daily.
Air Zimbabwe currently has
four planes flying one — Modern Ark (MA) 60s,
two Boeing 737 and a long
haul 767.
A total of 18 international airlines have left the country
since the
economic crisis when negative publicity about Zimbabwe started 10
years
ago.
These include Lufthansa, Qantas, Austrian Airlines,
Swissair, Air India, Air
France and TAP Air Portugal.
African
airlines that no longer fly into Harare include Egyptair, Air
Mauritius,
Linhas Aereas de Mocambique, Air Namibia, Royal Swazi Airlines
and Air
Seychelles. Air Tanzania, Ghana Airways, Air Uganda and Air Cameroon
have
also pulled out of the route.
In 2010, the government also set aside
part of US$100 million of its IMF
Special Drawing Rights SDRs towards the
refurbishment of the country’s
infrastructure and the resuscitation of key
economic enablers including
US$18,1 million for refurbishment of Harare
International Airport and Joshua
Mqabuko Nkomo Airport.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 10 February 2011
16:38
Paul Nyakazeya
ZIMBABWE’S total external debt was US$6,929
billion by December 31 2010,
representing 103% of the country’s Gross
Domestic Product (GDP) — a level
which is above the international debt
sustainability of 60% — figures from
the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe
show.
This means with an estimated population of 14 million, Zimbabweans each
owe
local and financial institutions US$495 million.
The huge debt which
will result in high future taxes if the country’s major
sectors of the
economy do not increase their operating capacity against a
background of
inadequate foreign aid, investment and lack of
creditworthiness means even a
child born today will owe foreign and local
institutions an amount above
US$300.
In his monetary policy made available a fortnight ago, Reserve Bank
governor Gideon Gono said as at December 31 2010, total external debt stock
amounted to US$6,929 billion, representing 103% of GDP. “The bulk of the
country’s external debt is owed to multilateral creditors which account for
36% of the country’s total debt,” he said.
“Bilateral and commercial
creditors are owed 33% and 31%, respectively.
Central government remains the
largest debtor at 57% while parastatals and
the private sector owe 35% and
8%, respectively,” Gono said.
Economic analysts said the country’s debt could
have been under control had
parliament conducted debt audits more
often.
Commenting on the projections, economist Brains Muchemwa said it was
important to consider the ability of government to generate future revenue
to offset this debt.
“The ability of the Zimbabwean government to
service its debt is a function
of the vibrancy of its revenue model,
implying therefore that the economy
must keep growing, broadening the tax
base whilst a rational civil service
reform needs to be implemented to
conserve cash and improve the debt
servicing,” he said.
Muchemwa said
disposal and commercialisation of loss-making parastatals
needs to be
prioritised, and equally, the tightly regulated industries such
as
telecommunications needed to be further liberalised so that government
generates more revenue from taxation.
“The stone-age mentality of having
tightly regulated industries for no-one’s
benefit except the operators is
retrogressive and should not be government
policy,” he said.
The
Zimbabwean government is said to be divided along political lines on how
to
control the country’s debt. Indications suggest a massive chasm in the
political hierarchy over Finance minister Tendai Biti’s recommendations to
apply for the Highly Indebted Poor Country (HIPC) status.
Some Zanu PF
ministers are reportedly determined to oppose the move, on
grounds that
doing so would “open the floodgates to foreign interference”,
not just in
Zimbabwe’s economic affairs, but also in its politics. They feel
that an
HIPC initiative “would be used by Western countries as an instrument
of
regime change”.
Biti strongly contends that HIPC status is the best option
for Zimbabwe,
stating that the options do not accord Zimbabwe a “holistic
and viable
approach to its debt and arrears problems” significantly
diminishing the
extensive current restraints upon economic growth and
poverty reduction.
But what are the advantages and disadvantages of Zimbabwe
falling under
HIPC?
Economic analyst, Sonny Mabheju told businessdigest
that the HIPC programme
required a number of conditions to be fulfilled,
largely similar to those
attached to International Monetary Fund (IMF) and
World Bank loans, which
require “structural adjustments and at times
including privatisation of
public entities like water and
electricity”.
“The country must (also) maintain macroeconomic stability and
has to
implement satisfactory poverty reduction strategies for at least one
year,”
Mabheju said.
Economist David Mupamhadzi said the issue of the
country’s external debt was
central to the sustained recovery of the
economy. He said the government of
Zimbabwe should come up with a clear
arrears clearance strategy since this
was “one of the first steps towards
the reengagement with the international
community”.
“The HIPC route is
one option which the government could adopt, and this
approach will be
widely supported by the international finance institutions.
Taking this
option will enable the government to make huge debt service
savings, and
this will provide the government with an opportunity to
redirect resources
to other critical areas of the economy.
“For example in January 2010, the
Republic of Congo, reached the completion
stage of the HIPC initiative, and
they generated a total debt service
savings of US$1,9
billion.
“Furthermore once a country adopts a credible debt clearance
strategy, this
will also improve the country’s risk profile to both domestic
and
international investors,” Mupamhadzi told businessdigest.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 10 February 2011 16:41
By
Evonia Muzondo and Oscar Diura
PENSION funds, both private and public are
among the largest institutional
investors in global financial markets. They
help individuals save for their
retirement and are expected to protect the
value of their pensions.
The Zimbabwe pension fund industry is emerging
from a low base after years
of hyperinflation. Low industry capacity
utilisation resulting from limited
access to lines of credit and
unsustainable interest rates on loans being
offered by the banking sector
has impacted negatively on companies‘ ability
to make contributions to
pension funds.
This has stifled investment options and the ability of
the pension funds to
meet their monthly obligations to pensioners, provide
meaningful income
returns on retirement and hence clearly losing the essence
of their core
function.
This situation is not unique to Zimbabwe,
even globally returns and payouts
on pension funds have been dwindling. Poor
returns from pension funds and
very small tax incentives have created an
environment where saving for
retirement is becoming less and less
appealing.
According to a leading corporate accountancy firm in the UK, a
pension pot
of £100 000 will create annual annuity payments of £7 000 a year
— which is
£2 000 less than in the year 2000.
However those who had
invested money in savings accounts have in the same
period done much better,
with the account on average growing at twice the
rate of the average pension
scheme between January 2000 and December 2009.
Major volatility in equity
markets has been blamed for this.
Pension funds operate in an environment
characterised by a number of serious
market imperfections such as
malfunctioning labour markets and adverse
conditions in the economy, which
might lead to a fall in asset prices and
earnings, making portfolio
management increasingly difficult. High
unemployment means less
contributions leading to less dollars to cater for
the old, retired
people.
Government interference and sometimes poor financial education of
investment
managers which adversely affect the allocation of savings and
portfolio
management decisions — are some of the factors.
During the
past decade local pension funds seeing the risk of inflation
rising rapidly
decided to move from a defined benefit plan to a defined
contribution plan
in order to remove the increasing risk from themselves. So
effectively, what
pensioners put in is now what they get out.
The current liquidity
crisis in the country has meant that most pension
funds have been unable to
make pension payouts in foreign currency or are
taking longer to pay. Or, in
cases where payments are made, they have been
inadequate to meet the
pensioners’ basic needs.
The National Social Security Authority (NSSA)
pays out a minimum of US$25
per month whilst thePoverty Datum Line is
approximately US$500. Years of
hard earned contributions have been made
worthless and rendered the
pensioner poor.
Even though premiums
are now being paid in US dollars, the liquidity
situation has not improved
two years after the adoption of multiple
currencies. Monthly remittances
from pension deductions from both the public
and private sectors have
dwindled. Companies are battling to raise enough
cash for salaries, with
some paying allowances.
The pension deductions on pay slips are sometimes
technical with no forward
remittances to the pension fund. Threats from NSSA
have not deterred some
companies from continuing the practice.
In
the Herald of January 17 2011, the Local Authorities Pension Fund issued
a
notice to its clients informing them that it would not be able to meet its
obligations to pensioners every month. The same situation could also be the
case with other pension funds.
Most of them had invested heavily in
equities and property in order to
preserve value during hyperinflation that
wiped out the hard earned Zimbabwe
dollar savings of pensioners. These
investments suffered a significant
decline in value after the economy
dollarised. Value of properties fell by
an average of 50% and stock prices
on the ZSE were subdued as the number of
sellers outweighed
buyers.
Equity investments take longer to cash in, provided there is
a buyer,
increasing the turnaround time from deal execution to receipt of
funds.
Then there is also the erosion of tradable investments and lack of
investment options on the local capital markets. Government legislation that
prohibits pension funds from investing offshore also stifles portfolio
growth.
The local bourse is struggling to tick owing to liquidity
challenges and
investor anxiety over a number of policy issues.
In
2010 the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange was relatively flat meaning a number of
portfolios remained stagnant. Offshore investment could be allowed in order
to diversify the funds portfolios and reduce country risk. The amount
invested offshore may be limited to a percentage to avoid concentration
risk.
Rental incomes from property portfolios have not been
significant.
There have been high default rates by sitting tenants since
the economy
dollarised.
A lot of tenants are streamlining or closing
businesses. There is therefore
much unoccupied space in the city due to high
rentals as tenants opt for
office parks where rentals are slightly
lower.
This would not have been the case had pension funds been allowed
to
diversify portfolio funds offshore thereby reducing funds’ huge weighting
on
local real estate.
Prescribed asset requirements were a
contentious issue even before
dollarisation. Pension funds were compelled to
invest in money market
instruments that quickly lost value.
The
proposal by government to re- introduce compulsory prescribed asset
ratios
should be shelved until there is economic improvement and renewed
confidence in the sector. Insurance and pension funds are required by law to
hold at least 30% of their assets in local registered securities, loans
guaranteed by the state or loans to local authorities approved by the
commissioner of insurances.
There are no financial instruments on
the market to justify the enforcement
of the requirement.
The
government, in consultation with industry players, should agree on the
levels of prescription, which at 30% is somewhat high for an environment
characterised by low liquidity levels.
Asset yields and tenure should
also be attractive and take into account the
need to have a constant cash
buffer to meet monthly obligations.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 10 February 2011 16:59
By Qhubani
Moyo
ONE of the most dramatic pronouncements in the history of the
inclusive
government is the one made by the outgoing Deputy Prime Minister
(DPM)
Arthur Mutambara regarding his future after a cabinet reshuffle
recommendation by the MDC. In his long and winding four-page statement which
covered 18 paragraphs in its 1479 number of words the outgoing DPM makes
lots of illogical, inconsistent and untrue arguments on why he thinks he
should remain in government.
The most striking thing about the
statement is that it lacks cohesion; it is
poor in syntax, hollow in
political arguments and bankrupt in legal
arguments.
Be that as it
may be, his pronouncements are very important in that they set
a new meaning
of democracy in that an individual can embrace a party
congress to an extent
of congratulating the new leadership and pronouncing
his readiness to serve
the party diligently as an ordinary foot soldier,
only to emerge after 30
days and 30 nights with arguments that are not only
inconsistent with his
pronouncements at congress but also highly
embarrassing and a negation of
the very democratic values that they have
projected to promote.
The
pronouncements by the outgoing DPM that he would cling on to the
position
despite the party‘s position to redeploy him to another ministry
flies in
the face of his usual claims that he a is a democrat. The attempts
to play
victim of a well mechanised scheme to eliminate him from the
political radar
through an illegitimate congress do not only make him a
hopeless politician,
but also a political caricature that lacks democratic
values.
But
because the issues he raises are of importance in as far as they have a
bearing on the way the government is constituted it would be important to
deal with them blow by blow. The first issue is that Mutambara is being
dishonest to the people of Zimbabwe by lying in a statement written in the
official letterhead of the government he took an oath to serve truthfully
and honestly.
It is clear that Mutambara who for a long time has
tried to fool Zimbabweans
to believe that be belongs to a generation of
Zimbabweans who view
leadership as a relay in which the baton is passed from
one person to the
other actually belongs to the same crop of leaders who
will engage in all
sorts of chicanery to stay in power. Zimbabweans are not
fools as he has
been exposed as a pseudo-democrat who preaches democracy
with one corner of
the mouth, and speaks tyranny and dictatorship with the
other.
Reading through his statement it is interesting that Mutambara has
the
audacity to claim that it was not out of anyone’s benevolence that he
became
DPM, yet everyone including little kids know that it is out of the
benevolence of the MDC that he is DPM. Mutambara must stop treating
Zimbabweans like robots who cannot think for themselves.
Just for the
record the GPA states categorically clear that there shall be a
president
who will continue to be Robert Mugabe, a Prime Minister who will
be Morgan
Tsvangirai and DPMs from MDC-T and from the MDC-M as it was
commonly
referred then.
Therefore Mutambara is merely occupying a position in
government at the
behest of the party not as an individual. Also one other
argument that is
hollow is one which says that sitting DPM cannot be removed
more so if he is
a principal.
The fact is Mutambara is no longer a
principal; principals are leaders of
political parties and as such he is no
longer one by virtue of losing the
MDC presidency.
The other silly
argument is the one that says there is no provision for
removal of a DPM, an
argument which was started by Lovemore Madhuku whose
understanding of the
law has always been suspect.
How can someone advance the argument that
the constitution only allows for
an entry into office but does not provide
for an exit? Mutambara and his
string of poor lawyers like Madhuku must stop
lying to the nation because a
prime minister or deputy prime minister are
just senior ministers. In the
British parliamentary system that we inherited
they are referred to as a
“senior among equals”. Also if you check any
English dictionary it tells you
that a prime minister is a senior
minister.
Therefore the clause that guides the removal of ministers from
office
without doubt applies to the DPM. If you check the GPA on the
composition of
the government, clause seven states that ministers and deputy
ministers may
be relieved of their duties only after consultation among the
leaders of the
political parties participating in the inclusive government.
In this case
being a minister as already argued, Mutambara’s removal from
government can
be done by a mere consultation by leaders of the three
parties namely
Tsvangirai, Mugabe and Welshman Ncube as per the provision
of the GPA.
The mantra that Mutambara is an ex-officio MP who cannot be
removed by any
party is factually incorrect and therefore hollow, and again
Madhuku lies to
Mutambara that his parliamentary position is ex-officio like
that of the
Attorney-General. How unfortunate. In Zimbabwe the only person
who is
directly elected into government is the president, the rest are
appointed
from parliament. This means that one has to be an MP before they
are in
cabinet. If they are not they given 90 days to get a seat.
In
the case of Mutambara he is a MP ex-officio representing the MDC. It is
the
MDC that was allocated an additional three ex-officio MPs and it then
sent
Mutambara, so the seat is effectively a party seat.
The party is
therefore allowed to remove any one from that seat as long as
he no longer
represents its interests. Accordingly for Mutambara to be DPM
he first had
to be an MP and the moment he is removed from the party and the
speaker of
parliament informed of the position he ceases to be DPM. That is
the
law!
What many Zimbabweans are eager to know is whose interests will
Mutambara
continue to serve in government if he is fired from the MDC. It
also
interesting that Mutambara as an ordinary member of the party thinks he
can
hold the party’s highest position in government.Where in the world can
you
have an ordinary member of the party occupying your highest government
position?
Mutambara must walk his talk about democracy and stop
emulating the likes of
Laurent Ggabo and Mwai Kibaki who are clinging to
power despite having been
defeated in polls. He has no moral or legal
authority to remain in
government
l Moyo is the National Organising
Secretary of the MDC. He can be contacted
on qmoyo2000@yahoo.co.uk This e-mail
address is being protected from
spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to
view it
(On Wednesday Mutambara addressed a press conference where he
stated that he
had fired Welshman Ncube from the MDC.)
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 10 February 2011 16:58
By
Arthur Mutambara
ON February 11 2009, I took oath to serve my country in
the office of Deputy
Prime Minister (DPM) of the Republic of Zimbabwe. It is
a commitment I took
with due consideration to the broader and inclusive
interests and
aspirations of our country.
February 11 2009 was the
culmination of a protracted set of political events
which sought to resolve
deep seated social, economic and political problems
afflicting our nation.
President Robert Mugabe, Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai and I had signed
the Global Political Agreement (GPA) on
September 15 2008, and the swearing
in ceremony on 11 February 2009 marked
the consummation of Zimbabwe’s
inclusive government.
It was neither an accident nor an act of
benevolence from any person that
Arthur Mutambara, and not anybody else,
took the oath of office as one of
the two Deputy Prime Ministers of this
country.
The office of deputy prime minister is a creature of the
Constitution of
Zimbabwe by virtue of the Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment
Number 19 Act.
Accordingly, it is an office of state. As an office of state,
it exists to
serve the people of Zimbabwe regardless of race, tribe, sex,
political party
affiliation or religion. For the avoidance of doubt, the
office of the DPM
does not serve one political party.
Arthur
Mutambara, the deputy prime minister of the Republic of Zimbabwe and
Arthur
Mutambara, the president of a political party in Zimbabwe are two
different
persons. The former is governed by the national interest and
collective
non-partisan aspirations, while the latter is a functionary of
political
party idiosyncrasies.
When I took the decision not to contest for the
position of president of my
political party, I was very conscious of the
distinction between an office
of state and a political party position.
Everybody in my party is, and has
always been, aware of this distinction. In
fact this was discussed,
understood and agreed. The idea was to elect a new
leadership which will
concentrate on building the party and prepare for the
next elections, and
not change leadership in order to bicker over current
offices of state.
I would never have taken the oath to serve this country
in the office of
deputy prime minister, if I had not committed myself to
serve this country
faithfully for the entire duration of the inclusive
government.
While no single Zimbabwean is indispensable, there are
specific national
projects, programmes and coordinative activities that I am
spearheading in
my capacity as DPM, and it will be detrimental to the
national interest for
me to abandon them midstream. I would be remiss in the
execution of my
national obligation and duties, if I did so.
I have
no intention whatsoever to leave the position of deputy prime
minister in
the Inclusive Government.
I will not abdicate from my national
responsibilities in order to satisfy
narrow party-political
aspirations.
In our national constitution, there is no facility for a
political party to
recall a sitting DPM. In the GPA, while there is
provision to reshuffle
ministers after consultation among the three
Principals, there is no
provision to remove a Global Political Agreement
principal.
Neither is there an instrument to remove a sitting DPM, more
so when he or
she is also a principal.
In terms of parliament,
according to the Constitution of Zimbabwe as changed
by Amendment Number 19
Act, I am an ex-officio MP which means that I am a
member of that august
House by virtue of my being a DPM.
I am not a Constituency based MP
elected on a party ticket. Consequently, no
political party can recall me
from Parliament. I will cease to be an MP the
moment I stop being DPM, and
not the reverse. That is the law.
This brings me to an issue currently
dominating the public domain, namely
the so-called “re-deployment” of Arthur
Mutambara. This “re-deployment” has
been put in the public domain by some
members of my party led by Professor
Welshman Ncube.
The public is
aware that the legality of a meeting of my party held on
January 8 and 9
2011 has been put in issue. Bona-fide members of our party
have asked the
High Court of Zimbabwe to determine whether or not the
meeting of January 8
and 9 2011 was legally valid. This means that the High
Court is now seized
with the issue of whether or not Ncube is validly in
office as president of
my party.
The rule of law enjoins us to respect the rights of persons to
approach the
courts for the resolution of legitimate disputes. I am aware of
the argument
that before the courts rule on the matter, there must be an
assumption that
the meeting of January 8 and 9 2011 was
legitimate.
This is a flawed legal position.
The argument
presupposes there is a presumption of validity of the said
meeting, and yet
this presumption only applies to legislative acts and
ministerial
instruments, and not to actions of private organisations and
individuals,
such as political parties and their members.
Moreover, where a matter has
been placed before a superior court of
unlimited jurisdiction such as our
High Court, it is important that the
decisions of the courts are not
pre-empted, in particular by the Executive
arm of government, for that would
undermine the independence of the
Judiciary. More importantly, we cannot
have major decisions affecting
matters of state and national interest, such
as recalling a DPM (assuming
that it was possible), being based on outcomes
of a meeting whose legitimacy
is being challenged within our national legal
system. We should all be
disciples of the rule of law.
Consequently,
until the High Court makes its ruling in this matter, I,
Arthur Guseni
Oliver Mutambara, the Deputy Prime Minister of the Republic of
Zimbabwe, and
one of the three signatories (Principals) to the Global
Political Agreement
which led to the formation of the inclusive government,
will not recognise
Ncube as the president of the party I belong to, the MDC,
the party that
signed the GPA with MDC-T and Zanu-PF. Neither will I
recognise the team
that he heads as the leadership of the party, MDC.
Accordingly, not only
is there no constitutional or legal basis for the
“re-deployment,” there is
also neither moral nor political foundation to it.
It must be understood
that today (February 7), is the first time since
January 8 that I am
speaking about these matters surrounding the contested
leadership changes in
my party. When I spoke on January 8 at the meeting
whose outcome is being
challenged in the courts, I only gave opening remarks
before there was any
purported leadership change. I urged those at the
gathering to address two
pertinent issues:
* The boycott by critical senior party leaders such
as the national
chairperson (official convener of the congress), Women Wing
chairperson,
Youth Wing chairperson, a significant number of National
Council Members,
and a large number of congress delegates,
and
* The detailed petition of genuine grievances presented
by these
disgruntled leaders.
I spoke of the need for political
accommodation, tolerance and amicable
resolution of the raging
conflicts.
I clearly indicated that the survival of the party and the
legitimacy of the
meeting of January 8 and 9 depended on how the party, in
particular those
vying for leadership positions will attend to these
challenges.
I have not spoken since. Even that afternoon of January 8
after individuals
assumed positions of leadership I never said a word of
endorsement or
condemnation. I was silent until today, because I was hoping
that those
claiming party leadership would be creative and magnanimous, and
follow
through and heal the Party as I had suggested.
The opposite
has happened. Those who are claiming leadership started
victimising the
aggrieved leaders and party cadres (seizing party assets
from them, removing
them from national programmes such as Copac, etc), there
were and continue
to be attacks back and forth in the media, and of course
there is the legal
challenge to the legitimacy of the meeting itself.
Furthermore, the party is
disintegrating with groups leaving to join other
parties, as witnessed
recently in Chitungwiza.
This is the sad state of the MDC party. It means
that beyond establishing
legitimacy through the courts, those claiming
leadership of the MDC have to
embark on political processes to establish
their political and moral
legitimacy among party members and the nation at
large. Until all this is
done, they cannot effectively represent the party
and neither can they speak
authoritatively on its behalf.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 10 February 2011
16:55
Eric Bloch
THE Minister of Youth Development,
Indigenisation and Empowerment has not
been living up to his first name as
far as the economy is concerned for, if
anything, he has been acting more
like a destroyer than a saviour. That must
be so when one observes how
steadfastly he is determined not only to prevent
the economic recovery
critically needed by Zimbabwe, but also to destroy
almost all substance of
such economy as does exist.
When in February last year he gazetted
the Indigenisation and Economic
Empowerment Regulations, he was immediately
confronted with a flood of
authoritative representations as to the grievous
consequences and
repercussions of those provisions. The representations
flowed not only from
those who would be obliged to part with control of the
enterprises they had
established and developed, but also from many in the
indigenous population.
They were aware that the method of implementation
of the critically needed
indigenisation and economic empowerment would have
a deleterious impact upon
the economy, and therefore upon the
population.
Like inputs were forthcoming from many international
monetary and economic
organisations who sought to give unbiased,
constructive advice for the
achievement of a viable, virile economy which
would be supportive of the
restoration of wellbeing to an impoverished,
suffering, populace.
Similarly, the many who were contemplating
substantial investment in
Zimbabwe made it categorically known that pursuit
of the minister’s policies
would create an impeachable barrier to such
investment.
However, the minister (strongly supported by the
president, the politburo,
war veteran organisations, and activist groups)
was resolutely deaf to all
such representations for a very considerable
period of time. Ultimately, as
the pressures intensified, he created a
façade of 13 sectoral boards (the
composition thereof being wholly his
appointees, albeit with a pro forma
inclusion of some private sector
representatives). Those boards were
mandated to:
*
Consult with respective sectors and make appropriate recommendations
regarding aminimum net asset value above which businesses would have to
comply with the regulations;
* Recommend prescribed levels of
indigenised equity participation,
maximum time periods for compliance, and
allied issues; and
* Recommend policy strategies to overcome
specified barriers and
challenges.
Last week the minister announced
that the sectorial boards had completed and
submitted their reports, which
his ministry had analysed and submitted to
cabinet. Amplifying, he
specifically addressed the mining sector, deferring
statements on other
sectors. In contemptuous disregard for all private
sector representations,
and in particular wholly ignoring all submissions of
the Chamber of Mines,
he announced that:
* It is required that 100% of alluvial diamond
mining shall be held by
indigenous shareholders, and a minimum of 51% of all
other mining operations
must be so held;
* Share ownership trusts
operating for community benefit shall be
entitled to 10% of pre-tax profits
of all mines;
* At this stage no credit would be given for offset
against prescribed
indigenous shareholdings in respect of expenditures on
community development
and services;
* A sovereign fund is to be
created (undoubtedly by levies on mining
entities!);
* Timeframes
for compliance will be prescribed.
Save for anyone intentionally
oblivious to the consequences of those
draconian regulations (in other
words, the minister and his myopic cronies),
it was immediately abundantly
clear that the cabinet in general, and the
minister in particular, have rung
the death knell for the Zimbabwean mining
sector.
Realistically,
there can be no expectation that any non-indigenous, whether
Zimbabwean
resident or otherwise, will invest into mining development or
operations and
provide essential technology-transfer if they are obligated
to be minority
equity participants, with absolute subordination of control
to the majority
shareholders.
Expecting investors to provide substantial capital and
expertise without any
authority over its usage is naught but foolhardy.
Effectively, the minister
and cabinet have declared that Zimbabwe does not
wish for investment, save
and except if by indigenous
investors.
That declaration is particularly appalling as the extent
to which indigenous
Zimbabweans have the resources to invest is
miniscule.
Whilst there are some with real wealth, they are very few and
far between,
out of the more than 11 million of Zimbabwe’s indigenous
population. (It is
probably wholly coincidental that many of those few who
are endowed with
investment resources are politicians, or connected to the
politicians!).
One must unavoidably ponder whether the real motivations
for the stance on
indigenisation evidenced by the minister and his
colleagues is not primarily
driven by avaricious desires to enhance the
wealth of the few, concurrently
with creating a perceived vote-gathering
inducement for the next elections.
Already one can envisage the
forthcoming recurrent political posturing and
statements that Zimbabwe’s
immense economic ills, and the pronounced
national poverty and suffering, is
exclusively a consequence of evil and
malicious machinations of the former
colonialists and their friends.
This, it is claimed, is evidenced by
the “illegal international sanctions”,
but the caring government is
compensating the oppressed and distressed
Zimbabweans by giving them the
businesses!
Unless and until the cabinet thinks again (if it is able
to do so), the
considerable investments that are a prerequisite for economic
recovery will
not be forthcoming.
Instead, the positive but very
tentative moves towards that recovery
achieved over the last two years will
be reversed, poverty will become ever
greater, and such economy as does
exist will be considerably destroyed. By
obdurately disregarding the
constructive inputs of the Chamber of Mines, and
presumably of other private
sector representations to the other sectoral
boards, the “destroyer” has
struck again!
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 10 February 2011 16:55
A
PICTURE tells a thousand words, it is said, and the Herald’s front-page
picture on Tuesday of Zanu PF youths running amok and looting shops provided
a perfect retort to Emmerson Mnangagwa’s claim that the MDC-T was
responsible for the violence currently engulfing Harare and its
townships.
He forgot to engage his brain before opening his mouth.
“As far
as we are concerned,” he told retiring officers, “the violence that
erupted
in Harare was caused by the Prime Minister’s remarks that what
happened in
Tunisia and what is happening in Egypt right now should also
happen in
Zimbabwe.”
He didn’t say that and Mnangagwa knows he didn’t.
“I think what
we are witnessing here is a general suppression of the
people,” Tsvangirai
told Fox/News in Davos. People are demanding more
freedoms and there is
nothing wrong with that.”
Asked if the same thing could happen in Zimbabwe,
Tsvangirai said: “To me
when people take their rights and start demanding
more rights there is
nothing wrong with that including Zimbabwe.”
Now
that’s very different from Mnangagwa’s spin, isn’t it?
Only recently it was
possible for politicians like Mnangagwa to get away
with misleading the
public with dishonest statements and then attributing
them to their
opponents. Now, with more media available, readers can turn to
Fox/News or
the Standard and find out exactly what Tsvangirai did say. And
what does
Mnangagwa make of the invasion of the Lake Chivero businesses? Was
that also
inspired by Tsvangirai?
Following stories in the state media suggesting
the French were pushing for
removal of sanctions, Muckraker was interested
to note that the US
administration is working on its own sanctions-lifting
programme that will
see a series of benchmarks laid down before there can be
any relaxation of
current measures.
The US believes Mugabe is completely
in control of the party, the security
apparatus, the youth activists and the
war vets, Muckraker was informed by a
colleague who was in Washington
recently.
Officials don’t believe the MDC had the capability of winning an
election in
Zimbabwe today as it lacks infrastructure and organisation.
Mugabe has
painted them into a corner, the officials believe.
The US is
open to a relaxation of its sanctions under certain conditions.
Senior
officials said the tempo of South African engagement increased after
Jacob
Zuma took over. They said that Zuma had promised the US that he would
come
up with a roadmap –– and that this would contain a commitment to free
and
fair elections in exchange for the lifting of sanctions.
The US has not seen
the South African roadmap yet, but is working on a
roadmap of its own, which
would address five key themes: Security sector
reform, proper separation of
executive and judiciary, respect for media and
its independence, a
macro-economic recovery programme, and free and fair
elections. These
benchmarks would be used to evaluate whether or not to lift
sanctions.
Officials said in general the relationship between the US and
South Africa
had improved immeasurably, and that there had been substantial
dialogue with
the South Africans about Zimbabwe. Secretary of State Clinton
has
established a close relationship with Foreign minister Mashabane and
there
is a renewed strategic dialogue with SA on a range of
issues.
Can anybody tell us what Zinara does? It can’t have anything to
do with
roads because they are in a complete mess. We appreciate some roads
are the
concern of the city and not Zinara. But that doesn’t excuse the
state of the
roads generally.
It will soon be that time of year when we
invite readers to mail us with
their contestants for the biggest potholes in
the capital. One on Samora
Machel East opposite Haddon Motors, now fixed,
was a pending favourite with
motorists! Presumably Haddon’s didn’t fix it
because that would have removed
a revenue stream for repairs!
Another on
the corner of King George and Argyle is a supension-buster.
Why should
motorists pay for road tax when the roads are not maintained?
Similarly, why
should motorists pay for listeners’ licences when nobody
listens to ZBC?
They are now adding another sticker to your windscreen
saying you have to go
to the police first to pay your fine before buying a
licence.
So that’s
how they pay for their mindless jingles!
And then we have the story of
the police telling their junior officers who
“live beyond their means” that
they face possible suspension or expulsion.
This comes as a result of
“sweeping” anti-corruption measures that compel
them to declare properties
and earnings to their superiors.
According to the Sunday Mail the “lifestyle
audit” will only target officers
from the rank of constable to assistant
inspector. Talk about rubbing salt
into the wound! It was bad enough when
they were miserly remunerated; now
they have to parade their poverty to the
satisfaction of their superior
officers.
The fact that these “sweeping”
anti-corruption measures are not being
applied to the more senior officers
is lost on police spokesman Wayne
Bvudzijena who adds: “It is a procedure
done throughout the police to check
if officers’ lifestyles tally with what
they earn.”
Elections loom on the horizon, we are told, and silly season
is upon us. Not
that silliness takes a break in the Zimbabwean political
melodrama but the
state media does raise the bar during election time. All
pretence of
impartiality has now been thrown out the window.
This week,
as we saw above, Zanu PF attempted to sanitise their role in the
looting
spree that rocked the capital opting to blame it all on the MDC-T.
The
Herald on Tuesday carried a story in which it exonerated the dubious
outfit,
Upfumi Kuvadiki, who were behind the demonstration. The MDC-T was
roped into
the story despite police Inspector James Sabau stating that they
were still
investigating the origins of that group. How the MDC-T ended up
being part
of a Zanu PF demonstration is anyone’s guess.
ZTV was even more atrocious in
its reportage: Upfumi Kuvadiki said it had
organised a police-sanctioned
march from Fourth Street to Town House to take
their disgruntlement to the
city fathers over the decision to award a South
African firm, EasiPark, a
contract to park cars in the city all in
contravention of the government’s
indigenisation and empowerment policy.
“However, the development seems to
have been hijacked by suspected MDC-T
supporters who took the opportunity to
loot some shops.”
“Of interest,” says ZTV “is that, the youths seem to have
targeted pro-Zanu
PF known activists’ shops, leaving foreigners’ shops, a
development that has
raised questions on the motive behind their
actions.”
We were reminded of Zanu PF national chairman Simon Khaya Moyo’s
advertisements which talked about being “offside and scoring own
goals”.
We had the benefit of some “Nollywood” drama at the Gulf complex
courtesy of
ZTV as Belinda, the daughter of the late Zanu PF commissar
Elliot Manyika,
along with some Zanu PF Women’s League members dramatically
attempted to
convince us that the attacks on their shops were caused by the
MDC-T.
Scott Sakupwanya, Upfumi Kuvadiki president, ZTV tells us, slammed the
looting.
“As youth we feel that the entry of Easipark from South Africa
(to manage
municipal parking) defeats indigenisation.
“Youths should have
been empowered to partner the city in the venture.”
Zanu PF’s idea of
“partnering” is about invading and wresting control of
things they did not
earn. NewsDay reports that Zanu PF activists have
invaded and taken over an
apartment building in Bulawayo amid threats to
wrest idle structures in the
city centre mostly owned by the white and
Indian
communities.
Congress of the People (Cope) co-founder Mosiuoa Lekota on
Tuesday expelled
his rival, Mbhazima Shilowa, from the party after an
internal disciplinary
hearing — at which Shilowa refused to
participate.
He and Lekota, reports the Mail&Guardian have been locked in
a battle for
leadership of the party for months. There is still no clarity
on who is
actually the party’s president. Both have claimed to be the
party’s
legitimate president.
Where have we heard all this before? Oh
it’s the MDC-M/N saga.
Arthur Mutambara on Monday had this to say about his
erstwhile colleague: “I
will not recognise Professor Welshman Ncube as the
president of the party
that signed the GPA (Global Political Agreement) with
MDC-T and Zanu PF. I
have no intention whatsoever to leave the position of
Deputy Prime Minister
in the inclusive government.”
“I have no intention
whatsoever to leave the position of deputy prime
minister... I will not
abdicate from my national responsibilities in order
to satisfy narrow
party-political aspirations.”
Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga following
the congress that brought Ncube to
the helm of the party in an article “MDC
congress: A myth buster” wrote: The
third and final myth dismissed was the
notion that it is impossible in
Africa, let alone in Zimbabwe, to experience
a civilised, dignified and
decent transference of power.
So much for
civilised and dignified!
Ncube had also boasted that they had managed the
first peaceful transfer of
“power” in Zimbabwean history. Well it wasn’t to
be unfortunately. It seems
they failed to cope (pun
intended).
Without wishing to sound too patronising, what is it about
Zimbabwean
politicians that they are unable to let go. (No, this is not a
Malawian
story!) Once in office they regard this post as a lifetime
occupation.
In more developed countries there is the view that all
governments need a
rest from time to time. This will enable them to recharge
their batteries in
opposition, review policies and generally let others have
a chance at
governing. That is seen as healthy.
Not so in Zimbabwe.
Nobody lets go of anything. In fact Zanu PF regards
elections as a life or
death affair. They see opponents not as entitled to
office but as
trespassers. And they see themselves as fulfilling some sort
of historic
mission.
This is all hogwash of course. Today’s generation don’t buy Zanu
PF’s facile
claims. They see Zanu PF as a party of failure that won’t let
others fix
their mistakes; Zanu PF is regarded as a roadblock to reform and
recovery.
It is a tragedy that the nation has to suffer because arthritic
minds are
holding us back, pretending that the MDC-T is a puppet party and
Zanu PF the
authentic voice of nationalism. Nobody cares if the British and
Americans
want to play a part in recovery. In fact they are welcome to try.
At least
they are doing something useful and not looting the country. And
regime
change is something all Zimbabweans want and need. If we don’t get it
soon
we will be finished as a nation. So no more bleating about sanctions.
Zanu
PF is responsible for sanctions. When they go, so will sactions.
Meanwhile,
congratulations to the people of Egypt for (nearly) getting rid
of their
dictatorship! Their courage and persistence was an example to all
Africans.
Muckraker’s attention was caught by the following advertisement
in the
Herald’s small ads on Monday.
“Notice is hereby given that
application will be made to the Licensing
Authority for the City of Harare
on the 3rd March 2011 for the issue of a
licence to Fartingale Designs 729
Glenhelen Way.
Let’s hope this is not a Malawian company? It is a criminal
offence to have
even the smallest gale out there! And Glenhelen Way can be a
tad blustery.
But what sort of government is it that imposes a fine on
wind-breakers?
Doesn’t it just make them look draft, sorry daft? Especially
in an elevator
when nobody owns up.
And you can imagine Malawian visitors
having to confess on arrival that they
hail from the windy state!
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 10 February 2011 16:48
By Ibbo
Mandaza
IN considering the likely trajectory of political events in
Zimbabwe in
2011, there are at least three issues all of which bear relation
to the life
of the inclusive government so far, and might also indicate
whether a
general election is on the cards before the end of the
year.
The first issue in this analysis concerns the dynamics of the
Zimbabwean
state, particularly the central role of the securocrats
(specifically, the
leadership of the armed forces, intelligence, police and
prisons, as the
former commanders of the armies of liberation, mainly Zanla
and, to a lesser
extent, also Zipra); their attitude towards the MDC within
the inclusive
government and, indeed, how they hope to reproduce themselves
in 2011 and
beyond.
Here, I refer also to the functional relationship
between what remains of
Zanu PF as a party, its current structure and
content, on the one hand; and,
on the other, a securocracy which, ever since
the flawed election outcome of
March 2008, have become all but obtrusive in
the political affairs of the
country, quietly declaring themselves the
“custodians” of both the party of
liberation and the Zimbabwe
state.
The securocrat state has emerged pari passu the decline of Zanu PF
from 1995
onwards; against the background of the threatening storm of the
opposition
MDC; and rendering the securocrats essentially indispensable to
the survival
of the state itself and whatever has remained of the party of
liberation.
In the final analysis, Zanu PF as a party survives tenuously on
the
securocrat state without which it would have withered away into
oblivion,
bereft of material resources, and hence organisationally and
ideologically
vacuous.
The reasons for the decline of Zanu PF over
the period since Independence in
1980 might be summarised as
follows:
First, post-Independence “blues” which are characteristic of most of
Africa,
compounded as they are by the ascendance of economic and social
problems, as
the “fruits of independence” deplete.
These problems
became pronounced from the mid-1990s onwards, as witnessed by
the “Black
Friday” of November 14 1997 when the Zimbabwean dollar collapsed
as a
consequence of the Z$5 billion dollar award to ex-combatants in the
form of
pension emoluments; the subsequent “stay away” a month later on
December 9;
and the food riots of early 1998. These are the events leading
up to the
formation of the MDC in 1999 and the subsequent rejection of the
draft
constitution in the referendum of February 2000.
All this marked the
advent of a tumultuous decade at the end of which Zanu
PF found itself on
the ropes against an ascendant MDC, resulting in the 2008
election debacle
wherein President Robert Mugabe was saved by the Global
Political Agreement
(GPA) of September 15 2008 and its subsequent inclusive
government.
Second, the failure of Zanu PF to reproduce and
rejuvenate itself over the
last three decades, including a “succession”
issue that has had more than a
debilitating effect on the party, raising
serious doubts about its survival
into the post-Mugabe era.
Related
to this is the third problem which has afflicted many a party of
liberation
with the passage of time, namely the lack of a viable message or
an ideology
with which to appeal to the “born frees”. For most young people
in
Zimbabwe, the era of the struggle provokes cynicism or, at best,
indifference; a major reason why the MDC was able to capitalise on Zanu PF’s
failures during this post-independence period.
So, the onerous task
of trying to sustain the party of old is left to those
who have so much to
lose in a state which has survived so far on the twin
pillars of violence
(or the threat of it) and patronage. In reality, what
remains of Zanu PF is
that which has survived only through its conflation
with the securocrat
state. Securocracy describes the unique way in which
the former guerrilla
leaders have, in the name of Zanu PF, established their
hegemony over the
Zimbabwe state and appear intent on doing so sine die.
Therefore, now to
the second feature that remains also central to the
Zimbabwean political
kaleidoscope: the MDC. Its protagonists and many an
observer alike, would
argue that the MDC won all the four elections of 2000,
2002, 2005 and 2008,
but were denied victory by the securocrat state. Yet
all this is now
academic since, if true, it is a modern-day testimony that
electoral victory
is never a guarantee for assumption of state power.
And having failed to
ascend to power, the MDC, like many other political
parties across the
African continent and in the third world generally, has
become fractious,
weak and therefore in decline — unless and until it
becomes a ruling party
able to survive in conflation with the state and with
the latter’s resources
at its disposal.
In the meantime, the MDC has lost its leverage as the
opposition party that
it ought to be, largely compromised by being
simultaneously an inadvertent
and marginal participant in a state within
which it is also competing for
space with Zanu PF. This is the tension more
than symbolised in the case of
the prime minister’s office, for example,
which ought to be an integral part
of the presidency and cabinet office and
yet, perhaps even in vain, purports
and seeks to establish an alternative
centre of power from which to sustain
an oppositional stance against the
securocrat state.
The MDC is no doubt an organisation in crisis, even if
this is largely an
outcome of forces beyond its own control. A bit of
consolation, perhaps, in
that Zanu PF might be no better off in this
regard. Certainly, the MDC has
lost most of its gloss ever since the
inception of the inclusive government,
but this does not necessarily
translate into a mass migration of support
from Morgan Tsvangirai to
Mugabe.
It is no doubt the kind of miscalculation that now underpins Zanu
PF’s
frenzy towards an election in 2011.
Lastly, the external factor and
how the regional, continental and global
influences are likely to impact on
political developments in Zimbabwe this
year.
If anything this has
demonstrated the inherent impotence of Sadc and the
African Union (AU) in
contemporary African politics; it is the Zimbabwe
question over the period
since the flawed electoral process of March 2008.
(Refer also to Ivory Coast
and the many other flawed electoral processes,
Nigeria, Rwanda, Kenya,
Ethiopia, etc). The regional and continental
integration enterprise has all
but ground to a halt.
Because of the political pathology that pervades
the
nation-states-in-the-making in Africa, it is false and naïve to expect
that
Sadc (or any African regional body) and the AU can mobilise the
requisite
moral authority with which to attend to national
crises.
These are the same considerations that are applicable to South
Africa and
its role of would-be arbitrator in the Zimbabwe crisis; the
problems
confronting it domestically are potentially bigger than those
Zimbabwe has
had to deal with during its post-Independence history. To
state the least,
South Africa has never had the capacity to resolve the
Zimbabwe problem;
besides, the Zimbabwean state and its current actors are
far more astute
than their southern counterparts about whom they are more
often than not
disdainful and even dismissive. At best, expediency is what
characterises
the relationship between two states.
Expediency, too,
characterises Zimbabwe’s “Look East” policy, a half-hearted
(if not also
one-eyed) commitment that will decline almost as soon as the
country
recovers and re-engages with its organic and neo-colonial
foundations of its
contemporary existence. Needless to add, this is a goal
towards which,
notwithstanding the anti-imperialist rhetoric all around us,
the Zimbabwean
state is intuitively geared — politically, ideologically and
economically.
There are more than rumours about exploratory contacts
between Harare and
Whitehall; and many a member of the European Union can
hardly wait for
normalisation of relations with a Zimbabwe whose economic
potential is so
enormous. The (targeted) sanctions issue is fast declining
into the
background in London, Brussells and Washington, even if, albeit
ironically,
the Zanu PF leadership is inadvertently keeping it alive through
its
ill-advised “anti-sanctions” campaign.
With better coordination
among those who purport to be the policy think-tank
within the Zimbabwean
state, it is possible to re-engage an “international
community” more given
to investing in “stability” (in African states) than
to a genuine commitment
to democracy and human rights. Sadly, it is the
political dishonesty,
ideological duplicity, and the lack of courage on the
part of members of
this uncoordinated think tank in the Zimbabwe state that
is largely
responsible for the problems the country confronts today; much
less than
anything the “imperialists” and former “colonialists” have ever
tried to
organise against Zimbabwe in recent years.
Therefore, a rational and
objective analysis of the national security
priorities, not to mention both
the peace and economic recovery imperatives,
would all feed the argument
against a hurried election in 2011.
So far, the only compelling argument
for elections among Zanu PF zealots is
that “the old man wants them”! But
over the last two weeks alone, Mugabe
has been wanting elections and not
wanting them! Contrast his statement in
favour of elections on his return
from his holiday on January 23, on the one
hand, and, on the other, his
praises for the Global Political Agreement in
Addis Ababa a week
later:
“The inclusive government has run beautifully, to tell you the
truth…. The
GPA was established so we can have a roadmap, so that we have
peace in the
country, and there is peace and stability in the country …”
(The Sunday
Mail, January 30.)
The point is that there is no need to
rush to elections until the GPA
process has run its course, away from the
conditions which necessitated the
inclusive government, towards a stage in
which Zimbabweans will have crafted
a new constitution, mended the economy
and established congenial social and
political conditions for free, fair and
credible elections.
Ibbo Mandaza is a Zimbabwean academic, author and
publisher. He is also
convenor of the Sapes Trust’s Policy Dialogue
Forum.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 10 February 2011 16:45
By Alemayehu
Mariam
MOHANDAS Karmachand Gandhi (The Mahatma or Great Soul) is today
revered as a
historical figure who fought against colonialism, racism and
injustice. But
he was also one of the greatest modern revolutionary
political thinkers and
moral theorists.
While Nicolo Machiavelli taught
tyrants how to acquire power and keep it
through brute force, deceit and
divide and rule, Gandhi taught ordinary
people simple sure-fire techniques
to bring down dictatorships.
Gandhi learned from history that dictators,
regardless of their geographic
origin, cleverness, wealth, fame or
brutality, in the end always fall: “When
I despair, I remember that all
through history, the way of truth and love
has always won. There have been
tyrants and murderers, and for a time they
seem invincible, but in the end,
they always fall. Think of it, always.”
Last month, it was Tunisia’s Zine
El Abidine Ben Ali’s turn to fall, and for
the Tunisian people to get some
respite from their despair. In the dead of
night, Ben Ali packed his bags
and winged it out of the country he had ruled
with an iron fist for 23 years
to take up residence in Saudi Arabia, where
he was received with open arms
and kisses on the cheeks. Uganda’s
bloodthirsty dictator Idi Amin also found
a haven in Saudi Arabia until his
death in 2003 at age 80.
Ben Ali’s
sudden downfall and departure came as a surprise to many within
and outside
Tunisia as did the sudden flight of the fear-stricken Mengistu
Haile Mariam
in Ethiopia back in 1991.
When push came to shove, Mengistu, the military
man with nerves of steel who
had bragged that he would be the last man
standing when the going got tough,
became the first man to blow out of town
on a fast plane to Zimbabwe.
Such has been the history of African
dictators: When the going gets a little
tough, the little dictators get
going to some place where they can
peacefully enjoy the hundreds of millions
of dollars they have stolen and
stashed away in European and American
banks.
The end for Tunisia’s dictator (but not his dictatorship which is
still
functioning as most of his corrupt minions remain in the saddles of
power)
came swiftly and surprised his opponents, supporters and even his
international bankrollers.
President Barack Obama, who had never
uttered a critical word about Ben Ali,
was the first to “applaud the courage
and dignity of the Tunisian people” in
driving out the dictator. He added:
“We will long remember the images of the
Tunisian people seeking to make
their voices heard.” Those memorable images
will be imprinted in the minds
of all oppressed Africans; and no doubt they
will heed the president’s words
and drive out the continent’s dictators to
pasture one by one.
After
nearly a quarter century of dictatorial rule, few expected Ben Ali to
be
toppled so easily. He seemed to be in charge, in control and invincible.
Many expected the 75 year-old Ben Ali to install his wife or son in-law in
power and invisibly pull the puppet strings behind the throne.
But
any such plans were cut short on December 17 2010 when Mohamed Bouazizi,
a
26-year old college graduate set himself on fire to protest the police
confiscation of his unlicensed vegetable cart. Apparently, he was fed up
with paying “bakseesh” (bribe) to the cops.
His death triggered
massive public protests led by students, intellectuals,
lawyers, trade
unionists and other opposition elements. Bouazizi was
transformed into a
national martyr and the fallen champion of Tunisia’s
downtrodden — the
unemployed, the urban poor, the rural dispossessed,
students, political
prisoners and victims of human rights abuses.
Bouazizi’s form of protest
by self-immolation is most unusual in these
turbulent times when far too
many young people have expressed their despair
and anger by strapping
themselves with explosives and causing the deaths of
so many innocent
people.
Bouazizi, it seems, chose to end his despair and dramatise to the
world the
political repression, extreme economic hardships and the lack of
opportunity
for young people in Tunisia by ending his own life in such a
tragic manner.
He must have believed in his heart that his self-sacrifice
could lead to
political transformation.
Truth be told, Tunisia is not
unique among African countries whose people
have undergone prolonged
economic hardships and political repression while
the leaders and their
parasitic flunkies cling to power and live high on the
hog stashing millions
abroad.
In Ethiopia, the people today suffer from stratospheric
inflation, soaring
prices, extreme poverty, high unemployment (estimated at
70% for the youth)
and a two-decade old dictatorship that does not give a
hoot or allows them a
voice in governance (in May 2010, the ruling party
“won” 99,6% of the seats
in parliament).
In December 2010, inflation
was running at 15% (according to government
reports), but in reality at a
much higher rate. The trade imbalance is
mindboggling: A whopping US$7
billion in imports to US$1,2 billion worth of
exports in 2009-10.
In
desperation, the regime recently imposed price caps on basic food stuffs
and
began a highly publicised official campaign to tar and feather “greedy”
merchants and businessmen for causing high prices, the country’s economic
woes and sabotaging the so-called growth and transformational
plan.
Hundreds of merchants and businessmen have been canned and await
kangaroo
court trials for hoarding, price-gouging and quite possibly for
global
warming as well.
Without firing a single shot, Gandhi was able
to successfully lead a
movement which liberated India from the clutches of
centuries of British
colonialism using nonviolence and passive resistance as
a weapon. Gandhi
believed that it was possible to non-violently struggle and
win against
injustice, discrimination and abuse of basic human rights, be it
in
caste-divided India or racially divided South Africa.
Ben Ali left
Tunisia in a jiffy not because of a military or palace coup but
as a result
of a popular uprising that went on unabated for a month.
The Tunisian
people’s revolution provides practical insights into the
prerequisites for
dismantling dictatorships in Africa. The first lesson is
that when
dictatorships end, their end could come with a bang or a whimper,
and
without warning.
Second, there is always the risk of losing the victory
won by the people in
the streets by a disorganised and dithering opposition
prepared to draw out
the long knives at the first whiff of power in the
air.
Third, when tyrants fall, the immediate task is to dismantle the
police
state they have erected before they have a chance to strike back.
Their
modus operandi is well known: The dictators will decree a state of
emergency, impose curfews and issue shoot-to-kill orders to terrorise the
population and crush the people’s hopes and reinforce their sense of
despair, powerlessness, isolation, and fear.
Fourth, it is manifest
that Western support for African dictators is only
skin deep.
Ben Ali
was toasted in the West as the great moderniser and bulwark against
religious extremism and all that. The West threw him under the bus and
“applauded” the people who overthrew him before his plane touched down in
Saudi Arabia.
Ultimately, the more practical strategy to successfully
dismantle
dictatorships is to build and strengthen inclusive coalitions and
alliances
of anti-dictatorship forces who are willing to stand up and demand
real
change. If such coalitions and alliances could not be built now, the
outcome
when the dictators fall will be just a changing of the guards: old
dictator
out, new dictator in.
The Tunisian people’s revolution
should be an example for all Africans
struggling to breathe under the thumbs
and boots of ruthless dictators. It
is interesting to note that there was a
complete news blackout of the
Tunisian people’s revolution in countries like
Ethiopia. They do not want
Ethiopians to get any funny ideas.
On
November 11 2005, Meles Zenawi — defending the massacre of hundreds of
people in the streets — said: “This is not your run-of-the-mill
demonstration. This is an Orange revolution (in Ukraine) gone wrong.” Ben
Ali said the same thing until he found himself on a fast jet to
Jeddah.
From India to Poland to the Ukraine to Czechoslovakia and Chile
decades-old
dictatorships have been overthrown in massive acts of civil
disobedience and
passive resistance. There is no doubt dictators from Egypt
to Zimbabwe are
having nightmares from Tunisia’s version of a “velvet” or
“orange”
revolution.
In his “Quit India” speech in August 1942,
Gandhi made observations that are
worth considering in challenging
dictatorships in Africa: “In the democracy
which I have envisaged, a
democracy established by non-violence, there will
be equal freedom for all.
Everybody will be his own master. It is to join a
struggle for such
democracy that I invite you today. Once you realise this
you will forget the
differences between the Hindus and Muslims, and think of
yourselves as
Indians only, engaged in the common struggle for independence…
“I have
noticed that there is hatred towards the British among the people.
The
people say they are disgusted with their behaviour. The people make no
distinction between British imperialism and the British people. To them, the
two are one. We must get rid of this feeling. Our quarrel is not with the
British people, we fight their imperialism.”
Alemayehu G Mariam is
professor of political science at California State
University, San
Bernardino. Follow him on twitter @pal4thedefense.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 10 February 2011
17:16
By Dumisani Muleya
THE political drama engulfing the
MDC-M (now MDC-N) after its recent
controversial congress has provided
President Robert Mugabe with a God-sent
piece of good fortune which he is
now milking to further fracture the
already divided party and run it ragged
ahead of elections.
Mugabe is making the most of the political
windfall to serve his power
agenda, including that of presenting the
inclusive government as
dysfunctional to push for early elections. While his
party is divided on the
issue of elections, Mugabe is determined to hold the
polls before the end of
the year with or without a new
constitution.
That is why he will continue to scrounge for a plausible
pretext to justify
polls which many Zimbabweans do not want as yet for
different reasons.
In the meantime, the storm of bulldust raging over the
dynamic power
struggle between deposed MDC-M leader Arthur Mutambara and new
MDC-N boss
Welshman Ncube (outside the circus of dismissals and
counter-dismissals)
will intensify. But there is method in the
madness.
While all sorts of interpretations and permutations could be
worked out on
this issue, there are some clues which cannot be clouded in
the ensuing
chaos. One of them is simply that Mugabe is acting in his own
political
interest.
He is not doing all this political juggling for
the benefit of Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, Mutambara or Ncube.
Whatever the game plan, he
is doing it for himself.
Although there
could be common self-preservation interest between Mugabe,
Tsvangirai and
Mutambara in this issue, Mugabe is the one who stands to
benefit hugely if
Mutambara remains in the government through his goodwill
and in his
pocket.
There is no doubt that Mugabe is “massively hand-holding”
Mutambara and
standing shoulder-to-shoulder with him in all this fight for
calculated
political benefit. He may want to perform political
smoke-and-mirrors to
disguise his intentions, but his game plan is fairly
clear.
Mugabe effectively told Ncube on Tuesday and Wednesday that he
does not want
to remove Mutambara and won’t. Ncube got this message loud and
clear. Mugabe
even delivered it in Ncube’s native Ndebele language, perhaps
for the record
and avoidance of doubt. This is what happened on Wednesday at
State House.
The point here is that Mugabe is playing power politics. He
is in a
Machiavellian mode and trying to get his rivals caught in a web of
political
deceit. He has positioned himself like a political vulture
salivating to
feast on the MDC-N carcass to emerge fitter and stronger in
the inclusive
government.
To do that in the midst of this chaos,
Mugabe has roped in Mutambara to his
side and would unleash him as an attack
dog against Tsvangirai at the level
of principals, while trying to finish
off the smaller MDC party which has
not been as helpful as he would have
wanted in the coalition government.
Of course the MDC-N is not a threat
to Zanu PF but it is a nuisance. If the
party is destroyed and Zapu remains
as main challenger against MDC-T which
Mugabe wants to neutralise mainly in
Matabeleland –– its original power
base –– the better for Zanu PF. Zapu and
Zanu PF, despite their mutual
hostilities, can at some level find common
ground.
Zanu PF and the two MDC factions can only have a marriage of
convenience
like they have now in the GPA and resultant GNU. Most Zanu PF
officials
openly say this and would rather have Zapu winning in Matabeleland
than
MDC-T or MDC-N.
This is why Tsvangirai must be wary of Mugabe’s
intentions on this issue.
Besides Tsvangirai must stand on the side of
democracy and not end up
unwittingly endorsing the same political culture
and practices he is
supposed to resent and be fighting
against.
Tsvangirai must take a principled position and not be associated
with Mugabe’s
shenanigans. A principled stand will eventually help to boost
his reputation
in the final analysis and help him protect his Matabeleland
base.
Associating himself with such unmistakable Zanu PF deceit and snake oil
politics can only damage Tsvangirai’s image as a resilient democratic
campaigner who has been badly treated and humiliated by Mugabe in the
inclusive government.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 10 February 2011
17:14
Constantine Chimakure
EVEN a cursory assessment of
the political landscape in the country will
point to the abuse by the Zanu
PF side of government of various arms of
state in a bid to reclaim lost
power.
The police and state-controlled media stand out as the main
elements being
abused in a bid to rekindle Zanu PF’s waned
fortunes.
In spite of the fact that other political parties are more
likely to be
denied the clearance to hold peaceful gatherings, the police ––
it seems ––
are more than willing to “escort” Zanu PF activists whose
protests usually
turn violent.
Take the protest against the Harare
City Council for example where Zanu PF
youths tried to besiege Town House
resulting in officials fleeing their
offices fearing for their
safety.
Anti-riot police had to intervene and cordon off the area between
Jason Moyo
Avenue and Speke Avenue, Julius Nyerere Way and Leopold Takawira
Street, the
streets that surround Town House, way after the damage had
already been
done.
On Monday the police sanctioned another
demonstration by Zanu PF activists
under the banner of Upfumi Kuvadiki this
time protesting against
foreign-owned businesses.
We again witnessed
another orgy of violence, this time accompanied by
looting resulting in the
loss of thousands of dollars worth of property.
While the police afterwards
claimed to have “nabbed” a number of suspects,
few will be convinced of
their sincerity in ending this scourge.
The nation still awaits the
arrest and trial of known figures who allegedly
petrol-bombed MDC-T’s Talent
Mabika and Tichaona Chiminya in 2000. One of
the alleged killers, Joseph
Mwale, continues to roam the streets.
Why are the police not probing and
arresting those responsible for the
bloody June 2008 presidential election
run-off campaign which the MDC-T says
claimed the lives of more than 200 of
its supporters, with thousands maimed
and displaced? As long as these
matters remain outstanding, the Chihuris and
Bvudzijenas cannot claim that
the police are not partisan and apolitical.
They will remain in the eyes
of the public as Zanu PF attack dogs.
The state media has taken on the
role of mopping up Zanu PF’s dirty work by
shamelessly apportioning the
blame for the disturbances to the MDC-T. The
state media has turned itself
into an extension of Zanu PF’s information and
publicity department –– a
clear violation of the GPA and its public mandate.
Whatever morbid thing
Zanu PF does, they have a readymade scapegoat.
As usual they are
unperturbed by the fact that in the process, they insult
Zimbabweans’
intelligence. Added to this, reports abound of Zanu PF
activists making
no-go areas of rural areas to other political entities.
Violence and
intimidation are on the rise, re-opening yet to be healed
wounds from the
2008 elections and for some the Gukurahundi massacres. It
makes a mockery of
national healing initiatives which the GPA states should
be made before
elections.
What becomes clear is that Zanu PF continues with its violence
whilst the
state security agencies continue with their “see no evil, hear no
evil”
approach and the “public” media then blame it on the MDC-T. The state
media
would give Hollywood a run for its money in disseminating
fiction.
For instance the Herald falsely claimed that Prime Minister
Morgan
Tsvangirai addressed diplomats at Harvest House on Monday when he was
in
Australia. In all fairness it is criminal for them to demand listeners
and
viewers’ licences with the partisan drivel they pass for
programming.
Judging by how choreographed this onslaught is, it is hard
for us to believe
President Robert Mugabe’s claims of ignorance of the
events unfolding. He
should, for once, rise above the fray and ensure sanity
and dignity reign in
Zimbabwe for the sake of posterity.
In as far as
elections are concerned the playing field is already uneven.
Elections under
the current framework will always be disputed and by all
indications we are
heading for another bloody and polarising poll. Security
sector and media
reforms; and national healing are more due than an election
which is likely
to sink the nation into a socio-economic abyss.
Where are the guarantors
of the GPA –– Sadc and the AU –– when Zanu PF is
working overtime to return
this country to before September 15 2008?
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 10 February 2011
17:11
THAT power supply is at the centre that holds the success of our
economic
turnaround is not contestable.
As such it is a generally
accepted truth: that without adequate power
supplies the economy will not
grow.
But so little has happened over the years to address this
problem. Even in
the two-year old unity government, government has not made
enough steps to
address the energy situation.
Instead of addressing
key issues such as energy and its availability,
politicking got into the way
of far more important issues such as energy. If
power supply improves,
capacity utilisation is spurred. But two years after
a unity government,
Zesa continues to stutter and stagger threatening to
drag the economy down
with it.
The centrality of power supply in economic recovery is as
clear as day.
Every industry consumes electricity and the failure by Zesa to
meet demand
has been one of the biggest let-downs over the years. This is
despite a
warning there would be a power deficit in the
region.
It is time the sector is opened up to other investors to aid
the struggling
power supplier. In response to the situation, tobacco
farmers, miners,
retailers and manufacturers, started using
generators.
While it serves its purpose, the switch to generators
has unfortunately
increased operating costs thus eating into profits. The
use of generators in
industries and mines means the cost of doing business
in Zimbabwe continues
to rise, especially in the last few weeks when oil
prices went up for
various reasons.
Tetrad, a leading financial
institution, in a report last week gave some
scary statistics where they
said Zesa was producing 1 200 megawatts out of a
national aggregate demand
of 2 200 megawatts to cover industrial and
domestic
use.
Zesa, which last saw a significant recapitalisation more
than two decades
ago, has two options to deal with deficit: importing or
load-shedding. Both
are devils industry, business, miners and even consumers
do not want to
grapple with.
Unfortunately Zesa was left with no
choice but to adopt the two choices
simultaneously and the result, as we
have argued above, has been that our
products are less competitive on the
international market as it cost more to
heat barns using generators than
electric power.
Either way, the consumer, be it a farmer, manufacturer,
retailer or miner,
loses out under the current setup and this makes a case
for opening up the
market. As Tetrad rightly pointed out in their report,
the downside for
liberalisation of the energy sector is that it pushes up
cost of utilities
and potential investors regard the current power tariffs
regime as low.
Investment into power supply requires huge capital
outlay and results may be
very slow in coming and this explains why state
enterprises have monopolies
in this sector. However, given the failure by
Zesa to meet internal demand,
the only way left is to open up the sector.
Seven potential investors are
said to be eyeing the sector. This should help
the economy’s turnaround.
These investors, who have pooled
resources, have a potential to produce 2
500 megawatts. Simple mathematics
shows that given the current demand, the
country would have a surplus of
around 1 500 megawatts.
It is important to note that the investors
have pooled resources not for
social welfare purposes but to make profits
and they are only prepared to
put in the funds when they are sure that they
will reap something in return.
While there are persuasive arguments
against the entry of private players in
this sector, the track record of
power suppliers in the developing world
have not assisted this line of
thinking but instead prepared the consumers
to pay dearly for available
electricity than low tariffs for something that
is often
available.
For power users, the high cost could be a necessary
evil as maintenance of
the status quo would see the economy trapped in a web
that it may not free
itself from. Consumers are likely to make a quick
adjustment to any price
variations as most have already been relying on
diesel and petrol as backup.
It is government which should quickly clear the
way for the new players in
the power sector as the first step towards
sustainable economic recovery.
Until then, the country will be
subjected to false starts, which have seen
capacity utilisation stagnating
below 50% two years after the establishment
of a unity government.
2011 is proving to be
not any other year but a year of phenomenal change,
dictators beware! First
was Tunisia, so went the great nation’s leader. Then
today Egypt the oldest
nation in Africa, its leader of over 30 years of
despotic rule and over 50
years by the same party is besieged by angry mob
demanding his immediate
step down. The mighty Hosni Mubarak feared by many
for over 3 decades,
abusing all security powers around him to silence the
opposition and the
will of the people, today his face elongated with fear
looks like a rat
having just been flashed out of its hiding hole. His allies
had deserted
him, the same security has been overwhelmed by the angry
masses, and all he
could do is to present some concessions, never to stand
again as President.
That darling face of yester year is now an eye sore of
today, bravo this is
2011.
There are not only similarities with Zimbabwe but we can draw
parallel
lines, very close to convergence. Mugabe has been in power since
independence over 30 years ago and so is Hosni Mubarak. ZANU (PF) has been
the only and longest ruling party in Zimbabwe since independence and so is
Mubarak’s NDP party. Zimbabwe has been asset stripped by its politicians,
its people forced into abject poverty and ruled by an iron fist and the
government in self denial. Egypt still has its assets but the will of the
people has been hijacked by the politicians and the economy in shambles.
Zimbabwe’s leaders are worse than Egypt’s by far by 20 times over, a
reminder that if the regime doesn’t give in like the King of Jordan did then
Zimbabwe is headed for the “Africa unity square” mass uprising.
There
are already signs of panic within ZANU (PF) ruling party; the recent
spat of
violence and property destruction in Harare are not being done in
isolation.
Mugabe is testing the Zimbabwean people’s resolve, targeting the
cities
where the real challenge lies. The strategy is to provoke a small
section of
urban population, isolate it from the rest and takes it hostage
through a
barrage of violence with the hope that it will be used as a
deterrent to
others hoping to use the effective Tunisian and Egyptian
popular methods of
claiming power from the jaws of the monster with bare
knuckles. Hosni
Mubarak has the most powerful security apparatus in Africa
albeit oiled and
financed by the Americans at the tune of 1, 5 billion
annually. The first
few days of demonstration, we saw the brutality of the
police against the
people, but eventually they were overwhelmed and
overpowered by the will of
the people. I salute the army because it refused
to be used by the
politicians. The army should always safe guard the country’s
sovereignty and
not individual politicians. This is a powerful lesson to the
Zimbabwe’s
security forces.
All Egyptians out there, is it not time you give us your
finished struggle
so that you can start a similar one here in Zimbabwe? How
did you manage it
without violence? Tunisia yours was swift and sweet, it
mighty be very
difficult to learn from you but being African brothers lets
share the
blessings of 2011.
Elliot Pfebve
www.pfebve.blogspot.com