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      On trial for his country

      2/3/2003 10:38:45 AM (GMT +2)



      THE treason trial of Morgan Tsvangirai, the leader of the main
opposition party, the MDC, who is charged together with the party's
secretary-general Welshman Ncube and shadow minister for agriculture Renson
Gasela, opens in Harare today in what will probably be the trial of the
century for Zimbabwe. The three are the first to be charged under common law
treason in this country.

      The nation will hold its breath today as the wheels of justice begin
to turn while these men stand trial in defence of their country. The trial
is unique for a number of reasons. It is not often that a person, especially
a political leader of Tsvangirai's stature, is brought before the courts on
such a charge. Tsvangirai, it must be remembered, is widely believed to have
won the presidential election held in March last year. And if this
50-year-old former trade union leader is found guilty, he, along with his
co-accused, could go to the gallows because in Zimbabwe, treason is
punishable by death. It is for these reasons that the trial will attract a
lot of attention not only from the mass media, but from Zimbabweans and the
rest of the world. It will also be a test case for the Zimbabwean judiciary.

      According to law, treason is the act of seeking to overthrow the
government. Treason cannot be committed by mere thought or words unrelated
to deeds. There must be some overt act, some physical manifestation of the
hostile intent, which is the essence of the treason charge.

      Others who have faced treason charges in Zimbabwe under Section 51 of
the Law and Order (Maintenance) Act include former Zapu military supremos
Dumiso Dabengwa and Lookout Masuku, but both were acquitted. Opposition Zanu
Ndonga leader Ndabaningi Sithole was convicted under the same Act and
sentenced to two years, but he died before his appeal could be heard. During
the UDI era of Ian Smith, no one was tried for treason as political crimes
in Rhodesia were prosecuted under the repressive Law and Order (Maintenance)
Act.
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From  the MDC
There was chaos at the High Court today.  Police in riot gear closed up the place and initially allowed MT and Welshman Ncube into the court building. They almost stopped Renson Gasela, another accused. MT was accompanied by Susan, his wife. He protested at the exclusion of his wife, only then did the police allow her in together with Gasela and Mrs Gasela. The rest of the MDC top brass barred, so were all the foreign journalists and staff from the independent, privately owned media.
Before the proceedings started, Adv Bizos raised the issue of excluding the public from the hearing, moreso, that it was an open court. The judge asked for time to consider the request, later ruled that the public must be allowed in. But the police could not budge. They only allowed those journalists accredited under the new laws. Unfortunately, only a few, Reuters, AFP and another managed to get in as they had the new licences.
The chaos continued, two journalists were picked immediately: Deputy News Editor of the Daily News, Pedzisai Ruhanya and Ish Mafundikwa, a correspondent for the VOA. They were in police custody on unspecified charges at the time of writing.
The state then presented its case, announcing that Alexander Henry Legault, vice president of Dickens and Madison, would be unable to come to court as a witness.  Legault was wanted in the US as a fugitive from justice. It is not clear whether his inability to be here is associated with allegations that he has since been deported from Canada to the US to face trial. That leaves only Ari Ben Menashe as the witness from Canada on thei rial. Other state witnesses include Benard Schober, a security consultant at Kaybar International in Montreal, Quebec, Canada; Robert Mhlanga, air vice marshall and chief of staff (operations) in the airforce of Zimbabwe, Moses Magandi, chief superintendent in Zimbabwe Republic Police, Happyton Bonyongwe (deputy director of the Zimbabwe Central Intelligence Organisation), Perrance Shiri, the airforce commander, Constantine Masango, a recodring clerk in the Ministry of Justice, Stephen Mutamba, Officer Commanding Special Investigations, ZRP,and Edward Tamakaneyi Chinhoyi (an engineer at the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation.
The trial resumed this afternoon, with the defence presenting its defence outline.Tsvangirai is denying the charge. Key elementsand a summary of his outline are as follows
 
He admits that meetings were held between the persons refered to in the State summary on 22 October, 3 November and 4 December 2001 at the places alleged. But they vehemently deny that at any of the meetings any request was made to Dickens and Madson to facilitate the take over of power by the MDC through the assasination of President Robert Mugabe and a military coup against the government of Zimbabwe.
 
The case is purely based on recorded tapes of purported conversations between Dickens and Madson and the accused. Tsvangirai, in his defence outline, seeks to show that the audio tapes and video tape intended to be used by the State are unreliable for the following reasons:
 
1. they were caused to be made by persons beholden to President Mugabe and Zanu PF, the political opponents of the accused and their party, the MDC shortly before the presidential election was to be held on 9-10 March 2002;
 
2. the purpose for which the tapes were intended to be recorded was to use them to embarass the accused and their party which was done by handing the video tape to one Mark Davis of SBS of Australia and shown in Australia on 13 February 2002 selectively and prejudicially in to order to embarass the accused and their party;
 
3 the tape was also hthereafter used by Zimbabwe Television selectively and out of context extensively over a period from 14 February 2002 to the election;
 
4. The repetition of the tape and other materials were used without any reasonable opportunity being given to the accused to show that the allegations made were not supported by the contents of the video and, thus prejudiced the accused in the election and the proceedings instituted against them;
 
5. The transcript of the audio tape provided to the accused by the state is meaningless and does not contain any of the allegations made in witnesses' statements, the indictment or summary of the facts;
 
6. Important parts of the video tape are inaudible; the first typed transcript served on the accused is incomplete and inaccurate. A second transcript was on the accused on 22 January 2003 but the accused have not yet had sufficient opportunity to check it'
 
7.the tape was made dishonestly for the purposes of entrapment to achieve a political purpose;
 
8.portions of the video tape which are clear are supportive of the accused's defence and inconsistent with the allegations made by the state and other similar passages may not have been recorded....
 
 
After the meeting of 22 October 2001 and after the MDC arranged for the transfer of a total of US$100 000 to the account of Dickens and Madson, Rupert Johnson contacted Renson Gasela and said that it was imperative that the President of the MDC attend a meeting in London with Dickens and Madson at whihch very important persons would be present from America.
 
Tsvangirai agreed to attend the meeting whihch was held in London on 3 November 2001. At the meeting he found only Rupert Johnson, Ari-Ben Menashe and Tara Thomas whom he met for the first time. He was upset at the absence of any other people. However, Ari Ben Menashe commenced with an explanation as to why he said no other persons were present which that the Americans were heavily involved with the Afghanistan issue. The local situation and election and post-election outcome in Zimbabwe were discussed at the meeting. Various cscenarios were also discussed which might result in the withdrawal of President Mugabe from the election, the transitional period which would follow from this and the need to obtain the suppport of the security forces for a peaceful transition to elections. There was no discussion about the assassination of President Mugabe or a coup at the instigation of the MDC or its office bearers.
 
Morgan Tsvangira was not aware that nan audio tape was being made of the meeting as alleged by the state. The state has failed to furnish the accused with an audible copy of any such tape or a coherent transcript despite indications in the statements of the state witnesses that a trascript had been prepared from a tape which revealed the plot alleged. The transcript provided by the state is meaningless.
 
After the meeting on 3 November 2001, Renson Gasela made efforts to ascetrain progress with Rupert Johnson. Johnson reported no progress in securing the necessary appointment with senior members of the American government.
 
A short time before 4 December 2001, Renson Gasela received a call from Rupert Johnson saying that the meeting which was being arranged between Morgan Tsvangirai and the Americans was to take place in Washington DC on 3 December and that he should attend it. Renson Gasela contacted Morgan Tsvangirai who made arrangements to go to Washington DC. Two days before the meeting Morgan Tsvangirai was told that the meeting was now to be held in Montreal, He proceeded to Montreal arriving on the evening of 3 December 2001.
 
The meeting was chaired by a person called "Simms" hwho was said to be the deputy director of the CIA for Africa. It has since transired that this is untrue. The state has not disclosed his true identity or his whereabouts and has produced no statement from him. As is now known, the meeting was a pretence to enable Dickens and Madson to entrap Morgan Tsvangirai.
Morgan Tsvangiraoi was not aware that the meeting was being video taped and the accused have not been furnished with as clear a video or transcript as would have been expected if the arrangements had been professionally carried out having regard to the expertise, equipment and technology available.
 
Morgan Tsvangirai denies that any request was made for the assassination of President Mugabe or a coup to be organised by Dickens and Madson. No such request appears from the video tape or transcript made available by the State.
 
At the meeting in Montreal, Morgan Tsvangirai became concerned at the nature of the language Ari Ben Menashe was using, the implications it may have had and suggestions of prior agreements which had been reached the nature of which denied. As is now known the object of the meeting was to trap Morgan Tsvangirai which gave Ari Ben Menashe a clear motive to misrepresent what had taken place previously. Morgan Tsvangirai was not prepared to agree and expressed his concern which resulted in a display of anger and frustration on the part of Ari Ben Menashe.
 
Morgan Tsvangirai withdrew from the meeting with Rupert Johnson and Rupert Johnson to explain what Ari-Ben Menashe was getting at. Rupert Johnson reassured Morgan Tsvangirai that there had been no question of any agreement in respect of the matters disputed and brushed off what Ari Ben-Menashe had said saying that he had used the wrong terminology.
 
Morgan Tsvangirai was persuaded to return to the meeting which he did. Discussions took place as to the various scenarios previously discussed and other matters including finance.
After the meeting Morgan Tsvangirai recalls contacting Ari Ben-Menashe with a view to ascertaining what steps had been taken to obtain funds or arrange meetings with important persons but did not receive a satisfactory answer. Renson Gasela unsuccessfully pursued the matter with Rupert Johnson.
 
In addition to the evidence referred to above, evidence will be led as to the policy of the MDC of non-violence by reference to speeches and publications made by its senior officials.
 
Tsvangirai, Ncube and Gasela are represented by Adv George Bizos, with Senior Counsel Chris Andersen, Adv Eric Matinenga and lawyer Innocent Chagonda. The trial continues.

Natal Witness

Police get rough at Tsvangirai case

HARARE - Zimbabwean opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai's treason trial
opened on Monday in an atmosphere of chaos as baton-wielding police drove
opposition Mps, lawyers, journalists and diplomats away from the court.

Tsvangirai and two colleagues from the Movement for Democratic Change are
charged with plotting to kill President Robert Mugabe. They could face the
death penalty.

Tsvangirai has dismissed the charges as a "frame-up". After he was charged
on February 25 - just weeks before last year's presidential election - the
U.S. government said there was no convincing evidence against the men.

As the trial began, police struck reporters and jostled opposition MPs and
their supporters.

Police said there was no room, but lawyers inside said the public benches
were almost empty.

Police yelled at German deputy chief of mission Jan-Hendrik Van Thiel to
"get away from here" as he showed his diplomatic identity pass.

"You are no longer a diplomat. We will get you," a policeman shouted.

Ish Mafundikwa, a journalist, and Pedzisai Ruhanya, a reporter with the
independent Daily News, were arrested. Other reporters and opposition
supporters were chased away.

U.S. ambassador Joseph Sullivan, eventually allowed in alone by officials,
said the case has "important implications for the rule of law and democratic
pluralism in Zimbabwe".

The case centres around a secretly-recorded video of a meeting between
Tsvangirai and Canada-based political consultant Ari Ben Menashe in December
2001 in which Tsvangirai allegedly sought help to kill Mugabe.

"It is unlawful to seek power by undemocratic means. That is what the state
seeks to punish," Bharat Patel, the deputy state attorney-general, said in
his opening statement.

George Bizos, a South African anti-apartheid attorney who defended Nelson
Mandela, is representing Tsvangirai and his party's secretary-general
Welshman Ncube and agriculture representative Renson Gasela.

The three men admit meeting Ben Menashe but deny Mugabe's assassination was
ever discussed.

During the morning session, Judge Paddington Garwe ordered police to admit
"all interested parties and members of the public".

Though a few reporters and opposition officials were eventually let in,
others were ordered to leave or face arrest for "loitering without
business".

Police pushed away opposition MP Priscilla Misihairabwi with riot clubs.

"This is supposed to be a public court. Obviously the state has something to
hide," she said.
Publish Date: 4 February 2003
Source: SAPA-AP

Independent (UK)

Baton-wielding police, furious diplomats and a politician fighting to save
his life

Chaotic scenes as Morgan Tsvangirai goes on trial over plot to kill Mugabe,
while England's cricketers prepare for World Cup
By Basildon Peta Southern Africa Correspondent
04 February 2003

At the plush Harare Sports Club, the cricket pitches near President Robert
Mugabe's heavily fortified residence are being spruced up for next week's
World Cup. Ten minutes away by car in Hatcliffe, poor Zimbabweans spend
hours every day queuing in hope of buying a loaf of bread.
And yesterday outside the High Court building the police were using
truncheons on people trying to attend the treason trial of the opposition
leader, Morgan Tsvangirai. He and two colleagues face the death sentence if
convicted. This is Robert Mugabe's Zimbabwe.
Mr Tsvangirai, Zimbabwe's main opposition leader, appeared in court charged
with plotting to kill President Mugabe and seize control of this beleaguered
southern African nation. But the long-awaited treason trial turned to chaos
before it began. Police barred opposition politicians, lawyers, journalists
and diplomats from the court and arrested several people, including two
independent Zimbabwean journalists.
The manhandling of the diplomats outside, the arrest of the journalists and
the beating of opposition supporters were in open defiance of a judge's
orders that anyone interested in the court case be admitted.
Sophie Honey, the British high commission spokeswoman, was prodded in the
throat with a baton by riot police and Jan-Frederik van Thiel, the German
deputy ambassador, was told by an irate police officer: "You are no longer a
diplomat, go home." Even Joseph Sullivan, Washington's ambassador, was not
spared humiliation. He was kept waiting 20 minutes by a riot policeman
brandishing a baton in his face.
Paddington Garwe, the presiding judge, eventually ordered "all interested
parties and members of the public" be admitted to the court after Mr
Tsvangirai's lawyers argued that the public could not legally be excluded
from an open court.
But the Zimbabwe police enforced a new draconian media law for the first
time by admitting only a few journalists accredited by a
government-appointed media commission, four hours after the judge had made
his ruling.
Mr Tsvangirai, 51, and two of his senior deputies - Welshman Ncube, the
secretary general, and Renson Gasela, land affairs secretary - face the
state's key evidence, a grainy video purportedly showing the leader of the
Movement for Democratic Change discussing Mr Mugabe's assassination with a
Canadian-based consultant.
The case against Mr Tsvangirai centres on a secretly recorded videotape of a
meeting in December 2001 between the MDC leader and the former Israeli spy,
Ari Ben Menashe, in which the opposition leader is claimed to be seeking
help to kill Mr Mugabe. Mr Ncube and Mr Gasela are accused of helping to
arrange the meeting with Mr Menashe, who runs a consultancy in Montreal
called Dickens and Madison. The two also face the death sentence.
In the defence outline read by his lawyers yesterday, Mr Tsvangirai admitted
the meeting with Mr Menashe but denies discussing any plans to kill Mr
Mugabe. He says the grainy video was manipulated by Mr Menashe to
incriminate him. The opposition leader says he was unaware Mr Menashe was
secretly working for President Mugabe's Zanu-PF party.
"Morgan Tsvangirai denies any request was made for the assassination of
President Mugabe or a coup to be organised by Dickens and Madson. No such
request appears from the tape or transcript made available by the state,"
said George Bizos, a prominent South African-based anti-apartheid lawyer,
who represented Nelson Mandela nearly 40 years ago. He is leading Mr
Tsvangirai's defence team. Mr Bizos said Mr Menashe had a known repu-tation
for dishonesty and "fraudulent conduct".
Bharat Patel, the deputy attorney general leading the state's legal team,
said in a 30-minute opening speech that Mr Tsvangirai's democratic rights
were not on trial; his "illegal" means of trying to gain power were. "The
desire for power is not the issue. It is unlawful to seek power by
undemocratic means. That is what the state seeks to punish," he said.
Prosecutors said the tape was missing its first 10 minutes because of a
faulty battery.
Professor Lovemore Madhuku, of the University of Zimbabwe law faculty, said
outside court: "Nothing can be ruled out if one considers the extent to
which our courts have been muzzled. The outcome of the trial may at best
enhance Tsvangirai's political career if he is acquitted, or at worst
destroy it if he is convicted."
After yesterday's session Mr Tsvangirai said: "I am innocent. I did not
address the court, the state made its submissions and my lawyers presented
my defence outline."
He was formally charged on 25 February last year, weeks before the
presidential election, which he lost to Mr Mugabe. At the time the American
government said there was no convincing evidence against the men and the
charges were further efforts to repress the opposition. If the trial lasts
the expected three weeks, that would over-run the 13 February cricket World
Cup match with England in Harare.
The England and Wales Cricket Board took a big step yesterday towards
formally requesting the controversial World Cup match in Zimbabwe be
relocated. An ECB management board meeting at Lord's decided David Morgan,
the chairman, Tim Lamb, the chief executive, and John Pickup, a lawyer,
should be handed the mandate for any potential appeal on security grounds.
They are responsible for seeking rescheduling of the fixture.
They will consult Duncan Fletcher, the England coach, Nasser Hussain, the
captain, who has hinted that the players would boycott the match unless the
authorities took action, and the Professional Cricketers' Association before
taking their next step. That could be to appeal to the International Cricket
Council's event technical committee, a six-man structure who took
responsibility for the matches from the world governing body yesterday, for
the match to be moved to South Africa.
The 15-man England squad have twice released statements urging an immediate
review of safety and security in the strife-torn African country and asking
for a switch of venues.
The outcome of the Harare trial will determine Mr Tsvangirai's political
future. If convicted, his political career will be ended. Even if he is not
sent to the gallows, he will be barred from running for President again. If
he wins the case, he will enhance his chances of becoming head of state.

Police arrest two journalists and limit access to trial of opposition leader
Morgan Tsvangirai



Reporters sans frontières (Paris)

PRESS RELEASE
February 3, 2003
Posted to the web February 3, 2003

Harare

Reporters Without Borders called on the government today to allow free media
coverage of the trial of opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai and stressed
that justice should be done in public in the presence of independent
observers and media, whatever their editorial stand.

"It is unacceptable that the police should deprive the public of their right
to be properly informed," said Reporters Without Borders secretary-general
Robert Ménard.


He also called on police to free two journalists arrested at the courthouse
and, in line with the request of the High Court's president, to allow
journalists into the court without restriction.

The trial of Tsvangirai, leader of the opposition Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) and two of his deputies, opened today before the High Court in
Harare. They were charged with treason and could be sentenced to death. The
courtroom was barred to most journalists before the hearing began and two of
them - freelance Ish Mafundikwa and Pedzisai Ruhanya of the Daily News -
were arrested after protesting against the restrictions.

Other journalists, along with diplomats, opposition supporters and
independent observers, were also barred by police, who said there was no
room inside, though lawyers said there were several empty benches. Later in
the day, Justice Paddington Garwe, president of the court, asked police to
allow anyone into the court who wanted to attend the trial.

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Daily News

      Top SA lawyer arrives to defend MDC leader

      2/3/2003 10:35:54 AM (GMT +2)


      Staff Reporter

      TOP South African lawyer George Bizos arrived in Zimbabwe last week as
part the legal team representing opposition MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai and
two senior party colleagues, accused of plotting to assassinate President
Mugabe, when the treason trial opens today at the High Court.

      Bizos, who represented former South African President Nelson Mandela
during the
      famous 1963-4 Rivonia trial, arrived in the country last Monday, a
week before the trial.

      Innocent Chagonda, a Harare lawyer co-ordinating the team, confirmed
Bizos' arrival to lead probably one of the best legal teams ever assembled
in the country.

      Senior Advocates Chris Andersen and Eric Matinenga, who rank among the
most experienced legal minds in Zimbabwe, complete the team.

      The State, which has also assembled an impressive team, will be
represented by Bharat Patel, the Deputy Attorney-General, Joseph Musakwa,
the Director of Public Prosecutions in the Attorney-General's Office, and
Morgan Nemadire, a government law officer.

      The trial, which diplomats have said may provide Tsvangirai with a
platform to expose Mugabe, is long-awaited after it failed to take off last
November.

      Chagonda had filed an urgent application seeking the postponement of
the case as the State had not supplied tapes and papers spelling out the
charges to the defence team.
      Bizos was temporarily registered to practice law in Zimbabwe in
November to allow him to defend Tsvangirai, Welshman Ncube, the MDC
secretary-general, and Renson Gasela, the party's secretary for lands and
agriculture.

      He handled the Rivonia trial in South Africa which ended with the
eventual 27-year imprisonment of Mandela.

      Anderson successfully represented three Americans arrested in 1999 on
charges of sabotage and terrorism and numerous other high profile criminal
matters in Zimbabwe and abroad. He also represented former President Canaan
Banana, who was found guilty and jailed for sexual assault on men.

      Matinenga successfully represented the MDC in election petitions
against the ruling Zanu PF after the 2000 parliamentary election.
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Daily News

      War vets pensions up 80%

      2/3/2003 10:43:07 AM (GMT +2)


      By Chris Mhike Business Reporter

      WAR veteran pensions have been raised with immediate effect to a
monthly gratuity of $17 500, an 80 percent increase from the $9 722 received
by the group previously.

      War veterans contacted yesterday confirmed that their receipts at the
end of January, reflected the increment.

      The pension review, extends to other beneficiaries, such as former
presidents, former judges, and former parliamentary employees, whose
pensions are drawn from from the Consolidated Revenue Fund.

      The review came in the wake of complaints by civil servants from
numerous productive sectors of the civil service, such as the teaching
field, that the remuneration offered by government was well below
satisfactory levels.

      It also falls hard on the heels of another pension review for war
veterans and other State pensioners, that was effected last year, by 20
percentage points and back-dated to July 2002.

      July Moyo, the Minister of Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare
announced last week in a Statutory Instrument SI 41 of 2003, that his
ministry had decided, with the concurrence of the Minister of Finance and
Economic Development, that pension for specified categories of beneficiaries
would be increased. Section 4 of the new law provided that: "Any designated
pension, disability pension of war veteran pension which was payable
immediately before or which first became payable on the effective date (1
January 2003) shall be increased by 80 percent."

      Under the the Pensions Act, designated pensions include presidential,
war veterans, parliamentary service, and State service pensions.

      The new law means that former presidents would be entitled to an 80
percent pension increment, thereby covering in that category, only Canaan
Banana, the country's independence President. President Robert Mugabe could
also, in the doubtful event of his exit from office, benefit.

      Under the War Veterans Act, only those war veterans who are recognised
at law as veterans of the war for the Liberation of Zimbabwe, fought more
than 20 years ago, would benefit from the pension review.

      Legitimate war veterans could also benefit under the rubric of
"disability pension" as defined in SI 41 of 2003.

      The notice defines a "disability pension" as: "any pension, including
a widow's pension or allowance, which is payable by the State in terms of
the War Pensions Act . . . or the War Victims Compensation Act."
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Daily News

Leader Page

      Government has thrown out mission statement

      2/3/2003 10:40:28 AM (GMT +2)


      By Tanonoka Whande

      IF MY Latin serves me well, pro lege, pro patria, pro populi
translates to: for the law, for the fatherland, for the people.

      It reads like a list of things the police detest and will never do.

      But, in fact, it is a list of "things" the police have readily shown
us they do not want to have anything to do with.

      Yet this is the motto of our very own Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP).
Interestingly, even their logo has more than a subliminal message of
violence. The ZRP logo depicts a mischievous lion harassing and attempting
to murder one very angry cobra.

      There is currently a proliferation of "mission statements" to
complement these maxims adopted as a rule of conduct and to encapsulate the
aims of different organised groups or companies.

      You walk into the lobby or reception of a business, public or private
concern and you are greeted with "Our Mission Statement" conspicuously
      displayed in elaborate frames behind the small head of the
receptionist. I have never witnessed
      such a deluge of lies and pre-declared broken promises from
government, multinationals and struggling briefcase companies.

      It's been a long time since I have been a welcome guest in the Office
of The President (and I am not talking about youngster Jonathan Moyo's
cubby-hole) so I do not know what the President's "Mission Statement" is.
But from what I have seen travelling around Zimbabwe I can only guess.

      The institutions of President and police complement each other in
their daily endeavours to serve the nation. Maybe I should mention, en
passant, that if we were in a normal democracy, the President would not
interfere with the official duties of the police, but the police would
arrest the President upon commission of a crime or abuse of office.In the
same vein, a Member of Parliament is above a Cabinet Minister. A Cabinet
minister is answerable to an MP and not the other way round. But do you see
how some MPs grovel when they see or meet a Cabinet minister?

      This is so because Zanu PF a revolutionary party, a people's party was
privatised. This put chefs on top shelves while us yokels were relegated to
being "just the povo".

      The chefs thought and believed they were better than and superior to
the people and they had the guns, jails and disused mine shafts to prove it.

      No one, except the President, was allowed to show or to know their
worth to the nation. So we started to practise the most disgusting habit
that of valuing our worthiness and strength by how close one was to the
President. How revolting!

      It, however, stands to reason that this humble citizen is
flabbergasted by what appears to be a misalliance of the police and the
Presidency in matters legal.

      Their obvious connivance in belittling the Judiciary (appointed by the
President himself) and their violations of the law (of which the police are
custodians and enforcers) is tempering with the co-
      existence of most arms of government and has disturbed the overall
proper delivery of services to the nation.

      More than anyone else, these two institutions are responsible for
setting brother against brother, children against parents and the citizens
against the President.
      But away from offices and courts, I am baffled by our own attitude.

      Considering the way we have been treated since the rejection of the
government-sponsored draft constitution in the February 2000 referendum, I
fail to understand our passivity and docility.

      We are a patient people, you say? We are cowards, I counter. There is
a very thin line between patience and cowardice. Zimbabweans are the easiest
people to govern and oppress as can be evidenced by their submissiveness.

      When I was in Sub-standard A at Musaverema School in Mwenezi in the
late 1950s, we had to walk about 6,4 kilometres each way. But at our age we
had already been admonished not to cross or jump over fallen trees, branches
or logs lying across the footpaths.

      We were warned to avoid them by going around the obstacles and, in the
process, open a new detour that would later become the main path. We were
not encouraged to remove anything lying in our paths.
      Thus caution, with its partner suspicion, were behavioural traits
ingrained into us at an early age supposedly for our own survival. So it
follows then that one of our sad and deeply embedded proclivities is the
lack of and the suppression of the will to confront anything in our way. Our
leaders do things they are not supposed to do and don't do things they are
supposed to do.

      Our own government and police seem to have put aside their declared
aims of service delivery. They can't even protect the Constitution, let
alone the people, but instead they are going after us in a big way. And what
are we doing about it? Nothing!

      Do we or don't we recall the beatings, maimings, rapes, killings,
muggings and property seizures all blamed on the government and the police
our supposed protectors?

      And why, may I ask, does our President seem so detached from painful
events that course through the veins of his national constituency?Are we,
Zimbabweans, still his priority? Are the nation's priorities the same as
his? In spite of what is being done to us, we do not feel up to the task to
challenge or force our political elders to redirect themselves.
      Or maybe launch a strong campaign against them to vacate their posts.

      I do not know or see what it takes to annoy or incite the Zimbabwean
rank and file. Our government has tried. The President has tried and even
the police have tried just about everything to incite us but have failed.
      Instead of demanding the respect of our Parliament, law, order, human
rights, accountability and transparency in matters government, we become
busy mimicking our own government and, like them, invent ways of beating the
system.

      Have you realised how we, our own exploited selves, have become
masters of exploitation? We always find the scarce commodities and sell them
to fellow citizens at obscene prices. We love and cherish the opportunity to
exploit fellow citizens' weaknesses or needs and our government leaders
thrive on these our greed and selfishness.

      Our own police (for the law, for the fatherland, for the people) are
truly first on the scene whenever scarce commodities are being delivered and
unloaded.
      They are easy to spot. They are the ones in uniform and the only ones
who can afford the use of a supermarket trolley these days.

      They march in there with their kin in tow and come out with loads of
cooking oil, bread, sugar, or maize-meal while we watch. You can see that
their purchases are not for home consumption. For the fatherland my foot!
      A survey to see what percentage of the
      tuckshops in the nation are owned by police officers and army
personnel would be an eye-opener.
      But my contention remains: why do we, Zimbabweans, accept the rotten
and deteriorating state of affairs in our country? Why are we scared to do
something about it? It always has to be someone else's son or daughter to
take the lead, then we offer no meaningful support.

      Clearly the President does not have advisers of consequence; that is
why he appears not to be as au fait with matters on the ground as we all
are. But again with all the State machinery of intelligence at his disposal,
it is unforgivable of him to pretend not to hear the groans of agony
country-wide.

      I watched ZTV News on the day the Pungwe Water Project was
commissioned. While officiating at this opening ceremony, our President, who
was running for re-election, threatened us citizens with death. A few
minutes later, in the same news bulletin we were presented with Nelson
Mandela hobnobbing across Europe in a touching solo effort as he desperately
tried to save his fellow South Africans. He was begging and pleading with
companies and governments to make available HIV/Aids drugs for free or at
greatly reduced and affordable cost. He succeeded. And he wasn't even
president anymore!

      My fellow compatriots, presidents are born not made. Being a leader
does not necessarily qualify one to be president and vice versa. I am
reminded of the Yiddish proverb that says: "A goat has a beard but that not
make him a rabbi."

      The dead do not need to rise. We will regain our political integrity.
We are a great nation . . . a wonderful people who in all their history
never had a government we deserve. Zimbabweans have a wonderful unique
esprit de corps. We will regain our territorial imperative. That is certain.

      Meanwhile, with all the violence and contempt downloaded on us, I
wonder how long it will last.
      But above all else, I shudder to think what exactly it is our
so-called leader will call victory.

      O Auga, Augustine, wherefore art thou,
      Augustine?
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Daily News

      Daily News barred from meeting SA land delegation

      2/3/2003 10:44:19 AM (GMT +2)


      Farming Editor

      SOUTH African Minister of Lands and Agriculture, Thoko Didiza was in
the country from Wednesday to Thursday and held meetings with her Zimbabwean
counterpart, Minister of Lands, Agriculture and Rural Resettlement, Dr
Joseph Made to assess the land reform programme.

      She also made a courtesy call on President Mugabe.
      While the State media covered the meetings, The Daily News, was not
given a chance to cover the proceedings despite having consulted Made, the
South African High Commission and the Department of State and Information
and Publicity in the President's Office.

      The Daily News has been barred from covering several State activities
in recent months.
      Didiza, who was accompanied by a delegation of 15 people comprising
representatives of agriculture unions in South Africa, began her talks with
Made on Wednesday.

      Contacted to give details of the meetings, South African deputy
commissioner to Zimbabwe, Kingsley Sithole said: "Minister Didiza is in
Zimbabwe as a continuation of a joint commission set up in Pretoria, South
Africa for the two countries. The commission is a process aimed at deepening
the existing relationship between the two countries."

      Asked if the delegation would visit farms, Sithole said: "The
delegation is not necessarily here to assess the land reform programme but
as agriculture officials they are likely to visit a farm or farms."

      Sithole could not give details as to what farm they were visiting or
what they would discuss as the Zimbabwe Ministry of Lands, Agriculture and
Rural Resettlement was hosting the meetings.

      Contacted on his cellphone on Thursday, Minister Made said he could
not comment as he was in meetings with the South African delegation.

      The Daily News asked for permission to speak with the South African
delegation when they arrived on Wednesday, but Sithole said the delegates
were busy preparing for the meeting with Made.

      An official who identified himself as Zengeni from the Department of
Information and Publicity in the President's Office had promised to provide
The Daily News with details of the meeting.

      But when contacted on Thursday, Zengeni said he could not help as
there was no Press statement released after the meeting.

      According to reports in the State media, the delegation visited three
newly-resettled farms in Bindura.

      South African land activists who visited Zimbabwe last December on a
fact-finding mission on how the country was implementing the land reform
programme, said they would not use farm invasions as a way of fast-tracking
the slow land redistribution process in their country.

      The fast-track land redistribution programme in Zimbabwe saw
commercial farmers stopping production which resulted in food shortages.

      The slow pace in land redistribution in South Africa has precipitated
the formation of associations clamouring for the land issue to be addressed
urgently.

      These associations are advocating for a faster method of land reform
but different from the Zimbabwe fast-track model.

      The activists claim that in South Africa, about 68 000 claims on land
restitution have been lodged with the Commission of Land since 1994 up to
last year and from these claims only five percent have been processed and
facilitated some people's resettlement.

      Less than two percent of South Africa's land has been redistributed to
the landless since South Africa's independence in 1994.

      This is in contradiction to their government's promises that 30
percent would have been resettled after five years of independence.
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Daily News

      Harare residents urge MDC to spearhead change

      2/3/2003 10:38:02 AM (GMT +2)


      Staff Reporter

      HARARE residents on Thursday urged Morgan Tsvangirai, the MDC
president, to spearhead change in the country.

      The residents told the MDC leader that they fully supported his moves
to bring immediate change through mass mobilisation campaigns.

      They met him during his second walk-about to fuel and food queues, in
which he visited Houghton Park, Southerton, Gazaland and Machipisa Shopping
Centres in Highfield and the Willowvale industrial area.

      On Wednesday, the MDC leader surprised commuters in the city when he
visited a number of terminuses to assess the transport crisis, which has
remained unresolved because of an acute fuel shortage.

      A motorist at Houghton Park service station said: "Poverty has been
forced down our throats by the government. We are tired of queueing for
basic food commodities. Things are getting bad."

      Cephas Wandare, a vendor in Houghton Park, told Tsvangirai they wanted
immediate change.

      Tsvangirai asked vendors, motorists and women in food queues what they
wanted done in the face of lawlessness, political repression and the
economic meltdown.

      At Machipisa, Tsvangirai was met with applause as thousands of
residents in food queues openly urged the MDC leader to lead them in
changing the situation in the country, which he promised to do.
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Daily News

      Probe into Sikhala's alleged torture ends

      2/3/2003 10:36:49 AM (GMT +2)


      By Precious Shumba

      THE police yesterday completed their probe into the alleged torture,
in police detention last month, of Job Sikhala the MP for St Mary's and four
others.

      Sikhala was arrested with three other people for allegedly setting
ablaze a Zupco bus travelling from Highfield to the city centre.

      The police later altered the charge to a breach of Section 5 of the
Public Order and Security Act, which deals with allegations of planning to
overthrow the government. Sikhala is out on $30 000 bail.

      However, Harare magistrate Caroline-Anne Chigumira ordered the police
to thoroughly investigate the case and bring to book all those implicated in
the torture, after a medical report from a government doctor had confirmed
that Sikhala and his co-accused had been assaulted and tortured while in
custody.

      The police report will be presented in court tomorrow.
      On Friday and Saturday Sikhala, Harare human rights lawyer Gabriel
Shumba, Charles Mutama, Taurayi Magaya, led by their lawyer Advocate Charles
Selemani, presented their oral and written evidence to the police at St Mary
's Police Station.

      Selemani could not be reached for comment yesterday. But Sikhala said
they presented their evidence to policemen identified as Furawo and
Superintendent Dhlakama, the investigating officer.

      "The police assured us that they would leave no stone unturned in
their quest to bring all the perpetrators of the torture to account for
their illegal action," he said.

      "They requested all the information including names of the policemen.
      "Dhlakama said he was sent by Senior Assistant Commissioner Faustino
Mazango, the officer commanding Harare District police to investigate the
matter"

      He said they submitted medical reports from different medical
institutions, including one from a government hospital.

      The probe was completed yesterday at St Mary's Police Station with
statements being recorded from the torture victims. Dhlakama yesterday
confirmed the probe.

      Sikhala said he told the police that policemen Garnet Sikhova, one
Makedenge, Matsvimbo, Badza, Mawema and Mhashu, all from the law and order
section, tortured them.

      On Friday, before his meeting with the police, Sikhala took his
torture case to Kristina Svenson, the Swedish Ambassador and Kjell
Storlokken, the Norwegian Ambassador, who all wanted to hear the torture
accounts. Johan Ndisi, the second secretary at the Swedish Embassy yesterday
confirmed the meeting.
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Daily News

      Governor urges State to seize land

      2/3/2003 10:36:23 AM (GMT +2)


      From Paidamoyo Chipunza in Mutare

      MANICALAND Governor Oppah Muchinguri said yesterday the State should
acquire for resettlement land owned by foreign-based companies, including
property covered under government-to-government agreements.

      Muchinguri said her office had established that up to 90 percent of
land believed to be owned by foreign-based interests and, thus, exempted for
acquisition for resettlement was, in fact, owned by Zimbabwean individuals
or companies.

      "Our investigations have shown that some of these farms are 90 percent
owned by locals and the other 10 percent is owned by foreign companies,"
Muchinguri said from Harare.
      The governor and resident minister of Manicaland said some of the
individuals owning these companies have been in Zimbabwe for more than four
decades, acquired the country's citizenship, but have kept foreign
registration for their properties.

      She said: "If there is a country-to-country agreement that arrangement
must be reviewed."

      Killian Mupingo, the provincial administrator in Manicaland, told a
Parliamentary Portfolio on Lands, Agriculture Rural and Resettlement,
meeting in Mutare last Wednesday that Zimbabweans who invaded foreign-owned
firms risked eviction.

      Mupingo said, for example, that Border Timbers Limited, some of whose
estates were invaded in Chimanimani, would demand US$86 million (Z$4,3
billion at the official exchange rate) in compensation from the government.

      The government, she said, simply did not have funds for such
compensation.

      On Saturday, Muchinguri chaired a land stakeholders' meeting at the
city's Queen's Hall during which she warned that newly resettled A-2 model
farmers risked losing the properties if they were not fully utilised.
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The Weather

Driving back from Harare yesterday I was again struck by the beauty and
spaciousness of this country. For mile after mile the veldt spread out to
the horizon. The cumulous clouds were there in abundance towering up into
space - some probably well over 45000 feet high. Fantastic shapes and
colors. The sun was setting as we entered Matabeleland and we had that short
period before sunset when all the colors glowed and every feature was set
out in sharp contrast and clarity. They had had a bit of rain so there was
no dust or smoke to limit ones vision.

Vultures high in the sky maintained their watch for food and used the wind
currents to conquer space. The sky was as blue as you can imagine and slowly
darkened until the evening stars came out and took the place of the sun. It
was a magnificent African evening and I rested in the knowledge as to why I
was here, and not somewhere else. We are spoiled.

But there is a down side to the beauty that we see all around us and the
seemingly endless blue skies and sunshine we enjoy in such abundance. We are
in the midst of that old problem - a green drought. The country, well most
of it, is green with the summer flush but there is no substance to the grass
cover. It takes someone with experience to see this and it can be quite
deceiving because the roads are tarred and the grass at the verge make the
most of the little rain that has fallen.

At home we are sitting on 160 mm in 4 months - enough to green up the veldt
but nothing more. None of our rivers are running and our dams are dropping
fast under the heat of the days and the demands of our cities. It's the
2nd of February and the rainy season comes to an end in 8 weeks time. Then
we have 7 t0 8 months of dry weather. So if we do not have some rain and I
mean real rain, in the next few weeks we are really in trouble.

In much of the midlands and the south of the country the veldt is already
dry and we have had some veldt fires. That is bad news indeed. In the north
it's a bit better but the crops are not faring well unless they are getting
a bit of extra water from irrigation. Not much of that happening as this
requires heavy equipment and some considerable expertise. We saw a few good
crops - in the Chegutu area there is a very nice soybean and tobacco crop.
But for the most the grain crops are close to failure.

It's difficult for any "townie" to understand the feelings of a farmer when
he is faced with these conditions. I can recall like yesterday a phone call
I made in the 70's to a farmer in the north of the country. His wife
answered the phone and we talked briefly about the weather - as usual. I
lived in Harare and for some reason that city gets more rainfall than many
other areas. We had just had rain and I told her that, she responded by
bursting into tears and saying "why does it rain in Harare, and not here?" I
never got to speak to her husband but I felt something of the pressure on
the farms when you have planted a crop and must wait for the rains to come
to bring the investment back to you.

At Church the other Sunday a new family came in and at tea afterwards I got
to talk to them about where they were from etc. They turned out to be a
farming family from Karoi - displaced by the Mugabe campaign against the
farmers. She said they were trying to rebuild their lives and she then
said - "with this weather I am so glad we are not farming."

So here we are - a total mess as far as the farm sector is concerned. The
great majority of the A2 farmers have abandoned their farmland allocations
when they realized that this was not as easy as they thought and that they
might even have to invest some sweat and money in the venture. Then others
soon realized that there were easier ways to make a living - when the
borehole blew up and they had to fix it to get water for the house. When the
fuel crisis struck and they could not get fuel to travel the 300 kilometers
to the farm for the weekend.

Finally the weather - even if they had invested time and effort and some
considerable resources in their ventures - if it does not rain then it is
all in vain. The very small guys - the so-called A1 settlers are paid a
small per deum to get them by as they sit on their plots and if all fails
they get food aid from the World Food Program or an NGO. Even the government
sometimes drops in with the odd bag of maize. So they sit it out - unless
the water runs out and then they also will go back to their original homes
and abandon "fast track land reform" to others.

But for us in the cities there are no alternatives - we live on imported
food from the farms and elsewhere and on water pumped from our storage dams.
If these fail then we have real problems and that is where we are now. The
Mayor of Harare wanted to meet civic leaders last week to discuss what to do
about these problems and was rewarded with a ring of armed police who tear
gassed the leaders gathering for the meeting and arrested several for not
obeying them when they said "get lost - this meeting is cancelled."

The food situation is worse now than at any time in the past year - maize
meal is unobtainable and bread only available after queuing for hours.
Potatoes are Z$3000 a bag and rice is 10 times the cost of any alternative.
People are hungry and angry. Every one is in queues every day - for
everything. There is no milk and a baby food costs Z$5000 for a small tin.
Life is becoming impossible for everyone. A member of my staff said today
that they had to send food home to his parents because they could not
queue - mother was too frail and his father was unwell.

Despite all the rhetoric and international appeals the WFP only imported
120
000 tonnes of food into Zimbabwe since July last year - a paltry 20 000
tonnes a month or 10 per cent of what we need to feed the country. We are
the only country in the region that is not going to be able to feed itself
in the next 12 months. I think the maize crop this year - estimated by Made
at 1,1 million tonnes or half of what we need, at much less - probably less
than the 500 000 tonnes we reaped in 2002. Most of it, if not all of it,
eaten as green maize or held at home to cover the needs of the immediate
family. The cities will be totally dependent on food imports from outside
the country.

In the winter months we will see a very small winter crop grown due to the
collapse of the commercial farm system and its support infrastructure. The
shortage of stored and ground water will also be a factor - unlike last year
when there was plenty of water for irrigation. So while we produced a crop
of winter wheat last year which fed the country for 5 months - this year the
crop is likely to be well below that figure. And remember this is despite
rationing wheat sales at 40 per cent of demand.

So where do we go from here - the government has no ideas - none at all.
They are talking to the business sector, which seems equally at a loss to
come up with any sensible ideas. What they are proposing are simply
band-aids on a bleeding wound. Business is gradually closing down under the
pressure of all the problems they face - we are now told that ZESA will
start load shedding shortly. With no employment, declining incomes,
shrinking savings and shortages of everything from flour to tampons,
Zimbabweans are simply packing up and leaving - 2500 a week to overseas
destinations, 20 000 a week to South Africa and Botswana. 5000 a week are
dying - half from Aids related disease and malnutrition and the rest due to
stress and old age.

Mugabe has been back in the country for two weeks after his holiday in the
Far East. He has yet to make any sort of public statement and sits sullenly
in his palace contemplating what to do with his Zanu "traitors" and how to
get out of the hole he has dug for himself. Surrounded with his thugs and
presidential guard he is more beleaguered than ever. They cannot put the
genie back in the bottle and his new freedom frightens them like nothing
else will.

Our day has come and soon we will see the backsides of these idiots who for
too long have haunted our beloved country. Then perhaps, it will rain again.

Eddie Cross Bulawayo, 2nd February, 2003.
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Mail and Guardian

Is this the rule of law in Zimbabwe?



      04 February 2003 07:46

The trial for treason of the Zimbabwean opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai
opened yesterday amid scenes of violence and chaos with baton-wielding
police preventing diplomats, MPs, lawyers and journalists from entering
court.

Two journalists were arrested and police raised truncheons at several
European Union diplomats who were brusquely shoved away from the court
entrance.

"Is this the rule of law in Zimbabwe?" said Priscilla Misihairabwi, an
opposition MP, as police threatened to arrest her. "This is a public place.
It is a public court. What have you got to hide?"

Tsvangirai, the leader of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and two
senior party officials are charged with plotting to have President Robert
Mugabe assassinated. If convicted they could face the death penalty.

Tsvangirai has dismissed the allegations as "trumped-up charges" designed to
smear him and his party. The charges were made in February last year, only a
month before Tsvangirai ran in presidential elections which Mugabe narrowly
won amid widespread state violence and evidence of massive voting fraud. The
Commonwealth and western governments dismissed Mugabe's election as
illegitimate.

Tsvangirai (51) arrived to cheers from a crowd of 200 supporters, which
apparently enraged the police who began angrily pushing people away with
their batons.

His co-defendants, the MDC secretary-general, Welshman Ncube, and the MP
Renson Gasela, were refused entry until it was pointed out that the trial
could not take place without them.

The US ambassador, Joseph Sullivan, was pushed away but eventually was
allowed to enter the court. "It has important implications for the rule of
law and democratic pluralism in Zimbabwe," Sullivan said.

That meant little to the riot police who pushed the German deputy
ambassador, Jan Hendrik van Thiel, when he presented his diplomatic card.
"Get away from here," shouted a policeman. "You are no longer a diplomat. We
will get you."

"Don't allow anyone to enter," ordered a plainclothes policeman.

"We don't allow anyone to enter. This is not parliament," he said to
opposition MPs.

The heavy-handed police tactics are seen as a taste of what is to come at
the World Cup cricket matches to be held in Zimbabwe, starting in Harare on
February 10.

"This is not logical," said an angry European envoy. "The government has
made so much about this treason trial that they should want the world to see
that it is proceeding in an orderly fashion. But this kind of behaviour
makes one question the entire process. It is crazy."

Eventually the president of the high court judges, Paddington Garwe, issued
an order that diplomats, journalists and interested members of the public
should be allowed to enter. This allowed the British high commissioner and
the German and Spanish ambassadors to attend the afternoon session.

But police continued to refuse entrance to several journalists working for
the foreign press, saying the courtroom was filled to capacity. Lawyers
inside, however, said the public galleries were nearly empty.

Bharat Patel, the deputy attorney general, opened the state's case, saying:
"Their opposition and desire for political power is not criminal as such but
it is their desire to overthrow a government and to occupy positions through
undemocratic means which is criminal. It is their unlawful desire of seeking
to attain political power that the state seeks to punish."

The case centres on a secretly recorded videotape of a meeting between
Tsvangirai and the Canadian consultant Ari Ben Menashe in which the
opposition leader purportedly sought to hire assassins to eliminate Mugabe.

Menashe claims to be a former Israeli intelligence officer and arms dealer
and now heads the Canadian consulting firm Dickens and Madson.

The firm is on record as being hired by the Mugabe government to improve its
image, therefore its evidence against Tsvangirai will be questioned as
unreliable.

Tsvangirai said the firm offered to help the MDC buff up its image in the
west. But Ben Menashe, who is the main state witness, said that Tsvangirai
wanted him to have Mugabe killed.

The renowned South African anti-apartheid lawyer George Bizos, who is
leading Tsvangirai's defence, said the government's evidence has been
"heavily doctored" to implicate the three defendants.

"We agree that this is a trial with heavy political overtones and
undertones," said Bizos, giving an outline of the defence case. "This was a
trap. The accused are innocent as they have said."

The case comes as Zimbabwe faces a deepening economic crisis with two-thirds
of its 12-million population threatened with starvation, a crippling fuel
shortage and inflation at 200%.

Tensions are high and it is feared by many that the trial of the popular
Tsvangirai could set off an angry reaction. - Guardian Unlimited © Guardian
Newspapers Limited 2003
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News24



1.5m 'ghosts' voted in
Zim election - census
04/02/2003 08:33  - (SA)

Erika Gibson


Harare - A Zimbabwean economist says the latest census figures for 2002 are
final evidence that President Robert Mugabe's Zanu-PF manipulated election
results last year.

John Robertson, an economist in Harare, said the figures were manipulated in
Zanu-PF's favour and that at least 1.5 million votes of people who did not
exist were added to the party's totals.

The census shows Zimbabwe had a population of about 11.6 million in August
last year. The latest analysis of the numbers, according to age groups,
shows the maximum number of people of voting age is about 4.7 million, since
59% of the population is under 18.

Pre-election surveys showed that less than 80% of the country's voters
registered for the election, which means the total number of voters could
not have exceeded 3.8 million.

Shortly before the election, this figure was set at 5.2 million, but after
Zanu-PF created an additional voters roll in certain rural areas after voter
registration had officially closed, an additional 400 000 voters were
registered on this roll. This additional roll contravened the aat the time.

Number is 'statistically impossible'

The registrar-general's roll for the presidential election therefore
contained 5.6 million names, while opposition parties were not allowed to
peruse the rural voters roll.

Robertson says this number was "statitiscally impossible".

"By raising the number of voters to 5.6 million, the governing party
allocated itself an additional 1.5 million votes.

"Several studies, such as the one by the Helen Suzman Foundation, allege
about 1.6 million of the names of the roll belonged to non-existent people.

"If you work it from the other side, a voters roll of 5.6 million people
implies that Zimbabwe has a population of at least 17.5 million - this does
not correspond to the 11.6 million people on the official census."

Robertson says it is unthinkable the election could be called free and fair
in Mugabe's favour in the light of these blatant inconsistencies.

"If Mugabe is allowed to get away with this fraud without anyone lifting a
finger, then the rest of the world has contributed to the collapse of
standards in Zimbabwe. This will then become 'acceptable practice' in Third
World countries during elections.

"Zimbabwe and citizens of these countries deserve a better dispensation."
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San Francisco Chronicle
 
Zimbabwe leadership hangs on hunger
Rumors of possible end to Mugabe reign

Gavin du Venage, Chronicle Foreign Service
 

Harare, Zimbabwe -- You can sip a cappuccino and snack on a wedge of cheesecake at a trendy Harare cafe while starving women in the Zimbabwean countryside eat worms scavenged from rotting fruit.

In a city where a man was stabbed to death for a loaf of bread last week and the rich can still buy Danish cheese, Zimbabweans are obsessed with two subjects -- food shortages and prospects for the end of President Robert Mugabe's reign.

"There is no doubt that a power struggle is under way within the ranks of the party," says a former government official who lost his job after he was suspected of sympathizing with the opposition. "The hard men in the party can see the writing on the wall. They know the world wants Mugabe gone, and they don't want to go down with him."

Zimbabweans have plenty of reasons to want to get rid of Mugabe. The country has been isolated internationally since his government carried out a land reform program that drove most white commercial farmers, who were responsible for much of the country's food production, from their land. Since then, drought in southern Africa, combined with the disruptions in farming, have pushed more than half of the population to the brink of starvation.

Now there are hints that after 22 years in power, Mugabe may be on shaky ground.

Earlier this month, the government-owned newspaper, the Sunday Mirror, reported that two of Mugabe's closest aides, Defense chief Vitalis Zvinavashe and parliamentary speaker Emmerson Mnangagwa, were negotiating a deal with opposition politicians to allow Mugabe to retire in exile in return for immunity from prosecution for human rights violations during his long rule.

In this scenario, Mugabe would settle in another country, probably Malaysia.

Back home, members of his ruling party would form a unity government with the opposition Movement for Democratic Change, allowing several years for a return to stability before elections could be held.

Since the plan was made public, however, Mugabe as well as Zvinavashe and Mnangagwa have vigorously denied that any such scheme exists.

"This was a very tentative approach," says Paul Nyati, official spokesman for the MDC. "What is needed is a bold move by members of the ruling party,"

Zimbabweans are running out of patience with Mugabe. A recent survey by the Mass Public Opinion Institute, a Harare think tank, found that 65 percent of respondents wanted Mugabe to immediately announce his retirement plans.

International pressure is also increasing. The United States, Britain, Australia, New Zealand, Canada, and the European Union have proposed "smart sanctions," which target individuals rather than countries by freezing personal and business assets held by Zimbabwe's leadership. And Washington and the European Union have slapped an arms embargo on the country.

Britain's cricket team has even considered boycotting the World Cup matches to be held in Zimbabwe, a snub equal to an American team refusing to attend the Super Bowl.

Meanwhile, the country is descending into chaos.

LONG LINES FOR FOOD

The police had to move in to quell food riots in recent weeks in Harare and Bulawayo, the country's second-largest city. Inflation is increasing by 175 percent per month, the gross domestic product fell 12 percent last year, and life expectancy has plummeted to 44 from 60 a decade ago. The United Nations reported last year that three-quarters of the population is living in abject poverty.

Food reserves have evaporated. The World Food Program estimates that 6.7 million of the country's 12 million inhabitants desperately need food aid.

Hunger is stoking the public's anger at the regime. Until now, the government has been able to keep the fury in check by promising food aid in return for support. But its ability to buy off dissenters is diminishing along with its dwindling resources.

"They are running on empty. They can't dole out favors like they used to. They have nothing left to give," says the official. "I guess what we are all waiting for now is to see whether Mugabe is going to walk the plank by himself or if his own people will have to give him a push."

Until the leadership issue is resolved, ordinary Zimbabweans have to fend for themselves.

"If I see a queue, I join it right away," says Gift Timba, a 32-year-old taxi driver. "I often don't know what I am queuing for, but it is probably something I need. If not, I can always sell my place in line to someone else."

PEOPLE HOARD GAS IN HOMES

Since December, when Libya stopped oil shipments after Zimbabwe reneged on payments, fuel has also been in short supply. Until late last year, Zimbabwe had the world's least-expensive fuel. A liter of gas cost just 4 cents, compared with 13 cents for a bottle of mineral water. Now it is almost impossible to find.

"The apartments where I live smell of petrol because people are hoarding the stuff at home in drums," says 42-year-old schoolteacher Chris Mutiwi, eyeing the kilometer-long line of cars ahead of him outside a suburban gas station. "My wife doesn't sleep at night because she is terrified that a fire will break out in the building. If it does, the whole place will go up like a bomb."

Some of the longest lines are for food staples. Maize and cooking oil, vital nourishment to the poor, are scarce. Bread is still available, but customers have to wait for up to a day for a single precious loaf.

"You can get imported things like ketchup and cornflakes in the shops if you have the money, items I could live without," says 32-year-old housewife Dolly Fairburn. "Essentials like bread are just not available. Last year the country's only cotton-wool factory closed down, which means that you can't find sanitary towels anywhere. It seems petty when people are starving, but it is those small things that just wear you down."

Beyond the limits of Harare, the true consequences of the shortages present a bleak image. Gaunt men and women till dusty fields waiting for rain that rarely comes. They wave desperately at passing cars in the hope of a handout. "We must compete with baboons for fruit on the trees," says an old man at a roadside store at Masembura, a district in the heart of Mugabe's ancestral tribal lands. "If foreigners do not bring us food, we will die, because the rains and Mugabe are not going to save us."

The government has tried to limit growing public discontent by restricting the deluge of bad news. Five foreign journalists -- an American, two Germans, a Finn and a Kenyan -- were detained by police last month while on assignment, and foreign correspondents have effectively been banned from the country because they are blamed for Mugabe's poor international image. Last week, the state broadcaster was told to stop airing long-term weather forecasts that only promise more drought.

"We suffer each day the sun shines," says the old man. "We are poor and cannot go and buy food. We only eat what we grow. Each night my grandchildren cry from hunger. I worry that when the rains do come we will all be dead."

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CNN

Fans warned to avoid Zimbabwe Cup clashes
Monday, February 3, 2003 Posted: 11:55 PM EST (0455 GMT)


CANBERRA, Australia (Reuters) -- Australia has told its nationals to steer
clear of World Cup cricket matches in Zimbabwe this month, warning of
possible violent protests.

Although Australia has stopped short of barring its cricket team from
playing in Zimbabwe, its foreign affairs office said Australians should
avoid large public gatherings and public demonstrations with protests likely
at the World Cup games.

"Heavy police responses to past protests in Zimbabwe have resulted in injury
to protesters and innocent bystanders," the Department of Foreign Affairs
and Trade (DFAT) said in a travel warning issued late on Monday.

"Australians should take particular precautions to avoid any such protests
or other political activity."

Australian Prime Minister John Howard has called on the International
Cricket Council (ICC) to move matches away from Zimbabwe because of safety
and political concerns.

Australia's strengthened travel warning came after the United States advised
Americans last week to consider leaving Zimbabwe.

Zimbabwe is suffering from record unemployment and severe food shortages,
blamed in part on a drought and President Robert Mugabe's land policy of
seizing white-owned farms.

The tournament will be based mainly in South Africa from February 9 to March
23 with Australia due to play Zimbabwe in Bulawayo on February 24.

The ICC and the Australian Cricket Board (ACB) have ruled that the venues
are safe and the matches should go ahead. The ICC commissioned a safety
audit of Zimbabwe by American risk management firm Kroll that backed their
stance.

ACB chief executive James Sutherland arrived in South Africa on Monday to
hold urgent talks with Australia's high commissioner to Zimbabwe over World
Cup security fears.

England's players are due to meet World Cup security director Patrick Ronan
later this week to discuss their concerns over playing in Harare on February
13, having asked for their opening game to be moved to South Africa.

New Zealand have already refused to play in Kenya because of security fears
and seem certain to forfeit the game, making their passage to the next round
even harder.
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The Sun (UK)
 
Trip ... Mugabe

PM 'lied' on Mugabe trip

A FURIOUS row erupted last night after it emerged Tony Blair secretly agreed to back Robert Mugabe’s visit to France.

Leaked documents reveal the PM knew of the trip weeks ago despite Downing Street denials, say Tories.

They claim Mr Blair lied over the deal to get new sanctions on Zimbabwe.

Mugabe is banned from visiting Europe.

Shadow foreign secretary Michael Ancram demanded a probe.

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IOL

Is this Mugabe's new diplomacy?


      February 04 2003 at 05:54AM



By Brian Latham and Beauregard Tromp

Harare/Johannesburg - Zimbabwean riot police have handed President Robert
Mugabe a public relations fiasco.

They manhandled diplomats and caused chaos at the start of opposition leader
Morgan Tsvangirai's treason trial on Monday.

The embarrassment came as Mugabe is trying to clean up his international
image, and avoid a reimposition of Commonwealth and European Union sanctions
and a possible boycott of the six Cricket World Cup games due to be played
in Zimbabwe.

      'You are no longer a diplomat, go home'
The performance by Mugabe's police will have also embarrassed President
Thabo Mbeki. The South African leader reiterated his strong opposition to
sanctions when he met British Prime Minister Tony Blair in London on
Saturday. Britain has been a strong champion of tough action against
Zimbabwe.

Mbeki told Blair that Mugabe would announce legislation to ease restrictions
on the press and political opponents.

But Zimbabwean government sources said last night they were unaware of
impending legislation and there were no signs of a change of heart as
Mugabe's police took the law into their own hands on Monday.

Baton-wielding riot police manhandled journalists and diplomats to stop them
entering the court, even after Judge Paddington Garwe had ruled that the
public be allowed in.

Two journalists were arrested. US ambassador to Zimbabwe Joseph Sullivan
gained entry to the building only after being kept at bay for about 20
minutes by a riot officer brandishing a baton in his face.

      'There is no point going to play cricket for England in Zimbabwe if
people don't want us to'
Riot police prodded British high commission spokesperson Sophie Honey in the
throat with a baton and told the German embassy's deputy ambassador,
Jan-Frederik van Thiel: "You are no longer a diplomat, go home."

Australian and English cricketers would have been watching Monday's chaos
closely. Both countries have agreed reluctantly to honour their commitments
to play World Cup games in Zimbabwe - but they have stressed that they will
pull out if they feel their players or administrators will not be safe.

Australian Foreign Minister Alexander Downer said his government would be
willing to pay compensation to the Zimbabwean cricket authorities if
Australia decided not to play there.

This was after Australian high commissioner Jonathan Brown had sent a
"disturbing report" suggesting Zimbabwean police could not guarantee a
controlled response to protests during World Cup matches.

Opposition parties plan to protest during the match, which was likely to be
met aggressively by police, Brown said.



a.. Nasser Hussain gave the strongest hint on Monday that the England
players might take matters into their own hands and boycott their match
against Zimbabwe in Harare.

Hussain said the players would wait for the procedure to take its place, but
added: "If, at the end of that, no one has made a decision for us, we will
have to make the decision."

Hussain, speaking in Port Elizabeth after the England squad's first practice
session in South Africa, continued: "There is no point going to play cricket
for England in Zimbabwe if people don't want us to. We're just getting
people's opinion on that, and our representatives and the board are chatting
about that and about security." - Independent Foreign Service and Reuters


  a.. This article was originally published on page 1 of The Star on 04
February 2003
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Please send any material for publication in the Open Letter Forum to
justice@telco.co.zw with "For Open Letter Forum" in the subject line.

JAG OPEN LETTER FORUM
---------------------------------------------------------------------------

Prelude text:

Despite Made's recent statement that the land reform programme has been
completed, 31 new farms were listed under Section 5 of the Land Acquisition
Act in the Herald on the 31st of January 2003. To summarise, the following
districts are affected in terms of the number of farms listed for
acquisition:

· Bulalimamangwe - 3 farms
· Charter - 1 farm
· Goromonzi - 2 farms
· Gweru - 7 farms
· Kwekwe - 1 farm
· Lomagundi - 1 farm
· Makoni - 1 farm
· Matobo - 2 farms
· Mutare - 1 farm
· Shurugwi - 7 farms
· Umzingwane - 5 farms

If you require any further details on this matter, please contact John on
011 612 595.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

Letter 1: Les Coulson

Dear Mr Cloete

Today we woke up to find that the very last little portion of land that we
have left has been designated.  All 171 ha of it.  The whole farm was only
300 ha.  During the last year we have poured every cent that we had in to
improving it - drilling boreholes, buying more irrigation equipment.  When
we were evicted from our home so were all our workers and so we have had to
build more housing for them.  This we have been striving to do since April
last year.  "They" promised us that as long as "we behaved ourselves" we
could keep that piece of land to make a living on.  At the moment we employ
120 workers and are back into vegetable production supplying the Bulawayo
markets.  Our home farm was "given" to one man and we believe that this
last portion is also being "given" to one individual.

Without this we are finished.  Alastair is the top vegetable producer in
Matabeleland.  What the hell are we supposed to do.  Maybe next time you
speak to Made you could find out what is going on - isn't it time he takes
some control over the idiots on the ground.  We are told repeatedly that
the land reform programme is finished - we have been told over and over and
yet every Friday more (or the little that is actually left) farms are taken
and more lives destroyed - not only the owners but all their labour and
dependents.

Well, I'll say this - I have been through a lot as nearly all the farmers
in Zimbabwe have - except for a few!  but this time they will have to kill
me first before I let go of this last small farm.  I will do every thing I
can to protect the 120 workers and their families - brave talk no doubt,
but I am sick to death of all talk and no action which is all the CFU are
capable of.  This is being taken from us just as we have got everything
running again.  It is to go to some greedy little individual who doesn't
even know how to farm.

Will you please tell me what we are meant to do.  I don't want a reply
which says "so sorry", I don't want a reply which tells me to list
everything for compensation - what I want is someone to tell me to keep on
farming and grow food for a rapidly starving population.  I want law and
order and I want protection from lawless thugs, not just for ourselves but
for all our employees and their families.

As members of the CFU we need your help in holding onto this farm and
having our home returned to us. We want to stay, we want to farm and just
because we happen to be white this is being denied us.

Les Coulson

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

Letter 2: J.L. Robinson

The Director,
CFU,
Harare.

Dear Sir,

The Daily News, today Saturday, 1st February 2003, reports that "the State
has withdrawn charges against Collin Cloete, the president of the
Commercial Farmers' Union (CFU) who defied the Section 8 Order under the
Land Acquisition Act, to vacate his farm in Chegutu."

I believe that all farmers welcome the news of any farmer that is allowed
to return to his or her farm, to do what they have been trying to do for
the last three years - that is to feed the nation. I am pleased to see that
we may well be going forward, starting at the very top of the Union.
Of concern to me are the rumours going around, concerning the mechanics of
the withdrawal of the charges - certainly in Bulawayo. One version is that
the withdrawal was facilitated by consultations with a high profile
academic.

May I seek your advice, as director, on the best possible way to get the
farmers back on to their farms, legally, of course, to facilitate a return
to normality in terms of food production.

It may well be in the interests of the CFU reputation to clarify the
methodology of the withdrawal of the charges against Mr. Cloete, to prevent
the spread of possibly malicious rumours. Secondly, there may well be many
farmers who would want to facilitate similar withdrawals, thereby kindling
the very beginnings of what we used to call "Food Security." There are over
six million people facing starvation as I write, as you are well aware.
I ask you to give this some serious consideration.

                            Yours faithfully,
                                 J.L. Robinson

---------------------------------------------------------------------------
All letters published on the open Letter Forum are the views and opinions
of the submitters, and do not represent the official viewpoint of Justice
for Agriculture.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------
Justice for Agriculture mailing list
To subscribe/unsubscribe: Please write to jag-list-admin@mango.zw

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Natal Witness

One hell of a place

Zimbabwe

----------------------------------------------------------------------------
From the extensive coverage being given to Zimbabwe by the local and
international media, South Africans know that Zimbabwe is going through a
form of hell. So it was with trepidation that I recently accepted an
invitation to run a workshop for Zimbabwean NGOs in Harare with Brad Abbott,
a Pietermaritzburg-based colleague. We arrived in Harare on the day of a
general stayaway, harbouring doubts as to whether the workshop would even
take place. The previous week, Amani Trust, one of the participants, had
been accused by the state of bombing a Zanu-PF office, and it was fighting
for its collective life.

The workshop did take place, facilitated quietly and professionally by the
local organisers. From them and the participants we heard confirmation of
escalating oppression of individuals and organisations associated by the
state with "the opposition". Detentions, torture by the police, even
disappearances, are part of the political landscape. These take place
against a backdrop of food and fuel shortages, and an increasingly menacing
drought. The NGOs themselves are the subject of growing state attention,
designed it seems to destroy their viability.

This is the reality that the media focuses on, and understandably so. But
our new friends also invited us into other realities of life in Harare,
realities that inspire hope that the fabric of society in Zimbabwe, despite
the destructive intent of the state, is far from irrevocably torn. As we
engaged these realities, I was reminded of my dissatisfaction with the
Apartheid Museum's portrayal of life in South Africa under apartheid. The
museum focuses relentlessly on the theme of oppression, implicitly depicting
South Africans as either oppressors or victims, largely ignoring the rich
and complex energies of people making a life in extreme conditions. No one
is ever merely a victim, and to depict someone as such is to contribute to
the denial of their humanity.

Our journey into other realities began in the plane on the tarmac at
Johannesburg International Airport, where we found ourselves sitting next to
a Zimbabwean businesswoman. She immediately engaged us in conversation and
for two hours spoke openly about her views and experiences. We were
surprised at her willingness to tell strangers of her frustrations with the
state and her contempt for President Robert Mugabe. But this encounter was
to become emblematic of our encounters with Zimbabweans over the next four
days. Despite our being two very white and ignorant foreigners, everyone we
spoke to - from hotel employees to human rights activists, from prostitutes
to taxi drivers - was friendly and forthcoming.

For both of us, this was another chapter in a continuing lesson on life in
Africa outside South Africa. In contrast to the experiences of visitors to
South Africa, where suspicion and surliness is the order of the day,
travellers to neighbouring countries can expect to be treated with respect
and friendliness. Not surprisingly, we heard few good things said about
South Africa by Zimbabweans. Those who have visited the country have
experienced our brand of "hospitality". And there is widespread frustration
with South Africa's failure to act against Mugabe.

Strolling around Harare, at all times of the day and night, was an eye
opener. This is a bustling city, surprisingly vigorous and orderly. It has
many handsome buildings, including one of the most stylish airport terminals
I've ever seen. (The ugliest building is the U.S. embassy.) The streets are
clean, services are still operational and, while there are street children
and beggars, overt signs of decay and poverty are far removed from the
realities of downtown Johannesburg. We were never hassled or hustled, and
felt a degree of safety we no longer experience in South African cities.
Crime levels are rising, we were told, but evidence of the disease that is
gripping South Africa is not apparent.

Live entertainment is readily available. Rooftop Promotions, a Harare-based
NGO, stages two theatre productions a month in the capital and frequently
takes productions on tour to smaller centres. Last year they brought in both
Ray Phiri and the Soweto String Quartet. A number of clubs give regular gigs
to local musicians. We tasted the fare at the Mannenberg Club, where an
excellent group wowed a packed house with a fusion of jazz, rap and hiphop.
Restrictions on substances are lax: at Mannenberg and elsewhere one can
consume that great Zimbabwean beer, Zambezi, smokers don't have to puff in
designated smoking areas and cigarettes are cheap, and one can purchase
joints (dagga cigarettes).

We were surprised by the number of white patrons at Mannenberg, something we
had not anticipated given the patterns we had observed over the preceding
days. White foreigners working in Zimbabwe aside - and many of the
just-mentioned Mannenberg patrons clearly fell into this category - we saw
little evidence of white Zimbabweans socialising with their black
counterparts. Indeed, we were exposed to attitudes that reminded us
powerfully of eighties South Africa, with whites caught up in an "us and
them" mindset. To what extent this is a reaction to recent developments was
not clear, but it does not bode well for whites finding an enduring and
meaningful place in Zimbabwean society.

And what of the cricket World Cup? We saw some coverage in the local media
but nowhere could we find anyone interested either in cricket or in the
political dimensions of the issue. Of the 22 participants in our workshop,
not one had ever attended a cricket match. Other issues, and other
realities, excite the passion of Zimbabweans.

Hellish as life can be for so many in Zimbabwe, the richness of humanity
there inspires hope for the not too distant future after Mugabe. Even the
heavens seemed to confirm this when, on our second day in Harare, the skies
opened and the rains fell. To us, Harare is one hell of a town.

Publish Date: 4 February 2003
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Daily Telegraph

Letters to the editor


      Re: Chirac must deal with Mugabe
      Date: 4 February 2003

      Iraq will naturally dominate the Prime Minister's discussions with
President Chirac. However, I also urge him to raise the issue of Zimbabwe.

      Morgan Tsvangerai and two colleagues face treason charges in a Harare
court. It is highly unlikely that they will receive a fair trial. Robert
Mugabe is desparate to hold on to power, no matter the cost to the
Zimbabwean people.

      A miscarriage of justice, the starvation of possibly more than six
million people and the economic implosion of a once proud country are a fair
price to him.

      The EU has a set of principles based on democracy and the rule of law.
A failure to renew EU sanctions could be seen as condoning Mugabe's policies
of genocide by starvation, murder, rape and the destruction of the rule of
law.

      Tony Blair must remind Jacques Chirac that France did not recognise
the March 2002 presidential election in Zimbabwe as "free and fair", and
that a meeting with Mr Mugabe would represent a severe weakening of their
previous position and grant him the legitimacy he longs for.

      France must put the Zimbabwean people's human rights first, as must we
all. For their sake, the EU sanctions, which expire on February 18, must be
extended for another year.

      The EU ambassadors will meet on February 5 and 12, it is hoped to
decide to renew sanctions by February 18 at the latest. Otherwise Mr Mugabe
will be able to parade through Paris, an indictment of EU weakness.

      If the EU is to stand by its principles, this must not be allowed to
happen. I urge the Prime Minister to press Mr Chirac to a final answer
favouring the Zimbabwean people, not their tyrannical leader.

      From:
      Michael Ancram, Shadow Foreign Secretary, London SW1
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This article from the Sunday Mail in Zimbabwe, published in 1981, was posted to another email list...
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
 

How I count my blessings

ZINGIZI’S GOSSIP

I BELIEVE with all my heart and mind that there is no other country like Zimbabwe in the whole world. Zimbabwe is rich, beautiful, healthy, exotic, spacious, generous, wonderful, you name it.

Like a most desirable woman, Zimbabwe is loving and loveable. Not for Zimbabwe the grim realities of the Sahara, Kalahari or Gobi deserts. Not for Zimbabwe the harsh vagaries of nature. Never have we ever been overtaken by hurricanes, tornadoes, typhoons, monsoons and earthquakes, bringing death and destruction to man or beast, as in other less fortunate countries.

Not for Zimbabwe the teeming, starving, hopelessly and permanently condemned millions of :men, women and children, as in Calcutta. Most important of all, Zimbabwe, for now is free from the quirks and kinks of political man.

Zimbabwe is no dictatorship, where telephones are tapped, doors smashed open at dead of night by jack-booted, thick-headed, sadistic gendarmerie in the name of law and order, and people disappear from time to time without any explanation into prison dungeons and torture chambers, where no one dares debate anything publicly or tell the truth and where journalists and commentators speak and write ecstatically and slavishly, like belly-crawling minions in praise of the Big Brother Government.

Zimbabwe has a quality of life all its own. I know with absolute certainty that I am going to get my next meal, clear drinking water or a decent cup of tea, without paying through the nose.

Providing I had the money I could make a pig of myself, dine and wine into a state of revolting obesity. I could dress like a dandy or live like a play- boy, with an impressive entourage of mindless hangers-on and fancy Chenziras.

I could adapt (sic) a baronial style of life and act myself up in a big house in Highlands, complete with a swimming pool and suitably protected by any number of grovelling bodyguards.

What is more, I could choose to let the gullible public pay for my keep by making them believe I was a stout champion of their rights and they should give generously. I have that freedom to scrounge and sponge by putting on all the trappings of a public figure.

For all these blessings I am truly grateful. I pray night and day to all the ancestors I can think of and plead with them to maintain this benign protection, sustain all these essential freedoms and keep this country on the present course. I hope I will never live to say that my prayers were in vain.

Sunday Mail, 19 July 1981

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