Ruth Gledhill,
Religion Correspondent
The Archbishop of Canterbury, Dr Rowan Williams, has called on
Anglicans to "pray, fast and give" to highlight Zimbabwe's slide toward
starvation. Dr Williams and the Archbishop of York, John Sentamu, have chosen the growing
crisis in Zimbabwe for their first joint appeal for funds. They said people should give now rather than wait for a political solution.
Dr Sentamu said if people did not give, disease and starvation would mean
"more and more graves". In a joint interview with Dr Williams for BBC News, Dr Sentamu said he will
spend Wednesday fasting in St Helen's Church in York, as well as leading hourly
prayers for Zimbabwe. Fasting is a traditional act of penitence and reflection that Christians use
to mark Ash Wednesday and the beginning of Lent. Dr Williams called on people around the world, especially Anglicans, to fast,
pray and give for Zimbabwe. Otherwise, he said, disaster was inevitable. Archbishop Sentamu said that his simple day of prayer and fasting would
provide a sharp contrast with the elaborate schedule of the president of
Zimbabwe, Robert Mugabe. It has been reported that Mr Mugabe will be spending at least part of
Wednesday at the Rainbow Towers Hotel in Harare - half way through a week of
sumptuous celebrations for his 85th birthday. He will be attending a dinner, costing a reported £70 ($100) a ticket, and
will be serenaded by a variety of musical bands, both home-grown and recruited
from overseas. Dr Williams said that beyond the gilded world occupied by the President and
his entourage, Zimbabweans faced desperate conditions. "I think the humanitarian crisis in Zimbabwe is now at an appalling level,"
he said. "It's estimated that perhaps half the population is now under threat of
starvation; and the deaths from cholera have been climbing in just the last
couple of weeks from 3,000 towards 4,000. "Everyone knows about the rate of inflation, but I think the main thing is
the sheer level at which people are at risk of starvation." "People will die. They'll die quickly, unpleasantly, and children and young
people will bear the brunt of it." Archbishop Sentamu said many of those deaths would come from disease. 'More graves' "The spread of cholera, I'm afraid, will just increase because there isn't
clean water. So in the end, if people don't heed this particular appeal,
there'll be more and more graves". Archbishop Sentamu has been scathing about Robert Mugabe, and publicly cut up
his clerical collar on BBC television in 2007, promising to go without one until
the President left office. Despite Zimbabwe's desperate plight, the UN's World Food Programme recently
reported that donor countries had actually reduced the amount they were giving.
The UN said donors were apparently waiting to see what would result from the
power-sharing deal between President Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai before
committing themselves to further funding. Dr Sentamu - still without a clergy collar - told people they should give
money now, rather than waiting in the expectation of a political solution in
Zimbabwe. "There is this seeming political solution by power sharing, but the truth is,
as long as the Home Office Department is not controlled other than by Mugabe and
his friends, just forget it! Because security won't return and people won't feel
safe," he said. Anglicans' relations with President Mugabe are already extremely tense. After the Church criticised him last year, priests said that twenty Anglican
churches were targeted by the police. In one case, a priest told the BBC how officers armed with sticks interrupted
a service and ordered the congregation of 300 to leave. Political sanctions A number of women were struck as they knelt in front of the altar in the act
of taking the bread and wine of communion. Dr Williams praised Anglicans in Zimbabwe for the "courage and imagination"
they had shown in facing danger, and insisted that despite the rift with the
government, the Church was well placed to deliver aid. He also called for political sanctions. "Sanctions that cut against the people of Zimbabwe are gong to be massively
counter-productive. "Sanctions against the political legitimacy and acceptability of the ruling
elite in Zimbabwe are, I think, necessary. "I hope they're effective, but they're not the whole story". President Mugabe often portrays criticism from Britain as a throwback to
colonialism. But it's hard to pin that label on Archbishop Sentamu. Dr Sentamu's Ugandan ancestry, his senior position in the Anglican Church
(which has many members in Zimbabwe), and his reputation for sustaining
campaigns such as this, make him an effective critic of Robert Mugabe.
Wednesday, 25 February 2009
By Robert Pigott
BBC
Religious Affairs correspondent
In their first joint funding appeal the archbishops have called
for donations now, rather than waiting for a political solution.
I think the humanitarian crisis in Zimbabwe is now at an appalling
level
Rowan Williams
Thousands of Zimbabweans, many of them children, have contracted
cholera
http://www.voanews.com
By Jonga Kandemiiri
Washington
24 February
2009
Some Zimbabwean civil servants said Tuesday that they were
having trouble
redeeming the US$100 vouchers they have been given by the
government as
supplements to their pay under a program announced last week
by Finance
Minister Tendai Biti.
Banks were said to be running short
on foreign exchange as state workers
tried to redeem the vouchers. Some
banks advised customers to open hard
currency accounts
elsewhere.
Teacher Valentine Moyo of Masvingo, capital of the eastern
province of the
same name, told reporter Jonga Kandemiiri of VOA's Studio 7
for Zimbabwe
that he was not able to redeem his voucher and that retailers
refused them
or insisted on a fee to accept them.
http://www.thenational.ae
James Reinl, United Nations
Correspondent
Last Updated: February 25. 2009 12:39AM UAE / February 24.
2009 8:39PM GMT
Ban Ki-moon is on a three-day state visit and is expected
to meet South
Africa's president Kgalema Motlanthe and later meet the former
president
Nelson Mandela. Siphiwe Sibeko / Reuters
PRETORIA, South
Africa // The UN secretary general, Ban Ki-moon, touched
down in Africa
yesterday for wide-ranging talks designed to assist
cholera-stricken
Zimbabwe, bolster a fragile peacekeeping mission in Congo
and raise cash for
rebuilding Gaza.
An eight-day itinerary includes face time with four
presidents and the
anti-apartheid icon, Nelson Mandela, through which the
secretary general
will strive to forge consensus on tackling the continent's
woes.
The five-nation trip comes amid expectations that International
Criminal
Court judges are poised to issue an arrest warrant against Sudan's
president, Omar al Bashir, for alleged atrocities in Darfur.
UN
peacekeeping chiefs fear The Hague-based court's much-anticipated
indictment
will spur Khartoum to order reprisal attacks against the two blue
helmet
forces operating in Sudan.
Mr Ban's arrival in Pretoria marks his first
official South African visit,
where a meeting with Kgalema Motlanthe, the
president, kicks off a blitz of
high-level talks across Tanzania, Rwanda,
the Democratic Republic of Congo
(DRC) and Egypt.
Topping the agenda
are the dire challenges facing Zimbabwe's new government,
where a cholera
epidemic has claimed more than 3,750 lives and poverty has
slashed life
expectancy to 37 years for men and 34 years for women.
Robert Mugabe's
governance has seen Zimbabwe, once the breadbasket of
Africa, suffer
economic meltdown and inflation rates believed to have soared
above the
official figure of 231 million per cent.
The prime minister, Morgan
Tsvangirai, who formed a unity government with Mr
Mugabe's party, Zanu-PF,
this month, has warned it will cost as much as US$5
billion (Dh18bn) to
rebuild the shattered economy.
Mr Ban's DRC visit comes hot on the heels
of a preliminary peace agreement
between the government and the main former
rebel group in the east of the
country, where fighting has seen more than
800,000 civilians uprooted in
recent months.
Talks between
negotiators from the government of Joseph Kabila, the
president, and the
National Congress for the Defence of the People (CNDP) in
the eastern hub of
Goma are expected to lead to discussions in Nairobi and,
potentially, a full
accord.
The eastern DRC has been racked by conflict, in which the CNDP
forces of a
renegade Tutsi general, Laurent Nkunda, have seized large
swathes of land in
an offensive towards the end of last year.
UN
peacekeepers have faced criticism for failing to protect civilians in
North
Kivu, where Congolese government troops and rebel groups are alleged
to have
looted and committed atrocities.
But Mr Nkunda was arrested last month
and some CNDP forces have rallied to
the Congolese national army, which is
attempting to quell strife in the
region with the help of Rwandan troops and
UN logistical support.
Joint operation between two African armies and a
UN peacekeeping outfit,
known by its French acronym Monuc, is also tackling
an ethnic Hutu militia
suspected of atrocities during Rwanda's 1994 genocide
called the Democratic
Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda.
But Human
Rights Watch says Monuc troops remain "thinly stretched across
huge swathes
of Congo" and accuses peacekeepers of failing to protect
civilians in the
north from brutal attacks at the hands of the rebel Lord's
Resistance
Army.
Anneke Van Woudenberg, a senior researcher for the US-based
pressure group,
said civilians are "not getting the protection they deserve
from the armies
involved in the joint operations" and called for a beefed-up
UN force.
This week's Africa trip will also see Mr Ban fly above the
thawing snowcap
of Mount Kilimanjaro, among the world's most notable victims
of global
warming, to draw attention to an international climate change
treaty being
negotiated this year.
The UN leader recently called for
"leadership of the highest order" from the
United States, China, India and
the European Union to "show the way . for
those least able to
adapt".
Other stops along the secretary general's trail highlight
humanitarian
issues, with visits to refugees and victims of sexual violence
in DRC as
well as Aids victims in South Africa.
The world's top
diplomat will also visit the international war crimes
tribunal for Rwanda in
the northern Tanzanian city of Arusha, before winding
up in Sharm El Sheikh,
Egypt, on Monday, for an international pledging
conference to rebuild the
Gaza Strip after Israel's offensive against Hamas.
jreinl@thenational.ae
http://www.timesonline.co.uk/
February
25, 2009
Economic sanctions may not overthrow
despots, but their symbolic value
matters
Joyce Mujuru, Vice-President of
Zimbabwe since 2004, is so far steeped in
blood, plunder and oppression that
the European Union maintains sanctions
against her, along with about 200 of
her compatriots. When Mrs Mujuru tried
to sell covertly a huge consignment
of Congolese gold through a bullion
dealer with offices in London, the
company uncovered her role and
peremptorily refused the deal, on the
admirably precise grounds that its
instigators were criminals. Mrs Mujuru
responded with the threats of
personal violence that are the universal
language of thuggish,
kleptomaniacal mediocrities.
It is impossible
not to cheer the scrupulousness of the bullion dealer. But
the practice of
imposing economic sanctions on repressive regimes and
despotic leaderships
has only a mixed record. It is to some extent
inevitable that the worst of
regimes, by the mere fact of their indifference
to international norms, will
be more capable of resisting pressure than
countries that seek a measure of
approval.
Apartheid South Africa is the most frequently cited case of a
regime brought
low by international pressure. Sanctions in that case were
undoubtedly a
just cause pursued against an evil system. But they were
relatively more
effective than sanctions against, say, Baathist Iraq,
because of a greater
degree of political openness. South Africa
systematically disenfranchised
its black majority, yet possessed multiple
political parties and an often
courageously independent press. The country's
image ultimately mattered to a
leadership that had lost ideological
confidence.
Similarly, sanctions against Iran - an extremist regime but
not a
totalitarian state - have had some successes when consistently
applied. Iran
has a nuclear programme that is patently not designed purely
for generating
electricity. Though the regime is hardly undermined by
sanctions, it is
anxious to remain within the Nuclear Non-Proliferation
Treaty, and has
responded to pressure.
Sanctions against Zimbabwe are
a different case. The country is a place of
systematic violence and a cowed
populace. Autocracies where oppression is
almost total - such as North Korea
or Burma - can allow domestic conditions
to worsen almost indefinitely,
because the price will be paid by the already
vulnerable. Western diplomacy
needs to win the support of people labouring
under oppressive regimes. There
is a large danger that - as happened with
Saddam Hussein's public relations
campaign on the issue - the suffering of a
captive people will be blamed on
international sanctions rather than
domestic repression.
All of these
criticisms are fair. Sanctions may have scant effect on their
targets. It
was military action, not the sanctions applied to them, that
overthrew
Saddam and the Taleban, and that stopped the genocidal designs of
Slobodan
Milosevic in Kosovo. But the importance of symbols in politics
should not be
underestimated. Mrs Mujuru's outburst is suggestive. The
Zimbabwe regime
defies civilised standards, while its leaders enjoy the
material spoils of
gross misrule. It matters to them, even if it does not
directly alleviate
the plight of their victims, that the EU and United
Nations maintain
economic pressure. Tyrants may not thereby fall, but they
can at least be
denied the fruits of avarice and the means of opulent
retirement.
http://www.zimonline.co.za/
by Tambanavo Chamanyawi
Wednesday 25 February 2009
The inclusive government of
Zimbabwe is turning into a circus. The idea is
very noble, but the
architects are slowly changing direction and in the
process, compromising
the objectives of the compromise.
Do we honestly need 52 ministers, a
small country like Zimbabwe? What for?
What exactly are they doing? What are
the job descriptions of this bloated
government ministers?
We hear
that some ministers have neither work places, staff nor office
equipment.
What are they doing? Do were need to fork out money to create
work places
for them where they would pretend to be working?
These ministers are just
walking in the streets without offices or duties.
They are just floating
around in their party and government corridors with a
lot of power on paper
but doing nothing except taking congratulatory
handshakes. They are also
attending endless strategic meetings, but doing
practically nothing to
redeem the sinking Zimbabwe.
A-ah vakomana! Kungotsvaga mutauro, kuti
mungozofamba muchiti vananhingi
vanotaurisa.
Our number one priority
is cutting down on unnecessary expenditure, but
these guys come up with the
largest Cabinet in human history.
Some of the things that are unfolding
can only be expected to happen at
Sunday schools if not at
kindergartens.
ZANU PF pitched up with 22 ministers instead of 15 for the
swearing in
ceremony. They muscled in eight and in-exchange MDC was rewarded
with others
for letting in ZANU PF's extras.
Even a class monitor
position cannot be snatched this easily even at a rural
primary
school.
We are told others got wind of the venue and time of the swearing
in and
just turned up neither invited nor appointed. Guess what happened to
them?
They walked away as ministers, complete with their Mercedes Benz
allocations, security details and unlimited vouchers. Asi chinyi
nhai?
Like kittens being pulled out of a soup bowl whilst still sucking,
ZANU PF
had to drag out some of its zealots from the swearing in parade,
much to the
surprise of South African President Kgalema
Motlanthe.
ZANU PF chairman John Nkomo is one of those who were asked to
excuse
themselves from the swearing in drama.
The chucked-out lot had
to take refuge in the State House to serve
themselves from
embarrassment.
They had brought their families and friends, only to be
shown the door in
front of rotating media camera lenses.
Imagine!
Some ministries are a fallacy. Can anyone explain to the nation
the duties
of the Minister of National Integration, Priscilla
Misihairabwi-Mushonga?
Would she be harmonising different factions in
MDC, ZANU PF or Zimbabweans
as whole? Do we need a ministry just to remind
citizens of Zimbabwe not to
fight among themselves?
Workshops
administered by the civic society would have done the trick than
spending
non-existent money paying a minister and her staff for being in
office,
doing nothing, zero and zilch.
We all understand the spirit of
compromising for the benefit of the country,
but what do we gain by
compromising the objectives of a compromise? Nothing,
zero,
zilch.
What about the deputy ministers who are flocking from everywhere?
Do we
really need them? They are deputising what?
Where will we get
the money to sponsor the extravagant ministerial life
styles? For heaven's
sake where will we get money to purchase 104 Mercedes
Benz (Compressors),
whilst the whole nation is starving?
Trust me never expect these
politicians to forgo those luxuries. They will
go ahead and buy the sexy and
powerful German-made sedans, well before
paying civil servants US$100 a
month.
They would not even shy away from demanding another Nissan Narvara
4x4 for
use in their rural homes.
I am neither an alarmist nor a
prophet of doom, but a realist. - ZimOnline
http://www.zimonline.co.za/
By Nokuthula Sibanda Wednesday 25
February 2009
HARARE - HARARE - Zimbabwean doctors who have
been on an indefinite strike
to press for more pay and better working
conditions have resolved to go back
to work apparently after the new
government promised to address their
grievances, a top union official
said.
"We are now going back to work strictly on humanitarian grounds,"
said Amon
Serevegi Hospital Doctors Association president.
"The
government has not promised us much, but we have made an undertaking
that we
will go back to work."
Serevegi could not be drawn into disclosing what
sort of concessions they
had been given by the government.
The strike
by mostly junior doctors last year led to a virtual collapse of
the
country's health delivery system.
The doctor's strike was later joined in
by nurses, making the situation in
state hospitals - the source of health
services for the majority of
Zimbabweans -virtually
untenable.
Standards and service at the public health institutions that
were once
lauded as some of the best public hospitals in Africa have over
the past
decade collapsed after years of under-funding and
mismanagement.
The announcement by the doctors came hours after teachers,
who were also
striking for more pay, announced that they were returning to
work following
meetings with Education Minister David
Coltart.
Coltart met leaders of the Zimbabwe Teachers Association (ZIMTA)
and the
Progressive Teachers Union of Zimbabwe (PTUZ) last week to plead
with the
two unions that represent the country's teachers to call off the
strike has
been going on since last year and had grounded the school
system.
Meanwhile, PTUZ president Takawira Zhou said on Tuesday although
they had
agreed that teachers are going back to work, government should make
an
undertaking that teachers' children do not pay fees.
"Although we
have agreed to go back to work, government must make sure that
children for
teachers do not pay fees," Zhou said.
"Government must also make sure
that none of the teachers who were not
reporting for work are victimised
since they were not at work as a result of
an economic crisis as they did
not have bus fares while the other reason is
that most of them were victims
of political violence especially in the rural
areas." - ZimOnline.
http://www.zimonline.co.za/
by Tendai Hungwe Wednesday 25 February 2009
JOHANNESBURG - A
coalition of South African and Zimbabwean civic groups on
Tuesday urged
Zimbabwe's unity government to free human rights campaigners
and political
activists from jail and to scrap repressive media and security
laws.
The coalition known as Save Zimbabwe Now and some of whose
members have been
fasting for weeks in solidarity with suffering masses in
Zimbabwe said the
unity government had to act urgently to facilitate the
drafting of a new and
democratic constitution for Zimbabwe.
South
African rights defender Kumi Naidoo told reporters in Johannesburg
that the
unity government risked being viewed as an extension of President
Robert
Mugabe's ZANU PF party unless it freed "political hostages, human
rights
detainees (and repealed) draconian laws such as the Public Order and
Security Act and the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy
Act.
Mugabe used the tough security and media laws to clamp down on the
opposition and gag the press but agreed to review the laws under a
power-sharing deal with his chief rival and now Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai.
Tsvangirai and Mugabe formed a government of national
unity about a week ago
immediately sparking hope for a revival of once
prosperous Zimbabwe.
But skepticism remains high whether the unity
government that under a
September power-sharing agreement should last for
about two years would
survive the deep-seated acrimony between the political
rivals.
Moves by state prosecutors on Tuesday to block top Tsvangirai
ally, Roy
Bennett, from being released on bail after the High Court had said
he should
be freed only helped to deepen doubts on the viability of the
unity
government.
Bennett, who is the MDC's nominee for deputy
agriculture minister in the
unity government, is charged with possession of
weapons for the purposes of
banditry, insurgency and terrorism - charges he
denies and which his party
says are trumped up.
The MDC has called
for the release of Bennett as well as at least 20 other
activists of the
party being held in jail on charges of plotting to
overthrow Mugabe but it
has said it remained committed to the unity
government despite the detention
of its members. ZimOnline.
http://www.ipsnews.net
Ignatius Banda
24 May
2009
Bulawayo - Judith Moyo is unable to give her child enough food.
She has to
bring her 18-month-old daughter to a council clinic for check-ups
every
month because of what nurses call her "slow development".
"I
give her isitshwala leftovers from the previous night," 33-year-old Moyo
says as she tries to keep the child quiet. Isitshwala is a staple thick
porridge prepared from maize meal.
The fourth of the United
Nations' Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) seeks
a two-third reduction in
the deaths of children under five by 2015. But the
issues related to the
first MDG, the eradication of extreme poverty and
hunger, will push the
reduction of child mortality in Zimbabwe beyond the
target date of
2015.
Despite President Robert Mugabe's declaration in Zimbabwe's first
MDG
progress report in 2004 that the country was achieving success in the
implementation of the goals, the continued lack of access to basic services
makes this unlikely.
The World Health Organisation's estimates for
2004 put the under-five
mortality rate in Zimbabwe at 129 per 1,000 live
births. This has meant a
sharp increase since 1990 when under-five mortality
was estimated at 80 per
1,000 live births. In 2000, it stood at 117 per
1,000 live births.
The United Nations Children's Fund reports that while
Zimbabwe saw a decline
in infant mortality in the early 1990s, numbers have
risen steadily after
2000 as health delivery services declined amid growing
international
isolation.
Zimbabwe therefore remains one of a few
countries to reverse the gains made
during the early years of
independence.
Apart from Moyo, other women at the government clinic also
admit that they
cannot provide enough sustenance for their newborns because
of escalating
food costs.
Selina Zulu makes regular visits to the
clinic. She used to give her older
children, who have since finished their
primary education, supplements like
peanut butter. But now she cannot do the
same for her three-year-old son
because of escalating prices.
"Things
have changed so fast. We have had to turn to feeding our children
food which
we know is not good for them," she said amid nodding from other
women
gathered at the clinic.
A nurse at the clinic says a number of children
under five have been put on
supplementary feeding. They are getting rations
from the United States
Agency for International Development
(USAID).
"Many of the children have been given the anti-measles jab, but
they remain
poorly fed. This is our main worry," says Helen Dube, a nurse
monitoring the
feeding and vaccination.
Zimbabwe's economic decline
has led to the breakdown of the country's health
delivery system. Health
care is now characterised by acute shortages of
drugs and skilled personnel.
This has affected levels of measles
immunisation, which is one of the
indicators for MDG 4.
In the 2004 progress report, the Zimbabwe
government promised that 90
percent of infants will be vaccinated against
measles by 2015.
But Stanford Matenda, a researcher and chairperson of
the National
University of Science and Technology's Journalism School in
Bulawayo, says
the economic decline has made it virtually impossible for the
country to
realise this goal. "I do not see us achieving it."
"Just
recently, government acknowledged that nurses were not going to work.
The
same goes for medical doctors. Children do not have access to food, care
or
medication, so it will be difficult to attain these targets," argues
Matenda.
"When parents are experiencing severe economic and
psychological hardships,
it will also be quite difficult for children to be
healthy," he concludes.
Recently, Deputy Minister of Health and Child
Welfare Edwin Muguti told
striking doctors that the government had no money
to meet their demands for
salary adjustments.
The lack of resources
to meet service delivery needs will also affect remote
rural areas.
According to health officials in the western border town of
Plumtree, the
measles vaccination programme has been slowed down by the
unavailability of
medicine and medical personnel.
Gertrude Chisale of Plumtree
Hospital's documentation centre says there has
been a steady rise in the
number of deaths from measles as the government
hospital struggles with
resources. "This year alone, we have had at least 15
deaths of children
under five and we expect the number to rise if the
situation continues,"
Chisale tells IPS.
"We used to have motorcycles for staff to travel to
remote rural areas to do
vaccinations. This has been stopped because
government says there is no
money for fuel or for the maintenance of these
bikes," says Chisale.
Matenda hopes that international assistance will
become available to help
vulnerable groups such as newborn babies.
http://www.voanews.com
By
Blessing Zulu
Washington
24 February 2009
A
Zimbabwean High Court justice ruled Tuesday that jailed deputy
minister-designate Roy Bennett should be granted bail pending judicial
action on charges he possessed weapons to be used for terrorism - but the
former white farmer and opposition official continued to be held after state
prosecutors announced they would appeal the decision.
Bennett
remained behind bars in a remand prison in the eastern Zimbabwean
city of
Mutare, to which he was brought after being arrested on Feb. 13 at
an
airport outside Harare on the same day the cabinet of a national unity
government was being sworn in. Bennett, treasurer of the Movement for
Democratic Change formation of Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, was
designated deputy minister of agriculture but has yet to be sworn into
office.
Correspondent Irwin Chifera reported from Harare on the high
court decision.
For more on the legal issues involved, reporter
Ntungamili Nkomo of VOA's
Studio 7 for Zimbabwe spoke with Beatrice Mtetwa,
Bennett's lawyer, who said
the state's appeal based on a section of the
Criminal Procedures Act was an
abuse of the law. Bennett's legal team asked
the High Court judge to refer
the issue to the Supreme Court.
Mr.
Tsvangirai's MDC formation issued a statement calling the state appeal
in
the case "malicious and vindictive."
The Bennett case threatened to spill
over into regional politics ahead of a
meeting Wednesday of finance
ministers of the Southern African Development
Community in Cape Town, South
Africa, at which they were to consider
financial assistance for Zimbabwe's
reconstruction.
Regional financing may not be as much of a sure thing as
it seemed last week
when Prime Minister Tsvangirai met with South African
President Kgalema
Motlanthe.
Sources said some SADC finance ministers
have expressed displeasure at
allegations that 300 million rand in South
African agricultural aid to
Zimbabwe was diverted, while other SADC
officials are expressing concern
about Bennett's continued
detention.
SADC Executive Secretary Tomaz Salamao told reporter Blessing
Zulu of VOA's
Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that Harare's bailout is the top item on
the SADC
ministers' agenda.
Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa said
he was unaware of any deal reached
by Mr. Mugabe and Mr. Tsvangirai as to
the release of political detainees,
countering that Mr. Tsvangirai by
writing to the High Court on behalf of
Bennett had interfered with
justice.
Tsvangirai MDC Spokesman Nelson Chamisa warned that the Bennett
case
jeopardizes the very existence of the national unity government.
http://www.radiovop.com
HARARE, February 24 2009 - A serious health
disaster is looming at
University of Zimbabwe (UZ) as standards continue to
deteriorate as the
institute of higher learning has now gone for more than
half a year without
water, Radio VOP has established.
Lecturers and students are now using two toilets that still have
running
water at the entire complex.
A lecturer with the Faculty of Law
said the situation was pathetic as
the authority had failed to provide water
for the past six months. He said
the entire complex was using two toilets, a
situation which is unhealthy for
the over 3000 students.
He
also said the university no longer provided food and students had
to bring
their own food.
"We are surprised to read that things have
improved at the university
in newspapers... infact conditions have
deteriorated," said the lecturer.
He said lessons had not yet
started contrary to media reports, mainly
because lecturers had not yet
received their salaries.
"We are yet to receive the US$100
vouchers, probably today although
the money is not enough for our needs.
Students are coming but the real
situation is that we have not yet started
working," added the lecturer.
University of Zimbabwe was last
year August closed after the
institution faced a serious water crisis which
emanated from burst and aged
water pipes.
Meanwhile Higher
and Tertiary Education Minister Stan Mudenge was on
Tuesday expected to hold
a crisis meeting with university Vice Chancellors
and college principals in
Harare in desperate attempts to bring sanity to
the institutions of higher
learning.
Higher education officials told RadioVOP that the
meeting was meant to
discuss university and college fees, inorder to come up
with a fee structure
that would bring normalcy to the education
sector.
Students at the institutions of higher learning
recently staged
violent demonstrations countrywide demanding a reduction in
fees.
Most colleges and universities have proposed fees of
between USd
600-USd 1 000 per semester. However, there has been a public
outcry from
most students who said they could not afford the announced fees
taking into
consideration the prevailing harsh economic
environment.
Mudenge and higher education officials were
expected to unveil a new
fees structure amid revelations the minister has
also asked traditional
donors to chip in towards the welfare of
lecturers.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=12313
February 24, 2009
By Our
Correspondent
HARARE - Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai on Tuesday
offered to act as a
guarantor for the appearance of his party's national
treasurer Roy Bennett,
if the courts granted his application for
bail.
Bennett, who is Deputy Minister of Agriculture -designate, was
arrested two
weeks ago on alleged possession of dangerous weapons back in
2006. He denies
the charges.
In a letter dated February 20, 2008, but
presented in court on Tuesday, and
also intended to support the defence
efforts to seek bail for Bennett, the
Zimbabwean Premier appealed to the
court to release Bennett into his
personal custody.
"In terms of the
Global Political Agreement," Tsvangirai wrote, "Roy Bennett
has been
nominated to serve as a deputy minister in the new transitional
government
in Zimbabwe.
"As Prime Minister, I am responsible for overseeing all
policy formulations
by cabinet and all policy implementation by the entirety
of government.
"For this reason, Mr Bennett will be reporting to me and I
will be
responsible for the work he performs as a deputy
minister.
"Such is the need for Zimbabwe to have at its disposal all
nominated and
qualified personnel to wok to rebuild our country, our economy
and our
nation."
The High Court on Tuesday ordered the release of
Bennett on stringent bail
conditions.
The State however declared its
intentions to challenge Justice Tedious Karwi's
ruling, citing provisions of
Section 121 of the Criminal Procedure and
Evidence Act.
The Act bars
the immediate release of an accused person before the lapse of
seven days
within which such challenge has to be filed through the Supreme
Court.
Tsvangirai said it was imperative that Bennett be released
immediately to
begin his duties as minister.
"In this respect, as
Prime Minister of Zimbabwe, I will stand surety of Mr
Bennett and ensure
that once he has been granted bail, he attends all and
every court
appearance or other duty as so instructed by the courts."
Bennett, 52,
was arrested two weeks ago as he tried to fly out of Zimbabwe
to visit his
family in South Africa. His plane was ordered to abort as it
was taxing for
take-off.
He was due to attend his swearing in as deputy minister last
Friday.
In response to Tsvangirai's pleas, the state, which is still
fighting to
keep Bennett in custody, said the letter by the Prime Minister
was
irregular.
"The Prime Minister is a member of the Executive who
must not interfere with
the judiciary unless he is acting in his own
capacity," Chris Mutangadura,
who appeared for the State, said
Tuesday.
"The letter is irregular and constitutes a serious infringement
on the
separation of powers (between the Executive and
judiciary).
The State's contention elicited an interjection from Justice
Karwi who
cautioned Mutangadura not to rubbish the person of the Prime
Minister in
public.
Justice Karwi said Mutangadura was the Attorney
General's representative in
the matter and should accordingly act as advisor
to government.
"You are the advisor to the Prime Minister," said Karwi.
"Why did you not
advise him accordingly? You should not be seen attacking
your Prime Minister
in public. I fear he may consider firing
you."
Harare lawyer Beatrice Mtetwa supported the Prime Minister's
intervention
saying it had helped strengthen the defence's efforts to secure
the release
of their client.
"The stronger your surety, the better
your chances (of getting bail)," said
Mtetwa.
"There is absolutely
nothing wrong with even the President of Zimbabwe
standing surety for anyone
who is close to him because the bail rules allow
that."
The
intervention by Tsvangirai reveals a huge difference between him and
President Robert Mugabe who says the courts should be allowed to determine
the fate of all the jailed MDC members who are currently held on banditry
charges.
Although it is well within his constitutional mandate to
order the
unconditional release of the political prisoners, Mugabe said
Monday he
could only exercise his prerogative of mercy after the courts were
through
with the matter.
The President's offer of mercy pre-supposes
the accused persons will be
found guilty, as his offer would be rendered
meaningless should they be
found to be innocent.
On the other hand,
Tsvangirai, who has been campaigning vigorously to have
the accused persons
released unconditionally, says the continued jailing of
his party's
activists is undermining the credibility of the unity government
in which he
serves as Prime Minister.
http://www.zimeye.org/?p=2405
By Moses Muchemwa
for
ZimEye.org
Published: February 24, 2009
Harare - Jailed
Zimbabwe Peace Project director Jestina Mukoko has filed a
constitutional
application challenging her unlawful detention that has
surpassed stipulated
days.
Mukoko also challenged the failure by the State to arrest her
kidnappers who
raided her from her Norton home on December 4.
Her
defence team led by Beatrice Mtetwa, confirmed that the constitutional
challenge was filed at the Supreme Court.
"We have filed the
constitutional application at the Supreme Court," she
said.
Mukoko
has been detained despite court rulings to release her. Mukoko's
lawyers
successfully applied to have the case taken to the Supreme Court
where a
ruling will be on whether or not the alleged abduction, torture and
inhuman
treatment on Mukoko violated her constitutional rights.
The Zanu-PF
regime incarcerated Mukoko and 30 MDC activists for banditry and
insurgency
charges.
The MDC has rebutted the charges saying it was cheap
propaganda.
http://www.ft.com
By Richard Lapper and Tony Hawkins
Published:
February 24 2009 23:36 | Last updated: February 24 2009 23:36
Even before
a gang of heavily armed men burst into his house and forcibly
evicted him
from his land, farming had become a hazardous business for
Malcolm Clark, a
66-year old Zimbabwean who has made his living as a farmer
since
1962.
During the last two years electricity shortages have made it
virtually
impossible to irrigate, reducing output at the 92-hectare holding
north of
Harare where Mr Clark cultivated a range of vegetables and
seeds.
"I didn't think I would survive," said Mr Clark describing
last month's
attack, which farmers' organisations say forms part of a "final
push" by
supporters of President Robert Mugabe to drive the country's
remaining 700
commercial white farmers from their land.
Attacks and legal
actions - Mr Clark was accused in September of illegally
occupying the land
and must appear in court to hear the eviction order
against him - are on the
increase.
They come in spite - or rather, say some observers, because of
- the
formation two weeks ago of a government of national unity, in which
the
85-year-old Mr Mugabe agreed to share power with Morgan Tsvangirai,
leader
of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change.
In 2000 Mr
Mugabe launched a land resettlement programme that saw thousands
of white
farmers evicted and their land handed over to black Zimbabweans.
But the
pace of the evictions had slowed in recent years.
The Commercial Farmers
Union (CFU) says at least 77 farmers have been
evicted since February 6 when
senior government officials - including the
justice minister and chief
magistrate, with high-ranking army and police
officers - began to tour the
country with orders to evict those without
government permission to continue
working the land.
Trevor Gifford, CFU president, says the evictions are
being carried out "by
members of the old regime in [Mr Mugabe's] Zanu-PF who
are not willing to
see the transition take place to a new unity
government".
Other groups say dozens of other farmers face the threat of
violent
occupations and up to 150 are being pursued through the
courts.
John Worsley-Worswick, head of the Justice for Agriculture Trust
and himself
one of nearly 4,000 farmers to have been pushed off the land
since the
beginning of this decade, says since the start this month up to 25
farmers a
day have been asking him for legal advice. That is more than four
times the
recent average.
What Mr Worsley-Worswick describes as a
"last-minute land grab" is one of
the most obvious signs of the new
government's weakness.
Another is the fact that Joseph Made, the
agriculture minister, is a Zanu-PF
member who presided over the most radical
and violent phase of the evictions
in the early part of this
decade.
By contrast, Mr Made's deputy, Roy Bennett, himself an
expropriated white
farmer and prominent leader within the MDC, remains in
prison after being
detained by security forces on the day the coalition
cabinet was sworn in 10
days ago.
The attorney-general appealed
against an order granting Mr Bennett bail, a
move described by the MDC as
"provocation of the highest order", emphasising
the tensions at the heart of
the new arrangements.
For Zimbabwe, that means any coherent agricultural
policy will remain off
the agenda for the immediate future.
And it
leaves farmers with little option but to pursue their own legal
remedies as
they seek compensation for lost land, production and equipment.
"We'd be
naïve to think we'll get our land back. The damage is too big and
it's gone
too far but compensation is very important to us," says Hendrik
Olivier,
director of the CFU.
24 Feb 2009 16:18:00
GMT
Written by: Save the Children
Recently I had the pleasure of
meeting Sitshengisiwe, our HIV/AIDS and
Reproductive Health Coordinator in
the Zambezi Valley. In the valley there's
no safe water, electricity,
transport or communication systems. So if
someone gets ill they will have to
walk, or at best be transported in an
ox-cart, to the nearest basic health
centre.
This wasn't always the case. Sitshengisiwe tells me that there
used to be a
working ambulance for referrals to the district hospital 46
kilometres away.
But as with many things, this is no longer
functioning.
Lack of transport dealt a serious blow to one family that
Sitshengisiwe
managed to support. Following childbirth at home, a young
mother had
suffered post-partum haemorrhage. In attempt to get his wife to
the nearest
clinic, her husband tried to sell one of his goats to pay for
transport, but
nobody he asked could afford to buy his goat. He tried to
take her in an
ox-cart instead, but sadly she died before they made the
10-kilometre
journey.
The husband then chose to brave the
46-kilometre walk to the district
hospital, to register his wife's death at
the district hospital. This is
where Sitshengisiwe was informed of his case.
She visited the family soon
after - walking only a 12 kilometre round trip
this time.
On arrival she and her Ministry of Health counterpart provided
health and
nutrition advice to the family, and gave them a 'baby kit' that
contained
essential items for caring for newborns, including a baby-grow,
warm clothes
and a hat, nappies, towels, soap and Vaseline.
She also
discussed options for feeding the baby with the husband, aunt and
grandfather who are now left to care for him. They resolved to feed the baby
with modified goat's milk using a cup and spoon as it was seen as the only
sustainable option for them.
Save the Children feels strongly about
the importance of infant feeding and
actively supports the "Operational
Guidance on Infant and Young Child
Feeding in Emergencies" which provides
the do's and don'ts in this area. The
current international guidance is that
modified animal milk should not be
promoted as it lacks some important
nutrients.
I was interested to find out more about this so I spoke to Ali
Maclaine, an
Infant Feeding Consultant who is working for Save the Children
in this area.
Her role in Zimbabwe is work with the Zimbabwe Nutrition
Cluster (a group of
organisations involved in nutrition) to ensure that
breastfeeding is
supported and that agencies know and follow the
international guidance.
She told me that breastfeeding, especially in
emergencies, saves lives and
protects infants from diseases such as
diarrhoea, malnutrition and death. In
fact, non-breastfed infants in
non-hygienic conditions are 6-25 times more
likely to die than breastfed
infants. Moreover, breast milk specifically
helps protect infants from
cholera. When infants are not-breastfed
pre-crisis or when the mother dies
usually a "breast milk" option is looked
at as a first resort as it is such
a life saving intervention.
Other options include wet-nursing
(breastfeeding by someone other than the
mother), milk banks or re-lactation
(re-starting breastfeeding - if the
mother had stopped pre-crisis or by a
grandmother if the mother has died).
In places like Zimbabwe where there
is a high prevalence of HIV, the
guidance is that wet-nurses should be
counselled and have an HIV test.
Where a breastfeeding option is not
available infant formula should be
provided for as long as the infant
required needs it - along with additional
support such as education on
making up the formula as safely as possible,
provision of additional
materials e.g. cooking equipment and it should be
fed to the child by cup as
bottles and teats are very hard to clean.
Yet even if the care-givers get
formula and extra support it is not easy:
The child must be monitored and
health care provided as they are likely to
get sick more often and more
severely than a breastfed child, collecting the
additional water and fuel to
make the formula and then feeding the child
takes time, etc.
As part
of her routine work, Sitshengisiwe carries out infant feeding
support
sessions for young mothers. In these sessions they talk about things
like
the importance of exclusive breastfeeding, the reduced risks of HIV
transmission with exclusive breastfeeding compared to mixed feeding and how
to breastfeed successfully.
She also talks to them about when to
introduce other foods/fluids and what
foods they should use. The sessions
are generally a mixture of sharing
experiences and concerns, and providing
mothers with information.
It is hard not to get angry at the unfairness
of what the people
Sitshengisiwe works with have to face. Cholera and
malaria are easily
preventable illnesses and the vital information and
resources health workers
like Sitshengisiwe and her Ministry of Health
counterpart can provide saves
lives.
But, with the terrible road
conditions making each home visit into a
cross-country trek, the amount of
families benefiting from such services is
never enough.
http://www.guardian.co.uk
Non-governmental groups
continue to campaign for human rights in spite of
the risk of beatings,
abduction and torture
David Batty
guardian.co.uk, Tuesday 24
February 2009 00.06 GMT
As Zimbabwe's autocratic president, Robert
Mugabe, tightened his grip on
power in the past five years, the country's
charities have faced the same
violent persecution meted out to his political
opponents. As the charities
struggled to help an increasingly desperate
population, left hungry and
impoverished by government corruption and
incompetent economic reforms,
dozens of their workers suffered beatings,
abduction, imprisonment and
torture.
Even after the establishment of
a new government this month, with Morgan
Tsvangirai, leader of the main
opposition party the Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) and now prime
minister, many charity workers remain locked up
in terrible conditions,
according to the National Association of NGOs of
Zimbabwe
(Nango).
"This is Zimbabwe's Guantanamo," says Cephas Zinhumwe, chief
executive of
Nango, which represents more than 1,000 non-governmental
organisations
across the country.
"Some of our members are still in
jail. Mugabe blames them for the regime
change. Tsvangirai said when he was
sworn in they would be released. But
they haven't been yet. Some of them
[the charity workers] are sick and won't
survive in the jails. We want to
make sure they're allowed to get to
hospital and get treatment. No one -
them or any other prisoners - should be
in those
conditions."
Zinhumwe was in the UK last week to attend the annual
conference of Nango's
British counterpart the National Council of Voluntary
Organisations, trying
to build partnerships with international NGOs to help
his members in their
efforts to revitalise Zimbabwe.
He also met with
the foreign secretary, David Miliband, to lobby for a
change in the
government's approach to his country's plight. He opposes the
international
sanctions on Zimbabwe, arguing they have not been effective.
"It's the poor
women and children who are suffering from the sanctions," he
says.
The aims of his visit to the UK reflect Nango's changing role
in Zimbabwe.
It was founded in 1962 as a non-partisan umbrella body for
social welfare
organisations but has increasingly found itself embroiled in
the country's
political turmoil. Its championing of the interests of the
poor, the
marginalised and the vulnerable, and defence of the independence
of its
member organisations, brought it into conflict with Mugabe and his
supporters over the past decade.
"We were combating the excesses of
the government," says Zinhumwe. "We
didn't think it was serving the
people.
"Our major concern is to have a government that is well run and
concerned
about our people. We were far ahead of other African countries but
now we
are 10 to 20 years behind. We have people with no food, no medicines,
no
doctors.
"If it wasn't for the NGOs, the situation in Zimbabwe
would be much worse.
Our members are sourcing funds and medicines to contain
the cholera
epidemic. As it is now, our government has no capacity to
contain it."
However, in pressing Mugabe's government to tackle issues
such as the
independence of the judiciary and the media, Nango's members
found
themselves treated as political opponents.
"The only sector [of
our members] to have come into direct confrontation
with Mugabe is the human
rights and governance sector, which is challenging
the government on a range
of issues, even violence," says Zinhumwe.
"What we are saying is that we
can't live in a country with this level of
violence, where the government is
not providing schools and hospitals and
the judiciary is not independent.
But once you do that, you are seen as the
enemy of the state and a
collaborator with the US and UK.
"Thirty to 40 of our members were
detained last year. Some of our members
were beaten, harassed heavily and
questioned by the police. Last year some
were abducted, including Jestina
Mukoko, director of the Zimbabwe Peace
Project, and two of her
staff."
Mukoko, a forthright campaigner for human rights, was dragged
from her home
in Norton, near the capital Harare, in December in her
nightdress by armed
men. She was tortured - beaten with rubber truncheons -
and interrogated,
and has still not been released despite demands from
international human
rights bodies and politicians.
But it is not just
Zimbabwe's human rights organisations that have borne the
brunt of the
political violence. In the run up to last year's general
elections, Mugabe's
Zanu-PF party tried to wrest control of food
distribution from independent
humanitarian organisations.
"They [Zanu-PF] said that food was
distributed in a partisan manner that
swayed votes, says Zinhumwe. "They
wanted to see and control where the food
went."
Three years earlier,
the government had tried to push through a law that
would allow the regime
to manage NGOs. But thanks to concerted efforts by a
coalition of NGOs, the
labour movement and the churches, the president never
signed it into law.
Nango now wants a law to be drawn up that will enable
charities to operate
freely while ensuring they are independently monitored.
Nango is also
lobbying for a new national constitution and a truth and
reconciliation
process similar to that held in South Africa after the end of
apartheid.
Zinhumwe believes this could bridge Zimbabwe's political divide
and resolve
grievances on both sides.
"The challenge will be the demand for
restitution," he says. "People have
been killed, buildings destroyed,
livelihoods ruined. They want to get on
with their lives and revenge won't
help."
Despite the country's dire straits and cynicism about the new
power-sharing
arrangement between Zanu-PF and the MDC, Zinhumwe is
optimistic about his
country's future.
He says: "Some people think
the MDC sold out. But we will support this
government because there's no
alternative. We hope it will at least produce
a positive impact. There will
be a little bit of stability. The country has
lost trust in our government
and our banks, but with this new government
this could change."
http://www.nzherald.co.nz/
Updated 11:25AM Wednesday Feb
25, 2009
New Zealand Cricket (NZC) has postponed its tour of Zimbabwe by
a year.
NZC and Zimbabwe Cricket (ZC) agreed to postpone the tour, which
was due to
take place this July following discussions at an International
Cricket
Council (ICC) meeting in Johannesburg this week.
ZC chief
executive Ozias Bvute and his NZC counterpart Justin Vaughan agreed
New
Zealand would now tour in June 2010, following a week of speculation
that
Prime Minister John Key was preparing to step in to prevent the tour
going
ahead.
A spokesman for Mr Key said the Government welcomed the
decision.
"It's obviously a good outcome from our point of view," the
spokesman said.
"We didn't have anything directly to do with
it."
Mr Key has previously indicated he was prepared to order the team
not to go
to Zimbabwe.
"I'm pretty reluctant for the Black Caps to
travel," he told reporters over
the weekend.
"There are very real,
genuine security risks for our players.
"We don't support that
(Zimbabwe) regime. We don't support what is happening
in that country, and
we don't want to give a signal that we do."
It had left NZC in a delicate
position as pulling out of the tour would have
left it open to substantial
financial penalties under ICC regulations.
Vaughan said ZC was aware of
the New Zealand government's opposition to the
proposed tour and asked for
the deferral.
He said ZC believed by 2010 the current political
powersharing arrangements
will have had a positive impact on their
country.
"This is a pragmatic solution that allows the situation in
Zimbabwe to be
monitored over the next year," Vaughan said in an NZC
statement.
"Given that Zimbabwe remains a full member of ICC we have
continuing
obligations to play them on a reciprocal basis - therefore this
agreement is
an acceptable outcome for the present time."
No decision
has yet been made on whether a replacement tour will be sought
for July this
year, Vaughan said.
The proposed Zimbabwe series was scheduled to
comprise three one-day
internationals.
NZC's general manager of
cricket, Geoff Allott, told NZPA the solution
allowed time to review the
situation in Zimbabwe from a political and a
cricketing
perspective.
"At the end of the day we certainly want to play cricket and
Zimbabwe is a
member of the ICC so we have obligations to meet," he
said.
"NZC is relatively pleased with the outcome and the position will
be
monitored over the next 12 months."
Allott said NZC would be in
contact with its players and the Government
about a decision to tour in 12
months time.
- NZPA
http://www.businessday.co.za/
24
February 2009
Jorge
Heine
WITH its government of national unity between President Robert
Mugabe's Zanu
(PF) and Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai's Movement for
Democratic Change ,
Zimbabwe is replicating the Kenyan experience of
"cohabitation" between
President Mwai Kikwete and his erstwhile opponent,
Prime Minister Raila
Odinga.
Launched in France in 1986 by
president Francois Mitterrand when he asked
opposition leader Jacques Chirac
to become his prime minister,
"cohabitation" - sometimes a necessity in
semiparliamentary systems that
combine an elected, executive head of state
with the traditions of
parliamentarianism - demands a high degree of
tolerance for radically
different policy perspectives. It is the political
equivalent of "sleeping
with the enemy". The jury is still out as to how it
has worked in Kenya,
though it could be argued that the fact the government
has survived for 10
months shows a modicum of success.
Will it
work in Zimbabwe?
One important difference with Kenya is that Mugabe
has ruled Zimbabwe since
1980, and is the country's founding father. And the
first indications are
not promising. The arrest of Roy Bennett (Tsvangirai's
choice for deputy
agriculture minister) by the security forces only two days
after the new
government was formed shows that the military is playing
hardball. Not
surprisingly, Mugabe was unwilling to give up the state
security portfolios.
Still, the current government offers by far the
best opening in 10 years to
pry Zimbabwe out of the mess it finds itself.
The international community,
and particularly the western powers that hold
the purse strings, should try
to make the most of it, rather than continue
to push Mugabe to the wall,
leaving him with no options.
In an
unprecedented step, the British embassy put an advert in a local daily
in
Harare indicating that Britain will not renew its aid to Zimbabwe as long
as
Mugabe is in the government. Queen Elizabeth not too long ago stripped
Mugabe of his knighthood. The US has also voiced its displeasure with
Mugabe's
continued hold on power, and leading newspapers in the US and
Britain have
published editorials along the same lines.
Nobody
would dispute that Mugabe bears the brunt of the responsibility for
driving
his country down the drain. The question is a different one. Things
in
Zimbabwe are bad, people are dying by the thousands, and the
international
community needs to step in. This is not easy. By law,
international
co-operation funds need to be exchanged at the official rate
at the central
bank. This means they subsidise the government, since the
official exchange
rate is only a minimal fraction of the "real" (meaning
black market) one.
But the underlying problem is a deeper one.
The arrest of Bennett is
a symptom of the degree to which the military in
Zimbabwe has become a force
of its own. Mugabe has been ruling with a
junta - the Joint Operations
Command - with the military honchos sharing the
responsibility for the
brutal repression against the opposition that has
become such a hallmark of
the regime. Much like Mugabe, the generals have no
interest in giving up
power.
On the other hand, a key part of Tsvangirai's electoral plank
before coming
to power was that he would pay public servants in hard
currency. Being paid
in Zimbabwean money doesn't even make it worth their
while showing up to
work, as a result of which only one in five schools is
actually functioning.
Fulfilling this promise means $40m a month, which
Zimbabwe doesn't have. If
Tsvangirai is unable to deliver on this, he will
pay a hefty political
price. There is much to be said for working with him
to make this happen,
without continuing to demand that Mugabe should go
before even considering
it.
Many would argue that the main reason
Zimbabwe's situation has deteriorated
so drastically over the past decade
has been Mugabe's willingness to do
whatever is needed to keep himself in
power, even if it means running his
country into the ground. Yet, the
driving force behind his stubbornness goes
beyond strict megalomania.
According to some reports, he was willing to
leave power after losing the
first round of presidential elections to
Tsvangirai last March, but the
military wouldn't let him.
And then, there is the question of "the
morning after". The existence of the
International Criminal Court and the
principle of universal jurisdiction for
human rights violations imply that
the dictators of this world are no longer
safe. Gen Augusto Pinochet's
arrest in London in October 1998, which was the
first time a former head of
state was detained abroad for crimes committed
at home, and the indictment
of president Slobodan Milosevic by the s pecial
t ribunal on c rimes in the
former Yugoslavia - another first, this time for
a sitting head of state -
broke new ground in international human rights
law. This was a welcome
development, and the world is a better place as a
result of it.
But
there is a problem.
One reason Mugabe is said to be unwilling to step
down (although, at 85, he
knows his time is up) is because of what happened
to Charles Taylor, Liberia's
former strongman, a man with whose fate he
seems to be obsessed. Under
international pressure, Taylor resigned from the
presidency in August 2003
to go to Nigeria, where he was offered safe exile.
Yet, in March 2006 he was
released by Nigeria, to be tried in Freetown by
the Special Court for Sierra
Leone. Taylor, one of Africa's worst and
bloodiest warlords, is now in
prison in The Hague, facing 11 charges of
crimes against humanity.
I remember visiting Harare in November 1998,
shortly after Pinochet's arrest
in London, and, while staying at the Meikles
Hotel in Harare, listening to
an hour-long programme on BBC Africa about the
implications of that arrest
for Africa - by no means an obvious subject.
There was a panel of
commentators from different countries and listeners
phoned in from all over
the continent to convey their passionate reactions.
It touched a raw nerve,
and not just because Pinochet, like to so many
African dictators, loved to
shop at Harrods and would no longer be able to
do so.
These are all very difficult choices, for which I do not claim
to have all
the answers. What I do know, however, is that it is not possible
for the
international community to have it both ways. It cannot tell
Zimbabwe all
co-operation will be withheld until and unless Mugabe quits,
while at the
same time holding over his head the very real possibility that
he will end
up sharing a cell with Taylor in The Hague. Human nature being
what it is,
the first will not happen if it is likely to be followed by the
second.
Working with the present government and empowering Tsvangirai
seems a far
more realistic option.
...Heine holds the
chair in global governance at the Balsillie School of
International Affairs
and is a Distinguished Fellow at the Centre for
International Governance
Innovation in Waterloo, Ontario. He was
cross-accredited as ambassador to
Zimbabwe, based in Pretoria, from 1996 to
1999.
Last Modified: 24 Feb 2009
By:
Channel 4 News
As the UN secretary general calls for emergency food aid for Zimbabwe, Helen illustrates how his assessment is an understatement.
I drew back in fright from the man that lurched out
of the overgrown, jungly bush on the roadside.
I was looking for the
town tip and was driving at a snail's pace along the sandy road which runs
behind the main High School in the area. The road has been badly washed away and
huge gullies creep out into the road threatening to swallow up car wheels which
stray anywhere near.
The grass and weeds are taller than a man and hang
dripping and waving into the road, brushing the windscreen and roof of the car.
The man at my window was filthy, his hair woolly and matted and his
clothes torn and ragged. Fear was replaced with empathy as I greeted him and the
man responded by cupping his hands together and clapping in the traditional
Zimbabwean greeting.
His fingernails were lined with black grime, his
mouth filled with brown, rotten teeth. He obviously lived somewhere here, in the
bush nearby.
Eight or ten lines of small maize plants were growing in a
little cleared patch and a stinking stream of sewage ran through the middle.
Sewage
flows through maize plants.
I choked back the retch caused by the foul
smell and could not imagine how the man could survive this hell or how there was
not cholera or some other deadly disease running openly across the paths
here.
Just that day I had read that UN secretary general Ban Ki-moon had
said that 7m people needed emergency food aid in Zimbabwe. This is well over
half the population of the country.
Mr Ban also said that the
humanitarian situation in the country had reached "an almost unbearable point
for the people in Zimbabwe". The words are an understatement in the context of
this vision of horror taking place in a Zimbabwean town today.
Mr Ban's
words also stand in stark contrast to the news just coming in about our Vice
President, Mrs Mujuru and attempts to sell 3.5 tons of Congolese gold. The
revenue from this is un-imaginable in a country where most people are unable to
even feed themselves.
Rubbish
on the road in Zimbabwe.
All the way down the eroded road, garbage has
been dumped into the grass by residents of the town.
It has been ten
months since there has been a garbage collection in the town and people are
desperate to get rid of their waste.
Just a few metres away from the
wall and in clear view of the High School, tins, bottles, bags and other garbage
has been dumped under a tree. Big green bottle flies and a score of mosquitoes
rise up from the filth as they are disturbed by my progress.
I never did
find the tip but the vision of a starving, filthy man emerging from the bush and
seeing sewerage run through his maize plants is vivid in my mind's
eye.
Rubbish
by a school in Zimbabwe.
http://www.telegraph.co.uk
Telegraph View
Last Updated: 8:00PM GMT 24
Feb 2009
Comments 0 | Comment on this article
It has taken less
than a fortnight for Robert Mugabe to confirm what
everyone suspected - that
he entered the power-sharing government with the
Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) in bad faith. On the day the new
government was formed,
February 13, the MDC's treasurer, Roy Bennett, was
arrested on trumped up
charges of terrorism and illegal possession of arms.
Yesterday, a judge
granted him bail - and immediately rescinded it at the
request of state
prosecutors. So much for the rule of law in Zimbabwe.
Mugabe's Zanu-PF party
is also targeting for eviction a further 100 white
farmers (there are only
300 left in business) in a return to the land-grab
policy that triggered the
country's descent into economic chaos. So much for
learning from
mistakes.
Morgan Tsvangirai, the MDC leader, cannot say he was not
warned. This is
turning into a re-run of the 1987 Unity Accord between
Zanu-PF and Joshua
Nkomo's Zapu party, which resulted in Nkomo being
outmanoeuvred at every
turn by Mugabe and reduced to no more than a
political puppet. The MDC's
policy on land tenure is that there should be
security for those who have
planted crops yet, according to the Commercial
Farmers' Union, the targeted
farmers have £70 million-worth of crops in the
ground. This is an early test
of the MDC's influence within the new
government. If it is unable to halt
these latest planned seizures, the
power-sharing agreement will be exposed
as a sham. That will have serious
consequences. Western aid is desperately
needed in a country where
starvation is widespread and cholera has claimed
nearly 5,000 lives. But
donor countries will be reluctant to commit any
resources when all the
evidence suggests it is business as usual in Mugabe's
Zimbabwe.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=12309
February 24, 2009
THE idea that
some Zimbabweans have that Gideon Gono is going to somehow be
deposed by
Tendai Biti is, I fear, naive. The MDC have been rattling their
sabres since
they joined up with Zanu-PF but nothing has been achieved.
Somehow Roy
Bennett's position takes precedence over Jestina Mukoko, who has
been
suffering in prison since Christmas. But then of course Roy is now a
politician with a salary and no doubt a car and poor old Jestina is just a
civil rights activist.
In the end it seems the politicians will all
take care of each other, hollow
promises will be made as always and the real
villains will get away as has
always happened in Zimbabwe. Do the MDC
sincerely believe they can call to
account, Emmerson Mnangagwa, Sidney
Sekeremayi, Perrence Shiri, Constantine
Chiwenga, Gideon Gono, John
Bredenkamp, Paradzai Zimondi and the others?
Only one fate should befall
them and we all know what that is.
When these harbingers of death and
destruction are brought to book, when
their assets have been seized and when
they have been made to face their
victims families and face the wrath of
those that have suffered, only then
will a free Zimbabwe be possible, a
Zimbabwe with a Government that is open
and transparent, whose only brief is
to serve the people and keep their best
interests at heart.
Miles
Anderson
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=12336
February 24, 2009
By Our
Correspondent
HARARE - Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) governor Gideon
Gono has allegedly
embarked on a mission to absolve himself of charges of
siphoning funds,
agricultural inputs, and the general running down of the
economy.
RBZ sources disclosed that Gono had written a memorandum last
week advising
divisional heads to gear themselves for an audit that would be
conducted "in
the shortest possible time".
The sources said Gono had
intimated that the audit would cover operations of
the central bank itself
and would then expand to cover the agricultural
mechanization programme
which the Reserve Bank has been running since 2007.
He is also said to
have highlighted the need to also conduct an audit of the
bank's properties,
especially vehicles that were procured for purposes of
helping in the
administration of Operation Sunrise 1 and 2.
"We were told by our heads
that the governor has advised of the prospect of
an audit of the Reserve
Bank activities since a new government is coming
into being," said a source
at the bank.
"The governor advised that he would want to clear the whole
air regarding
various issues so that when the new Minister of Finance
effectively assumes
office, he will find all things cleared up."
The
new Finance Minister, Tendai Biti of the MDC, assumed office last week,
but
has been in and out of the country with Prime Minister, Morgan
Tsvangirai,
holding meetings with potential donors to secure funds to pay
the salaries
of the civil service in hard currency, as promised.
Kumbirai Nhongo, the
Reserve Bank spokesperson confirmed the existence of
the memorandum on the
audit but would not give more detail.
"That memorandum is indeed existent
but it is an internal memorandum. The
contents remain an internal matter
until the governor makes a disclosure
himself," said Nhongo.
"As of
the audit, it is common practice there should be an audit and this is
nothing at all."
Some members of management at the Reserve Bank have,
however, reportedly
queried the rationale behind Gono's intended audit of
the farm mechanization
project.
"The governor, in his memo,
instructed the divisional heads that they should
start by auditing the farm
implements and inputs which the governor himself
received for last year,"
said one.
"We, as the workers, view this as a ploy to cleanse himself and
make himself
appear as a clean man ahead of the full takeover of the
financial affairs by
the minister.
"We wonder why the audit has to
start with his farm yet it could start
anywhere as per the wish of the
minister."
He said at the moment there was serious disgruntlement among
the bank's
employees who are required to prepare the audit.
The
disenchantment arises from the fact that some of the workers were yet to
be
paid outstanding salaries.
Gono has reportedly refused to pay the full
salaries of staff in hard
currency, claiming this would start only in
March.
"We are the ones who handle this foreign currency as a central
bank yet we
are told we will be paid our full salaries in foreign currency
only next
month," said the worker.
http://www.kubatanablogs.net/kubatana/?p=1310
I will start by wishing the new ministers in the
inclusive government
success in every effort they take to stop Zimbabwe from
hemorrhaging and
rescue the economy from the continuous slide into the
abyss.
I am already touched by the Minster of Education, Sports and
Culture's
honest assertion that the government is broke and therefore cannot
afford to
pay civil servants, especially teachers, anything above USD100. He
should be
applauded for being honest. However I want to ask the entire
cabinet where
they are going to get the money to pay the 71 minsters and
deputies and buy
them cars, furnish and staff their offices? Why is it that
the civil
servants have to wait to be paid adequately but at the same time
we have not
heard that the minsters are not going to stop getting their
perks for one
month until government gets the necessary funds?
Can
they lead by example and start by tightening their belts themselves by
trimming all the unnecessary perks with effect from the end of this month?
This can be done by avoiding buying mercs for all the ministers for example
but perhaps this might be too late because already the MDC would want to
miss the gravy train I wonder?
The MDC as a workers' party should
understand that our children have missed
out on a whole year because
teachers were on strike - all they are asking
for is a decent living wage. I
thought the MDC would look at the civil
servants' plight and give them a
decent living wage because USD100 is not
enough to pay for a passport, rent,
electricity and school fees which is
between USD100 - 250 in some of these
cheap government schools. So if a
teacher who is a graduate cannot even earn
a salary that is enough to send
just one child to school what does that say
for all of us? We do not want to
see a repeat of the same behaviour and
uncaring attitude from the government
as was the norm with ZANU
PF.
But already this government is so bloated that the taxpayer including
civil
servants are going to carry this heavy burden while their plight is
shelved
for later.
This entry was posted on February 24th, 2009 at
9:24 am by Sophie Zvapera
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=12348
February 24, 2009
By a
Special Correspondent
THE Jonathan Moyo that journalists saw at the Quill
Club was a far cry from
the sharp tongued Moyo that we have all come to know
and to hate.
I personally felt sorry for him. One thing he did not tell
us but that he
still succeeded in conveying to us was that he was greatly
affected by his
omission from the Zanu-PF line up of ministerial
appointees.
His actions over the past few months, had spoken of someone
who was gunning,
perhaps too confidently, for the information ministry. How
else could you
explain his court challenge of Lovemore Moyo's election as
Speaker of
Parliament, his passionate defence of Johannes Tomana, the new
Attorney
General, his unwarranted and vicious attack on Morgan Tsvangirai,
the MDC
leader, who is now Prime Minister, and finally, his startling
utterance
that "the gun is mightier than the vote"?
As usually
happens when Moyo is guest speaker, journalists packed the club.
Their
excitement and curiosity was, of course, to see how the former
firebrand
politician would behave now that he was without obvious friend or
ally since
Zanu-PF and the MDC had now joined hands in matrimony as it
were.
Journalists were anxious to hear if he would continue to sing
praises of
Mugabe, while attacking Tsvangirai as had become his
custom.
The theme of his presentation was whether the unity government
was a viable
proposition. He did agree it was viable, maybe to save face
lest he be
accused of sour grapes.
He spent almost an hour and a half
talking. Unlike on previous occasions he
presented his entire address while
seated. He was reading from a piece he
had painstakingly written.
He
did take questions from journalists and strangely, the often combative
journalists refrained from asking him the obvious questions, such as why he
did so much to destroy Zimbabwe's independent press. Perhaps, like me they
all felt sorry for him and refrained from kicking a man when he was
down.
In his responses he addressed issues to do with his perceived
bitterness on
being left out of cabinet, without being asked. Perhaps that's
one burning
issue he specifically came to clarify. But one could tell he had
accepted
his unfortunate circumstances. For now he is gone; perhaps gone for
good.
Which party will trust him no? That question rings repeatedly as he
sifts
through his conscience. He knows he may be in Parliament for the
duration of
the transitional government. He knows there is little scope for
striking
deals with either the MDC or Zanu-PF.
I have attended
parliamentary sittings in the past. He had become an object
of ridicule
among provocative MDC backbenchers who would heckle him by
shouting,
"Tsholotsho, Tsholotsho", each time he stood up to contribute.
Moyo
represents the Tsholotsho North Constituency in the House.
He arrived at
the Quill some 30 minutes before his presentation. He chatted
to Jameson
Timba, the new deputy Minister of Information and a few
journalists. Timba
is MDC.
During his address, he seemed to be limiting eye contact with his
audience.
His smiles were forced and seemingly sheepish. Occasionally he
paused to
take a sip from a glass of beer.
During his address he
repeatedly mourned that he was often misquoted by The
Zimbabwe Times. He did
not cite any specific example of where he was
misquoted. Of course, he had
no clue who were the Zimbabwe Times
correspondents among his
audience.
Throughout his address he never mentioned any other publication
apart from
"Nyarota's Zimbabwe Times."
Geoffrey Nyarota, the managing
editor of The Zimbabwe Times was the
Editor-in-Chief of The Daily News in
Harare during the hey-day of Moyo as
Minister of Information. Between 2001
and 2003, as Moyo regularly breathed
fire against sections of the
independent press from the Linquenda House
headquarters of the Ministry of
Information, the printing press of The Daily
News was bombed, Nyarota and
his journalists were repeatedly arrested, the
editor was then fired and soon
afterwards the newspaper was banned.
"Perhaps he misses me," Nyarota
mused this week. "We used to be good
friends; that was until he became
minister. News outlets in his former media
empire have become hostile to him
while I am now attacked by readers for
giving Moyo a platform."
As
for Moyo's allegation of misquotation by The Zimbabwe Times, Nyarota
said:
"It's news to me. I have never received any complaint from him."
http://www.nehandaradio.com
24 February 2009
By Doreen
Mutemeri
The formation of a new government has divided opinion amongst
Zimbabweans
both home and abroad. At the risk of sounding like a broken
record and
making a u-turn myself, I must admit I understand why Morgan
Tsvangirai made
the difficult decision to embrace a regime led by a brutal
dictator.
After being decimated by the murder of over 200 of its
activists during the
2008 March and June election period the MDC had to make
decisions based on
humanitarian concerns. But what has been disappointing is
the attitude of
the Zimbabwean Diaspora and NGO's working in and out of the
country.
Let's be frank here and call a spade a spade. Its one thing to
criticize the
deal on the basis of its imperfections but you get the sense
some people in
the Diaspora would like the crisis to continue under pressure
from their
asylum claims, while the NGO's feeding off the crisis would also
like the
status quo to remain.
I attended the MDC Monday Forum in
Central London this week and judging from
the contributions of the
participants everyone is arguing from a selfish
perspective. Ask anyone what
other option Tsvangirai and the MDC had and
they will tell you he should
have kept fighting against Mugabe.
But to be fair the advocates of this
'crash and burn' approach are
comfortably settled in western capitals while
the common person in Dotito
suffers. In my last contribution I compared the
deal to a rapist going to
the altar to marry the rapist. I gave my reasons
for worrying the deal would
not work on the back of a lack of sincerity
coming from Zanu PF.
I however think we should draw the line and avoid
attacking the MDC and
pretending we do not understand why they made the
decision. It is painful to
see a man who lost the election remaining as
President and the one who won
being relegated to Prime Minister. But we all
know who is the People's
President. We all understand the difficult choices
the MDC had to make.
We should support the MDC in their attempts to make
things better for the
poor folks at home. We should constantly campaign for
the Zanu-oids who
killed and maimed innocent people to be brought to
justice. But calling the
MDC all sorts of names like what I heard at the
Forum on Monday is
counter-productive and mostly driven by selfish
agenda's.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=12331
February 24, 2009
Jupiter Punungwe
CALLS
for Gono's departure are reaching a crescendo with the editor of the
Zimbabwe Times being asked this week to provide a platform for publishing
allegedly incriminating evidence against him.
Many seem to want Gono
to go because he can't work with Tendai Biti, or he
is a member of the
JOC.
My view is that Gono should go simply because he is hopelessly
incompetent.
He is totally ignorant and has survived this far because he is
working with
equally ignorant if not more ignorant people. Anybody with a
single molecule
of knowledge in their brain would have realized that Gono
was leading us up
a creek a long time ago.
He has absolutely no idea
how to interpret simple economic data and fit it
into a simple economic
model. Instead of using numbers to model the economy
he tried to force the
economy to model numbers. That is a completely wrong
approach to simple
mathematical modeling which is the basis of scientific
analysis including
econometrics.
Gono would set a number such as an exchange rate and then
try and force the
economy to conform to the number he had set. This was
simply wrong. You
derive your formulae and numbers so that the numbers
reflect certain
physical characteristics of the situation you want to
mathematically
analyze. Taking measurements from the physical situation you
then calculate
your numbers. You don't set your numbers and then try and
force the physical
situation to change to conform to your
numbers.
Let me try and put it very simply.
Let's suppose you want
to measure how much meat you can harvest from a herd
of cattle. You know
each cow weighs about 250kg and has 4 legs. You then
come up with a device
for counting the number of legs as cows walk past. If
you count 8 legs you
know you have 2 cows and a potential 500kg of meat. The
model is very
simple. The numbers in the model are derived from physical
characteristics
of the cow. Four legs equal one cow yielding 250kg of meat.
Eight legs equal
two cows yielding 500kg of meat.
What Gono did with the exchange rate was
that he decided that he would
define one leg as one cow. He apparently
thought that his model would now
make eight legs equal eight cows therefore
in the end he would get 2000kg of
meat!!! Lost to him was that mere
definition does not change the physical
characteristics of a cow. If one
American dollar is worth a thousand
Zimbabwe dollars, decreeing that one
American dollar be worth a hundred
Zimbabwe dollars will not change the
physical characteristics of the
economy.
The exchange rate is a
function of the balance of payments. How much you are
producing and selling
outside versus how much you are importing by and large
determines the value
of your money relative to other currencies. If you are
producing too little
and importing too much your currency devalues. It is a
very simple model to
understand even without going through mathematical
calculus that real
economists use to make accurate predictions of economic
trends.
If
you reduce production by hindering producers, for example through price
controls, at the same time increasing imports by importing all kinds of
luxury goods, cars and even simple to make things like scotch carts and
ploughs, your currency devalues massively. Setting the exchange rate at some
number won't help an iota. It doesn't matter whether you throw bones,
consult tarot cards, peer inside crystal balls or climb up rocks barefoot to
come up with the number. The exchange rate is modeling the physical
characteristic which is exports versus imports. Its real value will always
depend on the balance of payments, not the wishes of people.
Setting
the exchange rate was wrong. Price controls made the situation even
worse.
To go back to our analogy of a herd of cows, price controls were like
splitting the legs of cows into two halves hoping that as each cow passed,
you would then count eight legs, and then claim to have 4000kg of meat from
two cows. Of course you will discover that after cutting their legs the cows
bleed to death leaving you with no meat at all!
After imposing price
controls our producers bled to death leaving Gono and
the government without
a tax base at all.
While many people argue for Gono's departure based on
his political
affiliations and his relationship, or lack thereof, with
certain
politicians, I am of the opinion that the major reason why he should
depart
is his lack of performance.
To put it simply it doesn't matter
whether Gono is a member of Zanu-PF, the
MDC or even the Democratic Party of
America. The reason why he should depart
is his incompetent management of
the monetary system, as well as destructive
interference in other areas
where he had absolutely no business poking his
nose into, such as
agriculture.
http://www.nehandaradio.com
24
February 2009
Africa Confidential Volume 50 No 4
The new government, with no money and little
power, is stronger on hopes
than on expectations
Welshman Ncube, the
long-time oppositionist who chairs the monitoring body
for the new
power-sharing government, is distributing leaflets which read:
'Zimbabwe is
our Zimbabwe. It is not Mugabe's Zimbabwe. It is not
Tsvangirai's Zimbabwe.
It is our Zimbabwe. We, the people of Zimbabwe, hold
the power. It is up to
us to make sure we create a new Zimbabwe.' This,
perhaps, sums up the
popular mood, which holds that the country has turned a
corner with the
formation of the coalition (AC Vol 50 Nos 1 & 3).
The swearing-in
ceremony for the power-sharing cabinet on 13 February was
delayed by
last-minute shenanigans among President Robert Mugabe's allies.
The Zimbabwe
African National Union-Patriotic Front team, with over 40 full
ministers and
deputies, had thought that in the confusion nobody would
notice if they
sneaked in an extra four. To compound the confusion, Morgan
Tsvangirai, who
heads the Movement for Democratic Change, had nominated
Abdenico Bhebe, a
member of the rival opposition MDC faction, led by Arthur
Mutambara. This
faction protested that parties could nominate only their own
members.
On the previous night, Mugabe's Spokesman George Charamba
had issued a full
list of the ZANU-PF nominees, which the state media
published, with
pictures. The next day, it was still unclear who was filling
which post.
ZANU-PF's chicanery meant dropping four names and reshuffling
others.
Tsvangirai dropped Bhebe and replaced Eddie Cross, his designated
Minister
for State Enterprises. Senator David Coltart of MDC-M, at
Education, is the
only white full minister.
Mugabe has nominated old
hands with whom he feels comfortable: Didymus
Mutasa, Sydney Sekeramayi,
Stan Mudenge, John Nkomo, Obert Mpofu and
Ignatious Chombo. Most are
regarded as dead wood. He is probably less at
ease with Emmerson Mnangagwa
and Herbert Murerwa, who makes a surprise
return to Land Reform. Nicholas
Goche and Patrick Chinamasa remain but have
no base of political
support.
Bright Matonga and Patrick Zhuwao were dumped. Retaining Kembo
Mohadi as
joint Home Affairs Minister was a surprise; his health is poor and
he made
no impact in the last cabinet but he qualifies for the job through
his
connections in Matebeleland, where none of the three national leaders
carries much clout. The independent member of parliament and former
Information Minister Jonathan Nathaniel Moyo has been ingratiating himself
with Mugabe but was overlooked.
Mugabe keeps his grip on his party
but his security chiefs snubbed the
inauguration. They
include:
Commissioner General, Zimbabwe Republic Police, Augustine
Chihuri;
Zimbabwe National Army, Lieutenant General Phillip
Sibanda;
Air Force of Zimbabwe, Air Marshal Perence
Shiri;
Zimbabwe Defence Forces, Gen. Constantine
Chiwenga;
Central Intelligence Organisation Director, Major Gen.
(retired) Happyton
Bonyongwe;
Commissioner, Zimbabwe Prison
Service, Gen. Paradzai Zimondi.
All had previously said they would not salute
Tsvangirai. They boycotted the
ceremony where he was sworn in, alongside his
two deputies, Arthur Mutambara
(leader of the rival MDC-M) and Thokozani
Khupe. Resignations were vetoed by
Mugabe, as they would open vacancies for
people acceptable to the coalition
partners and risk giving the MDC leverage
over security. The boycott offered
tacit support for the ZANU faction of
retired Gen. Solomon Mujuru, which is
barely represented in the inclusive
government.
In ZANU-PF, tension grows. Supporters of Mnangagwa, newly
appointed Minister
of Defence, make up almost half of Mugabe's cabinet
appointments: Joseph
Made (Agriculture), Ignatious Chombo (Local
Government), Lt. Colonel (rtd.)
Obert Moses Mpofu (Mines), Webster Shamu
(Information), Patrick Chinamasa
(Justice and Legal Affairs), Simbarashe
Mumbengegwi (Foreign Affairs),
Walter Mzembi (Tourism), Herbert Murerwa
(Lands and Land Resettlement) and
Francis D. Nhema (Environment). Saviour
Kasukuwere (Youth Development) and
Nicholas Goche (Transport) were allies of
Solomon Mujuru but broke ranks to
back Mugabe. Sekeramayi, touted as a dark
horse to succeed Mugabe by
Mujuru's faction, pledged allegiance to Mugabe
after the defection of former
Finance Minister Simba Makoni.
Other
cabinet members, such as Kembo Mohadi (co-Home Affairs Minister with
MDC-Tsvangirai's Giles Mutsekwa) and Stan Mudenge, have worked with
Mnangagwa's faction, combining Karanga and Ndebele support from Masvingo,
Midlands and Matebeleland provinces.
Tsvangirai now sees ZANU-PF
close up and says Mugabe is no longer the main,
or the only, problem. To get
foreign help, he must downplay Mugabe's
influence; for now, Western donors
insist they will not provide medium-term
aid for any regime in which Mugabe
still has influence.
Success in tackling the economy and security will
determine the success of
Tsvangirai's prime ministership, although he has
limited control over both
issues. He and his deputy, the more strategically
minded Tendai Biti, may be
able to take advantage of the shift in political
momentum towards the MDC,
which has the support of many civil servants and
professionals, the business
class and many outsiders. Tsvangirai will have
to be as canny as his
opponents and make the occasional short-term
compromise to win a longer-term
victory. In fact, the MDC remains divided
over the merits of the power-
sharing deal, which many see as a compromise
too far.
Tsvangirai had insisted, for example, that he would not take
office until
MDC party activists had been released from detention. He was
sworn in before
they were and visited them in gaol on the following day. One
of his
right-hand men, party Treasurer and Deputy Agriculture
Minister-designate
Roy Bennett, was arrested hours before the new cabinet
was to be sworn in.
The ceremony went ahead. John Makumbe, a political
scientist at the
University of Zimbabwe, said a visit to suffering people in
Harare had
convinced Tsvangirai that he must make the unity government
work.
Some say Bennett's arrest is a ploy by Home Affairs Minister Mohadi
to keep
his co-minister Mutsekwa out of the country. Mutsekwa faces charges
similar
to those originally aimed at Bennett - attempting to commit
terrorism,
banditry and sabotage. If he is kept out, ZANU-PF will control
Home Affairs,
a portfolio that the two major parties haggled over for nearly
four months.
Tsvangirai's MDC ministers are a blend of ethnic, tribal,
gender, civil
society and business representatives. The combative party
Secretary General
and Finance Minister, Biti, is effectively MDC Deputy
President and had deep
reservations about the power-sharing arrangement. His
immediate problem is
how to work with Mugabe's right hand, Gideon Gono, the
widely distrusted
Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe Governor who has been acting like
a prime minister.
Biti wants an audit of the Reserve Bank, covering a raft
of procurement and
foreign exchange deals made under Gono.
Biti has
described Gono as an 'economic saboteur'; Tsvangirai says that
Gono's fate,
and that of Attorney General Johannes Tomana, another of
Mugabe's
ultra-loyalists, will be 'first on the agenda' of the new
government. When
Mugabe reappointed Gono last November, the MDC wanted him
out, but Gono
boasted that he would be at the helm of the Reserve Bank 'for
a long
time'.
Gono could save face by stepping down but he also has extensive
knowledge of
Mugabe's personal fortune. We hear that Gono's carelessness
might have
allowed details of Mugabe's US$6 million Hong Kong property to
leak out to
the foreign press, as well as details of First Lady Grace
Mugabe's planned
diamond cutting business at Qingdao, on China's eastern
seaboard. Gono
authorised the transfer of some $100,000 from the Reserve
Bank to Grace
Mugabe for her January trip to Malaysia and Hong Kong. Getting
rid of
Governor Gono would greatly boost public confidence in Biti and
Tsvangirai.
Yet as Prime Minister, Tsvangirai has no formal power to dismiss
Gono; he
can merely 'advise' Mugabe on appointments or publicly withhold his
support.
Tsvangirai's economic judgement has been called into question
over his
promise to pay civil servants in scarce foreign exchange. Acting
Chief
Executive of the Zimbabwe Teachers' Association Sifiso Ndlovu said the
Premier had to negotiate better pay before teachers would return to classes.
Mugabe's acting Finance Minister, Patrick Chinamasa, said the government had
no foreign currency and civil servants would be given grocery hampers.
Tsvangirai later admitted he did not know where the payments would come
from.
At a swearing-in celebration, Tsvangirai warned that the
power-sharing deal
was a small victory and that he had reluctantly agreed to
it so that the
humanitarian crisis could be addressed and steps be taken to
arrest the
collapse of the economy. MDC insiders believe Zimbabwe must join
the Rand
Monetary Area alongside Namibia, South Africa, Swaziland and
Lesotho; they
argue that financial discipline can be restored only by
surrendering control
of the currency, interest and exchange rates to an
outside authority. South
African President Kgalema Motlanthe has indicated
that his country would
cooperate. That would be a huge economic risk for
South Africa and would be
anathema to Zimbabwe nationalists: in real terms,
Zimbabwe would be on the
way to becoming South Africa's tenth
province.
Yet again, Mugabe has won time. Hopes are high that he will
step down at the
party congress in December, to give his successor time to
build a base, but
nobody is holding their breath. If he leaves the day-to-
day running of
government to Tsvangirai and it works, Mugabe could be
politically eclipsed.
If the coalition does not deliver, it's back to
untrammelled power for
Mugabe and his clique.
The other opposition
leader, Arthur Mutambara is the luckiest politician in
Zimbabwe. Compared to
Tsvangirai, he is a political novice. He lost the
elections, and yet he is
now Deputy Prime Minister; With only ten seats, his
party has three cabinet
posts. He gave Education, the most sensitive
ministry, to human rights
lawyer David Coltart. Industry and Trade he gave
to his party's chief
negotiator (and de facto leader) Welshman Ncube.
Another negotiator,
Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga, was given Regional
Integration. Mutambara
and his faction are the kingmakers because ZANU-PF
and the mainstream MDC
are tied at 99 seats each, so his ten MPs sway the
vote.
The
worsening social crisis is the direct result of the economic free- fall.
Yet
it will take much more than money to revive Zimbabwe's once proud health
and
education services. The cholera epidemic shows that the entire health
system
needs emergency assistance, as well as the medium-term support that
international donors are reluctant to hand over. As Minister of Water
Resources, the MDC's Samuel Sipepa Nkomo must work with ZANU's Local
Government Minister, Chombo, to find the funds (and the fuel) to allow local
authorities to operate their own water and sewerage systems
again.
Getting the teachers back to work will be harder still. Most of
them support
the MDC but tell parents that the issue is not the unity
government but
money. The Zimbabwe Teachers' Association represents more
than 80% of
teachers. Its President, Tendai Chikowore, insists that they are
not going
to deal in promises any more. Tsvangirai met union leaders on 16
February
but neither side is talking about the outcome of the first of many
sobering
meetings between Tsvangirai and his former trades union
colleagues.
Tongue-in-cheek
story...
Mugabe to appoint new war veterans as real ones are all
dead
HARARE. Zimbabwean despot Robert Mugabe will confer official war
veteran
status on 500,000 teenage boys this week as part of his 85th
birthday
celebrations, after it emerged that the last genuine veteran of the
guerilla
war died of cholera this morning.
The new war veterans will be
tasked with "rebuilding Zimbabwe by hitting MDC
pigs with
half-bricks".
The current life expectancy in Zimbabwe is 38, and given that
the country's
civil war ended in 1980, the only surviving genuine ZANLA
veterans would
need to have enlisted at the age of 9.
According to the
country's national archives, currently housed in an empty
Chibuku skud in a
field outside Harare, the youngest recruit was Twinkie
Matambanadzo, 13, who
was sold to the Zanu armed forces by his parents who
wanted their son to see
the world and thought the militia was a traveling
circus.
Matambanadzo
reportedly passed away in 2006 after choking on a mouse he had
caught and
boiled, his first solid food in more than four months.
However other veterans
were luckier. Field Marshall Brooklax Chaturanga, who
commanded the Light
Mounted Zebras between 1978 and 1980, had just
celebrated his 104th birthday
last month when a family member stepped on his
oxygen tube and he passed
away.
In a small ceremony, at which packs of feral dogs were shooed from the
gravesite and vultures were kept at bay with parasols, well-wishers
remembered a hero and patriot who attributed his long life to clean living,
dedication to his country, and having all of his medical expenses since 1994
paid by South African taxpayers.
Chaturanga was believed to have been the
last surviving genuine veteran, but
new evidence emerged this week that
Banjo Hungwe, 48, had once mooned a
Rhodesian policeman, making him
officially the only veteran still alive.
However two days after the
discovery, Hungwe contracted cholera and passed
away.
A saddened Mugabe
said this morning that his veterans would be sorely
missed, especially now
that he would have to stop eating truffles long
enough to go out and find
some more people who could hit his opponents with
half-bricks.
"The war
is over but the battle continues," said Mugabe, dabbing caviar off
his chin.
"The British homosexuals are everywhere, but we will prevail."
He said he had
tasked his aides with finding 500,000 teenage boys who would
be given
official war veteran status and who could be "handed the half-brick
of
destiny, to totally mash up the heads of the imperialist dogs".
However aides
who did not wish to be named confirmed this morning that they
are struggling
to find 500 000 teenage boys healthy enough to pick up a
half-brick.
"All
the ones who are strong enough to walk or crawl are in South Africa,"
said
one.
"It's very disappointing that they can't make an effort for the man who
has
saved Zimbabwe. We just hope it doesn't spoil Comrade Mugabe's
birthday.
"People can be so selfish."