The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.
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Zim Online

MDC pledges to restore rule of law
Fri 18 February 2005
  HARARE - Zimbabwe's main opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
party says it will restore the rule of law, embark on a comprehensive
economic and
      agricultural recovery programme within the first 100 days in office if
it is elected next month.

      In its election manifesto for the March poll, which will be officially
presented to voters on Sunday, the opposition party says it is not promising
any quick-fix solution. But the party says its plan is the best to return
Zimbabwe to normality within a "bearable time frame."

      "The stabilisation period will have to be long enough to ensure the
achievement of desirable macro-economic targets (inflation and budget
deficit) while also allowing a reasonable time for adjustment from the
disastrous policies of the previous regime," the
      manifesto reads in part

      .Party president Morgan Tsvangirai is expected to formally present the
manifesto to supporters at a rally in Masvingo city.

      Besides promising honest and competent leadership, peace, jobs, food,
and affordable medical drugs among other necessities, the MDC vows to
entrench democracy in Zimbabwe through a people-driven process to rewrite
the country's flawed Constitution.

      "An MDC government will ensure that the people have an opportunity to
make a new constitution through a transparent, accountable and inclusive
constitution-making process.

      "That constitution should result in a government accountable to
parliament, an independent judiciary, respect for human rights and equality
of all citizens," the opposition election document says.

      The international community that has shunned Zimbabwe because of its
poor human rights record, lawlessness and political violence will be courted
back under an MDC government to help feed hungry Zimbabweans and support the
country's revival.

      An MDC government will set up an "independent anti-corruption
commission" to ensure national resources are only used for the benefit of
Zimbabweans.

      The labour-backed opposition party promises to uphold workers' rights.
It says it will also provide inputs and financial support to farmers, in
particular those in communal and resettlement areas in order to revive and
increase food production.

      The MDC is the biggest threat to President Robert Mugabe and his
ruling ZANU PF party's 24-year grip on power. The opposition party nearly
defeated the ruling ZANU PF party in the last parliamentary election five
years ago.

      However, if the MDC wins on March 31, Zimbabwe will most likely be
plunged into a constitutional crisis with an opposition parliament tussling
for power against Mugabe and his executive drawn from ZANU PF.

      Meanwhile, the nomination court sits in provincial centres today to
register candidates for next month's poll.

      The ruling ZANU PF and MDC parties are the only ones expected to field
candidates in all the 120 constituencies while other smaller parties are
expected to field candidates in fewer constituencies.

      Only one independent candidate, former Harare South constituency
legislator and Zimbabwe Union of Democrats President, Margaret Dongo, has so
far declared she will stand in Harare Central constituency.

      Several more independent candidates are however expected to register
today with speculation rife that information minister and government
propaganda chief Jonathan Moyo might stand as an independent in his rural
home Tsholotsho constituency.

      Moyo was barred from contesting the election by his ZANU PF party.
Several sitting opposition parliamentarians might also contest as
independents after failing to win the party ticket.

      To qualify as a candidate for the parliamentary election, one must be
a registered voter, have attained the age of twenty-one and have been
ordinarily resident in Zimbabwe in the last five years.

      A prospective candidate's nomination papers must also be signed by at
least 10 voters registered in the respective constituency. Candidates will
be required to pay $2 million for registration. - ZimOnline

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Zim Online

Opposition MP wins restraining order against police
Fri 18 February 2005

      BULAWAYO - The High Court here yesterday ordered the police not to
prevent or interfere with any exercise by opposition legislator David
Coltart to verify whether supporters in his Bulawayo South constituency were
properly registered on the constituency voters' roll.

      The police earlier this week arrested Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) activists, Coltart's party, who were on a door-to-door campaign in the
constituency checking whether party members appeared on the roll.

      In a ruling delivered in his chambers, Justice Misheck Cheda said:
"The Zimbabwe Republic Police be and is hereby interdicted from preventing,
barring or in any way interfering with the voters' roll verification and
analysis process being conducted by the Applicant.

      "It is also ordered that the voters' roll analysis and verification
process be and is hereby authorised and allowed to continue; and the costs
of this application shall be borne by the third respondents."

      A Bulawayo police chief superintendent Jonah Muzambi, Police
Commissioner Augustine Chihuri and Home Affairs
      Minister Kembo Mohadi are cited as first, second and third
respondents, respectively.

      The MDC accuses the police of selectively applying the law to
victimise its activists and hamstring its campaign ahead of next month's
election. - ZimOnline
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Zim Online

Government media watchman threatens new paper
Fri 18 February 2005

      HARARE - The state's Media and Information Commission yesterday
threatened to ban the country's latest newspaper, The Zimbabwean, accusing
the paper of being financed from "slush funds" from American and European
donors.

      President Robert Mugabe and his ruling ZANU PF party accuse Western
countries of using international and local independent media to demonise
their government as punishment for seizing white farmland for redistribution
to landless blacks.

      In a press statement late yesterday afternoon, commission chairman,
Tafataona Mahoso, queried how the paper, which is produced by exiled
Zimbabweans in London and sold in Britain, South Africa and Zimbabwe, could
sell at about 40 percent cheaper than locally produced titles.

      The Zimbabwean, which hit the streets a week ago, is sold in Harare
for Z$4 000.

      Mahoso said: "A locally published weekly paper of a similar size is
selling in Harare at about $10 000, even with adequate advertiser support .
. . the Sunday Times of South Africa retails in Harare at $15 000, after
being shipped just from Johannesburg. It is heavily supported by
advertisers."

      Claiming The Zimbabwean was even cheaper than "manna from heaven",
Mahoso said the paper was financed from"slush funds . . . intended to
undermine national, duly registered and truly sovereign publishers who are
making an honest living."

      The government media watchman said: "Even the World Trade Organisation
would not allow a product concocted in Britain and produced in Ireland to be
dumped in a country ten thousand miles away at a price which is only 40
percent of the comparable product. That is far cheaper than manna from
heaven, and here we suspect an imperialist and racist godfather."

      Mahoso said his commission, which has powers to ban the paper and
order the arrest of its local distributors, shall move against The
Zimbabwean to stop it from "abusing basic business practices" and also in
order to "protect our national and sovereign print media industry."

      The commission chairman did not specify what action he was considering
but sources said the paper could be stopped from circulating in Zimbabwe.

      Mahoso has in the last two years banned three newspapers including
Zimbabwe's biggest and only non-government owned daily paper, the Daily
News. Hundreds of journalists have also been arrested at the instigation of
Mahoso's commission. - ZimOnline

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Business Report

      Dlamini-Zuma has nailed her colours to Zanu-PF ship

      By Terry Bell

      "It's amazing how short are the memories of some former exiles," a
middle-aged trade unionist mused this week when he heard Nkosazana
Dlamini-Zuma, the foreign minister, warn against a trade union blockade of
Zimbabwe.

      She maintained such an action would be illegal; that "nowhere in the
world" was it permissible to impose such sanctions.

      But as a number of generally older unionists are fully aware,
Dlamini-Zuma was in exile in England at the time the Liverpool dockers
refused to unload South African merchandise. This was a classic blockade and
it was hailed by an ANC of which Dlamini-Zuma was very much a part
            "Many of us here now feel your government is guilty of gross
hypocrisy"
      .

      The blockades mounted by longshoremen in the US, and waterside workers
in New Zealand and Australia, were also hailed. Then, of course, there were
the many retail boycotts, epitomised by the famous strike at Dunnes store in
Dublin by 11 shop assistants.

      During many of those exile years, a formal blockade was also mounted
against the Rhodesian colony that, under its colonial pigmentocracy, had
unilaterally declared independence.

      In that case, it was the British government that called for and
authorised the sanctions. The Rhodesia Front regime of Ian Smith was only
able to survive because South Africa and Portugal, which controlled
Mozambique until 1974, did not observe the blockade.

      They decided, in their racist and anti-democratic interests, to
support the Front.

      Companies such as Lonrho, which owned the oil pipeline that runs from
the Mozambique coast to Zimbabwe, also broke the blockade.

      When they did so, it was on the basis that profit was the ultimate
principle. But Lonrho was in contravention of international law in doing so.

      Obviously, governments have the right to impose whatever laws they
wish within their national boundaries. This is covered by the concept of
sovereignty.

      But the laws and how they are applied have to be seen and judged in a
political context.

      There are, today, various standards, including the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, to which states are held accountable.

      Zimbabwe is in clear breach of a number of these standards, including
the recent ones set by the Southern African Development Community (SADC).
Sanctions may therefore be legitimately called for and applied.

      So for Dlamini-Zuma to imply that there is some kind of international
statute prohibiting blockades as part of union solidarity is nonsense
      .

      However, she was perfectly within her rights to warn Cosatu that "the
full weight of the law" could be brought to bear if the union federation
dared to impose sanctions on Zimbabwe.

      Laws covering obstruction, breach of the peace or even riotous
behaviour can all be trundled out for such occasions. The decision to apply
them is political.

      By warning that laws would be used, Dlamini-Zuma firmly nailed her
colours to the mast of the Zanu-PF ship of state and its wily and
controversial skipper, President Robert Mugabe.

      Her statement this week that there would be free and fair elections in
Zimbabwe in accordance with the protocols laid down by SADC reinforced this.

      One of the rules the SADC heads of state drew up is that observers
from the region should be permitted to investigate the situation on the
ground in Zimbabwe, 90 days before any election.

      It is now only 39 days before the scheduled poll and the SADC is still
waiting to be invited.

      All of these points have been made by various unionists over the past
week. But there are also a great many who express confusion or who feel that
Cosatu should pay more attention to the situation on the home front rather
than "interfere" in Zimbabwe.

      "That is a misunderstanding of what trade unionism is all about," says
Cosatu general secretary Zwelinzima Vavi.

      "Never forget, Cosatu's motto is 'An injury to one is an injury to
all'."

      In the early struggle days of Cosatu, it was unions around the world
that provided solidarity. They often formed the core of various
anti-apartheid movements.

      Ironically, in the case of Zimbabwe, the triumphant liberation
movement faction, Zanu, was hostile to the ANC, which had a long-standing
alliance with the Zapu movement led by Joshua Nkomo.

      But from the time of the formation of Cosatu in 1985, the Zimbabwe
Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU), formed in 1981, and the local federation
maintained close contact.

      One reason the ZCTU has been restrained in its criticism of President
Thabo Mbeki's controversial "quiet diplomacy approach" to Zimbabwe has been
respect for Cosatu as part of the governing and ANC-led alliance. This has
now changed.

      "Given what has been said and done over recent months, many of us here
now feel your government is guilty of gross hypocrisy," says Bright
Chibvuri, editor of the ZCTU newspaper, The Worker.

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The Telegraph

Blair's African ally supports Mugabe
By David Blair in Johannesburg
(Filed: 18/02/2005)

The African leader favoured with more British aid than any other and
selected by Tony Blair to promote Africa around the world provoked outrage
yesterday by championing President Robert Mugabe's regime in Zimbabwe.

President Benjamin Mkapa of Tanzania exonerated Mr Mugabe of any blame for
the political violence, economic crisis and food shortages that have cost
hundreds of lives and impoverished millions of Zimbabweans.

Instead, Mr Mkapa implied that Mr Mugabe's beleaguered opponents were behind
the violence. Zimbabwe's opposition Movement for Democratic Change responded
by denouncing Mr Mkapa as "ignorant".

His comments will be highly embarrassing to Mr Blair, who chose Mr Mkapa to
play a central role in championing Africa during Britain's presidency of the
G8 group of industrialised countries.

The Prime Minister chose him personally to sit on a 17-strong "Commission
for Africa", charged with promoting the continent's interests, and Mr
Mkapa's government also received more than £80 million of British aid last
year.

African leaders have promised the West that they will embrace democracy and
"good governance" in return for more support. But in a BBC World Service
interview, to be broadcast tomorrow, Mr Mkapa will reject any suggestion
that Zimbabwe has failed to live up to these principles.

"I don't see Zimbabwe as an illustration of bad governance, I don't buy it,"
Mr Mkapa told the BBC. He claimed that western criticism of Mr Mugabe was
motivated solely by fury over the seizure of land from white farmers.

Zimbabwe's economy has been the fastest-shrinking in the world for the last
four years in a row. About 40 per cent of the entire economy has been lost
since 2000 and inflation, also the highest in the world, runs at 130 per
cent. Some 5.8 million Zimbabweans - half the population - were dependent on
western food aid last year.

But Mr Mkapa cleared Mr Mugabe of any blame. "It was the cost of
transformation," he said. "Everything has a price."

As for repression of Mr Mugabe's critics, Mr Mkapa said the onus was on the
opposition to avoid this. "If they are being harried of course I don't
support that. But you see, whenever there is trouble in the governance of
African countries the blame is put totally on the conduct of government, no
one really spotlights the conduct of the opposition," he said.

"But mayhem can be started by opposition parties, especially when they've
decided to get into state house by hook or by crook as the main pillar of
their policy."

Mr Mkapa's words infuriated Zimbabwe's opposition. "It's the talk of a
geriatric intoxicated by his own ignorance of the situation here," said
Tendai Biti, the MDC's secretary for economic affairs. "How can he speak of
good governance when people are being arrested here, when newspapers are
being closed and when laws which are as repressive as those in apartheid
South Africa are being passed on a daily basis? So how can he defend the
governance of Zimbabwe?"

Mr Biti went on: "Compared to the likes of Mugabe, Mkapa is a saint, but
he's not a good choice for the commission."

Mr Mkapa's views on Zimbabwe would have been well known to the British
before he was appointed to the Commission for Africa. After Zimbabwe's
bitterly controversial presidential election in 2002, Mr Mkapa was among the
first African leaders to congratulate Mr Mugabe on his "victory" and hailed
him as "a champion of democracy".

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VOA

AU Endorses Report of Abuses, Intimidation in 2002 Zimbabwe Poll By VOA News
      17 February 2005

The African Union has endorsed a report that says political violence,
arbitrary arrests and police torture occurred in the run-up to the 2002
Zimbabwe presidential elections.

The report was compiled by the African Commission on Human and Peoples'
Rights during a fact-finding mission in 2002.  It said evidence gathered
during the review period showed that human rights violations occurred in
Zimbabwe.

The mission said it received testimony from witnesses who were victims of
political violence and torture while in police custody.

It said the Zimbabwe government cannot wash its hands of responsibility.

The report was first made public during last year's AU summit in July.  It
was not endorsed at the time, in order to allow for the Zimbabwe
government's response to be included.

In July, the government denounced the report.
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Cape Times

      Riddle wrapped in an enigma
      February 18, 2005

      by the Editor

      Impossible as it may seem, the South African government's approach to
the crisis in Zimbabwe is becoming even more difficult to understand.

      There was a time when a rationale could have been threaded out of the
softly-softly approach, one that factored in Zimbabwean President Robert
Mugabe's sensitivity to criticism and recognition of his historical role.

      That time is long past and the Zimbabwean leader has spent the last
few years making his African counterparts look, at best, ineffectual and
indecisive. At worst they have seemed to sympathise with his undemocratic
activities.

      Some critics of South Africa's approach have even suggested that the
government's strategy is shaped more by its resistance to criticism than any
ideological sentiment.

      This week foreign affairs minister Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma added fuel
to the conspiracy theorists' fire with the bizarre assertion that the March
election in that country would be free and fair.

      Any rational analysis of events in that country would surely suggest
that is highly unlikely.

      Years and years of undemocratic activity by Mugabe and his thuggish
cronies, often blatantly violent, has made opposition politicking a highly
risky business.

      This week, for instance, a meeting of the Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) was disrupted and the party's election director arrested.

      And, as Dlamini-Zuma acknowledged, Zimbabwe has not met the Southern
African Development Community's guidelines for a free and fair election.

      So why then her strange comments?

      And the South African government's apparent reluctance to confront
Mugabe?

      Or is its strategy only premised on the feeble - and faint, one might
add - hope that the problem may go away one day?
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The Telegraph

Mugabe throws poll into turmoil
By Peta Thornycroft in Harare
(Filed: 18/02/2005)

First, find 10 voters whose names appear on a non-existent electoral roll.
Then hand twice your monthly salary to an official whose identity remains a
mystery.

Those are the first hurdles that Zimbabwe's opposition candidates must
complete by today if they wish to contest next month's parliamentary
election.

President Robert Mugabe's regime has thrown the electoral machinery into
turmoil, which critics say is a deliberate attempt to prevent the opposition
Movement for Democratic Change from fielding candidates in all 120
constituencies.

The last presidential election in 2002 was denounced by Commonwealth
observers as a violation of every democratic standard.

For this election, every MDC candidate must first be nominated by 10
registered voters. Despite years of intimidation, finding the names is not
difficult. Checking that they appear on the electoral roll is the hard part.
The latest register is virtually impossible to obtain and can be issued by
only one government office in the capital, Harare. All candidates must apply
for it in person and are often fobbed off with old copies.

Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga, an opposition MP, spent eight days trying
to obtain a copy.

"I went from office to office and kept being sent somewhere else," she said.

"I tried to buy copies for other MPs but was told they have to come in
person, even if they live very far away."

The list costs £100, equivalent to an MP's monthly salary. All candidates
must then present their credentials to the electoral officer responsible for
their constituency. But these officials have not been named, let alone
publicly appointed.

Even if the unknown officials can be found, a prospective candidate must
hand over a fee of £200.

As a result, the MDC acknowledges that it may be unable to put up candidates
in every seat and that some MPs from Mugabe's Zanu-PF party could win
unopposed.

"These are deliberate obstacles," a spokesman said.
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SOKWANELE

Enough is Enough

Zimbabwe

PROMOTING NON-VIOLENT PRINCIPLES TO ACHIEVE DEMOCRACY

We have a fundamental right to freedom of expression!

(www.sokwanele.com)

 

“Mauritius Watch”

 

The Zimbabwean Elections:

(Monitoring SADC Protocol Violations)

 

Issue 16.   14 February 2005

 

On 17 August 2004, the Southern African Development Community (SADC) leaders meeting in Mauritius adopted the SADC Protocol – Principles and Guidelines Governing Democratic Elections.  Zimbabwe, as a member of SADC, also signed the Protocol and committed itself to implementing its standards.

 

“Mauritius Watch” provides a regular, objective and non-partisan assessment of Zimbabwe’s compliance with the Protocol.  In the run-up to the 2005 Parliamentary Elections we note any significant failures to adhere to the SADC standards.

 

This special weekly feature assumes an even greater significance now that the date of the Parliamentary Elections has been announced – 31 March.  Less than 7 weeks remain before this crucial poll.

 

 

 

Date

Incidents/Developments

SADC standards breached

10.02.05

 

STILL NO INVITATIONS

 

Less than seven weeks before the date of the parliamentary elections and well beyond the minimum of 90 days stipulated in the SADC Protocol on Democratic Elections, the Mugabe regime has still not issued any invitations to observe or monitor the Poll, either to SADC or any other group.  The SADC Protocol requires the host country to issue such an invitation at least 90 days before the voting day “in order to allow an adequate preparation for the deployment of the Electoral  Observation Mission”.

 

Meanwhile Luphumzo Kebeni, spokesperson for the South African Parliament, has said that South Africa will “definitely” send a multi-party team of parliamentary observers.  Kebeni confirmed that the South African Parliament will also send a representative to join the SADC observer team.

 

Dr Kasuka Mutukwa, secretary general of the SADC parliamentary forum (SADC-PF) which criticised the 2002 presidential elections in Zimbabwe, said from Windhoek the forum was expecting an invitation” and would like to send a team of 35 members of parliament.

 

The Election Institute of Southern Africa (Eisa), which monitors all elections in the region, will decide this week who is to lead its team of 40 observers.  However none of the would-be observer missions has received an invitation from Harare yet. Miss Sa Ngidi of Eisa said an invitation was a pre-requisite and if they did not receive one they would definitely complain to Zimbabwe’s  electoral commission.

 

Zimbabwe’s main opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), said that the refusal to invite observers in time showed that Mugabe has “skeletons in the closet”.   Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga, shadow minister of foreign affairs, said in Harare that the African Union has also not been invited yet and “it is clear that the (Zimbabwean) government is not at all serious about observers”.

 

(See the report in New24 (SA): www.news24.com 10.02.05, also carried on ZWNEWS: www.zwnews.com)

 

Note – under Section 14 of the recently enacted Electoral Act, an “Observers’ Accreditation Committee” is set up whose members are appointed by Mugabe and his ministers.  This entirely partisan body is given absolute discretion in respect of who to authorise to observe the election.  Therefore, apart from the late issuing of invitations to regional and other observer missions, it remains to be seen whether Harare will accept the members appointed to these missions by the regional bodies concerned.

 

 

 

7.10        (Host government responsible for)  issuing invitation … to SADC 90 (ninety) days before the voting day in order to allow an adequate preparation for the deployment of the Electoral Observation Mission

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

7.12  (Host government responsible for) accreditation of the members of  SADC Electoral Observation Mission on a non-discriminatory basis

 

 

 

11.02.05

 

SADC TROIKA SNUBBED

 

Southern African Development Community (SADC) leaders who planned to assess electoral conditions in Zimbabwe last month were unable to proceed with their mission when authorities in Harare proved reluctant hosts.

 

Diplomatic sources disclosed that a SADC troika comprising South African President Thabo Mbeki, Lesotho Prime Minister Phakalitha Mosisili, and outgoing Namibian President Sam Nujoma had been expected to meet Robert Mugabe on January 17 in Harare in connection with the election, but were unable to fulfil their mission.  The trip was aborted when the leaders failed to secure a confirmation from Harare.

 

After the failure of the SADC troika leaders to secure an appointment with Mugabe, SADC then decided to send a technical team, including legal experts, to assess the situation. However this team is also still awaiting clearance from Harare. All the signs are that Mugabe is extremely uncomfortable with the most unwelcome spotlight now being focused on the skewed political landscape and profoundly flawed electoral process in Zimbabwe. 

 

(See the report in Zimbabwe Independent: www.theindependent.co.zw 11.02.05)

 

 

 

7.5    (Government to) take all necessary measures and precautions to prevent the perpetration of fraud, rigging or any other illegal practices throughout the whole electoral process, in order to maintain peace and security

 

7.8      (Government to) ensure the transparency and integrity of the entire electoral process by facilitating the deployment of representatives of political parties … at polling and counting stations and by accrediting national and/other observers/monitors

 

08.02.05

 

 

VILLAGERS TOLD  “BACK ZANU-PF OR STARVE” 

 

Opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party officials in Matabeleland South have accused traditional chiefs of forcing their subjects to back the ruling ZANU-PF party, threatening to deny government-supplied maize to those who refuse.

 

To be allowed to buy cheaper-priced maize from the ZANU-PF-controlled Grain Marketing Board (GMB), starving villagers must have their names on a food assistance register kept by the chief.  Chiefs also issue letters authorising the GMB to sell maize to their subjects.  The GMB is the only company permitted to trade in maize and is the only institution supplying subsidized maize to the majority of hungry Zimbabweans after the government barred international food agencies from doing so. 

 

According to opposition officials, chiefs in Tsholotsho, Umzingwane, Insiza and other constituencies in the province have told their subjects to attend ZANU-PF campaign rallies only, with those who defy their orders having their names removed from the food register.  Mtloliki Sibanda, MDC member of parliament for Tsholotsho, said villagers had little option but to abide by the chiefs’ orders or they starve.

 

(See the report on Zim Online: www.zimonline.co.za   08.02.05)

 (Also see pay hike story on page 5 of this report)

 

2.1.3    Political tolerance

 

4.1.1.      Constitutional and legal guarantees of freedom and rights of the citizens

 

4.1.2        Conducive environment for free, fair and peaceful elections

 

7.5            (Government to) take all necessary measures and precautions to prevent the perpetration of  fraud, rigging or any other illegal practices throughout the whole electoral process …

 

 

 

 

11.02.05

 

 

MILITARY DECLARE “NO GO” AREAS FOR MDC

 

Robert Mugabe’s ZANU-PF government has barred opposition and independent candidates in next month’s parliamentary elections from canvassing for support among uniformed forces – long recognized as the bedrock of ZANU-PF’s 25-year grip on power.

 

Commanders at army, police and prison camps have in the past few weeks refused the candidates permission to hold meetings or to distribute flyers in the camps where thousands of service personnel live with their families.  ZANU-PF candidates on the other hand can enter the camps freely to campaign for their party.

 

An example of the blatantly partisan stance of the military in Zimbabwe is provided by the refusal of the police authorities to permit independent candidate Margaret Dongo from entering the Tomlinson Depot in the Harare Central constituency where she is standing.   Tomlinson Depot is one of no less than five large camps and barracks in Harare Central constituency.  Residents of the camps make up close to 50 per cent of the registered voters in the constituency.

 

Harare Lawyer and MDC legislator Tendai Biti was refused entry to Chikurubi Prison Complex east of the capital.  He said: “It is unconstitutional and immoral to bar the opposition from campaigning in camps and barracks.”

 

Just before the 2002 presidential election controversially won by Mugabe, the top commanders of Zimbabwe’s army, air force, police, prison and secret service declared in a joint statement that they were not going to back the winner in that poll if that person did not fight in Zimbabwe’s 1970s independence war.  The statement was seen as a clear threat to stage a coup if MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai, who did not fight the war, won.

(See the report in Zim Online: www.zimonline.co.za 11.02.05)

 

 

2.1.1        Full participation of citizens in the political process

 

2.1.2        Freedom of association

 

2.1.3        Political tolerance

 

2.1.6        Equal opportunity to exercise the right to vote and be voted for

 

4.1.2          Conducive environment for free, fair and peaceful elections

 

7.4               (Government to) safeguard the human and civil liberties of all citizens, including the freedom of movement, assembly, association, expression and campaigning …

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

06.02.05

 

1 400 PER CENT PAY HIKE FOR MUGABE’S TROOPS

 

Less than two months ahead of the parliamentary elections scheduled for March 31, Robert Mugabe’s ZANU-PF government has awarded huge pay increases – up to 1 400 per cent – to the war veteran’s militia, ex-political prisoners and traditional chiefs.

 

These moves immediately drew accusations that Mugabe was paying off key political groups with a critical role in the ZANU-PF election strategy of intimidating opposition voters.

 

In the last parliamentary elections in 2000 and presidential ballot of 2002, so-called war veterans and the youth militia led a countrywide reign of terror against the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), and are considered responsible for most of the murders of about 300 people in the campaigns.  Chiefs and their hierarchy of village headmen are accused of using their powerful influence over impoverished rural communities to force people to vote for Mugabe’s  ZANU-PF.

 

Ironically Mugabe accuses the MDC of soliciting Western finance “to buy votes”.     The ZWNEWS headline for the report on Mugabe’s attack on the MDC reads:   “’Zimbabwe can’t be bought’, says vote buyer”.

 

(Reported from News24 (SA): www.news24.com 06.02.05 and in ZWNEWS www.zwnews.com 08.02.05)

 

4.1.2        Conducive environment for free, fair and peaceful elections

 

 

 

10.02.05

 

YOUTH MILITIA DEPLOYED IN MDC STRONGHOLDS

 

More than 2 000 youth militia have been deployed at Kamativi in the opposition stronghold Matabeleland North province ahead of the March elections.

 

The youths, accused by churches and human rights groups of hunting down, torturing and raping opposition supporters, have already begun patrolling villages in Binga, Hwange, near the tourist resort of Victoria Falls and other parts of the province.

 

Opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) member of parliament for Hwange West constituency, Jealous Sansole, said that people in his area were now afraid to attend meetings called by his party since the deployment of the youths. 

Sansole also revealed that many of these youths, who have been trained in violence and indoctrinated with ZANU-PF propaganda to the point at which they recognize no other authority in Zimbabwe apart from Robert Mugabe and his party, have been illegally registered to vote in his constituency under which Kamativi falls.

 

Under the new Electoral Act, voters are registered in the constituency in which they live, and in a parliamentary election should cast their ballot only in that constituency.

 

In a damning report on human rights abuses in the country, the African Commission for Human and Peoples’ Rights singled out the youth militias as among the chief human rights abusers and called for their disbandment.  The report was formally adopted by the African Union last week.

 

(Reported in Zim Online: www.zimonline.co.za 10.02.05)

 

 

4.1.2        Conducive environment for free, fair and peaceful elections

 

7.4              (Government to) safeguard the human and civil liberties of all citizens including the freedom of movement, assembly, association, expression and campaigning …

 

7.5              (Government to) take all necessary measures and precautions to prevent the perpetration of fraud, rigging or any other illegal practices throughout the whole electoral process, in order to maintain peace and security

 

11.02.05

 

VIOLENCE HOTS UP AHEAD OF POLL

 

A wave of political violence in Zimbabwe, highlighted by an attack on people leaving an opposition rally in Nyanga last week, is expected to intensify in the final seven weeks of an already bitter and violent election campaign.

 

Members of the Zimbabwe National Army are reported to have assaulted 15 Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) members attending a campaign rally addressed by a party candidate, Douglas Mwonzora, in Nyanga on February 6.

 

Hundreds of followers of Mugabe’s ZANU-PF party ambushed the opposition supporters after the rally, where the incumbent opposition candidate vowed the MDC would end the “reign of terror” if it came to power.

 

The incident capped a week in which police arrested Zengeza MDC candidate Godrich Chimbaira, militants attacked an opposition office in Bulawayo and self-styled liberation war veterans killed a white farmer near Banket and forced his family to flee their farm.

 

(See the report in the Zimbabwe Independent: www.theindependent.co.zw 11.02.05)

 

 

2.1.2        Freedom of association

 

2.1.3    Political tolerance

 

4.1.1        Constitutional and legal guarantees of freedom and rights of the citizens

 

4.1.2        Conducive environment for free, fair and peaceful elections

 

7.4      (Government to) safeguard the human and civil liberties of all citizens including the freedom of movement, assembly, association, expression and campaigning …

 

7.7      (Government to) ensure that adequate security  is provided to all parties participating in the elections

 

 

06.02.05

 

OPPOSITION BLASTS 20-FOLD HIKE IN ELECTION FEES

 

Zimbabwe’s main opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), has accused Robert Mugabe’s government of trying to subvert democracy through a 20-fold increase in the deposit fees for candidates contesting the March 31 parliamentary polls.

 

“This is a clear attempt to use money to prevent democracy,” the MDC secretary general, Welshman Ncube, said.   Twenty-four hours after his party had announced it would be contesting the election the government issued a notice hiking the registration fee for a candidate from Z$100 000 to Z$2 million.  At the same time candidates wishing to obtain a copy of the voters’ roll will now have to pay Z$1 million against Z$200 000 previously.  Ncube said the MDC would need to raise Z$260 million by March 8 in order to contest in all the 120 constituencies.

 

(See the report in the Sunday Argus (SA): http://www.capeargus.co.za/ February 6, also carried on ZWNEWS: www.zwnews.com)

 

NOTE:  Under Zimbabwean law, political parties cannot receive foreign funding.  While there are no non-partisan law enforcement agencies to enforce this provision with respect to the ruling ZANU-PF party, the opposition parties are rigorously scrutinized by the Central Intelligence Organization (CIO) and other state agents.  The MDC’s financial resources are severely strained after contesting a number of cases involving the legal harassment of their members and challenging in the courts the results of both the 2000 parliamentary and 2002 presidential elections – cases which have still not been determined by the country’s top judges, most of whom have demonstrated a clear bias in favour of the interests of the ruling ZANU-PF.

 

 

2.1.1        Full participation of citizens in the political process

 

2.1.6    Equal opportunity to exercise the right to vote and be voted for

 

2.1.7        Independence of the Judiciary and impartiality of the electoral institutions

 

7.3                (Government to) establish impartial, all-inclusive, competent and accountable electoral bodies …. as well as competent legal entities including effective constitutional courts to arbitrate in the event of disputes arising from the conduct of elections

    

 

08.02.05

 

AU ADOPTS REPORT CRITICAL OF MUGABE’S HUMAN RIGHTS RECORD

 

It is now official.  Zimbabwe has a poor human rights record, its police force is politicized, and its security and media legislation are at odds with the freedom of expression and association.  For the first time member states of the African Union have officially sanctioned criticism of Robert Mugabe’s human rights record. 

 

Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights has confirmed that the executive council of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR) has adopted a three-year-old report on Zimbabwe’s human rights record, and it has now become a part of the official record of the African Union.

 

The ACHPR recommended in its executive summary that the Zimbabwe government should ensure the following:

 

·        the Judiciary is independent of executive control or influence

·        youth militia are dismantled and their camps closed

·        sections of security and media legislation are reviewed

·        the establishment of an independent electoral commission

·        police are freed of political control

·        NGOs involved with human rights  and governance are permitted to operate freely

 

“We hope that the Zimbabwe government takes notice of the recommendations from the AU,” said Arnold Tsunga, director of Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights.

 

(Reported in the Cape Times (SA): http://www.capetimes.co.za/ 8.02.05 and quoted in ZWNEWS: www.zwnews.com)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

2.1.7        Independence of the Judiciary

4.1.2        Conducive environment for free, fair and peaceful elections

2.1.5        Equal opportunity for all political parties to access the state media

7.3              Establish impartial, all inclusive, competent and accountable national electoral bodies …

 

 

 

ZIMBABWE ELECTORAL LEGISLATION :

SADC CHECK LIST 

 

SOKWANELE has also now produced a detailed analysis of the Zimbabwean statutes that are in breach of the SADC Protocol on Democratic Elections and the policy breaches by the ZANU-PF government. 

 

Entitled “ZIMBABWE ELECTORAL LEGISLATION : SADC CHECK LIST”, the document can be seen on our website at www.sokwanele.com

 

 

Note:  The fraudulent and violence-ridden elections of 2000 and 2002 were narrowly “won” by Robert Mugabe and his ZANU-PF party, who have maintained their iron grip on the country by using strategies designed to annihilate all forms of opposition.

 

As many independent commentators have already pointed out, there is no prospect that the parliamentary elections scheduled for March 31 will be fair and free.  Equally, given the magnitude of the task and the few weeks remaining before the poll, there is no prospect of the regime’s compliance with the SADC Protocol on Democratic Elections.   Indeed, in recent months we have witnessed a steady movement by the regime away from compliance with any international norms for democratic elections.    Behind the façade of democracy which the regime likes to put on all their activities, we have seen a deliberate and systematic attempt to subvert every institution of government in order to secure in the forthcoming poll a pre-determined result favouring ZANU-PF.

Ends

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New Zimbabwe

Full text of statement by Mahoso on The Zimbabwean

Statement by Media and Information Commission chairman Tafataona Mahoso
(Thursday 17/02/05)
Last updated: 02/18/2005 07:34:31
THE Media and Information Commission is shocked by former daily news
co-founder Wilf Banga's (sic) misrepresentation in the latest media fraud
with his The Zimbabwean representing "the voice of the voiceless".

One of the most sacred principles of professional journalism concerns the
acceptance and handling of funds and any other forms of subsidy by a
supposedly "independent" and "objective" mass media.

It is a matter of public and professional concern who the funds or subsidies
are from; what the funds or subsidies are for; how the funds or subsidies
are accounted for and audited; by whom the funds and subsidies are to be
audited and what the funders intend the provision of the funds and subsidies
to have in the destiny of Zimbabwe to justify the sponsorship of a
propaganda outlet for themselves named The Zimbabwean on the eve of a
national election.

Purporting to be published in London the Zimbabwean is printed in Ireland
and given away at $4000 on the streets of Harare after being flown all the
way from Ireland. $4000 does not even pay for combi ride in Harare. A
locally published weekly paper of similar size is selling in Harare at Z$10
000 even with adequate advertising support. The Sunday Times of South Africa
retails in Harare at Z$15 000 after being shipped just from Johannesburg. It
too is heavily supported by advertising.

The Media and Information Commission therefore concludes that the Z$4000
being charged for The Zimbabwean is enough only for a stipend for the
vendor. All the other players have already been paid from a clandestine
slush fund. That is neither journalism nor is it the way "the voiceless"
find voices. It is the way "the purchased" earn their keep.

Such a paper is no better than a missionary tract prepaid in Germany, the
USA or Britain, which is brought into the country for free distribution to
faithful catechists. Obviously the local couriers must be paid just enough
for one combi ride to dish out the tracts. A missionary tract is even better
than the so-called The Zimbabwean because it has no need to hide where its
real headquarters are situated and who the key bishops are. Mbanga instead
wants Zimbabwean readers to believe that he is pope, bishop, editor and the
World Bank at once, but there is a clear commercial outrage as well.

Even the reactionary World Trade Organisation would not allow a product
concocted in Britain and produced in Ireland to be dumped on a country 10
000 miles away which is only 40% of comparable local product. That is far
cheaper than manna form heaven. Here we suspect an imperialist and racist
godfather. Therefore the sort of media dumping being perpetrated by Mr Wilf
Mbanga with the assistance of European and North American slush funds is
wrong on three counts:

. it violates the most sacred media ethics,
. it contravenes basic business practice,
. it abuses and threatens freedom of the press and freedom of expression by
using secret slush funds to produce a product intended to undermine
national, duly registered and truly sovereign publishers who are making an
honest and transparent living by informing their audiences.

The MIC will therefore not hesitate to take the necessary steps to stop
those three abuses and to protect our national and sovereign print media
industry.

End of statement. Stamp: Executive Chairman, Media and Information
Commission
To get a copy of The Zimbabwean delivered to your doorstep call
+442380879675
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Zim Independent

Ghost voters unearthed
Conrad Dube/Loughty Dube
THE voters' roll has glaring errors that are likely to disenfranchise
thousands of voters, especially in urban constituencies, in the March 31
parliamentary election.

A voters' roll audit conducted this week unearthed hundreds of ghost voters,
with some entered more than once. There are also incomplete addresses and
dubious entries.

This came out as the High Court in Bulawayo yesterday barred police from
interfering with the voters' roll inspection being conducted by the
opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) countrywide.

The MDC filed the application after police arrested seven of its activists
who were conducting a voters' roll audit in the city.

High Court Judge Maphios Cheda granted the opposition an interim relief to
conduct its voter verification exercise without interference.

The MDC's application, filed through the party's lawyers Coghlan Welsh and
Guest, attacked the police for overzealousness.

"The conduct of the first respondent and the police in general is
reprehensible and retrogressive, especially against the backdrop of positive
efforts being made by government in correcting the bad image that has been
painted on the conduct of elections in this country," read the application.

"It is this kind of overzealous turpitude which is completely incongruent to
the general trend of not only levelling the political playing field but also
clearing the democratic complexion of our country in order to portray a
legacy of political tolerance and maturity."

The opposition says it has identified anomalies on the Harare Central and
Mbare voters' rolls. There are also alleged discrepancies on the Harare
North roll. The MDC is carrying out audits in all urban areas.

Anomalies include the appearance of names of people in constituencies in
which they don't reside. For instance, one Spiwe Muchazviona of 54-4th
Street, Newlines, Mbare and Batisai James of 31 Ardbennie Road, Mbare appear
in the Harare Central voters' roll. Also in the Harare Central roll is one
Museve Silas of 7 Dumbe Road, Mufakose. It also has a significant number of
Sunningdale 2 addresses.

Double entries are prevalent on the roll. For instance, one Dires Ngwendeka,
identity number 63-492865H-63, whose address has been given as 6 Five
Avenue, Earls Court, Harare also appears as having another identity number
63-492863M-63 and residing at the same address.

Independent candidate for Harare Central and former member of parliament for
Harare South, Margaret Dongo, claims the discrepancies are a deliberate tool
to be used by Zanu PF to rig the March election.

Dongo in 1995 won the Harare South seat in a re-run against Vivian Mwashita
of Zanu PF after the court confirmed the elections had been rigged.

"This is a tool Zanu PF has always used to rig elections and if the
opposition is not critical of this process, we are likely to see a
two-thirds majority for Zanu PF.

"If the Zanu PF government was serious about conducting democratic elections
it should have rectified these problems after they were uncovered in the
1995 election. This shows that Zimbabwe does not have the capacity to
produce a perfect voters' roll."

Responding to written questions on behalf of the Registrar-General, Tobaiwa
Mudede, a CA Goredema said capturing of data was still in progress.

He said multiple entries would be picked up during the computerisation of
the data.

"However, we do thank you for your notifying us that we can deal with this
matter with ease," he said. "Although such entries may appear on the roll
due to error by data capturers, the person votes once. The person cannot
vote more than once. If he/she does so, it will be a statutory offence
tantamount to prosecution."

Dongo has also been barred from distributing campaign material at Zimbabwe
Republic Police's Tomlinson depot. In a written letter to Dongo, police
superintendent A Mpofu, said: "Be advised that your application (to
distribute campaign materials in ZRP Tomlison Camp) dated February 5 has not
been approved. Such activities are not allowed in camp and may you please
appreciate our position."

Dongo has however written to Zimbabwe Electoral Commission, arguing that the
police decision is in contravention of t