zimbabwejournalists.com
11th Feb 2008 18:10 GMT
By Sheila Pasi
HARARE
- The opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) which is led by
Arthur
Mutambara met earlier today and gave a hint that it could be engaging
Zimbabwe's former finance minister, Simba Makoni, following his announcement
that he would be standing against President Robert Mugabe in next month's
harmonised elections.
In a statement released by Secretary General
Welshman Ncube after a national
council meeting, the Mutambara MDC, which
failed to agree with the Morgan
Tsvangirai MDC on forging a united front
ahead of the elections, "mandated
the party's management committee to
"remain engaged with all progressive
opposition formations desirous of
creating a united front to confront the
Mugabe regime in the forthcoming
elections within a single candidate
philosophy framework."
"The MDC
National Council met today to review and consider the candidate
selection
process going on throughout the country for the harmonized
elections
scheduled for the 29th March 2008. Council expressed satisfaction
with the
progress which has been made to date, and called for finalisation
of the
process at all levels," said Ncube.
"Council also noted the recent
announcement by Dr Simba Makoni that he will
stand as a Presidential
candidate in the forthcoming elections. Council
mandated the Party’s
Management Committee to remain engaged with all
progressive Opposition
formations desirous of creating a united front to
confront the Mugabe regime
in the forthcoming elections within a single
candidate philosophy
framework."
Tsvangirai has since said that he will stand in the March 29
elections to
represent his party. The founding MDC leader said those calling
on his to
pave way for Makoni were "arrogant", especially when the former
finance
minister was part of the Zanu PF government responsible for the
suffering
endured by Zimbabweans for eight years now.
He ruled out
any alliance with Makoni, equating him to "old wine in a new
bottle."
Tsvangirai said his party would not work with Makoni since
he was still a
Zanu PF member.
"Dr Makoni has been part of the
establishment for the past thirty years. He
is equally accountable for the
actions of Zanu PF," said Tsvangirai, who,
however, praised Makoni for being
a patriot.
"I am not going to betray anyone on that particular agenda. It
(calls to
back Makoni) is arrogance of the highest order. I am the leader of
the MDC.
I am not a leader of Zanu PF," Tsvangirai said at a press
conference where
he also unveiled the opposition's aspiring candidates for
the March
parliamentary and senatorial elections.
Makoni last week
announced and declared that he would be challenging Mugabe
in next month's
presidential elections.
Mutambara had already indicated that he would not
be contesting the
presidential election.
IOL
February 11 2008 at 07:56PM
By Angus Shaw
Harare - The
main Roman Catholic human rights body said Monday
conditions for free
elections were not in place just seven weeks before
national polling in
Zimbabwe.
The Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace said the
registration of
eligible voters was unwieldy and inadequate. Constitutional
amendments
introduced in November to improve the fair compilation of lists
of voters
had made little difference so far, the commission
said.
"In reality the situation is still the same as it was before
the
amendments," the commission said in a statement made available on
Monday.
"The prevailing electoral environment is not conducive to
free and
fair elections" because the voter registration process limits the
full
participation of all citizens, it
said.
The organisation said voter education
programs were also inadequate
ahead of voting scheduled March 29, the
boundaries of new voting districts
were not clearly publicized and despite
some reforms existing media and
security laws "continue to be an obstacle to
the freedoms required for the
preparation and conduct of a free and fair
election."
The dominant official media and the sole state-run
broadcast station
were not giving election contestants fair exposure, and
the state-dominated
Electoral Commission did not conform with the November
constitutional
changes and its composition of mainly pro-government
officials was therefore
illegal, the group said.
"We strongly
recommend that the old ZEC be dissolved with immediate
effect and a new one
be appointed in terms of the law," it said.
The announcement
January 24 by President Robert Mugabe of the March 29
date for the first
combined presidential, parliament and local council
elections and February
15 as the deadline for the nomination of all
candidates did not give enough
time for political parties to roll out their
campaign programs, the Catholic
group said.
It said three million Zimbabweans living outside the
country who fled
the country's political crisis and economic meltdown were
disqualified from
postal or external voting yet they contributed
significantly to the
country's social and economic life by sending money
home to their families.
Since the often violent seizures of
thousands of white-owned farms
began in 2000 and disrupted the
agriculture-based economy in the former
regional breadbasket, remittances by
economic and political fugitives have
become by far the largest source of
hard currency in Zimbabwe.
In the worst economic crisis since
independence in 1980, the country
has the world's highest inflation of 26
000 percent and suffers acute
shortages of hard currency, food, gasoline and
most basic goods.
Independent financial institutions, factoring in
dominant black market
prices of scarce goods, put real inflation closer to
150 000 percent.
Mugabe's ruling party nominated him as its sole
candidate in the
presidential race, but he will be opposed by former ruling
party loyalist
Simba Makoni and the fractured opposition Movement for
Democratic Change.
Makoni, scheduled to release his election
manifesto before Friday's
nominations, is expected to attract votes from
disillusioned ruling party
and opposition supporters. - Sapa-AP
IOL
February
11 2008 at 02:16PM
Harare - Zimbabwe's mining sector has lost more
than half its skilled
personnel in the last year with workers lured abroad
by the chance of
boosting their pay more than ten-fold, an industry body
said on Monday.
According to a new study carried out by the chamber
of mines, there
are now 1 116 vacancies for professional and technical staff
following the
departure of workers, mainly to neighbouring countries such as
South Africa
and Mozambique.
"The industry has lost more than
half of its skilled personnel to the
region and beyond," Jack Murehwa,
president of the Chamber of Mines, said.
"The flight continues as
we speak with South African companies
collecting artisans and machine
operators by the bus load from organisations
in
Zimbabwe.
"Mines and other organisations
are helpless in the matter because they
can not match what these skills are
being offered outside Zimbabwe."
Murewha said that a mining
technician could expect to earn around
$2 500 a month in South
Africa while the going rate in Zimbabwe works
out at less than $200 dollars
with the industry struggling with a massive
tax burden.
"If
artisans in Zimbabwe were to earn that kind of value, they would
stay in the
country," he said.
"Under the current situation, the employer is
struggling to make that
money, the taxes are among the highest in the world
and price distortions
make earnings based on the official exchange rate a
mockery."
Zimbabwe's mines, which produce gold, palladium, chrome,
platinum and
diamonds among other minerals, earned the country $849-million
up from
$702-million in 2006, according to central bank
figures.
However problems over power supply and a dearth of foreign
currency
are beginning to bite in the inflation-ravaged country, with
production of
gold falling by more than a third last year.
Murehwa said the industry's future "looks bleak" in the light of the
skills
flight, electricity shortages and government plans to force
foreign-owned
mines to cede transfer majority shares to indigenous blacks.
Parliamentary sources say the planned legislation on mine ownership is
unlikely to come onto the statute book before national elections next month
but will be pushed through afterwards if President Robert Mugabe wins a new
term. - Sapa-AFP
Reuters
Mon 11 Feb
2008, 17:02 GMT
LUSAKA, Feb 11 (Reuters) - Zambia and neighbour Zimbabwe
said on Monday they
had placed military forces on flood alert after opening
a floodgate at a key
dam that is expected to force Mozambique to evacuate
100,000 people.
Munyaradzi Munodawafa, a senior Zimbabwe energy ministry
official, said
military forces would watch for heavy flooding on the Zambezi
River after
the spillway gate at the Kariba Dam was opened to ease pressure
on the
facility following recent heavy rains.
The dam and Zambezi
river form the common border between Zambia and
Zimbabwe.
"Defence
forces from both countries are ready to respond to any eventuality
and are
monitoring the situation," Munodawafa said in Siavonga, 150 km (93
miles)
south of Zambia's capital, Lusaka.
"In case of serious flooding
downstream, both governments are on full
alert," he added.
The head
of water resources and environmental management at the Zambezi
River
Authority (ZRA), Clement Mukosa, said the spillway gate would stay
open to
help ease pressure on the dam.
"We expect more water to (flow and) we
have decided to open one floodgate
... for a longer period. This is also to
avoid any possible damage to
infrastructure and to safeguard the lives of
people living downstream,"
Mukosa told journalists.
The ZRA said more
gates could be opened as heavy rains continued.
Authorities in Mozambique
have said they will evacuate 100,000 people due to
expected flooding from
the Zambezi River, which passes through the country
to the Indian Ocean
after flowing through Angola, Zambia, and Zimbabwe.
Officials said the
waters of the Zambezi River were expected to flow in
large volumes from
Angola and Chavuma in north-western Zambia.
Zambia opened gates of the
ITezhi-Tezhi Dam on the Kafue River earlier this
month after its walls were
also threatened by heavy rains.
In 2005, The Zambezi River Authority
opened spillway gates at Kariba North
Bank power station on the Zambezi
River, causing severe flooding in eastern
Zambia and parts of
Mozambique.
Zambia, Mozambique, Zimbabwe and Malawi have been lashed by
heavy rain for
several weeks, causing swollen rivers to burst their banks
and forcing
thousands of villagers to flee flooded homes.
Zim Online
by Sebastian Nyamhangambiri Tuesday 12 February
2008
HARARE - Zimbabwe on Monday resumed an inquiry
into the conduct of
Attorney General (AG) Sobuza Gula-Ndebele, with official
sources saying the
state planned to call secret service agents to testify
that he clandestinely
met a banker who was on a police wanted
list.
President Robert Mugabe last November suspended Gula-Ndebele
for
allegedly abusing his office and appointed a three-man tribunal to probe
whether the AG – the government’s chief legal officer and an ex-officio
member of Cabinet – should be permanently removed from office.
The hearing that began last month but was postponed to yesterday is
being
held in camera at the instruction of Mugabe.
Top opposition
politician and constitutional law expert Welshman
Ncube, who is representing
Gula-Ndebele, confirmed the hearing had resumed
but would not shed more
details because the matter is in camera.
”I can confirm that the
hearing has started,” said Ncube, who is
secretary general of the one of the
two factions of the main opposition
Movement for Democratic Change
party.
The state charges that Gula-Ndebele breached the law when he
allegedly
met former National Merchant Bank (NMB) deputy managing director
James
Mushore who was wanted by the police on charges of breaching the
country’s
foreign exchange laws.
Mushore fled to Britain in
2004 at the height of a Zimbabwean banking
crisis that saw several finance
houses shut down by the country's central
bank. He was arrested in October
upon his return to Zimbabwe.
Police, who are separately
investigating Gula-Ndebele, say he promised
Mushore he would not be arrested
if he returned to Zimbabwe. The Attorney
General denies the
charge.
Sources said the state planned to bring forward nine
witnesses among
them agents of the spy Central Intelligence Organisation who
were on “a
mission to track Gula-Ndebele and Mushore and would testify that
the two met
at a Harare restaurant.”
High Court Judge
Chinembiri Bhunu is chairing the tribunal. Justice
Samuel Kudya and Harare
lawyer Lloyd Mhishi are the other members of the
committee.
Speculation is widespread in Harare that Gula-Ndebele, considered
among the
more liberal minds in the government, is being punished for
aligning himself
with a faction of the ruling ZANU PF party led by retired
army general
Solomon Mujuru that is said to be behind a rebellion in the
party against
Mugabe.
It has been suggested that Gula-Ndebele, a brave former
army officer,
did not help himself when he constantly clashed with Justice
Minister
Patrick Chinamasa in a tussle over control of the AG’s department.
–
ZimOnline
Zim Online
by Thenjiwe Mabhena Tuesday 12 February
2008
HARARE - Iran will assist President Robert Mugabe defeat
western sanctions
by helping his government set up a farm equipment
manufacturing plant,
refurbish an oil refinery and expand a power plant,
Teheran’s representative
in Harare said on Monday.
Ambassador Rasoul
Momeni said Iran, which has wrangled with western powers
over its
controversial nuclear enrichment programme, will stand by Harare
and
condemned United States and European Union sanctions against Mugabe and
his
top officials.
“The Islamic Republic of Iran fully supports the people
and the government
of Zimbabwe in the face of sanctions and political
pressure. It is the
manifestation of the famous saying ‘A friend in need is
a friend indeed,”
said Momeni, in an address marking the 29th anniversary of
the Islamic
revolution that brought Iran’s present rulers to
power.
Mugabe has pursued a new “Look East’ policy that promotes stronger
ties with
countries like Iran and China since falling out with the west over
human
rights and other governance issues.
The US, EU, Switzerland,
Australia and New Zealand have since 2002
maintained visa and financial
sanctions against Mugabe and his lieutenants
who they accuse of violating
human rights, stealing elections and failure to
uphold the rule of
law.
The western governments have cut all aid to Harare except
humanitarian
support, a move that has worsened an acute economic crisis
gripping Zimbabwe
and seen in shortages of food, essential medicines, fuel,
electricity, hard
cash and other basic commodities.
Momeni said his
oil-rich country would step in to help lift Zimbabwe out of
a crisis that is
described by the World Bank as the worst in the world
outside a war
zone.
“My country is ready for the implementation of all agreements
reached so
far, such as the establishment of the tractor manufacturing
plant, the
refurbishment of Feruka Oil Refinery and the expansion of
Hydro-electric
power plant,” said Momeni.
However, a previous oil
supply agreement between Zimbabwe and Iran collapsed
after Harare failed to
pay. - ZimOnline
Zim Online
by Own Correspondent Tuesday 12 February
2008
HARARE – The United Nations (UN) on Monday said it is
seeking about US$90
million to help hundreds of thousands of flood victims
in southern Africa.
In a statement yesterday, the UN Office for the
Co-ordination of
Humanitarian Affairs said it was moving to respond to the
floods that have
destroyed homes, devastated crops and left about half a
million people
homeless.
“(Southern African) governments urgently
need the support of the
international community to ensure that all those
displaced by the floods
receive the food, shelter, water, medicine and other
basic,” said UN
emergency relief coordinator, John Holmes.
The UN
said at least US$15.8 million was needed for relief efforts in
Zimbabwe
following heavy downpours in the southern African country since
last
December that have displaced about 15 000 people.
At least 21 people have
died in the floods that have also swept away bridges
and roads in the
low-lying northern district of Muzarabani near the Zambezi
River.
The
floods have also had a devastating impact in the southern province of
Masvingo.
President Robert Mugabe’s government has already declared
the floods a
national emergency paving way for the government to marshal
resources
towards the badly hit regions.
“Despite the scale of these
floods, the governments and the international
humanitarian community have so
far prevented this crisis from becoming a
catastrophe,” said the UN
statement. - ZimOnline
The Zimbabwean
Monday, 11 February 2008 22:57
'The tragedy is that it never used to be
like this'
KATE ADAMS, general practitioner in Hackney, London, and a
trustee of
Zimbabwe Health Training Support, visited Zimbabwe recently and
wrote this
personal report.
No soap in a hospital? Can you believe
it? But this is Zimbabwe, a
country whose public health system was once the
envy of neighbouring
countries and that now has the lowest life expectancy
in the world: 34 for
women and 37 for men. This statistic continues to shock
and disturb me;
Zimbabwe is, after all, not a country at war.
Of
course, HIV has had a great impact. But it is mainly the policies
pursued by
Robert Mugabe's Zanu (PF) party that has moved Zimbabwe, once the
breadbasket of this part of Africa, to a basket case.
Late last
year I spent 10 days in Zimbabwe. I am a trustee of a
charity, Zimbabwe
Health Training Support, whose aim is to support the
training of health
professionals and medical students in Zimbabwe. During my
stay I ran
workshops on medical ethics for junior doctors and consultants. I
gave a
talk to GPs in Bulawayo on how quality is assessed in general
practice in
the United Kingdom. While in Bulawayo I stayed with a physician
and spent
part of my week shadowing him. I also shadowed a GP.
HIV seemed to
pervade all healthcare encounters. As many as 70% of
inpatients in the
public hospital in Bulawayo had an HIV related disease.
Many people present
with advanced disease—a death sentence. The HIV clinic
in Bulawayo is
supported by the Clinton Foundation, but a shortage of drugs
and resources
has meant that it has been closed to new entrants since
August, except for
children, pregnant women, and healthcare workers. I spoke
to a pharmacist
concerned about the future supply and reliable delivery of
antiretrovirals.
Some Zimbabweans who work in South Africa get
their antiretrovirals
there. One young man had fraudulently been given
painkillers as part of his
triple regimen therapy. He presented with an
immune reconstitution syndrome.
He needed chemotherapy, but this wasn't
easily available and anyway he
didn't have the money to pay for it.
The HIV clinic has 2500 children on its register. A morning spent with
the
paediatric nurses revealed the human tragedy. I met numerous orphaned
children with HIV being cared for by aunts and grandparents. Because of the
food shortages in Zimbabwe a charity was donating food to people with HIV to
help feed their families.
I wondered why there seemed to be so many
small children and babies
with HIV, given the availability of treatment for
pregnant women. A
paediatrician said one reason is that there is no easily
accessible milk in
Zimbabwe, so mothers continue to breast feed beyond six
months, putting
their babies at further risk of acquiring HIV.
Shortages of medical equipment and drugs are severe.
Thermometers were
being shared between wards, no glucose sticks were
available for monitoring
diabetes, and certain antibiotics could not be
obtained. A lack of catheter
bags and pads meant that incontinent and
immobile patients had to lie in
urine. One patient had metastatic pancreatic
cancer. There was no morphine
to control his pain or dexamethasone to reduce
his brain swelling. Patients
in outpatient clinics told us they had
difficulty getting basic drugs for
ordinary medical conditions such as heart
disease, diabetes, and
asthma.
One patient couldn't afford to buy a steroid inhaler. A girl
was
walking around for a week with a fractured arm not in a cast as neither
of
the public hospitals had plaster of Paris. The tragedy is that it never
used
to be like this.
Healthcare professionals are leaving their
work daily. A paediatrician
and a physician had left the week before I
arrived. No one begrudges them
for leaving, but work schedules inevitably
become more intense for those
remaining. Non-governmental organisations try
not to poach health service
staff, but they pay in hard currency. Inflation
continues to soar—during my
short stay prices increased by a third. Nurses I
met couldn't afford to eat
on their pay.
A typical nurse's monthly
salary of Z$17 million (£290; 385; $570)
doesn't go far when transport to
and from work costs Z$400 000 each day. One
nurse I met relied on financial
support from a relative (a nurse) working in
Britain.
Simply
surviving in Zimbabwe is exhausting. People spend a lot of time
searching
for and queuing for food. Basic foodstuffs such as bread, sugar,
and flour
are hard to find. Many people survive on one meal a day. There is
a
desperate shortage of fuel, and people have to go to Botswana to get it.
Every day there are cuts in power and water supplies—one part of Harare had
not had any running water for six weeks.
I have great admiration
for the healthcare staff I met.
They had to be so resourceful and were
constantly having to solve
problems. I was impressed by the clinicians'
skills. As is the case in many
developing countries, doctors' clinical and
interpretive skills are often
very sharp as so few tests and investigations
are available.
In spite of all my experiences I was left with a lasting
impression of
people who, in spite of incredibly difficult circumstances,
had not lost
their humanity, sharing food and water and helping each other
out in
whatever way they could.
A lack of catheter bags and pads
meant that incontinent and immobile
patients had to lie in urine . . . the
tragedy is that it never used to be
like this. - This article appears
courtesy of the BMJ, in which it was
originally published.
The Zimbabwean
Monday, 11 February 2008
22:57
Dear Family and Friends,
It's been a long and dramatic
week in politics in Zimbabwe. Things are
changing very fast and some of the
news I relate here may well be out of
date or have altered completely by the
time you read this letter.
The first major development took place last
weekend when the two
factions of the opposition MDC met to decide if they
were going to reunite
and stand as one party in the coming elections.
Despite everything that has
happened to the MDC and their supporters in the
last eight years including
murder, rape, torture, abduction and arson, the
two factions were not able
to agree to stand together to fight Mugabe and
Zanu (PF).
I suppose the inability of the two factions to unite has not
come as a
surprise to most Zimbabweans but, regardless of the detail or the
inevitable
finger pointing, it is a sad event for Zimbabwe. So many people,
so many
sacrifices, such pain - what a shame that in the end, at this most
crucial
time, the desperate state of the country could not come
first.
The news of the MDC division had hardly got around when it was
completely overtaken by the dramatic news of a serious challenge within the
ruling Zanu (PF) party. A Presidential challenge no less! Simba Makoni, the
ex Minister of Finance, long time Zanu (PF) member and presently sitting on
the Politburo, addressed a news conference on Tuesday.
Saying that
he had consulted widely and across the board, Mr Makoni
said he was
accepting the call of the people and offering himself as a
candidate for
President of Zimbabwe. His short speech was realistic and down
to earth.
Simba Makoni said: "Let me confirm that I share the agony and
anguish of all
citizens over the extreme hardships that we all have endured
for nearly 10
years now. I also share the widely held view that these
hardships are a
result of failure of national leadership and that change at
that level is a
pre-requisite for change at other levels of national
endeavour."
Almost as one Zimbabwe drew breath. Naturally the rumours and
speculation
that have followed this historic announcement have almost
overwhelmed us. Is
Simba Makoni expelled from Zanu (PF)? Has he got a
political party waiting
in the wings? Is he a threat to Mugabe? Will other
senior Zanu (PF) members
now come out in the open and support him? Is this
the end of Zanu (PF) as we
know it? Is this going to split the Zanu vote?
Will it have an impact on the
MDC vote?
The most pressing question on everyone's lips has been: Is
Simba
Makoni genuine? As each day has passed and the attacks on him by the
State
propaganda have increased to greater heights, they have perhaps even
answered the question with their own vitriol. In one classic editorial in
The Herald came the predictable and groaningly familiar blaming of the
West - so insulting to the intelligence of Zimbabweans. The editorial said:
"one does not have to be a seer to see that Simba has just subscribed to
megaphone politics by giving a black face to the voices from the White House
and Whitehall."
In the middle of all of the upheaval came the
announcement that the
date for nominating candidates had been moved back
another week and so,
again, we wait and we watch. Certainly whoever Makoni
represents and
whatever positions the two branches of the MDC take, the
events of
this past week may well have broken the apathy that is suffocating
Zimbabwean voters. I join the call of others and urge Zimbabweans, wherever
you are
and if you are still on the voters roll to please come home
and vote
on March 29. Until next week, thanks for reading, Ndini shamwari
yenyu.
SW Radio Africa
(London)
11 February 2008
Posted to the web 11 February
2008
Lance Guma
Former finance minister Simba Makoni is
struggling to win the backing of
sceptical civil society groups who at the
weekend effectively distanced
themselves from his presidential
bid.
Over 5000 delegates from various organisations, including the
National
Constitutional Assembly, Zimbabwe National Students Union, Bulawayo
Agenda
and Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition, met for the National Peoples
Convention in
Harare. It was during this meeting at the Rainbow Towers Hotel
that the
general sentiment from the speeches reflected a deep distrust for
Makoni and
his camp. Although the convention avoided committing to a
resolution on the
Makoni issue, the thunderous reception to NCA chairperson
Lovemore Madhuku's
criticism of Makoni gave away their
feelings.
Addressing delegates Madhuku said Makoni's insistence that
he was still Zanu
PF meant they could not support him. 'We are not talking
of personalities
here but we are talking of changing the system of
governance. We thank
Makoni for helping us to destroy Zanu-PF, not that he
is the leader we want.
Makoni was and is still part of Zanu-PF, which
presided over the collapse of
our economy. He is still a Zanu-PF Politburo
member and was part of those
who watched and blessed the beatings of
National Constitutional Assembly
activists who were demanding a new
constitution. He was there when the
Gukurahundi atrocities were committed in
Matabeleland and to now turn around
and try to convince us that he is
presidential material is very wrong.'
Other groups at the convention
included the Christian Alliance, Zimbabwe
National Pastors Forum, Padare,
Women's Coalition, Zimbabwe Election Support
Network, Zimbabwe Lawyers for
Human Rights, Media Institute of Southern
Africa, the NGO Forum, Zimbabwe
Congress of Trade Unions, and Women of
Zimbabwe Arise. The groups resolved
that irrespective of the results of the
March 29th poll they will continue
to campaign for a people driven
constitution to ensure the country had a
workable democracy. In the meantime
member organisations were encouraged to
conduct voter education campaigns
and to call on Zimbabweans to turn out in
large numbers to vote.
Pedzisai Ruhanya, a Programmes Manager with the
Crisis in Zimbabwe
Coalition, told Newsreel most delegates felt they could
not abandon those in
the opposition who have been fighting Mugabe's regime,
only to support an
eleventh hour u-turn by someone who says they are still
Zanu PF. Former
ZINASU President Promise Mkwananzi has meanwhile said
Makoni's bid will only
split the opposition vote. He says Makoni's handlers
are already campaigning
to encourage the MDC leadership to step aside, even
though Makoni has not
stated what his plan to rescue the country is. 'He is
sending the Tekere's
to tell our leaders to step down on his behalf. He has
not consulted anyone
in the civics and we don't know yet what he is bringing
with him from Zanu
PF to measure his strength,' Mkwananzi said. He urged the
opposition to
continue campaigning under, 'a theory of constant
mistrust.'
SW Radio
Africa (London)
11 February 2008
Posted to the web 11 February
2008
Tererai Karimakwenda
Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA) have
reported that the fifteen members who
were briefly detained last Thursday
afternoon by riot police were assaulted
while in custody. The WOZA members
had come from Bulawayo and were in the
capital to attend the National
People's Convention that started Friday.
WOZA coordinator Jenni Williams
said the police taunted them throughout
their detention, saying they should
not speak Ndebele when they come to
Harare. Williams, who was not among the
detained, said police beat them with
baton sticks. They were released some
hours later that same day.
The police had descended on the WOZA
members in Africa Unity Square, where
they had gone due to delays checking
into their hotel. Riot police arrived
in several vehicles and the WOZA women
had their bags were searched.
Williams said the police found WOZA scarves
and literature and took the
activists to Harare Central where the assaults
took place.
Among the detained group were two members of the Men of
Zimbabwe Arise.
One of them is named Tirimuhondo (which means we are at
war). Wlliams said
the police asked which war he was in, and beat him much
harder than the
others.
The defiant activists have vowed to continue
their street actions,
pressuring for a decent living, affordable food,
housing, school fees and
health care.
Warm spring-like weather cheered
everyone. The sun shone brightly and here
we were in Vigil t-shirts in the
middle of winter. It made us feel perhaps
miracles would happen in Zimbabwe
as well.
No sooner had we set up our banners and posters than a passer-by
asked us
'Why aren't you doing this in Zimbabwe'. We were able to say we are
doing
this in Zimbabwe through our partners ROHR (Restoration of Human
Rights in
Zimbabwe), who are campaigning bravely for freedom and justice.
There was
another meeting today to discuss how we in the UK diaspora can
further
support their efforts.
Next Saturday we are hosting a
demonstration by the UK branch of WOZA (Women
of Zimbabwe Arise). Their
message is: "This year WOZA will be dedicating
their Valentine's Day
actions to the children of Zimbabwe and saying: Our
education system is
being allowed to collapse and our children's future is
being sacrificed on
the altar of political power by a bunch of corrupt,
insensitive, selfish
thieves. Can we continue to keep quiet whilst our
children are robbed of
their future?"
One of our supporters is also hosting the new Anglican
Bishop of Harare,
Sebastian Bakare, who will be in Britain on a short
visit. We know how
tight his schedule is, but we are inviting him to the
Vigil next week to
tell us about the confrontation with Mugabe's Bishop
Kunonga, whose
outrageous behaviour has distressed Anglicans around the
world.
We were pleased to have with us Vikki Farrell, who visited
Zimbabwe in 2006
and is creating a 5m X 2.5m tapestry / collage to express
what is happening
in Zimbabwe. She was delighted at the energy of the Vigil
and she took
photos which will feature in the piece, which will be on
display at the
University of Brighton public gallery from 3rd to 5th
March.
There was a ripple of excitement at the Vigil when a white van
bearing the
words "Freight forwarding to Zimbabwe and other African states"
pulled up
outside the Embassy. But no, the staff of the Embassy did not get
in. They
do not seem to have any desire to forego the fleshpots of London
for the
potholes of Harare.
Not that they aren't kept busy. Embassy
staff and other Mugabe supporters
were out in force at two high profile
meetings in London this week also
attended by Vigil supporters. The first,
organised by a think tank, the
Global Strategy Forum, was held on Tuesday at
the National Liberal Club. It
was chaired by the former Africa Minister,
Chris Mullen, MP. We were
appalled that the Mugabe apologist George Shire
was invited to speak. He
claims to be an independent-minded academic but we
pointed out at the
meeting that he had been the mainstay of a pro-Mugabe
demonstration at the
Lisbon AU / EU summit last December, supported by young
ladies who could
speak no English or any Zimbabwean languages. Mr Shire
blustered that the
African Union was obliged to provide a counter
demonstration to the
anti-Mugabe protesters (us)!
A Zimbabwean stood
up and said 'I am 68 years old. I fought in the
.Liberation War. I am a
supporter of Mugabe.' The same gentleman gave the
same odd little speech at
a seminar on Zimbabwe organised by the Royal
United Services Institute
Africa Programme on Thursday. The Vigil knows that
a huge proportion of the
Zimbabwean budget goes to maintain the Mugabe's
propaganda offensive - but
this was risible. People found it difficult to
keep a straight
face.
It was good to have Chipo Chaya back with us today after her
bereavement and
illness. Her hard work has been greatly missed. She asked
us to pass on
her thanks for all the support she got from her friends at the
Vigil.
For this week's Vigil pictures: http://www.flickr.com/photos/zimbabwevigil/.
FOR
THE RECORD: 213 signed the register.
FOR YOUR DIARY:
·
Saturday, 16th February 2008, 2 - 4 pm - outside the Zimbabwe
Embassy,
London. WOZA Valentine's Day Action.
· Saturday, 29th March 2008, 6
am - 6 pm - Zimbabwe Vigil's diaspora
polling station and mock
ballot.
Vigil Co-ordinators
The Vigil, outside the Zimbabwe
Embassy, 429 Strand, London, takes place
every Saturday from 14.00 to 18.00
to protest against gross violations of
human rights by the current regime in
Zimbabwe. The Vigil which started in
October 2002 will continue until
internationally-monitored, free and fair
elections are held in Zimbabwe. http://www.zimvigil.co.uk
Leader
The Guardian,
Monday February
11 2008
Zimbabweans know from cruel experience that elections can bring
hope but not
change. Exhausted by hunger, poverty and state brutality, they
could also be
forgiven for surrendering to Robert Mugabe's demand that they
re-elect him
as Zimbabwe's president next month. The optimism that
surrounded Morgan
Tsvangirai's bid for the post in 2002 has long gone, amid
repression and
economic collapse. But last week Simba Makoni, once finance
minister and a
member of Mr Mugabe's Zanu-PF, fought back, announcing that
he will stand
for the presidency in the contest on March 29. "I share the
agony and
anguish of all citizens at the extreme hardships we have all
endured ...
these are a result of failure of national leadership," he
said.
This is the boldest challenge that Mr Mugabe has faced from inside
his own
movement since Zimbabwe began its descent into calamity more than a
decade
ago. But the truth is that Mr Makoni cannot expect to win. Victory
would be
possible, perhaps even likely, in a fair contest, but Zimbabwe's
election
will be anything but fair. Millions of people, mostly opposition
supporters,
have left since Zimbabweans last defied their president by
voting against
him in a constitutional referendum eight years ago this
month. Many voters
live in rural areas and depend on the ruling party for
food handouts. Mr
Makoni has no structure to support him; he is being
denounced in the state
media and he faces opposition from at least one part
of the now-divided
Movement for Democratic Change, led by Mr Tsvangirai,
though he is a
diminished figure.
These are big hurdles - but there
are still grounds to hope Mr Makoni might
leap them. He represents
Zimbabwe's most likely route out of chaos: change
from within Zanu-PF. At
58, he comes from a post-independence generation. He
was an able finance
minister, leaving the government in 2002 when Mr Mugabe
refused to let him
devalue the currency. Unlike most senior party
colleagues, he did not
acquire a stolen farm in land redistribution. As a
senior Zanu-PF figure he
is on the EU and US list of banned visitors, but he
could win the votes of
its supporters who, though sick of Mr Mugabe, do not
trust the MDC. By all
appearances, he might make a good president.
Could he win? If he comes
close to doing so, Mr Mugabe will try to fix the
election. But Harare is
full of rumours of Zanu-PF splits. Mr Makoni may
have the support, public or
private, of several top officials. "I have a
deeper faith in my country than
my party," he said last week. "I am genuine,
I am honest, I am nobody's tool
or agent." His first name, Simba, means lion
in Swahili, and he will need
all the bravery he can find if his roar of
defiance is to succeed.
VOA
By Peter Clottey
Washington, D.C.
11
February 2008
The leader of Zimbabwe’s main opposition
Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) says he is sure of the party’s victory
in next month’s general
elections. Morgan Tsvangirai said Zimbabweans
desperately want change, but
he fears the ruling ZANU-PF party led by
incumbent President Robert Mugabe
may rig the elections to maintain power.
John Makumbe is a political science
professor at the University of Zimbabwe.
From the capital, Harare he tells
reporter Peter Clottey that the MDC has no
choice but to participate in next
month’s general elections.
“That’s
a correct perspective. Under the current constitution, ZANU-PF is
going to
rig the election; there is no two ways about it. Mr. Mugabe is
desperate to
stay in power and in office. And the current constitution
creates a very
uneven political field, which favors only ZANU-PF,” Makumbe
said.
He
described as strategic Tsvangirai’s intentions to be part of the general
elections.
“I think it’s a tactical maneuver by Tsvangirai. To
boycott this election
would have given ZANU-PF a free ride. And it would
have surrender to ZANU-PF
a lot of the democratic space that the MDC has
reclaimed from the ZANU-PF
over the past few elections, and it would be
shortchanging the people of
Zimbabwe. Really, political parties are there to
contest elections and to
seek to enter into office into power and run the
country. And Morgan
Tsvangirai’s party must continue to do that come rain
come sunshine,” he
said.
Makumbe concurs that the presence of other
political figures in next month’s
elections might have played a major role
on the MDC’s decision to
participate in the vote after previously
threatening to boycott the
elections.
“Yes, essentially, Tsvangirai
cannot boycott the elections now with Arthur
Mutembara (leader of one
faction of the MDC) faction running for this
elections and then you have the
wild card of Simba Makoni also creating
confusion, which at the moment
nobody knows will result in which
consequence,” Makumbe noted.
He
said the decision of Makoni, a former ally of President Mugabe to contest
the election as an independent presidential candidate could make things
difficult for the ruling ZANU-PF party.
“For example the Simba Makoni
factor may in fact ruin Robert Mugabe’s
chances of winning or it may again
simply be an extra job for Mugabe. But he
will rig the election in such a
way that nobody else gets in. so, it’s an
interesting situation where Morgan
Tsvangirai would have actually
shortchanged himself severely by not
participating,” he noted.
zimbabwejournalists.com
11th Feb 2008 17:52 GMT
By Sebastian Nyamhangambiri
HARARE – Zimbabwe
yesterday resumed an inquiry into the conduct of the
country’s Attorney
General Sobuza Gula-Ndebele suspended by President Robert
Mugabe last year
for allegedly abusing his office. The inquiry has been
stopped last
month.
Professor Welshman Ncube, who is now representing the AG after
taking over
from Advocate Happias Zhou, confirmed the resumption of the
hearing but
refused to give details as the matter is being heard in
camera.
"I can confirm that the hearing has started,” said Ncube. Asked
how long the
hearing would take, Ncube said: “I have no slightest idea. All
I can say is
that the state has indicated that it wants to bring nine
witnesses. So this
week is definitely out of question, it might limp into
next month.”
The hearing, which is highly linked to the political crisis
in Zanu PF,
pitting General Solomon Mujuru'a camp against Emmerson
Mnangagwa, once
regarded as Mugabe's heir-apparent, is being heard in camera
at the
president's instruction.
Nine state witnesses will testify
against the government’s chief legal
adviser and an ex-officio member of
cabinet. Sources say the witnesses are
likely to be members of the CIO who
were on a mission track down the
movements of the AG and fugitive former
bank executive, James Mushore, who
is said to have held a meeting with
him.
The three-man tribunal inquiring into the conduct of Gula-Ndebele
will
advise Mugabe whether he should be removed from office or not.
High
Court Judge Chinembiri Bhunu is chairing the tribunal. Justice Samuel
Kudya
and Harare lawyer Lloyd Mhishi are the other members of the
committee.
Gula-Ndebele was last October briefly detained by the police
and charged for
conduct inconsistent with the duties of a public officer
after he allegedly
met Mushore and assured him that he would not be
prosecuted if he came back
home after fleeing Zimbabwe with the government
in hot pursuit saying he
breached the country's financial
laws.
Mushore, a former deputy managing director at National Merchant
Bank (NMB),
fled to Britain in 2004 at the height of a Zimbabwean banking
crisis that
saw several finance houses shut down by the country's central
bank. He was
arrested in October upon his return to Zimbabwe
.
Police, who are separately investigating Gula-Ndebele, say he promised
Mushore he would not be arrested if he returned to Zimbabwe. The Attorney
General denies the charge.
Speculation is widespread in Harare that
Gula-Ndebele, considered among the
more liberal minds in the government, is
being punished for aligning himself
with the Mujuru faction that
unsuccessfully tried to stop Mugabe standing
for re-election in next month's
elections.
It has been suggested that Gula-Ndebele, a brave former army
officer, did
not help himself when he constantly clashed with Justice
Minister Patrick
Chinamasa in a tussle over control of AG's department.
New Statesman
Stephen Chan
Published 11
February 2008
We profile Simba Makoni who has emerged to challenge
Robert Mugabe from
within ZANU-PF and who may be Zimbabwe's strongest hope
for change
On 5 February 2008, one day after the leaders of the two
opposition parties
in Zimbabwe failed to agree upon a single presidential
candidate to oppose
Robert Mugabe, Simba Makoni – a Leeds University-trained
chemist and former
minister of finance – announced he would stand against
Mugabe as an
independent.
It took the failure of the opposition parties
to tip Makoni innto a decision
he had long dithered in taking. As recently
as 16 January he had,
face-to-face with Mugabe, declared he would not enter
the presidential race;
and Mugabe had, in any case, earlier refused to
accept Makoni’s resignation
from the high echelons of the ruling party,
ZANU-PF.
Since the early 1990s, Makoni has been the darling of western
diplomats
stationed in Harare. Technocratic and economically pragmatic, he
was also
neither corrupt nor disliked by any faction of the ruling party.
Even now,
it is hard to find sworn enemies of Makoni outside the president’s
tight
circle - and the leaders of both opposition parties are on friendly
terms
with him. Morgan Tsvangirai, the longer-serving opposition leader, has
publicly said he could work with Makoni; and Tsvangirai’s opposition rival,
Arthur Mutambara, is said to be more open to discussions concerning a union
with Makoni than with Tsvangirai.
For now, Makoni will need the
protection of ex-army boss, Solomon Mujuru.
The question is, since Mujuru
has his own presidential aspirations, whether
Makoni is merely a stalking
horse.
Meanwhile, a curious alliance seems to be developing within
ZANU-PF between
the much-touted ‘third force’ advocates – the ZANU-PF
intellectuals who are
enamoured by neither Mugabe’s leadership nor the
prospects of opposition
victory – and the ‘muscle’ represented by
increasingly-dissident ZANU-PF
barons such as Mujuru.
But it is a
tricky alliance. Mujuru is not noted for his modest lifestyle,
and nor is he
reputed to be a man of democratic inclinations. He has opposed
Mugabe,
though not to the extent of other internal dissidents such as Dumiso
Dabengwa. If, now, Mujuru and Dabengwa could together throw their weight
behind Makoni – and if Makoni can make a deal with Arthur Mutambara – then
that is as close to a ‘dream ticket’ as is possible in Zimbabwe. It would
mean the marginalisation of the brave Morgan Tsvangirai, but also allow a
proper, if flawed, challenge to Robert Mugabe.
For Makoni has neither
political base nor organisational machinery of his
own. Outside the group of
party intellectuals he is unknown in the wider
ZANU-PF constituency. He will
need Mujuru’s protection first of all.
Otherwise the risk he is taking in
finally defying the aged Mugabe will be a
dangerous one indeed. Both
Dubengwa and Mutambara can deliver him a fair
slice of the western region’s
Ndebele vote; and Mujuru himself can deliver a
small but meaningful chunk of
the eastern Shona vote.
Even so, Makoni will have to rely for critical
voting mass upon the urban
disenchanted who must be persuaded that he
stands, not only in opposition to
Mugabe, but that he can fix the mess left
behind by Mugabe. It is this
second credential that he must persuade voters
is real.
Although he has been a preferred or compromise candidate in the
imaginations
of both internal and external actors in the Zimbabwean drama,
Makoni has not
established a public record of sustained dissent to Mugabe.
He has certainly
stood up to him in private, and been sacked from the
cabinet for his pains.
But, in December 2007, he made a public speech in
which he made his first
open criticism of the president, saying: “the old
Zimbabwean leader I knew
was there for service, the new one is only there
for privilege.”
Then he was edging nearer to a decision to stand. In
January he shirked
back. In February, alarmed at the failure of the
opposition to unite, and no
doubt with some powerful persuasion by Mujuru
and possibly other ZANU-PF
barons, he took the leap. It has been like
watching a cub make his first
steps away from his mother. But Mugabe is a
very powerful old leader of the
pride. There will be vengeance to come.
Makoni knows he has to win, and he
knows the chances are high he will not.
Finally, whatever the dithering,
this is an act of courage – no more than
what Tsvangirai and Mutambara have
demonstrated before him – but those
opposition leaders were not intimates of
the ruler of Zimbabwe. This is the
lion cub taking on the lion king - and
the unpalatable people upon whom he
must now rely for protection had better
not let him down at the first
opportunistic moment.
Professor Chan of the School of Oriental &
African Studies is preparing the
second edition of his book: Robert Mugabe:
A Life of Power and Violence,
London: I.B. Tauris 2003
Africa News, Netherlands
1.. Posted on Monday 11 February 2008 -
10:14
Munyaradzi Mugadza, AfricaNews reporter in Harae, Zimbabwe
The government
of Zimbabwe has stepped up preparations for the 21st
February Movement
celebrations with a target of $ Z3 trillion dollars, the
chairman of the
committee has said.
Andrew Langa who is also the deputy minister of
Environment and Tourism
said the celebrations will be held in Beitbridge on
the 23 of February in
Matabeleland South Province which is 580 kilometers
away from Harare.
Addressing a committee members meeting, the deputy
minister said the
committee would do as much as they can to surpass the $Z 3
trillion target.
”I wish to assure you that as a patriotic and
committed committee we will
do our best. It will not fail” he said.
Minister Langa said President Mugabe’s birthday was a special occasion as
he
had liberated Zimbabwe from the bondage of colonialism. Zanu-PF national
secretary for youth affairs Absolom Sikhosana said the annual event is very
important as it aims to mould the behaviour of youths into a responsible
generation.
The committee members also agreed to approach farmers
and request them to
donate cattle despite the hardships that has affected
them for the past
years. This is however a sad development because this
year’s agricultural
season is a disaster due to lack of adequate inputs and
the incessant rains
that has been experienced throughout the
country.
This committee’s intention to request farmers to donate is a
daylight
robbery as the farmers were still recovering from last’s crackdown
by the
government. Government last year slashed the price of basic
commodities to
curb profiteering by unscrupulous business people. Farmers
were then forced
to sell their cattle for cheap price in order to improve
the availability of
beef which had become a rare commodity in most
supermarkets.
Moreso the committee resolved that the chairman would
write to the
minister of Environment and Tourism requesting for a donation
of game meat
from the National Parks and Wildlife. The same would also be
affected to the
ministry of Energy and Power Development, Mi0ke Nyambuya
requesting for
fuel.
The 21st February Movement is a special event
to celebrate President
Mugabe’s birthday but surprisingly the government is
wasting resources while
the general populace is embedded in extreme poverty.
Instead, the government
should raise money for building accommodation for
the victims of government’s
Operation Murambatsvina who are still living
under sordid conditions while
the government continue with its cheap
diplomacy that they would build
houses imminently. Besides, Zimbabwe is in a
foreign currency crunch which
has seen her failing to clear its debts and
recently their electricity plug
was pulled off by Mozambique.
Government employees, civil have for the past couple of years cried foul
for poor remunerations from their employer resulting in more chaos and
massive exodus of skilled to greener pastures.
HARARE, 11 February 2008 (IRIN) - Resettled
farmers in Zimbabwe have been
hit by input and financial shortages, and have
failed to deliver on
production, prompting the government to repossess their
plots, according to
analysts.
Didymus Mutasa, the land reform and
resettlement minister, recently told the
official daily newspaper, the
Herald, that the government had reclaimed at
least 1,449 A2 farms - the
category for commercial production - after a land
audit completed in 2007
revealed that they were not being used productively.
In 2000 the
government dispossessed more than 4,000 white commercial farmers
of their
land in a controversial land reform exercise and reallocated it,
often after
cutting it up into smaller plots, to thousands of land-hungry
black
Zimbabweans.
"Government is repossessing all vacant and unutilised A2
farms and we are
not going back on this exercise. We will withdraw the offer
letters and
allocate them to deserving new applicants," Mutasa was quoted as
saying.
He said the government was attempting to address some of the
problems faced
by the new farmers, and repossession of the plots should not
be read as a
reversal of the land reform programme.
The owners of
most of the farms being taken back by the government had not
even taken
occupation, said Sam Moyo, a land affairs expert who advised the
government
on its land reform programme. "A number of plots have remained
vacant,
meaning that the beneficiaries were not able to go and establish
themselves
on their plots for a variety of reasons."
Zimbabwe's economy is in
meltdown: the International Monetary Fund (IMF)
estimates that the country's
annual inflation rate has reached 100,000
percent and is still rising;
shortages of foreign exchange have affected the
supply of agricultural
inputs and fuel. As a result, many farmers had been
unable to make any of
the hoped for short-term gains from farming and had
abandoned their plots,
Moyo said.
According to economic analyst John Robertson, "The bottom line
is that most
of these farmers have not produced enough to justify being
retained on their
farms. Those that have managed to do so were either lucky
enough to have
taken over sound infrastructure they found on the farms, or
were the big
fish that got favours from the government."
He pointed
out that the beneficiaries did not have the "motivation" to farm
effectively
because they got the land for free, and that the government had
hurried to
parcel out land "for political populism" without ensuring that
the
beneficiaries were well supported with money, skills training and
inputs.
"Some of these farmers applied for land for the kicks, and
that is why they
sold the inputs and fuel they obtained, while in some cases
farms were
turned into weekend barbeque resorts, a trend that was common
among
multiple-farm owners," Robertson claimed.
The financial squeeze
the farmers found themselves in was worsened by
reluctance on the part of
the banks to issue loans to the new farmers
because the 99-year leases
offered by the government did not offer adequate
collateral
security.
No solution
Robertson argued that while repossession of
the farms was justified, how
would the A2 farmers repay any loans they might
have taken? "One just hopes
that the government is not using repossession as
one of those election
campaign tactics, to lure voters with pieces of land
that would also be
taken away once victory is attained."
The country
will be holding joint parliamentary, council and presidential
elections in
late March and, as happened in 2000 on the eve of another major
poll, there
are fears that the land issue could be used to sway voters.
The land
reform programme coincided with a series of droughts, which hit
production
and led to livestock deaths. Land was also underutilised by those
who lacked
the necessary skills to farm, particularly in the case of
specialised crops
like tobacco.
Most of the farms were carved up into small units, making
it difficult for
beneficiaries to produce on a large scale, with the new
farmers sometimes
having to share infrastructure left by the outgoing
owners.
However, Moyo had maintained at the time that "Since most of the
new farmers
don't have adequate finance ... small plots would be the more
viable
option."
Unfair, say farmers
The new farmers whose land
has been repossessed were taken by surprise and
are angry. Some cited
discrimination. "I don't understand what criteria they
used to repossess my
farm," said Stanley Banga, 56, who was given a 60ha
plot in Goromonzi
district, about 50km southeast of Harare, the capital.
"True, I have been
struggling to produce adequately, but that cannot be
blamed on me. While
other managed to get inputs, I had to struggle because I
am neither a war
veteran nor an active member of the ruling [ZANU-PF]
party," he
said.
"My only hope is that the authorities will understand ... There was
drought,
I lost my income and could not access inputs easily. Now it's the
heavy
rains that have been falling non-stop."
If his plot - largely
covered by overgrown grass, except for small patches
of maize in the
waterlogged fields, with a dilapidated farmhouse left by the
previous owner
- is taken back, Banga will have nowhere to go.
[ENDS]
[This
report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations]
http://www.morningmirror.africanherd.com
Our household trash had not been collected since before
Christmas ... and
with flies becoming a serious health hazard ... our trusty
horticulturist and I decided
to take a trip to the Municipal Landfill site
!!
Now this trip is not to be taken lightly I can assure you... the
municipal
landfill has an aura all of it's own, as well as an odour all of
it's own !!
Gathering up the neighbours' trash too, we set off most
pungently down the
road.... we had removed everything from the truck that
was not bolted down, including
the rubber mat that protects the lining of
the truck.
What goes into a Municipal Landfill site in Zimbabwe seldom
re-emerges trust
me !!
As we approached the dump, doors firmly
locked, windows rolled up tight, as
if by magic, emerged from the tall
grass, the most amazing collection of raggle taggle
gypsies you have ever
seen.
They were undoubtedly human, but their eyes were raging red and
bloodshot,
their hair matted with dirt and their clothes were held together
with dung clotted
threads.
I had been warned of this this heart
breaking sight, but nothing could ever
lead me to believe that people
actually existed in this sub human way.
Racing to the truck, they heaved
themselves over the sides and as we drove,
they rummaged furiously through
our miserable, stinking, maggot ridden refuse.
Bottles and plastic bags
were tucked into torn shirts, scraps of fetid food
were stuffed voraciously
into gaping mouths .... nothing could ever have prepared me for
this
heartbreaking experience.
We dutifully went to pay at the Municipal
office, but the supervisor
graciously allowed us through without paying !!
We were after all doing the job of the city
council ...
As we
approached the dumping area, the stinking rotting fumes that emanated
from
the trash parted, and dozens of grey ghostly figures, the tattered remnants of
human beings, could be seen scrabbling slowly, as if in a trance, through
the morass of
mud and filth.
Mad Max and his gang leapt off the
truck, the trash miraculously dragged off
with them, and began to fight over
a box of wine bottles. No one bothers with
re-cycling in Zimbabwe, these sad
scarecrow scavengers do it for us ....
Timidly opening the window a tiny
bit I had the temerity to ask who they
would be voting for next month
?
Would they perhaps be voting against a government which had reduced
them to
being the very dregs of humanity ?
Perhaps they like this
odious life of theirs, perhaps this abject filth and
misery is all they have
ever known, but as one they gave me an answer that I did not want to
hear
.....
New Zimbabwe
By
Mutumwa D. Mawere
Last updated: 02/11/2008 20:57:16
LEGITIMACY is a key
factor in confidence building. The entry of Simba Makoni
into the politics
of change in Zimbabwe has raised many legitimate questions
about his
credibility. The Zimbabwean political atmosphere is heavily
polluted and it
has succeeded in blurring the national vision.
The past 28 years has had
the combined effect of creating an environment of
fear, doubt and cynicism.
The demons of the past have not been exorcised and
people in general are
looking for a break from the divisive politics of
yesterday and yet the key
political actors on the scene carry their own
peculiar
baggage.
Makoni is no exception because he finds himself deeply embedded
in the Zanu
PF machine that is largely credited for undermining the rule of
law as well
as property and human rights. Some would argue that Makoni
cannot escape
blame for the unprecedented economic regression that has led
to a dramatic
decline in all key Zimbabwean human development
indicators.
Under Zanu PF leadership, the social and physical
infrastructure that was
largely inherited from the colonial state has
crumbled, so have the key
economic sectors like agriculture, mining and
manufacturing, leaving the
economy increasingly dependent on humanitarian
aid.
An argument is often made that Makoni chose to remain in the Zanu PF
engine
room while the economy was nose-diving. Zimbabwe finds itself today
more
vulnerable than it was at Independence in 1980. Its investment in human
capital has been externalised to the extent that the capacity of the state
to implement a turnaround is questionable.
It has been argued that
the future of Zimbabwe has been hijacked by Zanu PF
and any change agenda
driven or prosecuted by anyone associated with the
system is necessarily
flawed. Using this construction, it is then argued
that the entry into the
political scene by Makoni at a time when the MDC was
on the verge of
boycotting the elections is nothing but a ploy by Zanu PF to
perpetuate
itself.
It is argued that the purpose of Makoni and his nameless and
faceless
political backers is to confuse the agenda and possibly hijack it
by
seemingly presenting a higher moral and intellectual platform for change
forgetting that the fruits of change must necessarily be exclusively
harvested by non-Zanu PF affiliated democratic revolutionaries who see in
the struggle an opportunity to advance careers and take advantage of
opportunities that they have been hitherto denied by the system.
It
is true that any political transition is necessarily pregnant with issues
of
identity and authenticity. Even after the conclusion of the Lancaster
House
Constitution, similar arguments were raised about the need for
national
reconciliation and whether, in fact, persons who were part of the
colonial
order were welcome to participate in the post-colonial state. There
are no
easy answers but if history has any lessons, it is that it does not
help to
dwell on the past as a vehicle to address future challenges.
History will
record that even President Robert Mugabe saw it fit to include
Ian Smith’s
colleagues in the first post-colonial administration as
Ministers. Even
President Mandela did the same in the interests of national
unity and
progress. Examples are abound that demonstrate that political
maturity is
required if the enormous challenges facing the country like
Zimbabwe are to
be addressed head on.
However, there is a feeling among many Zimbabweans
that anything smelling
Zanu PF must be annihilated. People who question
Makoni’s bona fides may
also not pass the same test that they seek to impose
on Makoni. If it is the
intention of the people who seek to make Zimbabwe
work again that Zanu PF
members are not eligible to contribute at all levels
provided in the
Constitution of the country on the basis that President
Mugabe’s government
has been partisan, then surely if partisanship begets
partisanship, then no
real progress would have been achieved by the movement
for democratic
change.
I also do not buy the notion that Zanu PF is a
monolithic organisation. Yes
there may very well be differences of opinion;
tactics and strategies in the
party and this should be respected, as is the
fact that ultimately the
voters should express their opinion about the
manner in which they wish to
be governed.
The nature, depth and scope
of the Zimbabwean crisis are so complex that it
would be futile to attribute
the decay to selected people for political
expediency. What is evident is
that the complicity of Zimbabwean citizens in
helping to create a culture of
limited or no accountability has to be at the
centre of what should change
to make Zimbabwe work again. The republic
belongs to citizens who should
take due care like owners to ensure its
viability and sustenance.
By
targeting Makoni, who has reluctantly accepted to lead the final stages
of
the struggle for real change, we may be missing the point.
It is true
that through the SADC mediated talks both factions of the MDC
accepted the
legitimacy of President Mugabe’s government and were at one on
the key
constitutional and legal amendments only to disagree at the end of
the
process. If the same yardstick were used, then surely both factions of
the
MDC would not be eligible for office if being associated with the regime
has
become so evil that it taints irreparably a person’s
credibility.
Dialogue requires reaching out to the other party. What is
evident today is
that there appears to be no attempt at rapprochement
between MDC and Zanu PF
and regrettably it had to take SADC to make the two
parties talk to each
other. Will the outcome of the forthcoming elections
provide the incentive
for the two parties to do what they seem to have
failed to do during the
last eight years i.e. the civility to engage each
other in the national
interest or will Zimbabwe’s future be mortgaged once
again to the egos of
Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai?
Supporters of
Makoni will agree that he is fountain of reason and a person
you will not
find difficult to get along with. There is nothing in his
record that would
suggest that he is part of the problem, rather, he would
rank as one of the
few points of light in the confused Zimbabwean political
zoo.
The
forthcoming election is too strategic and so important to the future of
the
country for anyone to be dismissed from consideration merely on the
basis of
perceived past associations. Makoni is a new face at the
Presidential level
and must be given the same benefit of the doubt that
Tsvangirai and others
were given when they started climbing their own
political
ladders.
What is strategic is that politics has become so commercialised
that across
the political divide, there is no appetite to give up a position
in the
interests of national progress. It is told that both the MDC factions
had
agreed to unite only on the basis that the seats of the incumbent
members of
parliament would not be contested. Can you imagine a deal being
cut with
Mugabe that would lead to an entrenchment of his
position?
If the incumbent members of parliament of the two MDC
formations had agreed
to submit themselves to a democratic process, I am
convinced that Makoni
would not be a candidate. If this were the case, then
it would be unfair to
raise the question of whether Makoni is real because a
real prospect exists
of repeating what has happened in the previous
elections where the outcome
is disputed even though the participants
willingly accepted to be in the
race fully aware of the
consequences.
Before asking whether Makoni is for real, it is important
to ask whether the
opposition has what it takes to win especially given the
complaints about
the uneven playing field. If it is accepted that Zanu PF
will not make it
easy for the opposition to win, then there is nothing to
lose for the
opposition in Makoni coming into the scene unless the
opposition is
confident of winning.
A habit is now well established
among Zimbabweans to label anyone who
attempts to do something positive and
daring “a puppet”. According to Zanu
PF, Makoni is now a puppet of the West
notwithstanding the fact that he is
still holding a senior position in the
standing committee of the same party.
Anyone who dares to compete for
political office necessarily risks being
labeled a traitor or puppet. On the
other hand, the opposition forces have
already started labeling him a Zanu
PF agent.
When will Zimbabweans start respecting each other? I should
like to imagine
that Makoni is a principal and he is mature enough to make
his own choices.
To the extent that he has accepted to be considered for the
highest office
in the land, all must respect it.
At this defining
hour in Zimbabwe’s history, it is important to ask what
kind of leader the
country deserves. What are the challenges facing the
country? Who is best
suited to lead the country out of the morass of the
past? Has the hour of
change arrived? If so, are Zimbabweans ready to bury
the past and move
forwards?
I can relate to the predicament that Makoni may find himself in
given the
cynicism that now characterises contemporary Zimbabwe. I also have
been
called names by the same forces that seek to intimidate Makoni into
surrender at a time when even the alternatives have already accepted that
the outcome of the elections is predetermined.
You all have a stake
in the future of Zimbabwe. Please join me at:
www.mmawere.com if you want to be part of this
defining moment in Zimbabwe’s
history. Should you want to invest in the Bank
of Hope please add your voice
on www.zimcoalition.com.
Mutumwa
Mawere's weekly column is published on New Zimbabwe.com every
Monday. You
can contact him at: mmawere@global.co.za
SW Radio
Africa (London)
11 February 2008
Posted to the web 11 February
2008
Tererai Karimakwenda
A group of about 200 immigrants, the
majority of them Zimbabweans, descended
on the Central Police Station in
Cape Town last Thursday to protest against
police brutality and xenophobia.
The demonstration was organized by People
Against Suffering, Suppression,
Oppression and Poverty (PASSOP), a rights
group in South Africa that assists
immigrants and refugees. The Treatment
Action Campaign (TAC), a lobby group
for people who are HIV-positive, also
assisted with organising the
demonstration.
Braam Hanekom from PASSOP, said the police raid on the
Methodist church in
Johannesburg at the end of January prompted the protest;
"Frequently
immigrants are beaten and even killed by local South Africans
and for police
to have engaged in such a manner was absolutely
unacceptable." He was
referring to the behavior of police during the church
raid, where they
assaulted Bishop Verryn and his staff and destroyed
property belonging to
the church and the refugees who shelter there. 1,500
people were arrested.
Last week Regis Matutu, projects officer for
TAC, said it was important to
protest this behaviour because so many of the
people arrested had been
denied access to medication while in police
custody.
The police had denied permission for the demonstration last
week, claiming
there was not enough manpower to provide adequate security.
The police
suggested that the event be delayed by at least a
week.
Hanekom said this did not stop them, saying; "We had no choice but
to do it
and we weren't going to let the police disallow our protest against
their
brutality." He explained that there were 15 people still in jail after
the
Johannesburg church raid and the message against police brutality and
xenophobia could not wait.
The police have now retaliated against the
organisers of the protest.
Hanekom said they informed him that they had
opened a docket for the
gathering and he says they might be issuing a
warrant of arrest for him.
On the positive side Hanekom said that it was
encouraging to see Congolese,
Burundis, South Africans and even American
students join the protest in
solidarity. The protestors marched to the Cape
Town Central Police Station
where they picketed and presented a memorandum
against police hostilities
towards foreign immigrants.
Monday, 11 February 2008 22:51 | |
Food and Agriculture
Caption: Today Zimbabwe cannot feed itself; agricultural output has
collapsed to 20 per cent of pre 2000 levels.
One of the key issues confronting the electorate in the 2008 election is who can be trusted to steer the country back to the road from the wilderness that Zanu (PF) has taken us into? In this, the second in our series, A SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT looks at the Food and Agriculture sector and the way it has been destroyed by Zanu (PF)'s misrule. Zimbabwe has always had a majority of its people living on and off the land. Land has therefore been a key issue and access to land a long held priority for most who live here. In recent years this has changed and for the first time in our history, more people now live in the urban areas than live in the rural areas of the country. This reality has been compounded by the lack of accommodation and living space in the urban areas and the relatively low wages earned by the majority. In some form, access to land has therefore been essential to the survival of most Zimbabweans and has taken on a real political aspect. There can also be no disputing that the land issue is one of the most contentious matters that were not properly attended to after Independence in 1980. There is no dispute over the need for reform of the agricultural system - the question was only how to do it and on what terms. After neglecting the issue for 20 years Zanu (PF) only started to implement its "fast track" land reform in 2000 after the defeat in the February referendum. The subsequent programme was not only illegal, it violated firm undertakings given to farmers after 1980 and it has resulted in the near destruction of the agricultural industry - long the mainstay of the economy. Today, eight years later, the country cannot feed itself; output has collapsed to 20 per cent of pre 2000 levels and only a third of the population that once worked and lived on commercial farms remain. Farm exports have collapsed and the coming year, despite a good wet season, will again see Zimbabwe critically short of food. Food and shelter are the most basic needs of mankind and one of the most difficult issues facing a new government will be what to do about the situation. The MDC has long said that it will be guided by two main principles - not to accept the status quo and not to go back to the situation that existed before 2000. Commercial farmers affected by the land grab have taken the State to Court in Zimbabwe, in SADC and now in Europe. In all three cases they have won significant legal judgments that confirm their rights under law as owners of freehold assets in Zimbabwe guaranteed by the constitution under which they secured those rights. The financial liabilities of the State established by the Court decisions are very considerable and will have to be taken into account in any lasting solution. The MDC programme of action post the election will be premised on the following priorities: - 1. To get agriculture back on its feet as soon as possible so that it can feed the nation and resume exports. 2. To restore the legal status of title rights. 3. To provide fair compensation to all who lost assets during the past eight years. 4. To investigate the incidents of human rights abuse during this time and record these for historical purposes and to guarantee that this will not happen again. 5. To protect those in productive and sound occupation of land and give them long term security. 6. To provide all farmers - small and large, with security of tenure and the necessary support services to ensure they can farm productively and on a sustainable basis. |
The Zimbabwean
Monday, 11 February 2008 22:45
HARARE - Zimbabwe Broadcasting Holdings
(ZBH) workers are on a go-slow
and have notified management that they are
reluctant to do the usual bidding
of churning out propaganda on behalf of
the Zanu (PF) regime due to poor
salaries.
The Zimbabwean this week
saw the pay slip of a bulletin editor at ZTV,
showing that for the month of
January, his net salary was Z$70m (U$35) -
enough to buy just four 2kg
packets of sugar. His transport allowance for
January was Z$14,000, when
commuter fares are now in the range of Z$3m and
Z$7m for a single
trip.
At Pockets Hill, the headquarters of the national broadcaster,
morale
was said to be at an all-time low, and recent appeals to the Chief
Executive
Officer, Henry Muradzikwa, had failed to yield anything.
"Muradzikwa said there is no money and actually informed us that the
money
we received in December and January came from Phillip Chiyangwa for
his
sponsorship of soccer coverage," a worker at ZBH said.
Reporters at ZTV
told The Zimbabwean that they have been ignoring
orders from Zanu (PF)
officials wanting them to provide coverage for their
election campaigns as
well as broadcast propaganda against the opposition.
"We are simply not
interested, and they now know that. They have
failed to provide the basics
without even talking of our stupid salaries.
There is only one vehicle
functioning at the moment and we are having to
struggle hard to make it to
assignments," another reporter said. - Own
correspondent