'Why I wore a black band for
Zimbabwe'
Andrew
Meldrum in Harare meets cricket hero Henry Olonga and learns what led two
players to defy Robert Mugabe on the pitch
Sunday February 16, 2003
The Observer
It was the defining image of this, or indeed
of any, World Cup: the dread-locked Zimbabwean cricketer and his team mate
proudly wearing black armbands as they strode onto the pitch to face their
opponents.
The remarkable act of defiance, a public protest against the death of
democracy in their country, stunned the sporting world. Echoing the Black Power
protest on the medal podium of the 1968 Olympic Games, it was an historic moment
in which sport took a rare stand against a repressive regime.
Last week's brave gesture by Henry Olonga and Andy Flower struck a symbolic
yet powerful blow against Robert Mugabe's brutal government. In a country in
which dissenters are subjected to violence by the President's henchmen, the
courage of the two cricketers cannot be underestimated.
A few days on, as he adjusts his sunglasses and gazes across an empty pitch,
Olonga can reflect on the enormity of his actions. Fresh from a training
session, the 26-year-old revealed in an interview with The Observer the
inspirations for both his career and his decision to risk his life by making a
stand for democracy.
'I have thought about the costs of making a stand and I think Christianity
transcends everything else. Christians are called to speak out against evil, to
speak out against things that are wrong and that are wicked. In the face of
wickedness, my stand is simply that I am merely doing my duty as a Christian.
'I believe things will come right with regards to the future of the country.
Everyone must realise they have to make a stand for what is right. Many issues
are thrown around in this nation, but the real issues get clouded. In my opinion
it's not about white or black, it's not about race. Sometimes it's not even
about money. It's what is right and what is wrong.'
Olonga grew up in Zambia and Zimbabwe, the son of a Kenyan father and a
Zimbabwean mother. It is clear who provided him with the iron will he now
displays. 'I learnt a great deal about character from my father, who is
disabled. He overcame his disability from polio and worked hard to become a
doctor. He has served as a paediatrician for many years and has helped many
families. I admire him a great deal.'
His father encouraged him and his brother in sport. 'He couldn't throw
cricket balls with us or hit tennis balls with us, but he was very supportive.
He would get us whatever equipment we needed and he followed our activities.'
The Olonga boys went to boarding school and at the well-known Plumtree
secondary school he excelled in academic subjects, music, sports and drama.
Before he finished school he had been called up for the national team. He became
the first black person to play cricket for Zimbabwe. 'I didn't really think much
about it at the time. It is only now, years later, that I realise how many young
people looked up to me. Now I know I must lead an upright life. I take seriously
being a role model for young people. It is a responsibility that is very
important to me.'
Olonga and Flower followed their gesture of defiance by issuing a statement
that sent shockwaves through the worlds of sport and politics. 'We are mourning
the death of democracy in our beloved Zimbabwe,' said the two sportsmen. 'In
doing so we are making a silent plea to those responsible, to stop the abuse of
human rights in Zimbabwe. In doing so we pray that our small action may help to
restore sanity and dignity to our nation.'
In Zimbabwe's opressive and highly charged atmosphere, their statement was a
direct challenge to Mugabe and his cronies. It cut right through the blustering,
omnipresent state propaganda which has used the cricket team and the World Cup
as a publicity tool.
The pair became instant heroes. 'Every now and again, amidst the gloom of our
present darkness, a small light will shine reminding us of the principles and
courage still out there,' wrote Iden Wetherell, editor of the Zimbabwe
Independent . 'Just when we needed people to stand up and be counted in the
struggle for freedom and justice, Andy Flower and Henry Olonga stepped forward.
Now others need to follow their lead.' A minority, however, vilified their
stand, especially the state-owned press and die-hard supporters of the
government. The Zimbabwe Cricket Union, whose official patron is Mugabe, said
the matter would be investigated and it was referred to the International
Cricket Council for disciplinary action. But the most hateful attacks were aimed
at Olonga, accused of being a traitor to black people. His cricket club,
Takashinga, said it would consider suspending him.
'It is disgraceful,' said Givemore Makoni, chairman of the club. 'Taking
politics onto the playing field is a thing the International Cricket Council and
all sports organisations have been trying to avoid. It is disappointing because
Olonga was a hero and a role model to black cricketing communities. By taking
politics on to the field and bringing the game into disrepute, Henry appears to
have breached Takashinga's code of conduct.'
Olonga's Zimbabwe career may be cut short just as he reaches his peak.
International contracts may not be forthcoming. The threat of violence from
Mugabe's thuggish groups is never far away. However, Olonga remains optimistic
about his future.
'I believe I've got a lot to offer to Zimbabwean cricket. But Zimbabwean
cricket has got to be honest enough with itself to decide whether I have a part
to play. I believe I've stood up for what is right. And I believe it is time for
other people to stand up for what is right. If you don't stand up for what is
right, you deserve what comes your way.
'The consequences of my stand? If Zimbabwean cricket believes I have a part
to play... I'll play my part. I'll gladly remain and I'll feel duty bound to
cricket. It's given me a great life, great opportunities and a great platform.
'If they decide they want me out, I won't fight them. But obviously when I
say cricket I'm not talking about one or two people who might have a bone to
pick with me. I mean the majority of the people. If I get a sense they don't
want me in cricket because of the stand I've taken, there are lots of young
people out there who can take my place.'
Although others in the team have been quiet about politics, it seems they are
behind the two players. Today, 23 years after independence, Zimbabwe is still
divided by race, and Olonga is proud of trying to bridge that gap. 'To reduce
Zimbabwe's racial differences, the first thing needed is a tremendous amount of
forgiveness. When I look at the example of Nelson Mandela, the reason he is such
a great man is because he learnt the concept of forgiveness. Forgiveness doesn't
mean you don't hold those who have wronged you accountable. It does mean you
release them and you recognise you cannot change the past.'
Olonga speaks highly of his team mate, Flower. 'I've discovered what
tremendous strength of character Andy has. I also commend the English cricket
team and Nasser Hussain for voicing their reservations about the morality of all
the issues at stake here.'
This is not the first time Olonga has made a statement about Zimbabwe. In his
song 'Our Zimbabwe', his rich baritone voice sends out a message of national
unity. It was recorded in English, as well as Shona and Ndebele, to reach all
the country's main languages.
'The song is about faith in our country's future,' said Olonga. 'If all you
see is hardship, pain, struggle, poverty, starvation, Aids, racism - those
things exist - but if that is all you ever see you will never see the promised
land.'
Sports star, singer, Christian - he appears to be exhilarated by the
challenging position which may be fulfilling his destiny. ' It's exciting, it's
an adventure, but it's quite freaky,' he said.
For those in the UK and those who can get BBC2, tomorrow night at 1800hrs
-
"Tonight, a family's video account of their struggle to hold on to
their
land in Zimbabwe in the face of President Robert Mugabe's policy of
taking
land from white farmers."
Zim Standard
Comment
Dishonest brokers kill African
renaissance
overthetop By Brian Latham
THE head of
Africa's most corrupt state, Mr Banjo, has said sanctions
against a troubled
central African nation should be lifted because everyone
is being unkind to
its curiously elected leader, the most equal of all
comrades.
This unkindness, combined with a western media offensive against the
poor
maligned leader really ought to stop, said Mr Banjo. Mr Banjo, who is a
keen
if weird advocate of something called 'The African Renaissance', said
he
believed the government of the troubled central African nation had
allocated
large sums of money to compensate farmers for the loss of
their
lands.
He made no reference to compensating farmers, or
thousands of other
citizens, for wrongful arrest, murder, rape, beatings,
torture, arson,
oppression and tyranny carried out by the most equal of all
comrade's brutal
forces of anarchy. Analysts pointed out that this may be
because all these
things are part of day-to-day life in Africa's most corrupt
nation.
Mr Banjo went on to say that a thing he called the 'Land
Reform
Programme' had ended last year, which came as something of a surprise
to
members of the troubled central African country's Chicken Farmers' Union
who
have seen many farms seized since then.
The Chicken Farmers'
Union was also surprised to learn that it was
conducting dialogue with the
government of the troubled central African
nation-and that this dialogue was
making progress.
It was thought that the truth was somewhat
different and that in fact
no progress had been made because the dialogue was
actually a monologue with
the script written somewhere in the depths of the
disinformation ministry.
Still, it was interesting to note,
analysts pointed out, that Mr Banjo
genuinely believed that the leader of a
small patch of mud in the Irish Sea
had any measure of control over the press
in his little country. Going
further, Mr Banjo described what he called a
"media war" between the
troubled central African country and the small patch
of mud.
Over the Top would like to inform Mr Banjo, without any
respect at
all, that unlike so many great African nations, few leaders have
any measure
of control over the press -and they would find it more than a
little
difficult to run media wars. This bizarre concept, so alien to
great
democrats like Mr Banjo and his mentally challenged, hard-living
colleague
in the deep south, might come as something of a surprise, but there
it is.
What can you do if these unenlightened nations don't routinely
arrest,
harass and torture journalists for being impertinent?
Still, Mr Banjo was able to compose an eight-page letter praising the
most
equal of all comrades in the highest of terms. From all that he saw on
the
ground, he said after his eight hour visit, he had decided it was about
time
sanctions against the troubled central African nation were lifted.
The news drew startled expressions of disbelief and strong criticism
from
citizens of the troubled central African nation who pointed out that Mr
Banjo
had shown at best naivete and at worst criminal negligence in his
strange
letter.
Meanwhile, western diplomats sighed loudly and reminded
themselves to
knock several zeros off the money they had allocated to
dysfunctional
projects in Africa, particularly 'Barking Mad' Mbeki's forlorn
and doomed
Nepad project.
"If this is their idea of democracy,
God help Africa," said one
diplomat who cannot be named on account of the
fact that it's getting
trendier and trendier in the troubled central African
nation to make up
sources.
Zim Standard
Comment
So long, Brother Obasanjo
TheStandardcomment
THE brutal suppression by the police of the
peaceful Valentine's Day
marches in Harare and Bulawayo on Friday, was a yet
another reminder of how
desperate and evil the Zanu PF regime has become. The
arrest of the
demonstrators, who included elderly women and members of the
clergy, should
have put to shame those who would want the world to believe
that embattled
Robert Mugabe is embarking on a quest to restore law and order
in Zimbabwe.
It is also ironic that the reckless act by the
infamously partisan ZRP
came before the ink had dried on Nigerian President
Olusegun Obasanjo's
letter to Australian premier, John Howard in which he
painted a glowing
picture of how Mugabe had returned Zimbabwe to a state of
tranquillity.
Desperate to please his old comrade, Mugabe, Obasanjo
vainly attempted
to convince the chairman of the Commonwealth 'Troika', which
suspended
Zimbabwe from the club's councils last year, that the Zimbabwean
strong man
had turned over a new leaf following the 'successful' completion
of the land
reform exercise. It obviously doesn't matter to Obasanjo that the
very
exercise was not only central to the general disintegration of law
and
order, but also condemned Zimbabweans to a life of perpetual
poverty.
That was early last week, but come end of the week, the
ZRP, which has
developed the knack of shooting itself-and its masters-in the
foot, was at
it again on Friday when it arrested 72 demonstrators marching
for peace.
Surely this handful of women who were trying to make their voice
heard posed
no security risk. What of the seven journalists who were detained
for doing
their job? It is a trite but true observation that Zimbabwe has
descended
into a pariah state.
Which raises serious questions
about the credibility of Obasanjo and
his South African colleague, Thabo
Mbeki, as impartial arbiters in
Zimbabwe's impasse. Right thinking
Zimbabweans obviously feel betrayed and
will never forgive these two
supposedly most influential sub-Saharan African
leaders.
Mbeki
can be forgiven for his mediocre performance. Zimbabweans
stopped expecting
much from him when he embarked on his impotent 'quiet
diplomacy' programme
with regard to the crisis bedevilling our motherland.
So naive is the man on
the crisis north of the Limpopo that many now rue the
day he got himself
entangled in the issue.
To put it bluntly, people in Zimbabwe do
not expect miracles from a
man who stands for nothing. It can be argued that
Mbeki's credibility is
doubtful even in South Africa itself, so how can we
here in Zimbabwe expect
the same man to provide solutions to our problems.
Mbeki also appears to be
a Mugabe in the making, so South Africans had better
take closer heed of the
tragedy happening to the north of them for it might
well be repeated in
their own country. Mbeki has already taken an
uncompromising stand on such
issues as the Aids crisis, for
example.
But Obasanjo is another issue altogether. He was a man who
promised
much following his election to the Nigerian presidency in 1999. Even
the way
his government handled the controversy which surrounded the
March
presidential elections brought a lot of hope to people in Zimbabwe:
Africa
had at last found a true statesman in the mould of Nelson
Mandela.
Hopes hinging on Obasanjo and Nigeria's ability to be an
impartial
arbiter in our crisis were not misplaced. He even, much to the
chagrin of
Zanu PF, went to the extent of meeting with the MDC's Morgan
Tsvangirai in a
brave attempt to resolve the stand-off between the opposition
party and Zanu
PF. The logic of this meeting was that one needed to hear both
sides of the
story in order to come up with a credible
compromise.
On his more recent visit early this month, en route
from South Africa,
Obasanjo once again granted Tsvangirai and his team an
audience, thus
reinforcing his reputation as a skilled mediator. In the light
of all this
then, his letter to Howard is tantamount to a great betrayal.
Zimbabweans
have once again found themselves with no friend to lend a helping
hand. We
are paying dearly to the 'brotherhood' mentality which obsesses
autocratic
leaders on the continent.
It has finally dawned on
the Nigerian president that he needs support
from this brotherhood to
guarantee success in the impending elections in
April. This is the same
brotherhood that saw fellow despots lend legitimacy
to Mugabe's reelection
for another six-year term in last year's presidential
election and the same
type of brotherliness which several years before, had
allowed Idi Amin to
assume the chairmanship of the Organisation of African
Unity (OAU) despite
the carnage he had wreaked in his own land.
There are sad
similarities between Zimbabwe and Nigeria: Both are
beset with high levels of
corruption, violence and poverty. In light of
these social problems, neither
Obasanjo nor Mugabe are certain of their
political fortunes in their
respective countries.
Obasanjo now needs Mugabe, just as much as
Mugabe needs Obasanjo. The
crux of the matter is that embattled Zimbabweans
have been reduced to mere
pawns in this political chess game.
Zim Standard
'Socialism will not work', say economic
analysts
Kumbirai Mafunda
THE ruling Zanu PF party's
pronouncements on a return to socialism at
a time when pioneers of the
philosophy are moving towards market driven
policies, is another ploy by the
party to maintain its grip on power,
analysts said this week.
Economic commentators told Standard Business that the Zimbabwe
government,
faced with mounting political and economic woes, was strangely
toying again
with socialism, a philosophy long abandoned by countries like
Russia, just so
that it could attempt to hoodwink the restive populace.
Last week,
Nathan Shamuyarira, the party's spokesperson, proclaimed
that Zanu PF had
re-crafted the 'Policy of the Party on Socialism' document
abandoned in the
early 1980s and said it would soon be handed to the finance
and economic
development ministry for implementation.
"Socialism as practised in
most of the world has been used as a method
of gaining and keeping power. It
is a dishonest idea and the best method of
retaining power. All over the
world, it is a bankrupt idea. It doesn't work
for the people but it might
work for those in power," said John Robertson,
an economic
consultant.
Robertson said by returning to socialism, the
government was ruling
itself out of economic programmes that demand the
pursuance of market forces
and the practice of democracy as a
prerequisite.
"Our chances of benefiting under the Nepad
arrangement will be nil
because our political system will not be compatible
with Nepad requirements
and we would have abandoned market-driven policies,"
he said.
Zimbabwe is mired in its worst economic quagmire since the
attainment
of independence from Britain in 1980, a situation which has been
dramatised
by the ballooning of inflation to 208,8% and the dashing of any
hopes of an
economic recovery under Zanu PF.
The imposition of
price controls in 2001 has transferred basic
foodstuffs from the official
market to the parallel market where they are
obtainable at exorbitant
prices.
Innocent Matshe, the head of the economics department at
the
University of Zimbabwe, scoffed at the socialism idea saying it
would
further plunge the country into an economic gulf.
"Government is seemingly running out of ideas. The whole world is
coming out
of that system.. Centralised planning can only work if you have a
system
where the economy is functioning well.
"The idea behind socialism
is to control everything and how can you
control a hungry population. You may
be able to stifle pluralism if, and
only if, that pluralism is not driven by
plurality within a society. What
they are talking of is like swallowing
poison and hoping that the next
fellow dies but it has been proven to be a
fallacy," said Matshe.
Eddie Cross, the economic adviser to the
opposition Movement for
Democratic Change, said it has been proven before
that socialism does not
work.
"Corrupt socialism will never
work. How can these guys talk of
socialism yet they have tried it for the
past 22 years?
"Previous experience has shown that a command
economy does not work
and that only allowing the market to distribute
resources is a better
approach. What we now have is a kleptocracy. No amount
of rhetoric about
socialism can work," said Cross.
Zim Standard
New economic plan mooted
By our Own
Staff
THE ministry of finance is in the process of finalising a new
economic
blueprint that incorporates proposals from various stakeholders in a
move
analysts say is the awakening of Harare authorities to the magnitude of
the
country's economic meltdown.
Finance and Economic
Development Minister Herbert Murerwa, told
Standard Business on Wednesday
that he had found it imperative to come up
with an economic plan that
embraced all vital stakeholders.
This puts to rest the confusion
surrounding what government intends to
do after recommendations on the way
forward were put forward by the
Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries (CZI)
and by the sub-committee of the
Tripartite Negotiating Forum
(TNF).
Murerwa said his recent meetings with the CZI and the TNF in
December
and January had been a consultative process aimed at garnering
stakeholders'
contributions.
"We are looking at these proposals
(the CZI, TNF) with a view to
formulating our economic policy. We believe the
formulation of an economic
plan needs diverse inputs so we felt the need to
have a buy-in from various
stakeholders," said Murerwa.
He said
the blueprint incorporates the 10-point economic plan
immediately drawn by
the governing Zanu PF party soon after last year's
contentious presidential
election.
Asked when the economic plan would be released, Murerwa
could only say
it would "be out soon."
Zim Standard
Govt snubs money changers' plea
Kumbirai
Mafunda
THE government has rejected the reinstatement of bureaux de
change as
recommended by the Tripartite Negotiating Forum in its proposals
to
stimulate the economy, it was learnt this week.
Sources close
to the ongoing TNF talks - attended by government,
labour and industry - said
at the committee meeting on Thursday, government
representatives had rejected
the lifting of the ban on the bureaux which it
blames for nourishing the
parallel market in hard currency.
The TNF sub-committee had
proposed the reestablishment of bureaux de
change under a new regulatory
regime that would enable them to operate as
special agencies closely
supervised by the Reserve Bank.
It had also proposed that the
number of bureaux de change be trimmed
down through measures such as higher
capital requirements.
Bureaux de change were shut down last year
purportedly to stamp out
dealings on the black market where, on a daily
basis, the greenback was
strengthening against the local currency and was at
one time fetching as
much as $2 000.
"Officials from government
say it is political. They say the clause on
the banning of bureaux in the
2003 budget came from Mugabe himself," said
the official source.
"It is a way of dealing with his ministers who were operating bureaux
de
change. However, some of the government officials who are advocating for
the
ban have hard feelings towards their colleagues in government who were
making
money through illegal foreign currency deals," he added.
Analysts
said government's refusal to open bureaux de change would
further aggravate
the country's worsening foreign currency squeeze.
"The ban has
driven the parallel market deeper into a real black
market. Inflows into the
formal market have dried up. If government
continues to pursue these populist
approaches then it is only a matter of
time before it strangles itself to
death," said one industry expert.
The TNF committee, which had
proposed a uniform support rate to keep
the exchange rate constant at Z$55 to
the US dollar based on 2000 prices
with a nominal support rate pegged at $800
to the US dollar, once again
yielded to government pressure.
It
has now agreed that Murerwa will consult his ministry and Reserve
Bank
officials before coming up with a viable exchange rate for
exporters.
However, although government last week denied that
Cabinet had
endorsed the idea of the devaluation of the dollar, economists
say
government is only skirting around the term 'devaluation'.
"Which planet is Jonathan Moyo coming from? Where are Zesa,
Air-Zimbabwe and
Noczim getting their foreign currency from, and at what
rate?" said one
economist who is part of the TNF deliberations.
"The issue here is
when it comes to devaluation, it is a matter of
semantics because government
doesn't want to hear the word devaluation for
political reasons considering
they have made a lot of noise in trying to
make the country not think of any
devaluation," he said.
"But on the other hand, they have gone some
way towards acceptance of
the proposals regarding the need for export
incentives through a favourable
exchange rate for exporters. That on its own
is devaluation although they
are giving it a different name."
Zim Standard
Letters
'We are too
docile'
OUR silence over the blatant misrule of our once
prosperous country is
frightening, if not disturbing.
Gone are
the days when Mabvuku and Tafara residents would take matters
into their own
hands over unfair price hikes.
Gone are the days when Zinasu would
cause sleepless nights for the
then minister of higher education who is now
heckling the legitimate mayor
of Harare.
Gone are people like
Jonathan Moyo who would lambast, to the last
vowel, profligate government
spending. Now he is busy battling to control
and punish journalists, the sole
voices of freedom!
Where is the confrontational ZCTU we used to
admire?
All have been lulled into silence and inaction, brutalised
into
docility as they wait for divine intervention.
Unless we
stand up and fight this rogue regime, we will let our
already demoralised
country sink into a cesspit.
Let us not resign to fate, for fate
will accept our resignations!
Dai Mamutora
Mt
Darwin
Zim Standard
Letters
'Chave Chimurenga'
If
it is true, as the government's incessant propaganda tells us, that
"our land
is our prosperity" can we assume that this corrupt Zanu PF regime
has managed
in the space of not much more than 20 years to move Zimbabwe
from central
southern Africa to somewhere in the middle of the Sahara
desert?
Such a move would be without precedent in geological history, but how
else
can we explain our present state of national destitution given that, as
we
are forever being reminded, "our land is our prosperity"?
Perhaps
"our land WAS our prosperity" would be a more
accurate
statement.
RES Cook
Harare
Zim Standard
Arrival of army worm opens can of worms for
govt
By our own Staff
THE recent discovery of the
crop-devouring army worm, a pest that has
ravaged maize in most parts of the
country, has opened up a can of worms
over the government's lack of crisis
prevention measures, it has been
established.
Shadreck Mlambo,
the acting director of the government-controlled
Department of Research and
Specialist Services under the Agriculture
Research Extension (Arex), on
Friday admitted that the government had failed
to put in place adequate
structures to check the occurrence of the ravenous
pest.
The
army worm, which traditionally occurs in Zimbabwe during drought
years, is
likely to compound the country's food crisis and worsen the
vulnerability of
crops already affected by this season's poor rains.
Mlambo said:
"We suspect that the army worm may have originated from
the coastal regions
of either Tanzania or Mozambique where the hot and humid
conditions are
conducive for their breeding.
"We normally use light-traps which
ensnare the pests so that we may be
able to monitor the situation and tell if
there is a disaster looming, but
in this case they (the light-traps) seem to
have been inactive in warning
us."
The army worm was first
reported in Guruve last month and up until
last week, it embarked on an
insatiable march all over the country.
It was only on Wednesday
that the government announced that it was
setting up measures to eradicate
the pest.
Silas Hungwe, the Zimbabwe Farmers Union (ZFU) president,
challenged
the government to be more pro-active in order to avert similar
disasters in
the future.
"The army worm is capable of
administering disasters that can be more
catastrophic than a drought," Hungwe
said. "The government should always be
ready to act whenever there are such
outbreaks."
Farmers affiliated to the ZFU, most of whom were
resettled under
President Robert Mugabe's chaotic land reform programme, are
the most
vulnerable to the army worm invasion as they largely produce
cereals.
The army worm attacks crops such as wheat, millet and
maize, as well
as pastures.
An official of the Commercial
Farmers Union said: "We are very much
out of the red with regards to the army
worm disaster, most of our farmers
have few crops on the ground and those who
have anything, planted tobacco
which is safe from the pest's
attack.
"A great number of our members have had their land occupied
or listed
under the Section 5 and 8 orders so they have not planted
much."
The last serious invasion by the army worm was in the
1991-92 farming
season, which was a drought year.
Arex however,
dispelled fears that the country had insufficient
chemicals to control the
invasion after major suppliers of the army worm
pesticide this week hinted
that their stocks were for inadequate.
Mlambo said: "We have a lot
of qualified manpower and the necessary
chemicals to eradicate the pest. We
are optimistic that we will be able to
contain the situation before it gets
any worse than it is."
Zim Standard
'Barefooted people' compound land chaos
By
our own Staff
THE chairman of the parliamentary portfolio committee
on land and
resettlement, MP Daniel Mckenzie Ncube, clashed with Lloyd
Siyoka, the Zanu
PF provincial chairman for Matabeleland South, at the
conclusion of the
committee's tour of Matabeleland South on
Wednesday.
Siyoka earned the wrath of Ncube during the committee
meeting with
various stakeholders involved in the resettlement exercise when
he
continuously interrupted a scathing report on the irregularities
bedevilling
the land reform exercise, which was delivered by Ulibile Gwate,
the
Matabeleland South chief land officer.
Gwate indirectly
attacked Zanu PF officials and supporters for
interfering with the work of
officers implementing the programme.
"Mr Chairman, we do not know
who our bosses are. Even barefooted
people sometimes give us instructions. It
is increasingly becoming difficult
for us to implement the programme,'' Gwate
complained.
Gwate's complaints did not go down well with Siyoka who
kept heckling
her, forcing Ncube to intervene.
"I am in charge
of proceedings here. Despite the fact that we belong
to the same party, I
have powers to throw you out of this meeting if you do
not behave yourself,''
said a visibly angry Ncube.
Siyoka replied: "This is my province. I
have a right to say what I
want."
Siyoka, who was seated at the
high table with Ncube, later chickened
out when he realised Ncube was serious
about ejecting him from the meeting.
Most speakers told the
committee that the land and resettlement
exercise in the province was
characterised by chaos, rampant flouting of
policy procedures, as well as
haphazard resettlement of people, which has
led to massive environmental
degradation.
"There is serious poaching and fence cutting which
give the new
farmers a bad name and a bad start to the programme," said
Dumisani Ncube,
the acting provincial administrator for Matabeleland
South.
Ncube said in Gwanda, Umzingwane and Insiza the new farmers
had
resorted to gold panning on a scale never seen before. Peter Mandebvu,
the
district administrator for Insiza, told the committee that the district
was
now congested due to dual allocation of land by the district land
committee
which he chairs and "some political forces" whom he declined to
mention.
"There is chaos in the district. Every Tom and Dick is
distributing
land in the province. As I talk, the catchment area of Insiza
Dam, the
source of Bulawayo's water supply, is seriously under threat because
people
who resettled themselves there are panning on a grand scale," said
Mandebvu.
He also complained of rampant poaching in the
district.
Out of 791 farms in the province, 300 were gazetted for
compulsory
acquisition. The land audit was in the province to assess the
successes and
failures of the fast track land resettlement programme.
Zim Standard
Zimra sells MDC-sourced maize
By Walter
Marwizi
OVER 130 tonnes of donated maize impounded by Beitbridge
customs
officials last year from the Feed Zimbabwe Trust, an MDC-aligned
relief
organisation, has been sold by the Zimbabwe Revenue Authority (Zimra)
in
controversial circumstances, it emerged yesterday.
The
consignment, meant for starving Zimbabweans, was impounded last
September on
the grounds that FZT did not have an import permit to bring
relief food into
the country where over six million people are threatened
with
starvation.
Zimra public relations officer, Priscilla Sadomba,
confirmed to The
Standard that the consignment had been sold.
"The 132 tonnes of maize that was held by Zimra pending production of
an
import permit were sold to GMB.
"The maize was sold to GMB because
they are the only organisation in
Zimbabwe that has the authority to buy and
and sell maize. The maize had to
be disposed of because the three-month
statutory period had expired and
Zimra has limited capacity to hold such a
large amount of maize," said
Sadomba.
MDC shadow minister for
lands and agriculture, Renson Gasela, said the
revelations come at a time
when the MDC was under the impression that its
application for an import
permit was still being processed.
"All these months have been a
nightmare for us as we have been moving
from office to office seeking the
permit. We have been to the ministry of
lands and agriculture, the GMB and
the Department of Social Welfare, but
nothing has succeeded.
"At
one point I went to see minister Joseph Made after being
frustrated by
officials at his ministry. He gave me the impression that I
would be assisted
by an official responsible for issuing permits. Again this
did not bear any
fruit," said Gasela.
The MDC legislator, who is a former GMB boss,
disclosed that they had
information indicating the maize was sold to Zanu PF
cronies.
"When a regime goes to the extent of selling donated maize
meant to be
freely distributed to starving masses, it just shows how
insensitive it has
become. We are reliably informed that this maize was
secretly sold to Zanu
PF cronies, one of them a senior official at the
Beitbridge rural district
council who purchased 30 bags. Some of the maize is
already being sold on
the streets in the border town for as much as $10 000 a
bag," he said.
Zim Standard
Hunger leads to school drop outs
By Henry
Makiwa
TED Masara forlornly gazes at his stunted and fast-wilting
maize crop;
takes another look at his three children who are squatting over a
steaming
plate of thin yellow corn porridge, and then breaks into dry mirth
at the
inanity of my question.
"You ask me why the children are
not going to school? They are tired
of collapsing during classes. Everyone
knows a healthy mind is supported by
a full stomach," he says as he laughs
almost apologetically.
"We are poor and our children cannot get
much food as this is the year
of the great drought. We'd rather keep them at
home and hope that after this
year's crop, they can return to their books and
pick up from where they left
off," he adds.
Masara's children
are just three of the many students at Rokonde
Secondary School in rural
Masvingo who have suspended their attendance of
classes because of
hunger.
Although it was impossible for The Standard to establish
the official
extent of the problem, villagers and school authorities in
Murinye communal
area say an unprecedented number of children have dropped
out of school
because of the drought.
A teacher at Daitai
Primary School, who refused to be named because
teachers are not allowed to
comment in the press, said: "Many children have
abandoned their studies and
our school is now virtually empty. This month
alone, I have seen at least 60
of our pupils withdraw from studies.
"It's saddening that this is
happening at the most basic and
elementary level of education. Parents are
helpless because in most homes,
everyone wakes up to walk long distances in
search for food."
Zimbabwe is facing a severe food shortage crisis
which threatens the
lives of more than half of the country's 11,6 million
people.
The shortages have been blamed on President Robert
Mugabe's
controversial land reforms, which destroyed Zimbabwe's once
vibrant
commercial farming sector.
Erratic rainfall deep into
the country's traditional cultivation
season, has also dampened hopes for a
good crop this year and exacerbated
the current economic crisis.
Joab Masara, a 15-year-old boy who has stopped attending school said:
"We
very much cherish education but it ceases to make sense if our bellies
are
empty.
"We would rather look for food until things are better, then
we can
return to school, probably next year. At school, most
extra-curricular
activities have been struck off because we are too weak for
sport."
The devastation caused by the widespread hunger has been
most severe
in the rural areas where the crisis degenerated into a
famine.
Ngwarai Zinjeke, a villager, said: "The government should
step up
efforts to provide relief aid to villagers here. My heart bleeds for
the
poor children who have quit school to find low income jobs to fend for
their
families."
Zim Standard
Gweru residents drink water with faeces
By
Richard Musazulwa
GWERU-Hundreds of residents in the three Gweru
high density suburbs of
Mkoba had to be taken to hospital last week after
drinking water
contaminated with human faeces.
Some of the
residents have now launched a $1 billion lawsuit against
Gweru City Council
which they accuse of negligence resulting in water from a
burst sewerage pipe
seeping into the drinking water supply of the suburbs of
Mkoba 9, 10 and
11.
More than 14 000 residents in the three suburbs might have
drunk the
water that was contaminated with faeces because a burst sewerage
pipe
discharged faeces and used tissue paper into their water system, it
was
learnt this week.
Christopher Ruwodo, the city's acting
health director, confirmed the
incident and told The Standard that 1 078
residents had been treated for
diarrhoea, vomiting and abnormal pains at
Mkoba 1 Polyclinic with 15 of the
most serious cases being referred to Gweru
Provincial Hospital.
"Our figure shows that 1 078 residents were
treated at Mkoba 1
Polyclinic after drinking sewer contaminated water in
Mkoba 9,10 and 11. The
figure could be higher as other residents preferred to
visit private
doctors," he said.
Ruwodo added that a specimen of
the contaminated water had been taken
to the provincial medical health
directorate for tests.
Dr Mushoriwa Zinatsa, the medical
superintendent at Gweru Provincial
Hospital, also confirmed that the hospital
had to admit 15 patients
suffering from serious bouts of diarrhoea who had
been referred to it from
Mkoba 1 polyclinic.
There are
conflicting reports regarding the incident with Mayor James
Bwerazuva saying
the incident occurred when council workers repairing burst
sewer pipes in the
suburb mistakenly broke a mains water supply pipe that
resulted in raw
sewerage seeping into the water system.
Some residents however
dismissed Bwerazuva's explanation and said when
the incident happened, there
had been no maintenance work taking place in
the three Mkoba
suburbs.
They said the incident had most likely been an act of
sabotage by
disgruntled council employees unhappy at being paid for only 11
days in
January for participating in a strike which had paralysed all
essential
services in the city for two weeks.
The lawsuit
against the council is being spearheaded by Takura Rukuni
and Peter Moyana,
all residents of Mkoba. They told The Standard that it was
high time that the
council was punished for some of its wrong doing.
"The only option
we have is to sue for $1.5 billion so that the
infected and affected
residents can benefit," said Rukuni.
This is not the first time the
council has been caught off-side in the
sewage saga. In 1996 an irrigation
co-operative in Vungu sued the city for
more than $1 million for discharging
sewerage water into its dam but the
issue was settled out of court after the
former governor of the Midlands,
the late Herbert Mahlaba, intervened.
Zim Standard
Mugabe withdraws kids from school
By Itai
Dzamara
PRESIDENT Mugabe has withdrawn his daughter, Bona, from a
Harare
school she was attending due to the constant heckling she was
receiving from
schoolmates unimpressed by her father's leadership policies,
The Standard
has learnt.
Sources close to the Mugabe family also
disclosed to this newspaper,
that Mugabe's other child, Robert Jnr, has not
been attending lessons
regularly since schools opened in
January.
Bona, 15, was doing her Form Three at the Dominican
Convent, while
Robert Jnr, 13, enrolled at St Georges College for his Form
One. The two are
said to now be receiving private lessons in the sanctuary of
State House.
Both Bona and Robert Jnr were born out of an
adulterous affair between
the president and his then secretary, Grace Marufu.
Mugabe married Grace
after the death of his first wife, Ghanaian-born,
Sally.
Bona's classmates confirmed to The Standard that she was no
longer
coming to classes.
Said a former classmate: "When Bona
was around, she could be easily
recognised. She used to be driven in those
Mercedes Benz cars of Mugabe's,
with a chauffeur and a policeman, who at
times accompanied her into the
school yard. That would easily attract the
attention of everyone at the
school."
Another pupil said: "She
has not been around for some time. I am not
sure if at all she attended
classes this term. I think she failed to cope
with the constant derision
coming from most students who detest the way her
father has run down the
country."
A source close to the Mugabe family and the goings on at
State House,
confirmed that Bona was now receiving private lessons at the
official
residence.
Said the source: "She is receiving private
lessons at home, but I am
not aware of the people who are teaching
her."
The headmistress of the Dominican Convent, Sister Gundula
Haeusele,
was hostile when The Standard sought comment from her. "What do you
mean by
that? I don't know about that. I am not supposed to comment on that.
I am
merely the headmistress and my name is not necessary. Ok!" she said
before
hanging up the phone.
On the paper's second attempt to
speak to her, she retorted: "Well,
the student has been at this school, but I
can not tell whether she is still
coming or not. I am not in a position to
deny or confirm what you are
saying."
The situation regarding
Robert Jnr is less certain as sources said the
boy had attended some lessons
at St Georges in January. The sources,
however, added that Robert's
attendance had been erratic and that like his
sister, had resorted to private
lessons at home.
Efforts to obtain comment from St Georges College
were unsuccessful.
Dear Family and Friends,
My phone rang early one morning this week. It was
a friend who was leaving for the airport. She and her family are emigrating. We
did not talk for long, neither of us wanted to actually say that awful word
"goodbye" because we both knew we would cry. Instead the words were the usual
ridiculous ones which say nothing but mean everything. Words which were really a
scream of "Oh God, I wish you didn't have to go". I didn't cry then but am now
as I type.
Linda and her family are farmers. For three years
they have waited to be allowed to grow food but it has not happened and they
have no other option but to leave. Farming is all they know. Their house,
business, assets and land have been taken over by a government heavyweight. They
have received no compensation, were not allowed back to say goodbye and their
memories remain only as laughter in the wind. They have left behind their home,
their lives, their friends and 40 years of service in providing food for their
country.
When I lived through the hell of an invaded farm
and the incessant harassment and humiliation from the mob of men who took over
our lives, I think the only thing that kept me sane every day was to watch the
sunrise. It's three years ago now but I can still see that view in my mind. The
peach tree covered with pink blossoms outside my study window. The weaver birds
nests hanging and swinging gently in the breeze, the magnificent dawn chorus and
then the eerie silence as the spectacular red ball of sun appeared over the
horizon. That view has gone forever now but it's been replaced by another and it
is that which I look to every morning to try and find peace within myself and
courage to face another day of doing what I do. My house overlooks the African
bush. The dawn mist hangs low in a distant field, francolins call noisily as
they patrol the grassland and a crested barbet taps incessantly at his nest in
the dead tree in my front garden. This is one of the reasons I stay in Zimbabwe.
Another is the sudden and unexpected pride in your country which comes when you
least expect it.
There haven't been many occasions in the last three
years when I can honestly say that I've been proud to be a Zimbabwean. That all
changed this week when Henry Olonga and Andy Flower walked up to the press box
at the Harare Sports Club shortly before the World Cup Cricket match against
Namibia started. They were both wearing black armbands and they presented a
press statement explaining that they were in mourning for the death of democracy
in Zimbabwe. Their one page statement said it all, the hunger, oppression,
torture and lawlessness which has become a part of every minute of every day in
our country. Their bravery has been such an inspiration this week and has given
us the strength to continue fighting for democracy in Zimbabwe. The closing sentence of their statement is echoed by us all
and reads: "We pray that our small action may help to restore sanity and dignity
to our nation."
So, while army tanks and armed soldiers guard
Heathrow airport and Americans buy plastic sheeting to protect their homes from
possible air borne diseases, Zimbabweans wait for more people to display their
courage and say no to fear and oppression. It's not an easy thing to get over
this huge shroud of fear that is suffocating our country. This morning our
suburbs are littered with hundreds of pamphlets. Printed in red, on one side is
a list all the things that are wrong in Zimbabwe. On the reverse a list of
things we can do. The first thing is: "Show courage and do not be afraid."
Passers by are reading the pamphlets, some are being brave enough to pick them
up and stuff them hastily in their pockets. It is a start. We haven't got
soldiers to guard us or policemen to protect us but more and more Zimbabweans
are looking into their hearts and finding ways to overcome the fear. "We have
suffered enough" are the closing words on the pamphlets and they say it all. One
of these mornings Zimbabweans will wake up and watch our majestic red dawn
knowing that the madness is over. We pray it will be soon. Until next week, with
love, cathy. Copyright cathy buckle 15th February 2003. Please ask if you would
like details of my website or books.
BBC
Friday, 14 February, 2003, 15:41
GMT
Zimbabwe police 'rigged poll'
Police rarely authorise opposition
meetings
A former Zimbabwean police commander has told the BBC that
police officers helped rig last year's presidential elections, won by Robert
Mugabe.
He said that all police officers were told to vote three times in postal
ballots and three more times in person - each time for Mr Mugabe.
 I
really want to expose this government before they kill me  Former police
commander
|
He said that he was
sacked after having voted for Morgan Tsvangirai from the Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC).
Mr Tsvangirai has asked the courts to annul the results, alleging fraud and
intimidation.
The government has denies these allegations and says the poll was free and
fair.
In hiding
The former policeman says that he is ready to testify in support of Mr
Tsvangirai's court case.
"I have all the proof that can help the MDC win its case in court. Mugabe did
not win the presidential election. It is the police and other security organs
which helped rig the election," said the former officer.
|
ZIMBABWE ELECTIONS |
 |
Mugabe: 1, 685,212; Tsvangirai: 1,258,401
Official turnout: 3,130,913 or 55.9%
High turnout in Zanu-PF's rural strongholds
Number of polling stations reduced in opposition
areas
|
 |
|
|
"There are some policemen who are willing to testify if they are assured of
their safety," he said.
Election observers from the Commonwealth said the election was held in a
"climate of fear", a finding backed up by western countries.
However, some African observers backed Mr Mugabe's re-election.
The 36-year-old is now on the run and is in hiding in Matabeleland South
province.
He claims his life is in danger and that state security agents are after him.
He was the Beitbridge commander during the elections and says that his
superiors checked all ballot papers and when he was found to have voted for Mr
Tsvangirai, he was arrested and suspended.
He told the BBC that he was tortured by the police and government agents
while in custody and threatened with death.
'Testify'
When they finally released him, other policemen told him to flee the country
because his life was in danger.
He then illegally crossed the border into South Africa but was arrested by
police in the border town of Messina.
He was accused of being an illegal immigrant and deported.
He managed to escape from state security agents in Zimbabwe and is now in
hiding.
"I lost all my property. I have nothing. I am now a destitute yet I had
everything," he said.
"I really want to expose this government before they kill me." the former
police officer said.
East London Dispatch
Bizos questions CIA involvement in murder
plot
HARARE -- A political consultant said yesterday he pretended to go
along
with a plan by Zimbabwe's opposition to assassinate President Robert
Mugabe
so he could report it to the government as it
unfolded.
Montreal-based consultant, Ari Ben Menashe, the main state
witness in the
treason trial of Morgan Tsvangirai, the leader of the Movement
for
Democratic Change, claimed he was asked to co-ordinate dealings
already
begun between the opposition and the US government and the
Central
Intelligence Agency to kill Mugabe.
"We are not assassins and
murderers. We agreed to go along with the plan
only after it was reported to
authorities in Zimbabwe," he said.
Ben Menashe has denied he was paid by
Zimbabwe to entrap Tsvangirai and two
senior opposition colleagues, Welshman
Ncube and Renson Gasela.
The politicians deny treason charges and say Ben
Menashe framed them. They
could face the death penalty if
convicted.
Ben Menashe alleged in the high court yesterday that
Tsvangirai told him he
frequently met US officials on trips to the United
States, whom he said were
"agreeable" to killing Mugabe.
"He went on
about it. He mentioned the CIA ... and execution squads of the
US government.
It was his fantasy the American government would make him
president," Ben
Menashe said.
He is the first witness in the trial, in its tenth day
yesterday.
Lead defence attorney George Bizos said neither the US
government nor the
CIA's alleged contacts with Tsvangirai were mentioned in
Ben Menashe's sworn
statement to the Zimbabwe police. The statement is
regarded as key evidence
in the trial.
"If they were indeed involved,
President Mugabe was surely in serious and
immediate danger, and yet there is
no such mention in the police statement?"
said Bizos.
Ben Menashe said
he verbally reported the alleged US involvement to
Zimbabwe's Central
Intelligence Organisation and police.
"That was sufficient," he
said.
The charges are based on a grainy four-hour video recorded during a
meeting
between Tsvangirai and Ben Menashe in Montreal on December 4, 2001 in
which
Tsvangirai allegedly asked for help to "eliminate" Mugabe.
On
Thursday, Ben Menashe admitted receiving US$200000 (R1,72 million) from
the
government soon after providing a secretly recorded videotape
allegedly
incriminating Tsvangirai in a murder and coup plot.
Ben
Menashe claimed the money was a fee for other research work by his
Montreal
firmfor the Zimbabwe government. -- Sapa-AP
ZWNEWS
Docket for MDC supporters
vanishes
Correspondent in Bulawayo
A docket for 15 MDC supporters allegedly shot at by Andrew
Langa, the MP for Insiza (Zanu PF) in the run-up to the parliamentary
by-election last year cannot be located. This was heard on Monday when the group
appeared before a Gwanda magistrate, Douglas Zvenyika. One of the MDC
supporters, Darlington Kadengu, was shot in the back. He allegedly still has the
bullet lodged in his body. The 15 supporters, who were not asked to plead, were
remanded out of custody on $5 000 each and are expected to appear in court on 29
April. As a result of the missing docket, the prosecution failed to set a trial
date for the accused. The group includes Alderman Charles Mpofu, a Bulawayo
councillor, Siyabonga Ncube, the losing MDC candidate's campaign manager. The 15
were charged under the Public Order and Security Act (POSA) for allegedly
disturbing public peace. The other accused are Wilson Phiri, 32, Gift Muchenje,
25, Trigger Monalisani Mkhize, 20, Simangaliso Kodzai, 28, Dumisani Siziba, 27,
Charles Ncube, 37, Absolom Tshuma, 50, Jabulani Mathuthu, 30, Vusumuzi Mpofu,
23, Danisa Mlilo, 21 and McTavish Lunga, 22.
The group is alleged to have gone to Langa's house "making a
lot of noise". They allegedly pushed a Zanu PF vehicle which was parked near
Langa's home and smashed it against one of the house's walls. The State alleged
that Langa armed himself with a hunting rifle and fired a warning shot to scare
the MDC supporters away. In their defence, the group will argue that they had
gone to Insiza Police Station to report that they had been ambushed and robbed
of $5 million in cash and several campaign posters. The 15 will say that as they
made the report Langa burst into the police station and fired several shots at
the group, hitting Kadengu in the back. They will argue that the police
initially said they were being detained for their own safety but later arrested
and charged them under POSA. But Langa was not arrested in connection with the
shooting of Kadengu. The accused were represented by Robert Ndlovu of Moyo and
Majwabu. Elias Nyoni prosecuted.
