13 February 2008, 07:44 GMT 
Esther (not her real name), 28, a professional living and
working in Zimbabwe's capital, Harare, is writing a regular diary on the
challenges of leading a normal life.
Zimbabwe is suffering from an acute economic crisis. The country
has the world's highest rate of annual inflation - 26,000% - and just one in
five has an official job.
 Well Harare is in the grip of high excitement over Simba Makoni's
announcement that he is running for president in the 29 March polls. It has to
be THE most talked about issue here.
Zimbabweans are trading everything from banknotes to
tomatoes |
Questions are flying: "Is he genuine, or is his campaign about
splitting the opposition vote?"
For loyalists: "what is he doing, standing up to Mugabe?"
Then there are those who love "The Party" - Zanu-PF - but think
it needs new blood, and for them Simba is the perfect answer.
Then again our supermarket shelves are slowing emptying again,
you can't get basics like milk and margarine, what basics you can get are
hideously expensive.
I've seen greenish meat in smaller supermarket chains because
the ordinary Zimbabwean just can't afford meat.
By the way most professionals are included in this category,
what with civil servants earning the equivalent of between $20 to $50 per month.
So for most people the new presidential hopeful is just
something to talk about while commuting to and from work, or over lunch and tea
breaks at work, and it ends there.
People have more important things to think about, like where to
get mealie meal, how to raise extra money for the kids' daily bus fare, stuff
like that.
Brain drain
I met this woman on the combi yesterday - public transport is a
GREAT source of info - and she was telling me how 15 teachers from her
daughter's school resigned and will not be available this first term.
Many Zimbabweans are excited about Simba Makoni's
challenge |
It's not unique to that school, professionals are quitting work
every day to become traders - cross-border, fuel, forex [foreign exchange on the
black market], commodities... basically whatever they can get into.
It all pays better than waking up early in the morning, putting
on a suit and tie to work for, it you are lucky, 500m Zimbabwean dollars a
month. That's less than US$100 at today's rate.
I think this brain drain is even more severe than the migratory
one we always talk about, and that's a bit scary.
If you can't afford a private school, your child is almost
certainly not getting an education, if you can't afford a private hospital,
don't dare to get sick because government hospitals are short staffed, without
drugs and sometimes without electricity and running water.
We are not even at war.
I shudder to think what will happen if the opposition decides to
react the way Kenya's did after our March poll. 
After her first instalment, Esther answered some readers'
questions:
Question from Rob Chikuri, South Africa:
How are people managing to balance between school fees for their
children, daily travelling to school or work, groceries, lunches and utility
bills. How much is a teacher, engineer, doctor or any degree professional
earning?
Esther: Almost everyone now does something outside of
their formal employment in order to supplement their income. Professionals in
the civil service earn about 250m - 300m Zimbabwean dollars a month. Sounds
impressive, but that will buy two pairs of shoes in a middle market shop.
Question from J Kinya, Nairobi, Kenya:
I have an experience of what bad governance can do to an
economy. If you had an opportunity to leave your country, would you leave?
Esther: At times I get really frustrated and want to just
leave, like when there has been no power for three days straight and no running
water but on the whole I'd rather live in my own country.
Question from Mwiza, Lusaka, Zambia:
Hi Esther, I really feel bad about the situation in your
country. There was a time when we, as Zambians would flock to Zimbabwe to buy
essentials like butter and cooking oil, now we see our streets full of
Zimbabwean women selling sweets and chocolate. However, as much as the economy
has gone down, you still have the infrastructure. If the government changed, how
long before the economy could get back on its feet?
Esther: I remember those days too! I think quite a lot of
damage has been done and it will take five to 10 years to really get back on our
feet and rid our society of the corruption that comes along with this kind of
suffering.
Question from Farai Mutibura, Harare, Zimbabwe:
Esther in light of your concern about our current situation, as
a responsible citizen of Harare and Zimbabwe, what do you think we must do to
get rid of the current situation?
Esther: I honestly believe a big part of the solution is
political. Handei ko vota! [Shona for let's go to vote.]
Question from Nicole, New York, US:
Thank you for your words. I am wondering how long you think the
people of Zimbabwe can endure in such times of economic crises. When is enough,
enough? And what will it take to make change?
Esther: Apparently we are a very resilient people.
Question from Susan Ward, Broken Arrow, US:
Both of our countries have major elections coming up, and like
millions of other Americans, I've been keeping up with our presidential race at
every turn. How easy is it to keep up with the Zimbabwean presidential race?
Given [Robert] Mugabe's extended period in office, how likely is it that a new
president could be elected? Do you feel that the election process will be fair?
I'm not fond of [US President] George W Bush by any stretch, but I'll take him
in a heartbeat over President Mugabe.
Esther: You cannot begin to compare the US presidential
race with ours. In our country it is treason to even entertain presidential
hopes. That should answer your question about fair elections, hey, the
opposition does not even get equal, let alone positive media coverage. The
Republicans are in power in your country, but the Obama-Clinton race is the most
talked about election issue, and they are Democrats. You will not see that on
our local TV station news. |
Taking on Mugabe
Robert Mugabe could be defeated at the polls next month. And
by a member of
his own ruling Zanu-PF, no less.
R.W. Johnson, Wall
Street Journal
13 Feb 2008 06:37
This week's entrance of former
Finance Minister Simba Makoni into the
Zimbabwean presidential race has
suddenly created the extraordinary
possibility that Robert Mugabe could be
defeated at the polls next month.
And by a member of his own ruling Zanu-PF,
no less.
The 83-year-old Mugabe, who has been president since 1980,
seemed until now
unbeatable -- and not just because elections in Zimbabwe
are rigged. He was
bound to remain in office also because the two rival
fractions of the
opposition Movement for Democratic Change, led respectively
by Morgan
Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara, had failed to agree on a united
front for
the March 29 elections.
Of course, challenging Mr. Mugabe's
rule, particularly from within his own
party, is not without risks. Joseph
Chinotimba, deputy leader of the War
Veterans' Association, a pro-Mugabe
militia which the president uses to
attack and intimidate opponents, said
that "Traitors should know Zanu-PF has
a history of dealing harshly with
their kind." Which basically means being
horribly tortured to death. That,
at least, has been the fate of many
thousands of Zimbabweans suspected of
sympathy for parties threatening Mr.
Mugabe's rule.
Meanwhile, Mr.
Makoni has been summarily expelled from the Zanu-PF and come
under attack
from the pro-Mugabe press, which has denounced him as a stooge
of
"Anglo-American imperialists" who wants to turn Zimbabwe back into a
colony.
But the 57-year-old Makoni seems unperturbed. He has pointed out
that he has
been a longtime member of Zanu-PF and its Politburo till this
week. He
claims to have consulted widely within Zanu-PF before launching his
candidacy, implying that he has large support in the ruling
party.
Crucially, Mr. Makoni disagrees with Mr. Mugabe's assertion that
Zimbabwe's
economic meltdown is caused by the "imperialists." Mr. Makoni
lays the blame
squarely on the Mugabe government. "Of course we need
change," says one of
his backers, Wilfred Mhanda, a former Zanu guerrilla
fighter who is part of
Mr. Makoni's campaign team. "The old man wants to be
in charge for the rest
of his life, regardless of how much further the
country falls. He does not
care how much anyone suffers." Mr. Makoni himself
promises to "bring a new
dawn of democracy, accountability and
integrity."
Mr. Mugabe seems flummoxed with this challenge and has
canceled a recent
Zanu-PF Politburo meeting. Normally, he would send the War
Vets to beat,
torture and kill the supporters of any would-be opponent. But
the problem is
that he doesn't know who exactly within Zanu-PF backs Mr.
Makoni -- and
setting the militia on his own party would, in any case, be
asking for
trouble.
What must further concern Mr. Mugabe is that he
may not even be able to rely
on the loyalty of the usual vote-riggers. In
the past he secured his
victories with the help of crooked voters' rolls,
large-scale electoral
fraud in the rural areas and Zanu-PF stalwarts, most
of them military, who
did all the counting. But rumors are flying thick and
fast that Mr. Makoni
has strong support within the police and military. The
vote-counting may no
longer go the way he wants it.
Still, Mr. Mugabe
has said that he will not allow Zimbabwe to be turned back
into a colony.
Given what his own press says of Mr. Makoni, let alone about
the Movement
for Democratic Change, this can only mean that he won't allow
anyone but
himself to win. But his intelligence organization has warned him
to postpone
the vote, saying he could lose.
And that's even though Mr. Makoni hardly
fits the profile of the charismatic
challenger. He had an undistinguished
ministerial career, and his reputation
as a technocrat is not even fully
deserved. But that is not the point. As
everyone knows, whoever succeeds Mr.
Mugabe will immediately be offered aid
by the EU, the U.S. and the
international institutions in exchange for
sweeping political reforms to
turn around the economy.
If this were done under a Tsvangirai or
Mutambara government, the corrupt
and powerful interests grouped within
Zanu-PF might all be swept away. Mr.
Makoni, on the other hand, might be
able to gain all the benefits of such a
turnaround while leaving Zanu-PF in
power and all those interests
undisturbed. It is an alluring prospect for
everyone in the party -- except
Mr. Mugabe, of course.
While Mr.
Tsvangirai has launched his campaign and seems determined to run,
the much
weaker Mutambara faction is clearly happy to back Mr. Makoni. And
there is
no doubt that South Africa's ruling African National Congress would
also be
delighted to see Mr. Makoni win: Its main objective is to keep its
fellow
liberation movement, Zanu-PF, in power and it has felt for some time
that
Mr. Mugabe was endangering that objective.
Facing possible defeat, Mr.
Mugabe may decide to delay elections and use the
intelligence service to
ferret out who exactly within his party supports Mr.
Makoni. Mr. Mugabe is
already trying to get rid of Zanu-PF lawmakers whom he
suspects of being
Makoni supporters.
But this is an uncertain exercise: Many will swear
undying loyalty to the
president while quietly preparing to ditch him. The
real question is what
would Mr. Mugabe do if the election is held and,
despite all his fraudulent
efforts, Mr. Makoni is declared the winner? Would
Mr. Mugabe simply try to
annul the result? Or will Mr. Mugabe simply cancel
the elections altogether
to avoid defeat?
Whatever he decides to do,
it seems clear that Mr. Mugabe will not just bow
out. But all the
alternatives to stay in power would amount to a virtual
coup. So the
decisive question is where the loyalties of the police and army
will lie.
More so then ever, they will be able to steer the country's
future.
Makoni's battle against conspiracy culture
New Zimbabwe
By Dr Alex
T. Magaisa
Last updated: 02/13/2008 19:10:58
“HAVE you not heard that
Makoni is actually being put forward by Mugabe in
order to divide the
opposition vote? My sekuru, you know my mother’s elder
brother who works at
the Reserve Bank? Yes, that old man. He heard it from
one of the very top
guys. Zanu PF is just pretending that Makoni is now an
enemy!”
The
speaker may even check his mobile phonebook to prove that he really has
an
influential sekuru, as if that is enough to authenticate his story.
Friends
at the bar listen attentively to this ‘revelation’.
From the pub, the
story can take any number of new lives. It will be retold
at another pub and
the new theorist will find it hard to resist the urge to
add a new dimension
for dramatic effect. The story may soon find new form on
email sent to all
friends and associates in the address book. An excited and
creative
recipient of the email may come up with his own theory and once he
hits the
“Reply All” tab, it creates a new wave to friends, associates and
other
unknowns.
Within hours there is an avalanche of information, none of
which is based on
fact, all being products of the creative speculation of
individuals. By the
end of the week, there may be so many theories doing the
rounds that the
ordinary reader simply struggles to make sense of it
all.
This is what happens in a society where conspiracy theorising
becomes the
norm. It thrives in an atmosphere of fear, mistrust, lack of
information and
unhealthy levels of scepticism. It is hardly surprising that
any significant
political development in Zimbabwe is often met with
scepticism and
conspiracy theorising.
This is the fate that has
befallen Simba Makoni’s bid for the presidency.
What most citizens may not
realise, however, is that conspiracy theorising
can be part of a regime’s
architecture for maintaining its grip on power.
It works in at least
three ways:
First, the regime is adept at creating its own conspiracy
theories for at
least two purposes: to denigrate a potential opponent and
also to exonerate
itself from responsibility for obvious failure.
Conspiracies help to
apportion blame.
Second, because of limited
sources of information and mistrust built over
time, citizens become overly
sceptical of otherwise normal events. Whilst
healthy scepticism is essential
in any society, it becomes counterproductive
when citizens can longer see
anything outside the mist of conspiracy.
This leads to the third problem,
whereby ordinary citizens feel disempowered
by the apparent multiplicity of
conspiracies, giving the impression of
forces over which they have no
control. It can reach dangerous proportions
when citizens cannot even trust
their own shadows, believing them, instead,
to be the work of some elaborate
conspiracy.
In Zimbabwe’s case all this works in favour of the Mugabe and
Zanu PF. In
fact, some of the conspiracy theories against Makoni and members
of the
opposition may be encouraged or even created by the regime because
they help
to neutralise the potency of the opposition initiatives.
Ironically, the
Internet, with the cover of anonymity that it offers, has
provided boundless
opportunities for the regime and citizens to peddle all
types of conspiracy
theories.
In Makoni’s case, whilst secretly
acknowledging the usefulness of theorising
which positions Makoni as a Zanu
PF agent (and therefore reducing his
likeability factor among the pro-MDC
supporters), the regime is also
promoting a contradictory conspiracy theory,
which posits that Makoni is
(like the MDC) a Western agent and therefore
part of a grand neo-colonialist
conspiracy to unseat Mugabe and undo the
gains of the ‘revolution’. The
latter is intended to reduce Makoni’s
likeability factor among Zanu PF
supporters for whom the term ‘mutengesi’
always bears ominous messages.
The more obvious use of conspiracy theory
is, of course, the notion of a
permanent Western conspiracy against
President Mugabe and Zimbabwe. This has
become the hallmark of the regime’s
politics of survival especially in the
wake of the stern challenge first
posed by the MDC since 1999. Yet, when the
High Priests of the Zanu PF
‘revolution’ speak of a permanent conspiracy by
the West against Mugabe and
Zimbabwe, they are hardly advancing a novel
idea.
To illustrate the
emptiness of this approach, it is necessary to go back in
time and far away
to the west coast of Africa for a regime that used similar
notions of
conspiracy in order to perpetuate an unsavoury dictatorship. In
doing so, I
rely shamelessly on the work of veteran writer, Martin Meredith
whose book
‘The State of Africa’ makes both interesting and sad reading on
the plight
of a whole continent since independence.
In the 1960s, the West African
country of Guinea was ruled by a man called
Ahmed Sekou Toure. According to
Meredith, Toure ‘inhabited a world of
conspiracies’ and often referred to
what he termed a ‘permanent conspiracy’
to unseat his regime. The culprits
were Western powers and all others that
he called the enemies of the
‘revolution’. Whilst Meredith admits that there
were some real plots against
Toure, it appears most were either ‘contrived’
or ‘fictitious’. These plots
provided the pretext under which opponents were
purged, often without
getting opportunities to defend themselves in the
courts of law.
What
emerges from this is how these conspiracies and plots became
instruments of
control and marginalisation of the opposition. When teachers
went on strike,
Toure referred to it as the teachers’ plot against the
revolution.
Similarly, when there were shortages of medicines, Toure claimed
that it was
the doctors’ plot to denigrate the ‘revolution’. It got so
absurd that even
news of a cholera epidemic was interpreted as a
‘counter-revolutionary
plot’. It is said that Guinea national football team’s
loss in the final of
the Africa Cup of Nations in 1976 was also interpreted
as a
conspiracy.
In fact, Toure saw enemies everywhere, including the ordinary
market traders
so that by 1977 the informal markets were closed and
substituted by huge
state enterprises. When the traders demonstrated against
the closures, the
soldiers were ordered to shoot on sight. Meredith quotes
the regime’s
newspaper which described the incident as part of the
‘historical struggle
between revolution and counter-revolution’. Poor
planning and bad management
meant that the state enterprises largely failed
and the result was that
whereas Guinea had been self-sufficient at
independence, became a net
importer of food hardly 20 years
later.
Now, when one observes the agricultural decline, suffocating state
intervention in industry, Operation Murambatsvina, allegations of opposition
plots to bomb Harare and trains, general economic decline in Zimbabwe, etc.
the Guinea account bears several similarities in terms of tactics and
trends. Even the late veteran nationalist Ndabaningi Sithole was put on
trial on the basis of an alleged plot to assassinate Mugabe. Like Toure
before him, Mugabe perceives a permanent Western plot to undo his
‘revolution’. Everyone who stands up to challenge Mugabe is dismissed as a
Western stooge and counter-revolutionary.
The problem is that
ordinary citizens have become victims of the notion of
conspiracy, giving
rise to a more subtle form of conspiracy theorising among
them. The trouble
with the conspiracy theory culture is that ordinary
citizens begin to
withdraw through a process of self-exclusion, from
participation in the
affairs of the state, in the belief they do not have
the means of control
the mystic forces.
They retreat because they feel powerless in the face
of seemingly omnipotent
and shadowy forces over which they have no levers.
This may also explain
high levels of the apathy. This conspiracy theory
culture among the public
is a form of mental torture that is just as
disempowering as physical
violence.
The challenge for Makoni and his
opposition counterparts is to neutralise
and overcome these conspiracies by
providing clear and decisive information.
A more informed public is unlikely
to resort to conspiracy theorising. But
above all, they need to form a clear
front that demonstrates to the public
that they are serious about effecting
change. The public itself needs to be
careful. By wilfully peddling these
theories, they have become willing tools
for their own
disempowerment.
They, too, may soon start running away from their own
shadows, thinking they
are products of a conspiracy.
Alex Magaisa is
based at Kent Law School, UK and can be contacted at
wamagaisa@yahoo.co.uk
A nation locked in victim mode
New Zimbabwe
By Trudy
Stevenson MP
Last updated: 02/13/2008 19:37:37
WHEN Simba Makoni announced
that he would run for President last week, I
expected the whole nation to
sit up and take notice. Here at last was a
member of Mugabe’s own party
prepared to challenge him openly!
Certainly there has been a lot of talk
and speculation, and some genuine
excitement, especially among the business
community. But almost immediately,
we started to get the negative remarks:
“He’s just trying to trick us”; “He’s
a CIO plant to destroy MDC”; “There’s
no way he can win, whatever he does”;
“He has no following”; “He’s an
opportunist”; “Mugabe has already rigged the
election.” etc,
etc.
This reminded me of similar negative reactions to the SADC-led
negotiations
between MDC and Zanu PF and the unity talks between the two
formations of
MDC, and other positive developments over the past few years.
People almost
immediately dismiss all these developments as futile, and go
back to victim
mode, the “poor little me” syndrome wherein all the forces
are against them
and there is absolutely nothing they can do to get out of
the mess they are
in.
While it is true that the SADC-led negotiations
did not lead to agreement
between Zanu PF and MDC for the election, and that
the unity talks collapsed
following Morgan Tsvangirai’s failure to adopt the
agreement last weekend,
both of these developments led to positive
spin-offs, which are dismissed
along with everything else as being
worthless.
To me, the very fact that Zanu PF and MDC were prepared to
talk in the same
room and try and reach an agreement, even if that agreement
failed, is a
positive development. It means the will is there, somewhere, in
both sides,
to work together to resolve our national
crisis.
Likewise, the fact that the negotiating teams of the two MDCs
(comprising
the top 10 of each formation) agreed on a reunification document
means that
there is a will, somewhere, at least in the top leadership, to
present a
united front in the forthcoming elections. Surely, these are
positive
developments, despite the negative end result?
I believe
that we Zimbabweans have been victims of abuse for so long that we
have
become locked in victim mode and do not actually WANT to switch over.
We
enjoy all the negative publicity about our situation and our country. We
enjoy being patted gently and consoled for all the terrible things we are
suffering. “Oh, you are from Zimbabwe. Poor you, we feel so sorry for
you.”
We are like women in an abusive relationship. We are battered and
bruised
and have broken bones and we quake with fear. But we cannot imagine
getting
out of this relationship, and we just go back for more. Afterwards,
if a
really decent man comes along, we are afraid of making a commitment to
him,
because of our experience, so we lose our self-confidence and wither
quietly
away – another destroyed life.
We do not want to hear that
anything positive is happening. We block our
ears, and quickly find another
story of women and babies being beaten and
locked up by riot police. We look
for evidence that the election will not be
free and fair, and ignore
positive developments like all the elections being
held on the same day. So
when a powerful new figure announces a challenge to
the old man, we prefer
to find reasons why it will not change anything. We
prefer to wallow in our
comfort zone in victim mode rather than shake
ourselves awake and find the
energy to really fight for a better Zimbabwe.
Someone said to me the
other day: “You know, even if the old man died and
his body was in a coffin,
people would say: “No, it can’t be him, it must be
someone else.”
We
Zimbabweans are in need of psychotherapy, because we have become mentally
ill. We need professional help to get out of this negative mindset, and we
need it fast, if we are to wake up and make the most of this amazing
God-given opportunity that has suddenly been thrown at us.
Surely the
fact that someone as respected across the board as Simba Makoni
has come out
in the open and asked all of us to join forces to save our
country is an
opportunity not to be missed? It has come very late for this
election, but
it has come – and if we can snap out of victim mode and into
victor mode in
the next few weeks, we CAN do it!
Stevenson is the Secretary for Policy
and Research in the MDC faction led by
Arthur Mutambara and MP for Harare
North
Poor Whites Struggle by in
Zimbabwe
Institute for War & Peace Reporting
After the departure of many white people, those who remain in the
country
often face economic hardship.
By Joseph Nhlahla in Bulawayo
(AR No. 156, 13-Feb-08)
An elderly white man sits behind the steering
wheel of an old van with
“National Railways Zimbabwe” emblazoned on its
doors. As he and the group of
black men with him disembark from the van,
people start pointing and passing
comments about him.
Slightly
unkempt, with a rough beard and a stooping back, the old man
trudges to the
Bulawayo offices of National Railways Zimbabwe, NRZ - once
the envy of other
rail companies in sub-Saharan Africa but now a run-down
shadow of itself
after years of mismanagement.
Someone in the crowd of onlookers at
Bulawayo station asks why the old man
is still around when so many whites
have fled the country to settle
elsewhere, after the ruling ZANU-PF threw
them off their farms in President
Robert Mugabe’s land-grab
policy.
Another man says he is surprised the railwayman is actually an
employee
rather than employing others as has generally been the case in this
former
British colony.
The responses come fast and furious, “He is
from that group of poor whites
who have nowhere to go”; “He has no choice
but work for the NRZ or he would
be out on the streets as a vagrant”; “He
never owned a farm because if he
did, he would have left the country after
it had been taken over by the war
veterans.”
Everyone has an
explanation for the apparent oddity of a white man holding
down a “proper”
job alongside blacks. The increasingly common sight of white
men working on
the railway is taking locals some time to get used to.
The plight of
white people has changed ever since Zimbabwe’s current
political and
economic crisis set in. Some say it began with the seizure of
white
commercial farmland in 2000.
For many whites, the going has never been
this tough since they settled here
decades ago.
Although the minority
white group continued to enjoy some of its class and
race privileges into
the post-independence period, members have also borne
the brunt of President
Mugabe’s anger. He has frequently accused them of
stealing African land in
the past, and also of working with his political
foes to depose
him.
In 2003, former government junior minister Jonathan Moyo, who has
since
fallen out with Mugabe, said whites should leave the country because
they
were behind the creation of the opposition Movement for Democratic
Change,
MDC.
These accusations stemmed from reports that the MDC was
being funded by
white commercial farmers, with state television showing
footage of MDC
president Morgan Tsvangirai allegedly receiving a cheque
donation from white
farmers.
The white population has plummeted over
the last two-and-a-half decades.
Following independence from Britain in
1980, some figures put the white
population at over a quarter of a million.
However, by 2004, various
estimates – including the last census - put the
figure at under 30,000.
A Bulawayo-based historian and researcher told
IWPR that much has changed
over the years for whites in Zimbabwe. Those
remaining in the country are
often there because they have little
alternative.
“While whites have always been a minority, their mass exodus
after 2000 has
meant those who remained may have been less wealthy, with no
relations
outside Zimbabwe, and unable to relocate,” he said.
As
Zimbabwe prepares to go to the polls, the bulk of the white minority is
likely to vote for the MDC, as has happened in previous
elections.
Yet there are still whites who support ZANU-PF, taking part in
national
galas organised by the ruling party where songs extolling the
virtues of the
regime fill the air.
Despite Mugabe’s vitriol towards
whites, senior government officials have
maintained strong relationships
with white business people. Mugabe has also
appointed whites to prominent
public posts, notably Timothy Stamps, a former
health minister who now acts
in an advisory capacity in the ministry, and
Stuart Hargreaves, the director
of veterinary services.
An American professor of journalism working in
Bulawayo says whites still
enjoy some privileges.
“We still do get
preferential treatment,” she said. “We see it in queues
where whites who
decide to jump the queue are not taken to task; in shops
where shop
assistants are very ingratiating.”
Hayes Mabweazara, a Zimbabwean
academic based in Scotland, said the year
2000 saw whites becoming victims
of “reverse racism” which forced many to
retreat from public
life.
“The post-2000 political upheavals following the farm invasions
ignited an
unprecedented form of ‘reverse racism’ that naturally forced
whites to
withdraw from public visibility purely for security reasons. A
great many of
these lost their relatives and friends in the farm invasions,”
he told IWPR.
“Those who have stayed on remain hopeful that one day
sanity will prevail
and they will find their feet again. It is a
particularly sad story for many
who have known no life outside
Zimbabwe.”
A white missionary priest who adopted Zimbabwean nationality
in the Eighties
says white citizens still have a place here, despite efforts
by the regime
to marginalise them.
“While a few remain, whites still
have a place and a role to play in the
creation of a better Zimbabwe,” said
the priest.
“Unfortunately, their involvement in national discourse or
politics has been
met with hostility by the regime. It is possible that
those who were forced
to leave the country will come back, but others will
obviously decide to
move on with their lives in their adopted
countries.”
Joseph Nhlahla is the pseudonym of a journalist in
Zimbabwe.
Young People 'Die' to Be Heard
OhMyNews
[Opinion]
Youth citizen participation in Zimbabwe
Masimba
Biriwasha
Published 2008-02-13 07:52 (KST)
Young people are
literally dying to be heard in the repressive, chaotic and
often violent
political scene of Zimbabwe.
Levels of despondency are high among the
youth because they cannot see a
future of hope and dreams in the country's
political decision-making.
As a result, many young people have gone into
self-exile or illegally cross
national borders everyday to work in menial
jobs in neighboring countries,
usually putting their lives at
risk.
The situation of youth in Zimbabwe today is indeed reflective of
the social
fragmentation, decay and crisis facing the country.
The
problems that face youths in Zimbabwe are multifaceted and complex; and
need
to be clearly understood before any effort to encourage youth political
participation is developed.
Young people are seriously marginalized
and stifled that they do not play a
key role in deciding their own destiny,
and therefore cannot perceive "a
future" in the current state of
affairs.
The ostracism of young people away from opportunities for
political
participation is unhealthy for the future of the
country.
Alcoholism, drug abuse, crime and prostitution have increased
due to high
levels of poverty, especially among young people.
If
anything, young people are by far the worst affected by the ongoing
political and socio-economic crisis in the country -- a factor that has
negatively impacted youth engagement and participation in political
processes.
Ranked among 10 of the world's most unstable countries in
the Failed States
Index Scores 2007, Zimbabwe desperately needs an urgent
solution to its
multi-faceted problems.
Fifty-six percent of the
population lives on less than US$1 a day, while 80
percent live on less than
US$2 a day. The unemployment rate is currently
over 80
percent.
Zimbabwe is also experiencing one of the world's worst HIV
epidemics. Since
the first reported case of HIV in 1985, the epidemic has
become a serious
health, social and economic problem.
An estimated
1.8 million people are living with HIV, 651,402 of them women
and 132,938
being children under 14. Life expectancy at birth has fallen
below 35 years,
having reached over 55 years previously.
Young people 15 to 24 years old
are the group most vulnerable to HIV and
other STIs yet they have limited
access to reproductive health services,
including treatment for STIs and
information about sexual health.
Against this background, the framing of
political issues around the war of
liberation by the ruling ZANU-PF
government has excluded youth from
effective involvement in political
decision-making.
Paradoxically, it was the youth during the colonial era
that formed the
majority of people involved in the liberation
struggle.
But beginning in the late 1990s, the ZANU-PF government has
become heavy
handed on the ideal of civic participation.
Against the
backdrop of a shrinking economy, rising unemployment, an orphan
crisis and
the sharply increasing cost of living, Zimbabwean youths are
severely
curtailed from making their voice heard.
Although the country has a
national youth policy, it has been implemented in
a manner designed to
strengthen the prospects of the ruling ZANU-PF
government.
Because
young people have little access to resources, power and wealth,
their voices
tend to be marginalized by the powers that be.
Also, the sociocultural
and traditional values in Zimbabwe largely exclude
the voice of young
people. From an early age, young people are generally
left out of
decision-making processes.
Within the political arena, young people are
used as instruments to
propagate the agendas of party political leaders.
Youth are exploited to
fulfill the needs of party political machinery
without their voices being
heard.
Many young people cannot find
employment, and therefore become prey to the
whims of politicians who pay
them to engage in violent acts against
perceived political
opponents.
Unfortunately, out of desperation, young people neither
understand nor
question political philosophies.
The promotion of
youth participation and involvement in political processes
is critical to
the democratic transformation of the country.
Youth need to be
strengthened through programs and campaigns that can
enhance their ability
to participate confidently in political processes. It
is vital to develop
new strategies and mechanisms for promoting political
participation of young
people in Zimbabwe.
Distinctive community outreach projects such as
seminars, debates,
innovative voter registration drives, media projects and
other civic
programs can be designed to encourage the active participation
of young
people in politics.
In essence, programs should strengthen
young people's self-image and
self-reliance as well as equip them to be able
to question political
systems.
The bottom line is that engaging young
people in politics is essential for
the future of democracy in the
country.
However, projects to encourage youth participation need to be
based on young
people's own motivation, potential, knowledge, interests, and
perceptions of
their reality rather than offering theoretical training on
the mechanisms of
citizen participation.
Debunking
Myths off the Zimbabwe Question and Makoni Project
www.swradioafrica.com
The question of
national interest has always haunted the post-colonial state
in Africa since
the fall of colonialism and apartheid. What is mainly
interesting is that
this terrain has been inadequately or failed to be
resolved by Africa’s
Leaders. There has always been a tendency of conflating
ruling party
ideology with national interest. More so an ahistoric
interpretation of
society has always been used to justify stagnation in the
past without
failing to recognize the mutating material conditions of the
world we live
in. The citizens are expected to subsist on the “we liberated
you” syndrome.
Henceforth any form of change outside the ruling party is
seen as
unimaginable and not revolutionary. Change can only then come from
either
the ruling party process or through internal rebellion. Myths of
revolutions, patriotism, and liberation war credentials become fashionable
anthems of politics at the detriment of the general populace’s better life.
Therefore a citizenry becomes tied to the exhausted leadership of the
nationalist geriatrics who have become out of touch with reality. This
situation rings more in the Zimbabwean situation where the prolonged
seemingly elusive quest for change has led to the giving of a blank cheque
to Dr. Simba Makoni’s candidature without critical scrutiny. There is a fast
developing trend of messianism in the Makoni project, albeit that there are
a lot of porous points within that project. Such blind fanatical approach to
fundamental political and economic questions has deluded us of the change to
interrogate the nature and form of change that we seek. The major question
thus becomes are Zimbabweans seeking a change of the elite faces at the helm
of the state or systems and institutions that will alter the material
condition of every man and woman belonging to Zimbabwe? This contribution
will thus among other things seek to address these questions and as well the
relevance of the Makoni candidature.
My first point of deliberation
is the insistence by Simba Makoni that he is
still ZANU PF, and in beginning
his spin-doctors ruled out an alliance with
the Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) on basis of different ideology and
values. However this reason
has been informed by misconstrued perceptions
created by the ZANU PF
propaganda machinery henceforth my bone of contention
with the Makoni
project. Firstly these flawed and warped reasoning is
buttressed on the
notion that MDC is a reactionary party birthed by
American-Western
Imperialism under the tutelage of the British. Therefore
following the
illogic, logic of this argument is that the people who have
voted for and
support the MDC have no legitimate political and economic
concerns to be
addressed. The best they are is being running dogs of
imperialism. This is
irregardless of the fact that there are clear factors
that explain the
mergence of the MDC, and the massive support it got from
the people of
Zimbabwe. Among other things that made Zimbabweans invest
their hope in the
MDC, it has been the quest for change after suffering from
ZABU PF
malgovernance. ZANU PF failed to deal with pertinent questions in
the
economy gaining comfort in the lack of a meaningful opposition whilst
the
country burned. They gained notoriety for corruption as seen by notable
cases such as the War Veterans Compensation Fund, Willovalle Motor, Grain
Marketing Board, National Oil Company of Zimbabwe, Zimbabwe Iron and Steel
Company, VIP Housing Scheme and many other litany of scandal not mentioned
due to lack of space. The poor economic policies adopted and deteriorating
standards of living for the ordinary man made a lot of Zimbabweans question
the relevance of independence when sleeping on an empty stomach. This is
where the crux of the post-colonial question in Africa emerges and conflict
arises between the nationalist geriatrics and new generation (Born
Frees).
It is expected that we so called “Born frees” (if ever we were)
should not
question the state and be contented with the freedom that we have
even when
we are jobless, homeless and hungry. Zvanzi matakadya kare
anonyaradza vana.
No; this is where they miss it. In as much as the
nationalist leaders have
fought colonialism that is not a license to
mortgage our livelihoods and
subsistence. Independence without the ability
for man to subsist himself and
engage in production and reproduction is
meaningless, and the reverse is
true. The politics of production and
reproduction can therefore not be
divorced from independence. This has been
the post colonial African
challenge not the wild goose chase of imagined
ghosts of imperialism that
our leaders and have tried us to think of.
Amazingly the same ghosts of
imperialism are the likes of Ibbo Mandaza and
Simba Makoni would like us to
believe are our threat. Therefore the national
interest can best be defined
and protected within the arm pits of the ZANU
PF rebels. I have no qualms
with people getting out of ZANU PF and joining
others to fight the
dictatorship. The sticking point is you can not claim to
be ZANU PF and at
the same time stand against Mugabe, who has been declared
ZANU PF candidate.
No matter how flawed the process was, it should be noted
that Makoni and his
associates never challenged that within ZANU PF, and
thus this claim of
still ZANU PF is stupid. It is informed by the fact that
the only ZANU PF
can define and defend the national interest. Makoni does
nothing to help the
situation but regurgitates the same propaganda churned
out by the
dictatorship. Therefore the major question is can we reinvent a
frog into a
beauty queen? This exhausted nationalism is not what we are
looking for, but
change that can transform the material conditions of our
lives.
This brings us to the part where the Makoni camp has failed to
elucidate.
Makoni talks of a government of national unity and working with
all parties,
which is fine. However when phrases such as ‘coalitions’ and
‘national unity’
become fashion on our lips without unpacking their content
is very
problematic. The struggle in Zimbabwe is not about personalities per
se, but
about values, systems and institutions. This explains why the
constitution
and political culture are sticking points in resolving the
Zimbabwe
question. There is need for a political culture that is informed by
universally agreed values and systems, and reputable institutions.
Therefore, what systems, values and institutions has Simba put in place to
deal with our crises? What are his policies to be specific? We need them on
the table so that we can asses their feasibility. It should be noted that no
matter how flawed they are Mugabe has policies. Even the MDC with its
divisions has brought forward the likes of RESTART and BRIDGE. More so they
have talked about various institutional reforms of several arms of
government, and as well announced shadow cabinets after elections. Therefore
for Simba to talk about a government of national unity and focus on the
presidency alone and bank on other parties to form a cabinet is flawed. It
is like a general going to war without an army, and rely on other generals’
soldiers. That is unheard of and it should be noted that such miracles have
never been recorded anywhere even in the bible. Such sheepishly faith Makoni
expects us to have is ill-informed and is bound to plunge into oblivion just
like a meteor. Makoni needs to untangle himself from the hallucinatory
ghosts of ZANUISM and come up with team that shares and thrives to live his
dream in their life time. It is not about the presidency alone running a
country, but a collective effort of a committed team. What if the
parliamentarians who win do not share a vision with Makoni? Will he have
unity for the sake of Unity? How will he balance competing party interests,
the national interests, and his presidency without being impeached? Makoni
need to answer these questions for he is suggesting the impossible. This
change that we seek is not change for the sake of it, but change that will
materially transform our livelihoods. The ‘put me first’ and ‘let them join
me syndrome smacks off a messianic tendency that undermines Zimbabweans’
intelligence.
Makoni is no messiah as some sections have tried to
portray. He has failed
to provide substance where it is needed, majored in
semantics and rhetoric.
There is need for a clear and coherent plan, on how
he intends to tackle the
Zimbabwean crises. What form of foreign and trade
policy will he seek? Will
he look East or West? What constraints and
challenges does he see ahead and
what opportunities and solutions are
available to overcome this complex
myriad that ZANU PF has plunged us into?
It is answering such kind of
question, that should make Makoni begin to
seriously consider unlocking the
deadlock in Zimbabwe. The surprise
mushrooming of Makoni’s spokespersons’ is
baffling. Various sections are
spelling out policies and ideals on behalf of
Makoni without a single
utterance from him let alone his sanction. In whose
words do all these
mouthpieces speak? Can we therefore take people’s
imagined perceptions about
Makoni as policies? That approach is absurd and
unscientific, and will not
help us bring the change we seek. It would only
help to reproduce the status
quo. There is a need for people to critical
engage candidates before they
fall into an ecstatic, fanatic analysis of
bread and butter issues as if
they are at a football match. The time of
giving blank cheques is over and
we need more substance from the Makoni
project and they stop the naïve
messianic syndrome.
The question in Zimbabwe is not about regurgitating
exhausted nationalist
rhetoric, but dealing with bread and butter issues.
There is need to
recognize the need for transformative change of structures
and systems of
production and reproduction. The ability for any nation to
put systems that
enables its citizenry to engage in meaningful economic
activity without fear
from anyone and live a happy is the greatest present
that any politician can
give to Zimbabwe. This is the post-colonial
challenge that the ‘born frees’
have raised and will continue raising until
they are addressed. Stomachs
will never be filled with ideology but, food.
When a leadership assumes that
ideology is an end then we are in big
trouble. The Makoni project is trapped
in the annals of history and can
never deliver us from ZANU PF. There is
serious need for thorough thinking
by progressive forces in Zimbabwe to
continue with the journey to freedom
albeit seemingly elusive, than to be
distracted by fly-by night imagined
reformers with no content. No man is
born to suffer at the hands of any man
in perpetuity. Freedom will come
tomorrow, no matter how seemingly high are
the mountains ahead. We can not
be desperate at dawn after navigating all
these tribulations in long hours
of darkness.
By Tamuka Charles
Chirimambowa tchirimambowa@yahoo.co.uk
Southern Africa flood crisis is not over
African Press Organisation
Geneva/Johannesburg, February 13,
2008
The International Federation of Red Cross
and Red Crescent Societies is
launching a revised emergency appeal for 11.4
million Swiss francs (US$ 10.3
million / € 7.1 million) to support Red Cross
societies in southern Africa
in their response to the current flood crisis.
A preliminary appeal was
issued on January 18 for 8 million Swiss francs
(US$ 7.2 million / € 5
million).
“The heavy rains since December
caused rivers to swell and it remains a
particular concern in Mozambique as
water levels continue to rise above the
alert level along the Zambezi river.
The decision to release water from the
Kariba dam in neighbouring Zambia
makes the situation even more alarming so
the crisis is not over,” says John
Roche, The International Federation’s
Operations Coordinator for Africa in
Geneva.
More than 334,000 people are currently affected in southern
Africa including
106,000 in Mozambique, 139,000 in Malawi, 32,500 in
Zimbabwe, 20,000 in
Zambia and 24,000 in Namibia. Parts of Lesotho,
Swaziland and Botswana have
also experienced heavy rains or
tornadoes.
“Further heavy rains are expected and, in addition to
increasing
humanitarian needs, the longer term effect of the flooding on
crops and food
security is becoming a real concern in some areas,” explains
Françoise Le
Goff, Head of the International Federation’s southern Africa
zone office.
“We also need to put more resources into disaster preparedness
activities.
We know that a major humanitarian crisis has been avoided so far
thanks to
the early-warning system and evacuation of local communities
conducted by
Red Cross volunteers in flood-prone areas and we need to
further strengthen
those programmes all the more since the pattern of floods
across southern
Africa has become more frequent and unpredictable”, she
adds.
The appeal will focus on helping more than 154,000 people for
six months.
Among other activities, food and other basic emergency items
such as
tarpaulins, tents, mosquito nets and water purification tablets will
be
further distributed as well as shelter material. More latrines will be
built. Red Cross volunteers working within local communities in all affected
countries will also step us health education and disaster awareness
campaigns. One thousand volunteers will also be trained on health promotion
in all affected countries.
On January 14, the International
Federation had warned about a serious
humanitarian crisis looming in
southern Africa based on the short term and
long-term weather forecasts with
rain expected to fall possibly until April.
This warning has been relayed by
many humanitarian organizations since then.
Elections pose risk to journalists in 2008
Reuters
Wed Feb 13, 2008
12:08am GMT
By Richard Balmforth
PARIS (Reuters) - The year 2008
could be particularly hazardous for
journalists covering elections in
several countries including Pakistan,
Russia, Iran and Zimbabwe, with a big
risk of physical attack and arrest, a
media watchdog said on
Wednesday.
In an annual report on press freedom worldwide, Paris-based
Reporters
Without Borders (RSF) denounced China, which it said was
ratcheting up
pressure on journalists who exposed human rights abuses ahead
of the Beijing
summer Olympics.
And RSF chief Robert Menard strongly
criticised some Western countries and
major international bodies for
"spinelessness" in failing to defend media
freedoms across the
globe.
RSF said reporters faced pressure everywhere from repressive
governments,
extremist religious groups, drug traffickers, rebel groups,
corrupt
politicians and secret police forces.
The 86 journalists
killed last year because of their work made 2007 the
deadliest year for the
profession. But 2008 was likely to be even tougher
for reporters covering
elections in countries "whose leaders distrust
independent journalists", the
report said.
Journalists would face attack and arrest in Pakistan during
a February 18
parliamentary election, it predicted. Things were likely to be
equally grim
for those covering the March 2 presidential election in Russia,
a country
where the murder of journalists was commonplace.
In Iran,
where President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was trying to curb media
influence
before a March 14 election, journalists not already in prison were
being
reminded by judges that they were only free conditionally, the RSF
report
said.
And in Zimbabwe, photographers and television camera operators were
likely
to be at risk from police if they cover protests against President
Robert
Mugabe during an election scheduled at the end of the
month.
In Iraq, the toll of murdered journalists continued to climb by
the week,
and journalists there did not expect any real improvement soon to
their
working conditions.
BLOGGERS, INTERNET USERS
TARGETED
Censorship, it said, was on the increase in all corners of the
globe by
repressive governments seeking to restrict the flow of information
through
the new media.
Video-sharing and social networking Web sites
had fallen foul of censors in
Syria, Egypt and Brazil, while China, ahead of
the Beijing Games, was
particularly energetic in trying to cracking down on
Internet users and
bloggers.
The report was sharp in its condemnation
of China and implicitly, of the
International Olympics Committee which it
said appeared to be the only body
that believed the Chinese government would
make any "significant human
rights concession" before the
Games.
"Every time a journalist or blogger is released, another goes to
prison," it
said.
RSF Secretary-General Menard, in the report,
accused the U.N. Human Rights
Council in Geneva of yielding to pressure from
Iran and ex-Soviet Uzbekistan
and said the European Union appeared unable to
deal with "tyrants who are
not troubled by the threat of
sanctions".
"The spinelessness of certain Western states and big
international
institutions is harming freedom of expression," he said in a
preface to the
report.
"The lack of determination by democratic
countries in defending the values
they supposedly stand for is
alarming."
Amnesty to
distribute roses in support of Zim women
zimbabwejournalists.com
13th Feb 2008 13:59 GMT
By a
Correspondent
DUBLIN - THE Amnesty International (AI) Irish Section
Zimbabwe Group will
tomorrow be distributing Zimbabwean roses especially
imported into Dublin in
support of women activists in WOZA, (Women of
Zimbabwe Arise, who have been
fighting the government over the increasing
deterioration of the social,
economic and political conditions in the
country over the past few years.
The Valentines Day special is meant to
educate the world about the human
rights abuses in Zimbabwe and the need for
the government of Zimbabwe to
change the way it treats its citizens, deal
with the issues affecting women,
children rather than concentrating on
political repression.
Then on Friday the play “A Footprint of Roses” by
Elaine Desmond will be
performed in Dublin followed by a panel discussion
about how to campaign
against the human rights abuses faced by Zimbabweans
in Zimbabwe and in
other countries where they now live.
The play is a
stark portrayal of the human rights abuses endured by the
women of Zimbabwe
who continue to campaign for social and economic reform in
a country
teetering dangerously on the brink of total collapse.
Panellists will
include Colm O’Gorman, executive director, Amnesty
International Irish
Section, Kieran Clifford campaigns manager, Amnesty
International Irish
Section, Selu Mdlalose, a ember of Amnesty International
Irish Section
Zimbabwe Group, Barry Andrews and Joe Humphreys, an Irish
Times journalist
based in Pretoria up to January 2008. Karen Coleman of
Newstalk and TV3
will chair the discussion.
The panel discussion will be on the human
rights issues raised in the play
and how to help campaign against continued
abuses in Zimbabwe. Friday’s
meeting will be at St. Ann’s Parish Centre in
Molesworth Lane, off
Molesworth Street, Dublin 2.
The play pays
tribute to the courage of the women of WOZA, a women’s civil
movement,
founded in 2003 in response to the increasing deterioration of the
social,
economic and political conditions in Zimbabwe.
WOZA is not allied to a
political party and have conducted over 50
non-violent protests since the
group’s inception. Over 2,500 WOZA women have
spent time in police custody,
many more than once and most for 48 hours or
more. They have been unlawfully
detained, prevented from obtaining legal
representation, threatened,
intimidated and physically and sexually
assaulted.
WOZA members have
staged peaceful protests each St Valentine’s Day since
2003. During these
protests, the women march, sing songs and distribute
roses to police to
illustrate their peaceful intentions. These protests have
been met with
police brutality and wide scale arrests.
Gordon Brown backs Zimbabwe boycott but it may
mean loss of World Twenty20
The Times
January 4, 2008
Richard Hobson and Sam Coates
England
could lose the right to host the ICC World Twenty20 in 2009 if the
Government blocks Zimbabwe from touring earlier in the season. The ECB will
be happy for Gordon Brown to press ahead with plans to bar the squad from
entering the country but knows that it may face a backlash from the wider
cricket community.
Talks are under way between Downing Street and the
ECB, with the Government
preparing to toughen its stance on Robert Mugabe’s
regime. Under ICC rules,
the ECB will not be liable for any compensation to
Zimbabwe Cricket (ZC) for
the cancellation of the Test and one-day series if
the ban is made at
government level.
In 2005, the New Zealand
Government took such a stance in refusing to give
visas to the Zimbabwe
party. The England situation is more complicated
because Zimbabwe are
expecting to stay in the country for the global 20-over
competition, which
in turn precedes the Ashes in what the ECB sees as a
golden
summer.
With the Home Office examining the broad issue of visas for
one-off events,
it is possible that Zimbabwe may be allowed in for a
competition falling
under the higher auspices of the ICC, even if they are
blocked for what are
self-contained bilateral matches against
England.
However, this may not satisfy the Asian-led bloc that forms a
majority
inside the ICC. The ECB was keen to secure the 2009 tournament
having given
Twenty20 to the rest of the world as one of its most successful
sporting
exports, but the formal paper-work of host and staging agreements
are still
to be signed.
England would receive a fixed sum of about £1
million as hosts as well as 10
per cent of ticket sales. There will be no
shortage of other boards eager to
stage the event after the cricketing
success of the inaugural competition in
South Africa last September,
although low pricing for spectators removed any
commercial
windfall.
The ICC is already facing a possible move for one flagship
tournament
because political uncertainty in Pakistan may jeopardise its
hosting of the
Champions Trophy in the autumn. South Africa and Sri Lanka
are thought to be
keen to take on the venture, which will not involve
Zimbabwe.
England are looking for alternative opponents for the two Tests
and three
50-over games against Zimbabwe next year. In December, the board
was
embarrassed when sources inside ZC said that Giles Clarke, the ECB
chairman,
had offered about £200,000 for England to buy their way out of the
commitment.
Zimbabwe have been in Test exile for two years because of
the paucity of
their cricket and the ECB wants to know whether they will be
back in the
fold by May next year. If not, then without the Government’s
lead,
compensation will be due only for the one-day games because Zimbabwe
retain
full status in the shorter form.
Sri Lanka and Bangladesh have
been identified as possible replacements, but
an offer from the ECB will be
more attractive if it combines Test and
one-day cricket. There will be less
interest if a touring side have to
return home or stay idle in England
between the Tests and the World
Twenty20.
The Zimbabwe issue has been
a constant thorn since the build-up to the World
Cup game between England
and Zimbabwe in Harare in 2003 when players and
officials, stuck inside a
hotel in Cape Town for three days of talks when
they should have been
preparing for games, expressed their determination not
to travel because of
safety fears.
Around that time, Henry Olonga and Andy Flower, who is now
an assistant to
Peter Moores, the England head coach, staged their famous
black-armband
protest against the Mugabe regime. They were widely acclaimed
for their
bravery.
In 2004, Stephen Harmison, the fast bowler, made
himself unavailable for
England’s one-day matches in Harare and Bulawayo on
moral grounds and David
Morgan, the ECB chairman at the time, was placed in
a near-impossible
position of having to save the tour to avoid penalties
after Mugabe
initially denied visas to travelling
journalists.
Morgan’s task would have been simpler had the Government
ordered the squad
to stay away, as John Howard instructed the Australia team
eight months ago.
Howard, the Prime Minister at the time, saw the games as a
propaganda coup
for Mugabe, whose home is close to the venue for significant
matches in
Harare.
Brown has taken a higher-profile stance on
Zimbabwe than Tony Blair, his
predecessor. He refused to attend an EU-Africa
summit in Portugal last month
because Mugabe was present. A number of
issues, including liability, need to
be settled before a block on the
Zimbabwe tour is confirmed and Downing
Street said that a final decision is
yet to be taken.
A spokesman for the Prime Minister said: “I think that
it is very early to
be making these sorts of decisions. We obviously will
need to discuss this
with the ECB closer to the time. A decision will have
to be made about this
at some point, but we are not at that point at the
moment.”
Andy Flower Former Zimbabwe captain and England batting
coach
“Unfortunately things have got far worse in Zimbabwe over the past
four
years. My views on the political situation there are well known, but it
is a
little tricky for me in my new position as an ECB employee to comment
on
whether Zimbabwe should tour England in 2009 – or the implications for
the
World Twenty20. We do need firm decisions on this, however, and if the
Government back the ECB that would be welcome.”
Henry Olonga
Former Zimbabwe fast-medium bowler
“It’s the first I’ve heard about it,
but I welcome it. Clearly, Gordon Brown
is taking a stronger stance than
Tony Blair. ITN’s excellent series of
reports on Zimbabwe in the autumn
brought the whole issue out in focus. At
the end of the series, Brown came
on and said he wouldn’t be attending the
summit in Lisbon [last month]. That
showed solidarity with the people of
Zimbabwe and made it clear that
sanctions against Mugabe’s cronies would be
taken.
“There have been
too many scandals in Zimbabwean cricket and something needs
to be done.
There are a lot of corruption issues. Every time I speak about
it, I get
angry and emotional as it’s just so unnecessary.”
Out on a
limb
How other countries view Zimbabwe
Australia Refused to tour
the country last year after a ruling by John
Howard, the Prime Minister at
the time
New Zealand Government denied Zimbabwe players and officials
entry visas in
2005
Pakistan Were due to host a five-match one-day
series at the end of the
month, Zimbabwe’s first visit since
2004
West Indies Were the most recent visiting team to the country in
November
last year
South Africa Have generally supported their
neighbours, briefly threatening
to pull out of an England tour in
2003
Bangladesh Have become regular opponents in the past 18 months and
left them
behind in the ICC one-day rankings
Zimbabwe’s next
international fixture Saturday, January 26: First one-day
international (of
five) v Pakistan (venue tbc)
Andy Flower admits guilt over
Zimbabwe
The Times
February 13, 2008
John Westerby
When ECB officials hold talks with the
Government in the next few weeks over
Zimbabwe's proposed tour to the UK
next year, one member of England's
management team in New Zealand will have
a particular interest in the
outcome of those discussions.
Andy
Flower, a former captain of Zimbabwe and now England's assistant coach,
has
talked of his enduring sadness about the desperate political situation
in
his homeland. He has also spoken of a lingering guilt that he has been
unable to do more to help his compatriots since his famous black armband
protest with Henry Olonga at the 2003 World Cup, which led to their exile
from Zimbabwe.
“I feel a little guilty that we couldn't follow it up,
but I don't know what
more we could have done,” Flower said in an interview
with The Wisden
Cricketer magazine. “We didn't change anything and weren't
powerful enough
to do so, but we got an amazing response from people who
felt they'd been
jogged out of their apathy.”
Since Flower's
departure, the fortunes of Zimbabwe's national team have
plummeted so far
that they are presently opting out of Test cricket. Looking
back on the
build-up of tension between players and administrators of the
Zimbabwe
Cricket Union (ZCU), Flower believes that both sides share
responsibility
for this decline, but attaches particular blame to Peter
Chingoka, the
chairman of the ZCU.
“There was a lot of blame on both sides,” he said.
“[Cricket] was a sport
run by the whites and not enough black cricketers got
exposure. But when
Peter Chingoka got involved, the way he and his fellow
administrators tried
to impose selection, it got the hackles up of the
whites.”
From this position of mistrust, Flower concedes that both sides
communicated
poorly. “The white players and administrators - and I include
myself -
should have been more willing to communicate openly and attempt a
serious
and mature integration of more black cricketers,” Flower said. “But
the
black administrators could have communicated a hell of a lot better and
more
honestly. It's really sad that we didn't find a better compromise and I
take
responsibility for that. But the administrators should take more of the
responsibility as they were older and more experienced.”
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