Losing the battle against Zimbabwe's soaring inflation

Reuters

Wed Feb 21, 2007 11:25PM EST

By Nelson Banya

HARARE (Reuters) - Like many Zimbabweans, I frequently go to bed early
because the power is cut off.

The darkness in my bedroom shadows the mood in the country, where an
economic crisis has pushed inflation to nearly 1,600 percent, the highest
level in the world.

Coping with economic meltdown is never easy. But in President Robert
Mugabe's Zimbabwe, once seen as the brightest economic star in southern
Africa, it has become a disheartening battle that most people lose every
day.

I'm a young urban professional, but I often start my day by using firewood
to fix breakfast on a barbecue, something that until recently was a feature
only of rural life.
Water supplies are erratic and often our taps are dry for much longer than
the electricity is out.

That means a 30-minute trip, in each direction, to the local municipal
offices where water supplies are more reliable.

Bucket in hand, I head home to wash up.

By the time I am ready to head for work I am exhausted but the day's
challenges have only started.

Like many commuters, my daily journey to work has become an expensive
exercise in frustration.

Chinese buses purchased by the state-run transport operator run
infrequently, partly because of breakdowns, lack of spares and fuel
shortages, so I often have to make do with "pirate taxis" which charge a
fortune.

Fares change every day as people try to figure out what our money is worth.
At the moment it costs me between 1,000 and 2,000 Zimbabwe dollars ($4 and
$8) for a trip into the city.

THE LUNCHBOX INDEX
Critics say the government's program of seizing white-owned farms to give to
landless blacks created an agricultural crisis in Zimbabwe.

Mugabe, who has ruled the country since independence in 1980 and turned 83
on Wednesday, accuses the West of sabotaging Zimbabwe's economy.

Whatever the reason, the impact is everywhere, always.

I take a packed lunch to work rather than buy the fast food I used to eat
before the economic crisis took a turn for the worse.

This has given my household a useful economic indicator -- the lunchbox
index -- which is a clearer measure than the official inflation statistics.

Last August, when the central bank introduced new banknotes, having lopped
off three zeros, 1,000 Zimbabwe dollars could provide a decent packed
sandwich; a couple of slices of bread, some eggs and even a slice of ham on
good days.

Now 1,000 Zimbabwe dollars will buy only two eggs. Bread, which cost about
250 dollars 12 months ago, now costs 1,000 dollars.

Cash machines have stopped dispensing 1,000 dollar bills and now issue
10,000 dollar notes.
The bundles of banknotes keep growing. Where 100,000 dollars would go a long
way in meeting my grocery needs for a month last August, I need five times
that amount now.

SURREAL SHOPPING

Shopping in a supermarket can be a surreal experience, with customers racing
to keep ahead of employees who comb through the shelves changing price tags
to keep up with the daily inflation hikes.

Often I will try to quarrel with a cashier demanding more than appears on
the price tag, but I have become used to the explanation: the price has
risen and those changing the tags simply cannot keep up.

In contrast to three years ago, supermarket shelves are relatively full
these days, but some things are still very difficult to get.

For these I make the long trip to Musina, just across the border in South
Africa, every other month. There I can stock up on soap, cooking oil and
even potatoes, a purchase which would have been ridiculous five years ago.

My rent, already about a quarter of my salary, goes up every three months
and my neighborhood has become less pleasant now that we deal with frequent
broken sewers, uncollected garbage and other service outages.

But I'm still one of the lucky ones. At least I still have a job to come
home from. The crisis has pushed unemployment above 70 percent.
Some people without jobs turn to crime; others simply spend their days in
angry conversations about Zimbabwe's turmoil -- anger that is increasingly
hard to escape as our country collapses around us.

Bread Scarce in Zimbabwe as Mugabe Holds Party

New York Times

By MICHAEL WINES
Published: February 22, 2007
JOHANNESBURG, Feb. 21 - President Robert G. Mugabe of Zimbabwe turned 83 on
Wednesday to the strains of the song "God Bless President Mugabe" on
state-controlled radio, along with an interview on state television, a
16-page paean to his rule in Harare's daily newspaper and the prospect of a
grand birthday party - costly enough to feed thousands of people for months,
his critics argued - on Saturday.

Zimbabwe's economy is so dire that bread vanished from store shelves across
the country on Wednesday after bakeries shut down, saying government price
controls were requiring them to sell loaves at a loss. The price controls
are supposed to shield consumers from the nation's rampant inflation, which
now averages nearly 1,600 percent annually.

In Harare, the capital, the police banned demonstrations and political
gatherings in the city's sprawling townships on Wednesday, citing the threat
of looting and vandalism. Slum dwellers clashed with policemen on Sunday
after the police blocked a court-approved rally by political opponents of
Mr. Mugabe.

His critics called the ban an act of desperation, and some said that
Zimbabwe's deepening economic crisis was beginning to goad citizens into
political action despite the threat of arrest and beating.

"It's a sign of panicking by the regime," Lovemore Madhuku, who leads the
nation's largest civic organization, the National Constitutional Assembly,
said in a telephone interview from Harare. "It's also a signal that this
regime will go down fighting. They're showing that they will continue to
rely on brute force to stay in power."

In his hourlong television interview, broadcast Tuesday evening, Mr. Mugabe
showed no sign of concern that he was unpopular. Rather, he expressed
confidence that voters would add another six-year term to the 27 years he
has spent in power should he run for re-election.

He has proposed postponing the next presidential election, now scheduled for
2008, until 2010, and he mocked the ambitions of underlings who, he said,
hoped to push him from office before he was ready to retire.

"Can you see any vacancies?" he asked. "The door is closed."

On Wednesday, The Herald, the state-managed newspaper, included in 16 pages
of tributes to Mr. Mugabe an editorial calling him "an unparalleled
visionary" and "an international hero among the oppressed and poor."

The 21st February Movement, founded as a youth welfare organization in 1986,
said it had raised 300 million Zimbabwe dollars - about $65,000 at
black-market currency rates - from the public for Mr. Mugabe's birthday
party. The event, to be held in Gweru, Zimbabwe's third largest city, is to
feature a parade of specially chosen children delivering birthday greetings.

Emmanuel Fundira, the chairman of the fund-raising group, says that the
theme of this year's celebration will be "empowerment, prosperity and
 peace." In Harare, however, some citizens were caustic in their assessment
of the festivities.

"The guy is insensitive," John Shiri, 41, a teacher at a primary school,
told a local journalist. "There is no bread as we are talking, but he will
be feasting and drinking with his family and hangers-on when there is no
wheat in the country."

Zimbabwe teachers earn a basic salary of 84,000 Zimbabwe dollars a month,
plus limited allowances. The Central Statistical Office said last week that
a family of five needed more than 566,000 Zimbabwe dollars, or about $123,
to buy a month's worth of basic commodities.

Tawanda Mujuru, who runs a vegetable stall on Samora Machel Avenue in
downtown Harare, said that she would be working in a factory if not for the
failure of Mr. Mugabe's economic policies.

"He has the guts to eat and drink when we are suffering like this," she
said. "Let him enjoy. Every dog has his day. We shall have our day."

Happy birthday, Robert Mugabe

Open Democracy

       Wilf Mbanga
      21 - 2 - 2007

      Zimbabwe's president is 83 years old today. Wilf Mbanga, former friend
turned exiled editor of "The Zimbabwean", writes to him.

     To the man I once loved:

      Do you remember when we first met? I was 27, you were nearing 50. The
elder brother. Mukoma. We clicked immediately. Something about my youth and
eagerness touched you. I hero-worshipped you. As you articulated your vision
for freedom from colonial oppression I honestly believed you were the right
person to lead our country out of bondage.

      You were eloquent and intelligent, a clear thinker. As a journalist I
admired these qualities. You were prepared to fight for what you believed
in, a man of principle. As a man I revered that. You believed in
non-racism - skin colour was irrelevant. You believed in justice, dignity,
equality. So did I.

      You told me - I remember it clearly - that we were not fighting the
whites, but the system. An unjust system of privilege.

      Do you remember when you visited me in my humble home at Beatrice
Cottages? We listened to Jim Reeves and Elvis and Pat Boone and sang along
and laughed together.

      You revealed your soul to me, your dreams, your hopes - and I wrote
your first biography, introducing you to the world through the syndication
of the Argus Group. I introduced you to the ITN reporter Mike Nicholson who
first captured you on film for the international media. I was so proud of
you. I wanted the whole world to know about you, hear you speak.

      Later, you became their darling. I was so proud.

      Then when you left to go to Mozambique, my heart went with you, my
hopes for the future, for freedom, for justice, for dignity.

      I was so relieved when I heard you had arrived safely. I knew then
that our chimurenga - the liberation struggle - was in the right hands.

      Do you remember when we met again at Geneva airport, when you arrived
for the Rhodesian settlement talks? How we hugged each other and talked
about home.

      Once again, I was your biggest fan, and a mouthpiece for your cause.
You gave me several exclusive interviews. Again they were circulated
internationally.

      Do you remember when I interviewed you on the eve of the announcement
of the independence election results in March 1980? You told me you intended
to form a government of national unity - to include everyone. Once again, we
made world headlines. Your vision, my story.

      And then on the day of the announcement itself. How we laughed
together for joy, and you told me your heart had gone "boom, boom" when the
registrar-general had announced your landslide victory. How we rejoiced.
Independence at last! The birth of Zimbabwe.

      Do you remember when we met in your private lounge at state house a
few years later? The late Justin Nyoka was there, then director of
information. So too was Emmerson Mnangagwa, then minister for state
security.

      I was by then editor of our national news agency, Ziana. I had
received disturbing reports of killings in Matabeleland. You told me these
were South African-inspired and sponsored by terrorists, sent by the
apartheid-regime Boers to destabilise our precious new nation and destroy
our independence. Because I trusted you completely, I believed you. It made
sense. I accepted it. I had utter faith in your judgment.

      We travelled together much over the next decade. We were all so proud
of you. I have a photograph of you holding my hand with the late Tanzanian
president, Julius Nyerere, at a hotel in New Delhi. How we laughed. What
good years they were.

      Do you remember when I sat in the front row of the press conference
you held in 2000 to launch your election campaign? By then you had come to
regard me as your enemy, because of my role in launching the Daily News,
which was critical of your administration. You would not look at me. I
remember the feelings of betrayal, disappointment and sadness that almost
choked me.

      We did not see each other again after that.

      Today, 21 February 2007, is your birthday, Mukoma. When we met
thirty-four years ago, I wished you long life, health and happiness. It
should not have turned out like this. Zimbabwe was and is worthy of so much
more.

      It is not too late, Mukoma. You can still do the right thing. The
people for whom you were once prepared to suffer so much are still there.
They still need freedom. You once loved them enough to give your life to set
them free. Can you not find it in your heart one more time to set them free?

      Give up your power, Mukoma. Set our people free. Let them decide who
should govern them. Stop starving and beating them to force them to love
you. The only thing that will make us love you again is for you to go, now.

Zimbabwe Opposition Turns To US Diaspora For Financial Support

      By Carole Gombakomba
      Washington
      21 February 2007

The Movement for Democratic Change faction led by Morgan Tsvangirai has
issued an appeal to Zimbabweans in the diaspora to provide financial
assistance aimed at bolstering awareness of democratic principles in the
country's rural areas.

MDC Manicaland official Webber Chinyadza recently visited the United States
where he held meetings with MDC members and unaffiliated Zimbabweans in
various states.

Chinyadza said the MDC faction is targeting rural communities which for the
most part are disadvantaged in terms of their access to information. Rural
areas represent one of the ruling ZANU-PF party's most critical bases of
support across the country.

He told reporter Carole Gombakomba of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that the
MDC's rural projects are faltering due to a lack of teaching materials and
fuel, and that the Zimbabwean diaspora by supporting such projects can play
a critical role.

Zimbabwe Election Impasse Spurs Support Groups to Court Political Reform

VOA

     

      By Howard Lesser
      Washington, DC
      22 February 2007

Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe has come to the defense of a plan to
combine Zimbabwe's presidential and parliamentary elections in 2010.  In an
interview on state television on the eve of his 83rd birthday, Mugabe
acknowledged significant opposition to the plan to delay next year's
presidential vote by two years.  But he denied that the proposal was devised
as a way to prolong his rule.  He vowed that even if the vote goes  on as
planned  by March of 2008, he expects to win another term.  Reginald
Matshaba-Hove is country director of the Southern African Development
Community's Electoral Support Network in Zimbabwe.  He says he expects next
year's vote to take place as scheduled.

"We are making it clear from a legal point of view that elections are due
before the end of March, 2008.  So there are conscientization campaigns
going out throughout the country and people are being alerted of what the
constitutional complications of such a move to postpone the elections would
be," he said.

Given the mounting criticism President Mugabe is facing domestically for a
soaring inflation rate and critical shortages of food and fuel,
Matshaba-Hove suggests that under certain conditions, compromise on an
election date could be reached.

"From the reading we are getting on the ground, elections will be held,
irrespective of who the candidates are, by March, 2008 unless there are
significant constitutional reforms, which all parties agree, would require
more time.  But there must have been seen to be progress on the ground for
that to happen," said Matshaba-Hove.

He notes that conditions are too premature to decide what terms would permit
the current presidential term to be extended by two years, but says
negotiations could start within a few months' time.

"Certainly, we would have hoped to see within the next few months progress
on repealing sections of the Information Act, which prohibits free media,
the Public Order and Security Act, which prohibits free assembly, and, of
course, all other restrictions within the electoral laws.  I believe that
serious partners, including the human rights NGO forum are taking these
issues to show that the Public Order and Security Act is ultra vires
(unenforceable) to the constitution and that in that campaign period as we
head toward the presidential elections, all political parties have the right
to campaign freely without interference," he said.

Ghana 50 years on - lessons for Zimbabwe and Africa

zimbabwejournalists.com

By Alex T. Magaisa

I remember my first trip to Ghana with great fondness. I had been looking
forward to that trip in March 2004, hoping to catch a glimpse of how far the
continent had come, as represented by the first African country to gain
independence on 6 March 1957.

The circumstance of Ghana's geographical location entails that temperatures
are generally high and one is almost tempted to find a correlation between
the warm conditions and the enormous warmth exuded by the wonderful people
of Ghana, who, it seems, never tire of saying, "You are welcome".

The experience was overwhelming and it's fair to say, I fell in love with
Ghana. But in some ways, it was also a painful experience, which left me
wondering about the future of the continent I call home.

A trip to Nema, a severely run-down residential area in Accra, was
particularly painful. There, one encounters structures strewn all over the
places, in most cases structures that recall memories of houses that had
once stood intact in a bygone era.

It was difficult to imagine whether any politician since independence had
ever sought to improve the conditions in this and similar areas. It was
disheartening to even imagine what this place would be like in another 50
years.

But there were also smiles on kids' faces playing in the streets, there was
the banter and laughter of the men and women and the goodwill that lifted
the battered spirit. I could not help but marvel at this display of humanity's
resilience, even in the most dire of circumstances.

It brought memories of my own community in Zimbabwe. Somewhere in the midst
of this pain and suffering, there is a positive story to be told - the story
of how human beings manage to improvise and cope with hardships.

Ghana has an important place in Africa - the circumstances of history have
meant that it remains the symbol of the advent of freedom in Africa. I
wanted to hear the story of freedom from the people who started it all. I
asked of Ghanaians to tell me more about the man whose name is almost
synonymous with Ghana's independence and the idea of African unity - Kwame
Nkrumah. Growing up in Zimbabwe, he was the one Ghanaian we all knew.

I wanted to visit the monument built in his honour, where his body lies in a
mausoleum. Was this not one of the great sons of Africa?

This I did, but having spoken to the ordinary men and women in the chop-bars
and markets of Accra, I got a far richer insight into the story of the
Ghanaian struggle for freedom than I had ever achieved in my "O" and "A"
Level history studies.

I became aware of the wider story of the men and women whose efforts in the
struggle had almost been written off the pages of history, so powerful was
the historical account of Ghanaian politics built around the personality of
Nkrumah.

I became aware of the stories of other men such as Dr J.B. Danquah,
Obetsebi-Lamptey, Paa Grant, etc; stories whose representation beyond Ghana
has often muted outside the dominant Nkrumaite narrative. It became clear
that the story of Ghana's freedom is not the story of Nkrumah alone.

I became aware also, that in the end, despite his charisma and heroics,
Nkrumah had his limitations, which eventually brought his downfall.

Nkrumah made good progress at the start, building vital and long-lasting
projects such as the Volta (Hydro-electric) Dam and the Tema Habour but in
the end the hand of political repression took over. Surrounded by sycophants
and praise-singers who claimed that he was immortal and could do no wrong,
critics said Nkrumah became detached from reality.

As the one-party state took hold, political opponents were imprisoned,
including those that had been comrades during the formative years of the
nationalist struggle. Loyal supporters of J.B. Danquah describe his demise
in detention at Nsawam Medium-Security Prison in 1965 as a cruel
assassination at the hands of his political nemesis. A year later however,
the regime was toppled in a military coup, while Nkrumah was a on a trip to
Vietnam.

Ghana would subsequently go though the phases, vacillating between civilian
and military rule, returning more recently to a relatively stable
constitutional democracy. It is now hailed, once again, as a source of hope
for the continent. Therefore, at 50, Ghana has seen it all - the euphoria of
freedom, the personality cult around the key independence leader, repression
under one-party dictatorship, military rule and constitutional democracy.

And that too, in a nutshell, is the story of a continent. It is sad however,
that after 50 years of freedom, it is almost as if Ghana, and indeed Africa,
is starting all over again. It is almost as if it was, all along, at a
standstill. I often wonder, as a Zimbabwean, whether we too are destined for
a similar half century. And the pattern that we have followed - a fairly
good economic start on the back of the colonial economy, detention of
opponents, attempts at one-party rule, increased political repression, is
all too familiar across the continent, as Ghanaians will testify.

Some readers would question the relevance of history, especially when
Zimbabweans are trying to solve current problems. Being a lifelong student
of history, I have always believed that experience is the best teacher;
that, of course, history does matter, particularly when historical
representations are used to justify claims to power and economic resources
and in the same vein, to deny others the right to make similar claims.

This is particularly relevant in the Zimbabwean situation, where the
legitimacy of claims to political power and economic resources appears to be
grounded on a particular version of history, in which one is judged on
whether or not he or she is on the correct side of the liberation narrative.

There is a particular version of history, the so-called patriotic history,
which dominates the landscape and is promoted by the ruling establishment
and its loyalists simply because it paints them in favourable light,
diminishing in the process, the contributions of those that have fallen foul
of the ruling establishment. It is important of course, in those
circumstances, that the story be represented fairly and accurately. That is
why the wider stories of Ghanaian struggle for freedom, beyond the
Nkrumah-dominated narrative, captured my attention.

Ironically, when others try, like veteran nationalist Edgar Tekere, to offer
their own version of history, they are attacked and labelled as having lost
control of their faculties. It is not that Tekere's biography provides an
authentic version of the liberation history, but like all stories told by
participants and observers, it simply outlines his views, which are biased
in accordance with the platform from which he writes.

Ironically, the very act of suppression and attack on the likes of Tekere,
provides publicity for their work and therefore demand in an otherwise
uninterested market and more importantly, it appears to give his work the
stamp of authenticity, as the market perceives these suppressed and reviled
stories as the authentic versions of history.

The story of Ghana is an important story for Africa. 50 years of
independence is a milestone and as the first African country to gain
liberty, most observers will no doubt take the opportunity to take stock of
the progress, if any, made by Ghana and with it, the continent.

There will be latent questions about Africans' ability to manage their
affairs. Sadly, the record of most African leaders appears to have given the
detractors of African independence and self-determination ammunition, to
say, "We told you so". But surely Africa has the capacity to do better than
there is to show for the first 50 years.

One day, I hope to return to Ghana. And when I do, I hope to talk not only
about Nkrumah but also about JB Danquah, Paa Grant and others whose stories
I have only recently discovered. As one wise one said, the story of
independence is not just the story of the lion, but the collective story of
all animals.

I hope to see the finished Tetteh-Quarshie roundabout, and sit and chat to
the good men and women at the chop-bars of Accra. I hope to talk to a new
generation of leaders, ready to take on the challenges that the next 50
years present.

I wish a great celebration to the people of Ghana and indeed Africa. I hope
that in 50 years time, the men, women and children of Nema will be smiling
and laughing in more comfortable surroundings.

Dr Magaisa can be contacted at wamagaisa@yahoo.co.uk

Zanu (PF) regime flouts the rule of law

Falling in love with the People's Charter

BY LOIS DAVIS
LONDON - Zimbabweans in the UK were out in force on Saturday in support of WOZA (Women of Zimbabwe Arise) and their People's Charter. During 2006, Women and Men of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA/MOZA) conducted countrywide consultations on social justice, which led to the birth of the People's Charter.  Now they are demanding leaders who can deliver what the people want and they have called for the solidarity of Zimbabweans in the diaspora in their Charter Campaign. 
"We wish to challenge Zimbabweans that if Muzarabane and Kezi can be planning to launch the Charter then so can Zimbabweans in Pretoria, Gaborone or London," stated WOZA when they launched the charter at the end of last year.
WOZASolidarity, a UK support group for WOZA in Zimbabwe, have taken up the challenge and on Saturday they joined forces with organisers of the vigil held outside the Zimbabwe Embassy in London to hold a charter launch event.  Hundreds of passers by stopped to find out more about WOZA and sign endorsements commending the courage of Zimbabweans in demanding social justice through the People's Charter.  Tokunbo Oke, from the African Liberation Support Network told the crowd that Zimbabwe's problem was an African problem, congratulated WOZA on their charter initiative and stressed, to loud applause, that fellow Africans (Tokunbo is from Nigeria) were no longer taken in by Mubabe's liberation rhetoric.

Celebrating 5 years of tough love

The Zimbabwean

One of the leaders of WOZA, MAGODONGA MAHLANGU, has been arrested more times
than she cares remember. This is her first-hand account of yet another
ordeal at the hands of the ZRP.
I was arrested on February 13 in the Bulawayo City Centre, following a
public procession to mark WOZA's Valentine's Day campaign and the 'The
People's Charter - giving you a better life, a better Zimbabwe'.
I kept in solitary confinement at Bulawayo Central Police Station for two
days on orders of the Officer in Charge CID Law and Order, known to me as G.
Ndlovu.
When the police arrested us, they assaulted us severely. They lined up along
the staircase leading to the second floor and as we passed by we were beaten
by Riot police with baton sticks. Some were then made to force banners and
placards into their mouths while being slapped across the face. We were then
taken to Bulawayo Central and kept in the corridors and offices on the first
and second floors. We were not told of any charges against us.  In the
corridors where I was, there were 83 people, all sitting squashed together
outside Ndlovu's office.
We were denied access to our lawyers.  At one time our lawyers, Advocate P.
Dube, Mr. S Chivaura, Mr M Nzarayapenga and another lawyer were standing in
conference with Ndlovu.  He told them to go away, and threatened to call the
Support Unit or PRG to evict them if they did not leave.
I was told that I, together with Jenni Williams, a founder member of WOZA
would be abducted and taken to an unknown place and killed by the CIO
(Central Intelligence Organisation).  I was then put in a vehicle and driven
from one police station to another, praying for my life but sure that my
sisters would find me.  When I came out of custody I heard that WOZA members
had been tipped off about the abduction plan and had been monitoring the
police station where I was being held to make sure that I came to no harm.
The next day, unidentified people, in the company of officers from Law and
Order, took video footage and photographs of me while I was sitting in the
veranda near the cells at Sauerstown Police Station.  I was not told what
this video footage was for.  I was just treated like an animal, and the
photographers were on a photographic safari. I believe this footage was
later aired on Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation.
On February 15 I overheard a telephone conversation in which one officer
said:  'I am a professional - I don't care if you are the PG or CIO, I can
only hand her over to Law and Order.'  I was terrified, and expected that I
would be abducted and killed, as earlier threatened
I was moved back to Bulawayo Central later that day and eventually charged
after 36 hours, together with 140 of my colleagues, for contravening the
provisions of Section 46 as read with Section V of the schedule to the
Criminal Code.
Meanwhile, police were looking for Jenni, who had participated in the
protest in Harare but not been arrested. On February 14, four unidentified
men barged into her house pretending to be Messengers of Court serving
summons for non-payment of water and rates. They intimidated and harassed
her domestic worker and brother, demanding that they call 'Jenni' and ended
up taking her fridge, stove and TV. The 'summons' was a fake document.
All her household bills are in her husband's name, so it is strange that
they were calling her by name and the summons was also in her name. It was
later proven that the document was fake, and a police report was made. We
are all convinced that these were 'state agents' acting with impunity and
praise the Lord that they did not harm anyone at her house. Property can be
replaced but lives cannot be.
As I come out of custody along with my comrades, we thank the Lord for
bringing us home safe. I thank my colleagues who watched over us all,
including police officers whom I count as partners in the struggle.
What a fifth birthday for WOZA; commemorating five years of non-violent
struggle on the streets and in jail cells - fighting for a better life in a
better Zimbabwe!

Mugabe must be stopped - Bennett

The Zimbabwean

JOHANNESBURG - The Movement for Democratic Change says it will ensure that
President Robert Mugabe does not succeed in bull-dozing his way to 2010, a
senior party official has said.
In an exclusive interview with CAJ News, MDC National Treasurer and former
Chimanimani Member of Parliament, Roy Bennett, said the MDC would work
closely with other Zimbabweans in the diaspora.
"We are definitely there to stand in Mugabe's way. We will work with other
Zimbabweans in the diaspora to make sure that democracy has been returned in
Zimbabwe. We will see to it that Mugabe does not illegally extend his term
of office to 2010."
Bennett also announced the opening of a new MDC branch in the Eastern Cape
on Saturday.
The highly respected politician now lives in South Africa after fleeing his
Chimanimani farm for fear of his life. - CAJ News

CIO dirty tricks dept at it again

The Zimbabwean

(22-02-07)
HARARE - The internal division of the shadowy Central Intelligence
Organisation, responsible for destabilizing opposition political parties,
has been fingered as the hand behind flyers being circulated and emblazoned
across the country insinuating that MDC spokesman Nelson Chamisa and
secretary general Tendai Biti were disgruntled with the leadership of Morgan
Tsvangirai and plan to form another splinter MDC faction.
The Zimbabwean learnt this week that the plot is being masterminded at
Hardwicke House, the CIO Offices in central Harare, and involves ratcheting
up a propaganda offensive against the opposition.
In this plot, the CIO has also launched a weekly propaganda newspaper, The
Zimbabwe Today, amid reports the newspaper has received financial support
from the President's Office under the Special Allocations, a division in
which the CIO falls. The publication, a rabid propaganda sheet, is already
angling for further handouts. Its brief is to trash the MDC. But the
propaganda handling has been so shoddy that it is churning out unconvincing
and crude misinformation.
The distribution of fliers purportedly drafted by the MDC youth wing, the
Women's Assembly and the labour body Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions,
calling on Tsvangirai to lift sanctions or face internal revolt, is another
vehicle for the CIO's multi-pronged strategy to destabilize the MDC,
opposition officials said.
The fliers, which are being emblazoned across the country under the cover of
darkness, attempt to give the impression that Chamisa and Biti were against
sanctions and were at odds with Tsvangirai over the issue.
The fliers are on A4 bond paper and have a sloppy computer generated image
of the MDC logo. A poster purportedly drafted by the "MDC Women's League"
reads: "We are in support of Nelson Chamisa and Biti, we have suffered
enough. Be prepared for another break up. Not to sanctions."
Curiously, the MDC does not have a "Women's League," which is the name given
to the women's wing of the ruling Zanu (PF) party. The MDC's women
department is called a "Women's Assembly" and the error clearly betrays the
architect of the strategy.
Another poster purportedly written by "MDC Youths" reads: "We are loyal MDC
but we cannot survive by toyi-toying on $5,000 stipends. Tsvangirai where is
your heart? We join Chamisa in refusing sanctions."
Another poster titled "Open Appeal to MDC President" appeals to the MDC
leader to lift sanctions "if he still needs our support."
"Remember our party gives us a paltry $10,000 for every demonstration
against Zanu (PF) government. Is this money enough to buy cooking oil,
bread, sugar, mealie-meal.Please lift the sanctions or face another split or
defection to Chamisa."
The MDC's Youth and Women's divisions and Chamisa have all distanced
themselves from the fliers, saying the campaign was part of a
well-calculated plot to sow seeds of disunity in the opposition party. It
was not possible to obtain comment from Biti, who was still in police
custody at the time of going to print.
But Chamisa said: "It is the work of the regime. They are trying to tamper
with the messenger in a bid to distort the message. It is the work of the
CIO there is no doubt. They are panicking because the MDC juggernaut is on
the roll and we can clearly see through these dirty tactics."
Intelligence officials confirmed privately that the Internal Division, which
spearheaded the October 2005 MDC split and before that, the disintegration
of Margaret Dongo's Zimbabwe Union of Democrats, were "hell-bent" on
fomenting further division within the opposition movement, which is
currently mobilizing supporters to resist President Mugabe's bid to extend
his executive mandate by another two years. - Gift Phiri

People power reduced to ashes

The Zimbabwean

(22-02-07)
HARARE - Months of simmering political tensions, coupled with President
Robert Mugabe's plan to impose an illegal extension of his widely unpopular
rule, came to a head at the weekend when police forcefully broke up an
opposition rally scheduled to be addressed by MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai.
By the time the teargas had dissipated at Zimbabwe Grounds and the nearby
Machipisa Shopping Centre and Engineering sections, scores of people were
nursing bruises, lacerations and broken bones. And the ground's reputation
as the home of people power had been reduced to ashes.
Residents of Highfields might have been expecting trouble, but no-one was
prepared for the scale of the clashes. According to the police, 122 "MDC
thugs" were arrested "as they unleashed an orgy of violence, injuring
several police officers". Opposition officials refute this, claiming two of
their members were actually killed during the mayhem and that more than 127
people were arrested while scores others had sustained broken bones.
The rally was to mark the launch of MDC's 2008 presidential election
campaign and to give a platform to demands a new constitution.
Initial efforts by the police to thwart the rally through the excuse that
they were short staffed fell through after High Court Judge Gowora had
handed down a ruling late on Saturday giving MDC permission to go ahead.
At least 20 MDC members, including several legislators, were detained on
Saturday on trumped-up charges of assaulting police officers during riots
that broke out in Harare on Friday.
The impromptu march left a trail of destruction, including a damaged ZRP
Post in First Street and broken windows at Herald House
Undeterred by state threats of violence, opposition supporters turned up in
huge numbers on Sunday. The violence started when police began ejecting
supporters from Zimbabwe Grounds.  Soon there were running battles in the
streets.
"The police tried to disperse our members who had gathered at Zimbabwe
Grounds ut the people reacted angrily," said Mara Ngwenya, who was among the
people who slept at Zimbabwe Grounds. Claiming that the MDC supporters threw
stones, Ngwenya added, "the police fired teargas and then live bullets into
the air as a warning. The retreated and then returned with water canons.
Then they aimed them at the crowd. I saw 10 people fall."
When the scale of the carnage became clear, the police were roundly
condemned for using excessive force. But the police spokesman Wayne
Bvudzijena told State television: "The decision not to sanction that rally
was reached on the basis of previous acts of violence perpetrated by the
opposition party's supporters."
Police were also accused of human rights abuses following the clashes.
Several cases of harassment and torture in police cells soon came to light.
MDC spokesman Nelson Chamisa said inmates were beaten up while in police
custody. - Gift Phiri

Govt refuses civil servants pay increase

The Zimbabwean

(22-02-07)

Z$300 million spent on Mugabe birthday bash
HARARE - President Robert Mugabe's government this week turned down pay rise
demands from hundreds of thousands of poorly paid civil servants, saying it
could not afford the extra billions, at a time the governing Zanu (PF) party
has raised Z$300 million to bankroll an 83rd birthday party for the veteran
leader in the Midlands provincial capital, Gweru on Saturday.
Government, which agreed to award a pay rise of only 250 percent, said the
hikes requested for civil servants would lead to a salary revision for all
public sector employees and cost government an extra $45 billion every
month.
The 250 percent increase awarded by government means the minimum wage in the
public sector would rise to a paltry $200,000; which is just enough for bus
fare for a worker staying in Chitungwiza for instance.
Civil servants, represented by the Apex Council, had given the government
until Friday last week to meet their demands for a minimum wage of $450,000;
which is in tandem with the Poverty Datum Line (PDL). Apex Council spokesman
Tendai Chikowore told a press briefing in central Harare weekend: "As
workers we reject the (government's) offer simply because it falls far below
the PDL."
Government immediately responded saying it had no money to bankroll "such a
hefty hike".
"At present, government does not have the capacity to cough up such a big
sum," Labour Minister Nicholas Goche was quoted by state radio here. "The
government's financial capability must also be taken into consideration."
Labour unions reportedly said earlier in the week they would continue
demanding pay hikes for some 180,000 civil servants, whose salaries are
lagging far behind Zimbabwe's galloping hyperinflation, currently running at
1,593 percent - the highest in the world.
Political leaders have tried to sweep the grievances of the civil servants
under the carpet by floating various conspiracy theories.
But the problem has refused to die down as its roots lie within the civil
service, the exploitation of labour and Zimbabwe's deepening economic
hardships blamed on President Mugabe's misrule.
The state-owned Sunday Mail quoted an unnamed government official alleging
the Apex Council was being used as "an instrument of the opposition by
forces bent on promoting civil disobedience in Zimbabwe."
Unfortunately for civil servants, this labour unrest has taken place at a
time when the main opposition party is also leading a movement for political
reforms in the country.
Increased political activity in the form of political agitation was expected
as President Mugabe, who turned 83 yesterday, but has deferred his birthday
celebrations to Saturday, is attempting to postpone presidential elections,
due in March 2008 to 2010.
The political instability has been made worse by the simultaneous labour
unrest across all sectors in the country's economic lifeline. Farm workers
are on strike, so are doctors, nurses, teachers, university support staff
and so on. Protests over low wages and other exploitative conditions have
continued since the start of this year. Labour experts said the current
situation in the civil service was a powder keg that had taken too long to
resolve and could lead to an explosion of anger.
The Zimbabwean heard that the acting head of Zimbabwe's police force,
Commissioner Godwin Matanga had also called for a rise in the basic salary
of lower-ranking police personnel.
This follows a salary hike awarded to armed forces recently. Soldiers have
been given an efficiency allowance of between 20 and 30 percent backdated to
January, which was paid with their February salary. The hike is widely seen
as an inducement to motivate the security arm to counter any strikes against
government amid mounting public anger spawned by poor salaries and
skyrocketing prices of basics.
This means soldiers now earn almost $200,000 from the $140,000 that a
private was earning previously, broken down as $84,000 basic and the rest
being transport and housing allowances.  The Consumer Council of Zimbabwe
defines hardcore poor as those in households comprising six members but
earning less than $450,000 a month. Some 80 percent of Zimbabwe's 12,5
million population fall into this category. - Gift Phiri

Zanu heavies win ZINWA tenders& as water services collapse

The Zimbabwean

(22-02-07)

 HARARE
The Zimbabwe National Water Authority (ZINWA) is reported to be giving
tenders for the procurement of vital water treatment chemicals to companies
owned by Zanu (PF) officials that have in the past failed to provide for the
City of Harare.
Officials at ZINWA revealed that the water authority, created to take over
the duties of water treatment as well as sewage reticulation in major towns
and cities, is operating on the same basis that give ruling party officials
an opportunity to get tenders and loot from the parastatal.
One of the companies reported to be getting the tender to procure water
treatment chemicals is Highdon Investments, owned by Macdonald Chapfika and
which had the tender to provide Harare City Council with the chemicals as
well as provide waste collection services.
Chapfika is brother to deputy minister of finance, David Chapfika.
It is also reported that another company, owned by the president's nephew,
Leo Mugabe has also been awarded a tender to provide services to ZINWA.
Mugabe is an MP for Makonde.
"There have been negotiations with various companies and it is likely that
Highdon and Leo Mugabe's company will be awarded the tenders for procuring
water treatment chemicals as well as repairing and maintaining sewage
systems," a source at ZINWA said.
Mugabe said he wasn't in a position to comment on the operations of ZINWA
and Chapfika was not available.
ZINWA has not followed tender regulations by advertising for applications
from interested companies.
Water and Infrastructure Development minister, Munacho Mutezo said the water
authority was still "setting up its operations and would soon announce and
implement its programmes for solving the water and sewage problems in Harare
and other places".
ZINWA has already taken over water and sewage services for the Harare
Metropolitan Province, which comprises the capital city and Chitungwiza,
Epworth, Ruwa as well as Norton. It is also expected to take over Bulawayo
where it faces stiff resistance.
A lot of questions have been raised about ZINWA's capacity to solve the
serious water and sewage problems faced by Harare and Bulawayo. Mutezo
recently revealed that the water authority was owed $800 billion mostly by
government in the form of debts.
An application made to government last week by ZINWA for money to help it
operate had not been responded to by this week.
To worsen the plight of ZINWA, many ratepayers in Harare are boycotting
payment of water bills in protest of poor services and poor quality.
Bulawayo residents have also threatened rates boycotts if ZINWA takes
over. - Itai Dzamara

Police vs People

The Zimbabwean

Street battles erupt in Highfield
BY GIFT PHIRI
HARARE - Months of simmering political tensions, coupled with President
Robert Mugabe's plan to impose an illegal extension of his widely unpopular
rule, came to a head at the weekend when police forcefully broke up an
opposition rally scheduled to be addressed by MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai.
By the time the teargas had dissipated at Zimbabwe Grounds and the nearby
Machipisa Shopping Centre and Engineering sections, scores of people were
nursing bruises, lacerations and broken bones. And the ground's reputation
as the home of people power had been reduced to ashes.
Residents of Highfields might have been expecting trouble, but no-one was
prepared for the scale of the clashes. According to the police, 122 "MDC
thugs" were arrested "as they unleashed an orgy of violence, injuring
several police officers". Opposition officials refute this, claiming two of
their members were actually killed during the mayhem and that more than 127
people were arrested while scores others had sustained broken bones.
The rally was to mark the launch of MDC's 2008 presidential election
campaign and to give a platform to demands a new constitution.
Initial efforts by the police to thwart the rally through the excuse that
they were short staffed fell through after High Court Judge Gowora had
handed down a ruling late on Saturday giving MDC permission to go ahead.
At least 20 MDC members, including several legislators, were detained on
Saturday on trumped-up charges of assaulting police officers during riots
that broke out in Harare on Friday.
The impromptu march left a trail of destruction, including a damaged ZRP
Post in First Street and broken windows at Herald House
Undeterred by state threats of violence, opposition supporters turned up in
huge numbers on Sunday. The violence started when police began ejecting
supporters from Zimbabwe Grounds.  Soon there were running battles in the
streets.
"The police tried to disperse our members who had gathered at Zimbabwe
Grounds ut the people reacted angrily," said Mara Ngwenya, who was among the
people who slept at Zimbabwe Grounds. Claiming that the MDC supporters threw
stones, Ngwenya added, "the police fired teargas and then live bullets into
the air as a warning. The retreated and then returned with water canons.
Then they aimed them at the crowd. I saw 10 people fall."
When the scale of the carnage became clear, the police were roundly
condemned for using excessive force. But the police spokesman Wayne
Bvudzijena told State television: "The decision not to sanction that rally
was reached on the basis of previous acts of violence perpetrated by the
opposition party's supporters."
Police were also accused of human rights abuses following the clashes.
Several cases of harassment and torture in police cells soon came to light.
MDC spokesman Nelson Chamisa said inmates were beaten up while in police
custody.

Ambulance ban - a world first for Zimbabwe

The Zimbabwean

Editorial - 22-02-07

We condemn in the strongest of terms the despicable police thuggery at
Highfield over the weekend. They showed total disregard for the rule of law.
Such unashamed bias towards Zanu (PF) in disrupting a legitimate gathering
of the opposition proves that the force, once respected throughout Africa
and abroad, has been reduced to nothing more than a private militia, loyal
only to Mugabe and Zanu (PF).
The gloves are now off - all pretence that ZRP is the people's protector has
obviously been abandoned. It is now police versus people.
The use of the Border Gezi youths - who are state-sponsored ruling party
thugs - to disrupt the MDC meeting makes Mugabe nothing less than Africa's
latest warlord.
These militias have no mandate to maintain law and order in Zimbabwe. And
indeed they do nothing of the sort. They are a criminal element and the
mayhem they created in Highfield on Sunday is ample testimony of this.
We also condemn the report that ambulances - private, municipal and
government - all failed to provide services to the many injured civilians on
Sunday.  We have it on good authority that the CIO gave orders that no
ambulance should provide services in that area on Sunday.
This is a diabolical strategy, unprecedented even in the world's most
vicious war-torn areas, where medics and ambulances are always allowed
through to attend to the injured - another world first for Zimbabwe's cruel
and heartless dictatorship.
No wonder regional leaders are, at last, beginning to distance themselves
from the Harare regime. Even the Chinese president, Huu Jintao gave Zimbabwe
a wide berth during his recent African safari despite Mugabe's much-touted
Look East foreign policy.
The past week has also seen him snubbed by his friends in Paris, who asked
him NOT to attend personally their African jamboree but to send a
representative. And the EU ministers voted unanimously to extend targeted
measure against him and his cronies.
He is losing face all around the world and Sunday's events must surely serve
only to drive him further into political obscurity and disrepute.

Letter from America

The Zimbabwean

BY STANFORD MUKASA
WASHINGTON - The Zimbabwean giant is now awakening and responding to the
realities of the situation in the country.
The numbing effect of the fear factor that appears to have kept Zimbabweans
from mass protest in the past few years now seems to be wearing off. A new
era in the struggle for democracy and liberation is emerging - spearheaded
by women and students.
Who would have guessed that a handful of women who operated in largely
ignored circumstances a few years back has now ballooned into a power house
that brought thousands of protesters onto the streets in both Bulawayo and
Harare last week?
And who could ever imagine that a group of university students, struggling
for personal survival, could grow into a tribe of fierce urban warriors with
the strength and stamina to, according to reports, inflict pain on Mugabe's
police?
In addition to these, protests or threats of protests are mushrooming
everywhere with renewed energy and determination: civil servants, ZCTU, MDC,
and NCA and even within the army and police.
Mugabe now faces opposition from an increasing number of different sectors
in Zimbabwe.  His response of jailing and torturing opposition supporters
has had the unintended consequence of producing people who are even more
militantly determined to resist him and his regime. His jails have become
the training centres for REAL opposition politics!
Given this state of siege, he will no doubt do what other dictators in
similar situations have done. He will create a laager to protect him and his
closest cronies. He knows there is no escape - and this makes him more
dangerous than ever.
Widely reported leaked documents appear to attest to the growing uneasiness
among his cronies.  His own security chiefs in the CIO, police and army have
reportedly warned him that Zimbabweans are now poised to stage a mass
demonstration that could successfully drive him out of office.
But why are Mugabe's security chiefs leaking or allowing to be leaked such
confidential documents? The answer is simply they want to ingratiate
themselves with the masses. That way, they can escape the hangman's noose
when the Mugabe era ends. The frequency, and timing, with which these
documents are being leaked appears directly proportional to the increasing
agitation among the masses.
The big question is: Where will it all end? Or what kind of an end lies in
wait for Mugabe?
Let the guessing game begin.
One scenario that can be ruled out is that Mugabe will somehow see the light
and enter into serious negotiations that will lead to free and fair
elections in Zimbabwe.
By the same token, Mugabe will never, on his own initiative, seek to restore
democracy, free and fair elections and freedom of expression to Zimbabwe,
knowing that this would spell a disastrous end to his own rule and vested
interests.
One of the likely scenarios about Mugabe's end would be his fleeing from
Zimbabwe as the mass protests gain momentum. A number of countries like
Namibia and South Africa have reportedly offered him asylum.
Or, the faction in the divided Zanu (PF) that eventually wins will, in a bid
to maximize its political position as well as make some amends with the
West, be more accommodating to the Movement for Democratic Change or MDC. If
such a situation arose this faction, knowing full well that Mugabe is a
liability, would eject him from office.
The winning faction might even offer the MDC a position in a government of
national unity. Both the two main rival factions in Zanu (PF) have
reportedly approached the MDC at different times.  They both recognize that,
notwithstanding the leadership problems precipitated by the split, the MDC
led by Morgan Tsvangirai still has a solid grassroots organization as shown
by the fact that the main participants in the current wave of protests are
aligned or sympathetic to Tsvangirai's MDC.
Another scenario is that both factions in Zanu will somehow come to an
accommodation with each other and force Mugabe into a ceremonial presidency
before the end of his term; and appoint an effective executive prime
minister who will carry out sweeping political, social and economic reforms
under the very nose of the aging dictator.
Yet another scenario is that the nation will wake up one morning to some
solemn music on the state radio announcement that Mugabe died in his sleep
last night.
Anything is possible.

The pot is boiling

The Zimbabwean

(22-02-07)
John Makumbe
HARARE - At last the situation in Zimbabwe has become so bad that even those
most loyal to the dictator and his Zanu(PF) party are now feeling the heat.
The pot is now boiling and there is little that the aged dictator can do to
stop it from spilling over and burning his wrinkled hands.
First it was the doctors and nurses who went on strike for better working
conditions and higher salaries. Then it was the students at various
institutions screaming about prohibitive fees at tertiary institutions
throughout the country. From next week, academic staff who are also very
unhappy about their meagre salaries and taxed but low allowances will join
the students.
Civil servants are also likely to engage in industrial action since the
government's offer they received is well below 50% of the poverty datum line
(PDL). Impeccable sources indicate that both the police and the national
army are also seriously considering demanding better remuneration from the
bankrupt state some time soon.
Also last week, both Woza and Moza staged successful street demonstrations
in both Harare and Bulawayo protesting against the deteriorating
socio-economic situation in Zimbabwe. Not to be outdone, both factions of
the MDC also hit the streets in Harare and Bulawayo for the same cause. The
police had their hands full, and the people who were demonstrating treated
at least four of them to raw justice.
As if all this is not enough, the regime is now facing increased isolation
from the international community. Last week France declined to invite poor
old Mugabe to the France-Africa annual conference in Cannes. Local
spin-doctors dismissed the rebuff as a non-event, even though we all know
that the 83-year old sekuru had been salivating for the opportunity to step
into Europe for the first time this year. His hope is that Portugal will
invite him to the forthcoming Africa-EU summit in April, but that is now
also very much in doubt. Let him pay for his sins.
Back on the home front, the economy continues to threaten the security of
the Mugabe regime by such maladies as frightfully high levels of corruption,
the world's highest rate of inflation, a worthless currency, escalating
unemployment, to name on a few.
I have always contended that the national economy will be the undoing of the
decadent Mugabe regime. What Zimbabwe is currently experiencing is only the
beginning of more serious troubles ahead. There are no prospects of any
meaningful improvements in the performance of the economy in the foreseeable
future, as long as silly-dhara continues to mess up our country.
The question that confronts progressive forces in Zimbabwe now is how should
we co-ordinate all these small and big groups in order to make a more
significant impact on the course of events in our country? This is not an
easy question to answer since each of the various groups mentioned above
claims its own turf and jealously guards its own agenda. Perhaps the best
approach, or the one nearest to a national co-ordinating effort is to work
with the Save Zimbabwe campaign under the auspices of the Christian Alliance
(CA). Obviously there will be many groups that will strenuously argue that
they cannot work with the CA as that will be misconstrued as pursuing a
political agenda.
The truth of the matter is that there is virtually nothing that a man can
fight for in this country that cannot be defined as political. Human beings
are political animals, and there is no need to apologise for pursuing
political goals and objectives.
The problems facing Zimbabwe now demand nothing short of political
solutions. Mugabe's departure from the president's office will be the first
crucial step in achieving political stability and economic revival of
Zimbabwe. Chabvondoka!

Battle for Mt Carmel continues

The Zimbabwean

(22-02-07)
HARARE - Zanu (PF) spokesman, Nathan Shamuyarira is making efforts to obtain
an offer letter from minister responsible for Land Reform Didymus Mutasa to
enable him to takeover a farm belonging to commercial farmer Ben Freeth,
which specialises in mango production, after his forceful attempt was
blocked by police.
Shamuyarira is alleged to have sent his brother, Zanu (PF) militant thugs
and a lands officer to evict Freeth from Mt Carmel, the country's largest
mango producer last week.
Acting Police Commissioner Godwin Matanga said by evicting the squatters,
police were enforcing the judgement of Judge Rita Makarau, which upheld an
application by about 60 landowners asking the court to force judicial
officials and police to begin immediate evictions of farms that had been
occupied but were not under a Section 5 or 8 order.
But State Security minister responsible for Land Reform, Didymus Mutasa,
said state personnel would not be used to carry out any evictions of black
"demonstrators" on farms.
A defiant Freeth told The Zimbabwean: "I told the men that if they wanted to
come and steal what was not theirs then they must come and shoot me. We
believe such actions are against God's law and even against the constitution
of Zimbabwe. If the minister is really serious about stealing then he must
come and shoot me."
He is challenging the constitutionality of Amendment no.17 in a landmark
case in the Supreme Court. The amendment took away the right of any farmer
to legal recourse once his property is targeted for acquisition.
A hearing on Freeth's challenge is set for March 22 and currently the farmer
is protected from any takeover of his farm without an offer letter.
Shamuyarira, who refused to discuss the matter when contacted for comment,
is the latest top ruling party official to have used intimidation and
threats to takeover white-owned commercial farms.

Church leaders urged to deal with Kunonga

The Zimbabwean

(22-02-07)
BY TREVOR GRUNDY
Anglican Christians in Africa are calling on their leaders to concentrate on
real issues and not spend so much time debating the rights of gay men and
lesbian women.
Those who criticise the amounts of time and energy spent debating gay issues
say there should be a focus on the catastrophic spread of HIV/AIDS,
widespread and pervasive poverty, severe drought, lack of governmental
transparency and how the church can use its moral influence to remove
despots from power.
But one real issue the prelates will find impossible to sidestep is the
leader of the Anglican community in Zimbabwe, the Bishop of Harare, Nolbert
Kunonga, who has been accused by his own priests of terrorising Christians
and turning his diocese into a branch of President Robert Mugabe's ruling
Zanu (PF) party.
Zimbabwean Anglicans have urged church heads gathered in Dar es Salaam to
act against Kunonga, a ruling party loyalist in his late 50s, who they say
is a disgrace to Christianity and to Africa. Anglican priests critical of
Mugabe have been transferred to tough rural parishes and many have resigned.
A plethora of legal cases between Kunonga and his disillusioned flock are
stuck in Zimbabwe 's chaotic court system. In place of priests who have
resigned, he has appointed men who have pledged not to criticise the head of
state. He even licensed the acting vice president of Zimbabwe, Joseph Msika,
a man on record as saying that whites are not human beings, to act as a
deacon of the church.
From the time of his disputed election as Bishop of Harare in 2001 to the
present Kunonga has, say Anglicans in Harare, made no secret of his personal
ambitions for fame and fortune or his willingness to exploit fully his
sycophantic relationship to Mugabe and Zanu (PF).
His election in 2001 was shrouded in mystery, resulting in the defeat of a
popular priest, and marred by widespread allegations that Kunonga had used
his influence with the ruling party to secure the post. He is the only
clergyman among many powerful individual Zimbabweans against whom heavy
sanctions have been imposed by the European Union and the United States.
Kunonga has used his pulpit at St Mary's Cathedral in Harare to support
Mugabe's controversial land reform programme, in which thousands of
commercial farms have been confiscated from mainly white owners but also
from some black farmers. During one of Kunonga's pro-Mugabe sermons, the
choir began singing hymns to drown out his words. The choir was subsequently
sacked by the bishop along with the cathedral wardens and cathedral council.
He was rewarded by Mugabe with St Marnock's, 2000 acres of prime farmland 15
kilometres outside Harare , confiscated from its previous white owner,
25-year-old Marcus Hale. The bishop installed his son in the seven-bedroom
farmhouse, which overlooked a lake and sweeping fields of wheat and soya:
the lake remains, but the house is now derelict and the crops have been
replaced by weeds. The bishop, a short, thickset man who wears a jewelled
cross over his cassock, also evicted 50 black workers and their families
from the property.
The Roman Catholic Archbishop of Bulawayo , Pius Ncube, Zimbabwe 's most
outspoken critic of Mugabe, said Kunonga had aligned himself with the
"forces of evil".
Last year, black Zimbabwean Anglican priests exiled in Britain called on the
Ugandan-born Archbishop of York, Dr John Sentamu, to intervene in the
dispute between Kunonga and his many critics.
The Archbishop of Canterbury, Dr Rowan Williams, stepped into the dispute
before the Dar es Salaam summit and said the bishop should be suspended
until allegations against him have been properly dealt with.
"In the context of a prolonged and political crisis, the Anglican Diocese of
Harare faces intolerable strain in the form of the very grave and unresolved
accusations against Bishop Kunonga," said a statement from the Archbishop of
Canterbury's London office.
"In other jurisdictions, a priest or bishop facing such serious charges
would be suspended without prejudice until the case has been closed. It is
therefore very difficult for Bishop Kunonga to be regarded as capable of
functioning as a bishop elsewhere in the communion," it continued.
With many other contentious issues to tackle that could split the worldwide
Anglican church, the bishops in Dar es Salaam may not be able to solve the
Kunonga problem. But once the ageing Mugabe steps down, Kunonga's reign will
end also, for he only retains his post as Zimbabwe 's most powerful Anglican
with the president's patronage. - Trevor Grundy is an author, broadcaster
and journalist specialising in religious affairs and Zimbabwean issues, who
lived and worked in Zimbabwe and other central African countries from 1966
to 1996.

Zanu to study corruption

The Zimbabwean

(22-02-07)
BY GIFT PHIRI
HARARE - The new Minister for State Enterprises, Anti-Monopolies and
Anti-Corruption, Samuel Undenge, has appointed a research team to carry out
a national baseline study to probe the causes of rampant corruption in
crisis-torn Zimbabwe and how to curb it.
Widespread corruption in government, and a crippling economic crisis that
Zimbabwe is currently going through, has exacted an enormous toll on
President Robert Mugabe's political standing. Mugabe last year appointed an
Anti-Corruption Commission to deal with the scourge, but the body has been
conspicuously silent as top-level sleaze has almost brought the country's
once farming-based economy, now black-market based, to a virtual halt.
To keep up the anti-graft momentum, Undenge, who took the reins at the
anti-corruption ministry two weeks ago, has appointed University of Zimbabwe
academic, Prof Claude Mararike, to lead a team of researchers who will
embark on a countrywide study, which authorities claim would prelude a
police crackdown on graft both in government and outside government.
Used to empty promises in 27 years of Zanu (PF)'s uninterrupted rule, few
Zimbabweans believe government's sincerity in tackling graft. Many simply
are taking the pledge as Mugabe's ploy to deflate attention from his poor
management of the economy.
With slogans such as 'Refuse, Resist and Report Corruption' and 'Be Patient
Do Not Offer A Bribe, Wait For Your Chance,' the research involves a
national consultative process led by a group economists, sociologists and
scientists who will sample the views of people on the grassroots level on
effective ways of curbing corruption and report back to policy makers,
according Prof Mararike.
Mugabe has in the past said "I will not drop a tear if a relative of mine is
caught in that net against corruption," and that "none of them would be
given mercy."
But he has been quick to pardon his close relatives, such as his nephew Leo
Mugabe who was easily let off the hook despite abundant evidence that he had
externalized flour. His other close relative Phillip Chiyangwa was easily
let off the hook after being fingered as the mastermind behind a spy ring
that was peddling State secrets to the South African intelligence arm.
Chiyangwa's co-accused, who were mainly diplomats, are currently languishing
in prison, serving five year jail terms but Mugabe's cousin continues to
roam the streets freely.
Mugabe has however made half-hearted attempts to deal with graft by
sacrificing a few of his colleagues for political expediency. For instance,
the arrest of Chris Kuruneri, a former Finance minister in Mugabe's
government three years ago, threw the country into a frenzy of approval, and
Zimbabweans dramatically changed their earlier scepticism of Mugabe's
sincerity. But since then, Mugabe has not been committed to dealing with
high-level graft, only sacrificing "small fish."
A stinking scandal recently erupted at the state-owned giant steelworks in
Redcliff where senior government officials, including Mugabe's two Vice
Presidents, Joice Mujuru and Joseph Msika, pillaged Ziscosteel through
underhand dealings. Up to date not one person has been arrested as
government frantically attempts to cover up the "steelgate scandal."
A University of Zimbabwe political analysts speculated that Zimbabwe could
soon witness the arrest of senior officials on corruption charges as Mugabe
moves to convince a restive nation, angered by a crippling economic crisis
and the ever widening gap between the have and the have nots, that he was
committed to deal with graft.
"They are trying to retain the confidence of the people of this country. But
time, it seems, is not on their side," the political scientist said.

Bvumbe calls for sacrifice

The Zimbabwean

HARARE - The Consumer Council of Zimbabwe (CCZ) has warned that if the
current spate of price increases continues unabated, there will be no
consumer to talk about in the next few months.
Increases saw the consumer basket as depicted by CCZ galloping to Z$458 000,
while that of the Central Statistical Office (CSO) rose to Z$566 000.
"It is very difficult to predict where the cost of living will be in the
next four to five months but I can tell you that if the current trend in the
rate of price increase continue there will be no consumer to talk about.
Most people will not afford anything," said CCZ chairman Philip Bvumbe.
"If the parties to the social contract (government, business, labour and
other stakeholders) are committed to restraint, then the cost of living will
not go up as it is currently doing," Bvumbe said.  Although Bvumbe could not
give an exact figure on the cost of living, fears are that it could reach
Z$1 million by June this year if corrective measures are not taken.
He added: "Unless parties to the social contract are committed to fighting
inflation and prepared do away with their conflicts, there will be no social
contract to talk about.  Without sacrifice we cannot talk of any social
contract in this country.  The current scenario where people do not trust
each other is unsustainable."
Bvumbe said government should also put tight restrictions on the importation
of luxury goods in order to protect local industries.

No economic recovery without political reform

The Zimbabwean

'The economic meltdown has nothing to do with the European Union, the USA or
Britain'
'Our position is supported by all genuine war veterans, including some who
are in government and other state institutions'
BY THE ZIMBABWE LIBERATORS PLATFORM
Reserve Bank Governor Gideon Gono's recent Monetary Policy Statement made
some bold observations about the economic and social crisis facing the
nation. It is gratifying to note that he was forced to eat humble pie and
candidly admit the failure of his fire fighting economic policies.
His statement was unique because he acknowledged the reality on the ground
and identified some prescriptions for the economic woes bedeviling the
country.
However, it is abundantly clear that the root cause of the problem is
political. As he correctly observed, the panacea to the achievement of an
economic turnaround lies in the resolution of the political problems
afflicting this country. The chickens have now come home to roost.
Interestingly, civic organizations, labour, churches, opposition parties and
the private media have been voicing grave concern over the country's
political, economic and social crisis. Government responded by branding its
critics as unpatriotic, British puppets or outright sell-outs. Is the
establishment now facing the truth?
The socio-economic conditions under which the ordinary Zimbabwean survives
today are unbearable. On the political front, the people face blatant
violations of human rights and freedoms, repression and brutality,
politicization of food, selective application of the law, and so on.
We, the Zimbabwe Liberators Platform (ZLP), reiterate the position
enunciated in our previous statements that the problems facing Zimbabwe are
purely governance related. The economic meltdown is not occasioned by the
so-called "illegal sanctions" imposed by the West as government wants the
nation to believe. It has nothing to do with the European Union, the United
States and Britain. We are made to understand that these countries are
merely advocating for the change of government's disastrous policies.
Whether this will result in "regime change", will be decided by the
Zimbabwean electorate.
The Governor also urged government to live within its means by avoiding the
usual budget overruns. A few days afterwards, a cabinet reshuffle created a
new ministry of agricultural engineering and mechanisation and increased the
number of deputy ministers, thus ignoring the call for fiscal discipline.
Therefore his statement is a voice in the wilderness.
But he did observe that political will and commitment are required to tackle
the challenges facing the country. "In a number of cases and situations
which required decisive action over the last couple of years, it has been
observed that we allowed political expediency to override economic
considerations and common sense, resulting in temporary gratifications at
the expense of sustainable long-term imperatives," he said.
Unplanned, violent and chaotic land reform, electoral irregularities,
unilateral withdrawal from the Commonwealth, among others,  have cost the
country dearly: international isolation, loss of grants and lines of credit,
lack of food security, loss of foreign revenue from tourism and investment
and so on.
The Central Bank's monetary policies have been inconsistent. For instance,
the Reserve Bank has gone back and forth over money sent from the diaspora.
It began by allowing the recipients to collect their money in foreign
currency. After changing the goal posts, it has now gone full circle. Its
foreign exchange and interest/lending rates policies have been disastrous.
There is instability on the money and stock markets.
The statement's "social contract" proposal will not yield much unless
government is sincere in engaging social partners. The recent arrest of some
business executives for "illegal price increases" does not engender a
conducive environment for the successful implementation of the social
contract involving business, labour, civil society and government. The
high-handedness in dealing with a planned demonstration by some labour union
leaders and the current arrest of WOZA peaceful demonstrators, worsen the
bad situation.
The important first step in resolving the crisis is the leadership's
concession that there is a governance crisis.  ZLP believes that the
political crisis can and will be resolved if:
There is a new democratic constitution which will level the political arena
and repeal all repressive laws;
An all-stakeholders' conference is held to discuss and resolve the crisis;
Genuine efforts are made to build bridges so that political and diplomatic
isolation can end and Zimbabwe can join the community of nations with all
the benefits that follow;
Government stops all political repression including the arrest of civil
society activists.
Government stops the militarisation of state institutions and disbands youth
militias.
It is our considered view that once these fundamental issues are addressed,
the vision that we had for Zimbabwe as former liberation war fighters will
be realized. We take this opportunity to remind ZANU PF of the values and
ideals of the liberation struggle which government has totally discarded.
Our position is supported by all genuine war veterans, including some who
are in government and other state institutions.
It is incumbent upon government to create the enabling environment for the
Central Bank's noble prescriptive measures to work and achieve the desired
results.
We therefore earnestly call on government to embrace the recommendations
made by the Governor. Political reform and dialogue are the way forward.
Confrontation with the opposition, labour, civil society and the
international community is futile and counter-productive.

ZCFU optimistic on harvests

The Zimbabwean

HARARE - The Zimbabwe Commercial Farmers' Union (ZCFU) says it expects a
harvest of over 70 million kg of tobacco in the 2006/07 farming season, up
from last year's harvest of 55 million kg.
"The tobacco crop for this farming season will be very good. We should
achieve plus 70 million kg of tobacco compared to 55 million kg achieved
last season which is quite a big improvement," said ZCFU president Wilson
Nyabonda.
He said they expected the irrigated tobacco crop to reach the 3 000 kg per
hectare mark, with the dryland crop of the leaf expected to reach between 1
600 and 1 700 kg per hectare.
Nyabonda said a total 52 000 hectares of tobacco, 14 000 of which were under
irrigation, were planted this season.
He said a total of 1,3 million hectares of maize were planted this year and
the ZCFU expected a fairly good harvest of the crop in the northern region
of the country, which had received good rains.
The maize crop in the southern region of the country was however under
stress because of the erratic rainfall in the region.  It would be too
early, Nyabonda said, to predict the harvest of the maize crop until later
in the season because of the irregular weather patterns.

Social contract doomed - experts

The Zimbabwean

(22-02-07)
HARARE - Government's proposed social contract initiative, which comes into
force next week and would see a price and wage freeze for four months, will
not work say experts.
This is because government has no control over prices of black market goods,
which form the bulk of industry and commerce's key inputs.
Government has unilaterally decreed that no employer be allowed to increase
the salary of their employee and no retailer to increase the price of goods
and commodities from March 1 to June 30.
The architect of the social contract, Reserve Bank governor Gideon Gono,
calls the pact a "gentlemen's agreement" between labour, business and
government.
By imposing a freeze on all prices, wages, salaries, fees, interest and
municipal rates as well as on every tariff, government believes it can
contain Zimbabwe's skyrocketing hyperinflation, which surged to a record
1,593.6 percent in January.
But the labour movement insists employers must align the minimum wage with
the Poverty Datum Line, currently pegged at $458,986, before the wage freeze
comes into force. Employers cannot do this because they of severe viability
problems.
An RBZ survey revealed last week that prices shot up 500 percent since the
delivery of Gono's monetary policy review last month.
Economists say this is the result of his staunch refusal to devalue the
currency and a strategy by business to hedge itself during the four-month
price freeze period.
Government has threatened to jail any one who breaches the contract, and has
already arrested some senior business executives on allegations of
increasing prices without permission.
Prices of cooking oil and bread, which were scheduled to go up at the
beginning of this month, did not. The result has been shortages in the
formal market, although the commodities are readily available on a thriving
black market, where they are priced beyond the reach of most workers.
Meanwhile, tension between the government and the labour movement has
intensified lately, with President Mugabe now calling the ZCTU an opposition
party.
The ZCTU has held meetings with its members throughout the country recently
in an effort to map out a new strategy of confronting the government. It has
also pulled out of the Tripartite Negotiating Forum, accusing the government
of not taking seriously contributions by the unions.
Secretary general, Wellington Chibebe, said attending the meetings was a
complete waste of time and has threatened more job action. The state has
responded by making it extremely difficult for the trade union to operate.
It has also sponsored a splinter union federation to undermine the ZCTU. -
Gift Phiri