The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.

Back to Index

Back to the Top
Back to Index

This is a copy of Dave Gill's letter to the Daily Telepgraph in the UK following Saturdays' train disaster in Dete.
 
 
Copy letter......................
 
On Friday evening 31st January we boarded the Bulawayo to Victoria Falls train as part of a trip organised by one of the Bulawayo Lions Club.
As many people will know at 0215 a disaster occured aprox 5k's after Dete Station.
We were awoken by banging and jerking and finally came to a stop.My wifes bunk bed detached itself from the wall and she ended up on the floor. By the time we were dressed, people were walking past our carriage which was next but one to the guards van. They were telling us to get out as there was a fire, some said it was the engine, others, the first dining car, or, had we just hit something, an Elephant perhaps? One of our companions took a walk to the front and came back to tell us that we had hit another train head on, we could by now see that the fire was slowly getting nearer, so, we gathered our belongings and left.We found many passengers gathered by the rear of the train but thought that there was a possibility of a rear end collision, eventually we made our way from the train onto a fire road a few metres away. Myself and others decided to try to see what we could do to help the injured, dead and dying. It is impossible here to explain the horrors of what we saw. A young African woman in her early 20's taking her top off so that it wouldn't get stained with the blood of another woman who  had a broken leg, she carried her to safety on her back. The man who came to me to ask if we could carry the body of one of the drivers away from the fire so that it wouldn't get burnt "because he was my friend" The guy laying beside the rails with both ankles broken and the bones protruding through. Even human body parts.
As the night wore on we saw many many people helping with no thought for themselves. The young woman I saw again on many occasions helping others, the security guard from our compartment never stopped from his toils. (I hope to contact the NRZ to recommend this person gets a commendation). The people who disconnected first the guards van and then three coaches and the only remaining dining car one at a time  and physically pushed them away from the main train so they too didn't catch fire.These were the only rolling stock to survive out of perhaps 25 coaches. 
By 6am, we found ourselves at the front of the wreckage it was what I can only imagine Hell to be like, debris, fire, smoke and somewhere a child sobbing. Coaches here still smoldered, others burned, we didn't even see the engines, they must have been buried, possibly three of the goods train wagons had been derailed and crushed, but, luckily, the empty petrol tankers were still attached, on the rails and undamaged. Coaches from economy class perhaps six or eight, were strewn all over, some on fire, one we were told only contained "parts of people" One which had climbed right onto the top of two others looked intact, we checked this to see if there was anyone trapped it was miraculously clear of people or belongings. Hundreds of people must have perished and many of these poor people will never have any one to grieve for them, a tragedy of huge dimensions. Due to the distance factor the first ambulance arrived over 3 hours after the collision.So you can imagine the valuable work these people performed, dead and injured were transported together in the back of open trucks. I would like to express my heartfelt thanks to one and all. Also to the African who saw me back in Dete later and just shouted; "Hey, Mukiwa" (whiteman) to me in recognition.
    What then, can we ask of the world, arriving home that evening we hear the space shuttle was destroyed with the tragic loss of seven lives, governments of Russia and England they send condoleces to the President and people of the United States. As I send ours.
    What about the poor people who died in such appalling circumstances in the wilderness, alone, frightened, in pain, in the dark, with no medical aid, no one to comfort them, is the world bothered? No, I think not, well shame on you all, these were human beings too you know, there will be orphans and widows who will not get 'trauma' counselling, will not be able get compensation, will not be able to sue, they WILL most likely starve. But I suppose, they are ONLY Africans after all, aren't they?.
Have you the compassion to publish this?
                Dave Gill, 3 Whitman Road, Bulawayo, Zimbabwe. 
 
 

 

Back to the Top
Back to Index

From The Mail & Guardian (SA), 5 February

40 years later, Bizos pleads a similar case

Johannesburg - Forty years after George Bizos argued Nelson Mandela's innocence in a high-profile treason trial, the top human rights lawyer now finds himself in a Zimbabwean court pleading a similar case. The Greek-South African attorney is probably best-known for his role in the Rivonia trial of 1963, which saw Mandela imprisoned in apartheid South Africa for 27 years, but saved him from the death penalty. Bizos (74) this week started defending Zimbabwean opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) on charges of high treason laid by President Robert Mugabe's government. "However oppressive a regime might be, the court is the last forum in which an oppressed person has an opportunity to speak out," Bizos said in a recent television interview. He has been outspoken about a lack of rule of law in Zimbabwe, saying he believed the justice minister "does not distinguish between the rule of law and rule by law". Tsvangirai and his co-accused, two senior MDC members, face the death penalty.

In the past five decades Bizos has played a key role in defending apartheid activists in South Africa, including Mandela and his ex-wife Winnie Madikizela-Mandela. He first arrived in South Africa at the age of 13 after he and his father escaped the German occupation of Greece on a small sailing boat in 1941. They were picked up by a British passenger ship and made their way to South Africa to start a new life. Seven years later he enrolled into law school at the University of Witwatersrand in Johannesburg where he first became politically active. "Particularly for a law student like myself ... I found myself arguing - not on the basis of law but emotionally - with my professor of constitutional law about the steps being taken by the government to disenfranchise coloured people. We felt those things strongly," he said. Bizos and Mandela met as law students in the 1950s and later often worked together as attorney and advocate. His track-record and commitment to upholding human rights led him to join the African National Congress defence team in the Rivonia trial where eight men, including Mandela, Govan Mbeki and Walter Sisulu, faced the death penalty.

Bizos, although a junior member of the defence team at the time, has been credited for proposing that Mandela make a statement from the dock rather than submit him to cross-examination. The decision has been described as a tactical move that may have saved Mandela from the death penalty. It resulted in his famous speech from the dock where he pledged his life for the ideal of a free and democratic society. Mandela later said of Bizos' defence: "People like George Bizos were there defending us. If we had been alone, or had not been defended, or had been defended by lawyers who were just carrying out their duty and without interest in the ideas in which we believed, our morale would have been very low." Bizos became renowned for fighting for basic human rights under apartheid, and since its collapse, worked to ensure that those rights, guaranteed under South Africa's new Constitution, were accorded to all citizens. He represented prominent families at the Truth and Reconciliation Commission hearings into crimes committed during the apartheid era, and blocked amnesty applications from the killers of several activists.

Bizos also defended the family of Black Consciousness Movement leader Steve Biko, one of several militants whose deaths under police detention he questioned during inquest hearings. In his autobiography, "No One to Blame," Bizos wrote that the damning information and bad publicity for the regime that emerged during those hearings "probably hastened the rise of the (state) death squads." "George was a man who combined a sympathetic nature with an incisive mind," Mandela wrote in his autobiography. "Although he could have become prime minister of South Africa, he became one of the bravest and staunchest friends of the freedom struggle that I have ever known."

Back to the Top
Back to Index

 
CFU REPORT 7 FEBRUARY 2003

ALB Report

On Wednesday I attended a meeting at the Ministry of Labour together with the NEC, ICFU and ZFU to discuss the unregistered wage agreement. This meeting was called at the Minister's request to see if ICFU and ZFU could be brought into the ALB in order to have some input in future wage negotiations. Both organisations were requested by ministry to indicate verbally whether they would want to join the ALB or form their own employers organization. They indicated that they would make application to join the ALB, how and if they can be incorporated into the existing ALB structure will be discussed at the ALB board meeting next week.

It has come to my attention that a number of farmers around the country are deducting membership dues for ZFTU and/or HGAPWUZ.  I would therefore like to inform any farmer  who is doing this that they are breaking the law. In terms of the Labour Relations Act no employer is allowed to deduct dues for an unregistered Trade Union and if this is done the registered Union (GAPWUZ) has the right to prosecute the employer for this action.  I would go further to add that this has actually happened in the last few weeks.  For clarification ZFTU can only have affiliated Trade Unions as their members and in view of this cannot represent individual workers in any sector of commerce and industry. HGAPWUZ purport to be affiliated to ZFTU and whilst their original registration was approved by the Ministry of Labour it was contested by GAPWUZ and the ALB.  This application went before the Labour Tribunal in approximately August and in view of the fact that neither HGAPUWZ or their legal Council turned up at the hearing the registration was declined.  Therefore HGAPWUZ, in terms of the law, is an illegal organization and any agreements that are struck between employers/employees and HGAPWUZ or ZFTU are illegal and can be contested.  I therefore recommend that you desist from dealing with either of these organizations.  GAPWUZ is the only legally registered Trade Union for the Agricultural industry and they should be contacted when dealing with Labour issues together with the ALB and NEC.      

Nigel Juul
Chairman
Back to the Top
Back to Index

SABC

 Three journalists arrested in Zimbabwe
            February 07, 2003, 12:15

            Three journalists, two of them who work for the South African
Broadcasting Corporation (SABC), have been arrested in Zimbabwe while
covering a demonstration at the Nigerian High Commission in Harare.

            The demonstration was to protest against Nigerian President
Olusegun Obasanjo's visit to South Africa and Zimbawe this weekend. Those
arrested are Peter Muringisanwa, a soundman, Tawanda Mugwendere, a driver -
both working for the SABC. The third man is Tsvangarayi Mukwazhi, a stills
photographer for Associated Press.

Back to the Top
Back to Index

MSNBC

Nigeria, S.Africa oppose ''antagonising'' Zimbabwe

By Nicholas Kotch

PRETORIA, Feb. 7 - Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo opposed any
''antagonistic'' policy towards Zimbabwe on Friday but promised to do some
straight talking behind closed doors when he visits the country this
weekend.
       ''We must help Zimbabwe out of its predicament and problem and we
cannot do that if we become unduly and unnecessarily critical and
antagonistic to Zimbabwe,'' Obasanjo said after talks in Pretoria with South
African President Thabo Mbeki.

''We must remain constructively engaged with Zimbabwe.''
       The two presidents have taken the leading roles in Africa over
Zimbabwe where President Robert Mugabe's government is facing a worsening
political and economic crisis.
       Obasanjo, the leader of Africa's most populous state and its biggest
oil producer, met Mbeki at the start of a two-day state visit to South
Africa, by far the continent's wealthiest and most developed nation.
       The Nigerian confirmed he would fly to Zimbabwe on Saturday.
       ''If there are points to be raised in Zimbabwe, like brothers we put
ourselves into a room, we lock the door and we tell ourselves the truth,''
he said.
       Nigerian sources said Obasanjo was intent on meeting opposition
figures in Harare as well as Mugabe and his ministers.
       Zimbabwe's opposition leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, is available for
appointments at the weekend. On weekdays he is standing trial on charges of
plotting to kill Mugabe.
       Tsvangirai and two senior officials with his Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) face the death penalty if found guilty.

OPPOSITION PROTEST AGAINST NIGERIA
       About 20 MDC supporters staged a brief protest at the Nigerian
embassy in Harare on Friday, demonstrating against Obasanjo and his
impending visit.
       Running past the building to avoid riot police, they carried placards
accusing the Nigerian president of ignoring human rights abuses and siding
with Mugabe.
       ''Obasanjo is Mugabe's puppet,'' one placard said.
       With Australian Prime Minister John Howard, Mbeki and Obasanjo form a
troika to shape Zimbabwe policy for the 54-nation Commonwealth. Tsvangirai
has for many months accused Mbeki of being too soft on Mugabe.
       The group of mostly ex-British colonies clamped sanctions on Zimbabwe
last March after presidential elections that were condemned as rigged or
gravely flawed by Western countries, the Commonwealth and southern African
parliamentarians.
       South African observers said the poll result -- a 60-40 win for
Mugabe over Tsvangirai -- was ''legitimate.''
       The Commonwealth sanctions must be renewed, dropped or modified by
March 19 and Obasanjo's Harare visit, as well as Mbeki-Mugabe talks in
Ethiopia this week, are part of preparations for a troika meeting next
month, diplomats said.
       Mbeki and Obasanjo said on Friday they saw eye-to-eye on Zimbabwe and
other key issues. Mbeki said the start of the Cricket World Cup in South
Africa on Saturday was the reason he could not accompany Obasanjo to
Zimbabwe.
       ''Obasanjo has always been firmer than Mbeki in saying that something
had to be done about Zimbabwe,'' one diplomat familiar with the Zimbabwe
debate told Reuters.
Back to the Top
Back to Index

National Post, Canada

Letting Mugabe off the hook

      National Post

Friday, February 07, 2003

Of late, most newspaper readers have been too engrossed in news from Iraq
and North Korea to follow events in Zimbabwe. So, here's an update:
Everything there is still terrible. Unemployment is hovering at about 60%
and four out of every five people live in poverty. Though the country was
once a potential bread basket for sub-Saharan Africa, it is now just a
basket case: Thanks to President Robert Mugabe's demagogic policy of turning
productive white farms over to hooligans and cronies, about half the
population is at risk of starvation. Meanwhile, the government is slipping
into open despotism. Before last year's election, a government-choreographed
campaign of intimidation and deadly violence targeted supporters of the
Movement for Democratic Change, the country's leading opposition party. On
Monday, a court convened to hear trumped up charges of treason against its
leader, Morgan Tsvangirai.

When Mr. Mugabe first began leading his country into its current nose-dive,
Western leaders justly raised the hue and cry. But since then, many of the
dispossessed farmers have moved away, and the world has lost interest. In
late December, France gutted a year-old prohibition banning Mr. Mugabe from
entering EU member-states by inviting the dictator to a Paris summit set for
this month. Next week, a half-dozen Cricket World Cup matches will kick off
in Zimbabwe, a major sports spectacle featuring teams from Britain,
Australia and the Netherlands. The International Cricket Council has refused
to move these games to another location, even though it has been warned that
Zimbabwe's periodic food riots pose a danger to participating players.

We realize Mr. Mugabe is a bit player compared to such despots as North
Korea's Kim Jong-Il or Saddam Hussein. But this matters little to the
ordinary Zimbabweans who face starvation thanks to his policies. Western
nations should continue to exert pressure to force Mr. Mugabe from power.
Preventing him from holding court in Paris or hosting international sports
events would be a good start.
Back to the Top
Back to Index

olympic.org

IOC APPOINTS NEW DIRECTOR OF INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION AND DEVELOPMENT

07 February 2003

The International Olympic Committee (IOC) today appointed Tomas Amos Ganda
Sithole, President of the Zimbabwe Olympic Committee and IOC Executive Board
member, as the new Director of its International Cooperation and Development
Department. The position has been vacant since the departure of Fékrou
Kidane in March last year.

Tomas Sithole has been a member of the Executive Committee of the
Association of National Olympic Committees of Africa (ANOCA) since 1989 and
Secretary General since 1997. He also has been a member of the Executive
Committee of the Association of National Olympic Committees (ANOC) since
1993.

A member of various IOC commissions in the past, such as Sport and
Environment (1997-1999), IOC Reform Commission "IOC 2000" (1999) and Olympic
Solidarity (as a representative of the Continental Associations) since 2000,
he is currently a member of the Coordination Commission for the Games the
XXVIII Olympiad, Athens 2004.

"Thanks to his extensive knowledge of the Olympic Movement and of National
Olympic Committees' activities all around the world, together with his
involvement and dedication in promoting sport in developing countries, Tomas
Sithole was the ideal candidate for this job", said the IOC President,
Jacques Rogge. "My colleagues from the IOC administration and I are looking
forward to working with him", he added.

Mr Sithole has accepted the position and will take up his new role by
mid-February. Once fully on board, he will resign as an IOC member, NOC
President and ANOCA Secretary General.

The Department of International Cooperation and Development strives, through
its different projects, to use sport as a tool for social, economic and
human development in disadvantaged communities and those in a crisis
situation. It works towards the reinforcement of dialogue and international
cooperation between those involved in sports management at both a national
and world level, in particular the Olympic Movement, governments and
international organisations. It is also responsible for the promotion of
Olympism and its principles through Olympic education and culture worldwide.
Back to the Top
Back to Index

VOA

Zimbabwe Opposition Leaders' Treason Trial Continues
Tendai Maphosa
Harare
07 Feb 2003, 14:12 UTC

      Morgan Tsvangirai
The treason trial of Zimbabwean opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai and two
other officials from his party is now in its sixth day at the High Court in
Harare.

The entire morning session was taken up by arguments over the admissibility
of documents presented by the defense.

The documents are said to cast a shadow over the character of the state's
key witness, Ari Ben Menashe. He claims that, before last year's
presidential elections, the three opposition Movement for Democratic Change
officials offered him a large amount of money to assassinate President
Robert Mugabe, and make it look like an accident.

Defense lawyer George Bizos said the documents, primarily newspaper
articles, show that Mr. Menashe has a history of making claims that were
later proved to be false relating to elections in two other countries, the
United States and Australia.

Mr. Bizos said, since the documents were in the public domain, it was in
order to use them as evidence.

The prosecution argues that the articles should not be used as evidence,
since they are mostly newspaper articles that express the opinions of the
writers.

The trial judge is expected to rule on the matter when the trial resumes
later on Friday.

Mr. Tsvangirai and his co-defendants, Movement for Democratic Change
Secretary-General Welshman Ncube and member of parliament Renson Gasela,
deny the charges. They face the death penalty if found guilty of treason.
Back to the Top
Back to Index

The Star

      Bishops call for SA to intervene on Zimbabwe terror
      February 7, 2003

        By Charles Phalane

      South African Catholic bishops have asked President Thabo Mbeki to
intervene in Zimbabwe and to probe the role of a violent youth militia known
as "green bombers".

      Archbishop Buti Tlhagale said at the end of the Southern African
Catholic Bishops' Conference plenary session in Pretoria yesterday that the
existence of the "green bombers" was common knowledge in Zimbabwe. It was
known that they were involved in the abduction and torture of opposition and
civil society leaders.

      He urged that Zimbabwe be expelled from the Commonwealth for inaction
on state-sanctioned human rights abuses. "The South African government,
given its own history of struggle against repression and for human rights,
should use its strong position to ensure the immediate disbanding of all
militia, especially the 'green bombers'," he said.

      Tlhagale said there were increasing numbers undergoing rigorous
training and political orientation programmes under the auspices of national
service.

      He said the bishops were also deeply concerned about the "loyalty
tests" that were applied in the distribution of food.

      Independent reports, and those of ordinary church members, showed that
those who did not show allegiance to the ruling Zanu-PF were excluded from
food relief.

      "Such practices are morally repulsive. The South African government
has a moral responsibility to act in the name of South African citizens to
end such abuses," Tlhagale said.

      On Iraq, the bishops expressed "grave concern". They urged that all
peaceful means of resolving the crisis be pursued under the leadership of
the UN. -Political Bureau
Back to the Top
Back to Index

The Rat That Roared
By Christopher Hitchens
The Wall Street Journal | February 6, 2003

To say that the history of human emancipation would be incomplete without
the French would be to commit a fatal understatement. The Encyclopedists,
the proclaimers of Les Droites de l'Homme, the generous ally of the American
revolution . . . the spark of 1789 and 1848 and 1871, can be found all the
way from the first political measure to abolish slavery, through Victor Hugo
and Emile Zola, to the gallantry of Jean Moulin and the maquis resistance.
French ideas and French heroes have animated the struggle for liberty
throughout modern times.

There is of course another France -- the France of Petain and Poujade and
Vichy and of the filthy colonial tactics pursued in Algeria and Indochina.
Sometimes the U.S. has been in excellent harmony with the first France -- as
when Thomas Paine was given the key of the Bastille to bring to Washington,
and as when Lafayette and Rochambeau made France the "oldest ally."
Sometimes American policy has been inferior to that of many French people --
one might instance Roosevelt's detestation of de Gaulle. The
Eisenhower-Dulles administration encouraged the French in a course of folly
in Vietnam, and went so far as to inherit it. Kennedy showed a guarded
sympathy for Algerian independence, at a time when France was too arrogant
to listen to his advice. So it goes. Lord Palmerston was probably right when
he said that a nation can have no permanent allies, only permanent
interests. It is not to be expected that any proud, historic country can be
automatically counted "in."

However, the conduct of Jacques Chirac can hardly be analyzed in these
terms. Here is a man who had to run for re-election last year in order to
preserve his immunity from prosecution, on charges of corruption that were
grave. Here is a man who helped Saddam Hussein build a nuclear reactor and
who knew very well what he wanted it for. Here is a man at the head of
France who is, in effect, openly for sale. He puts me in mind of the banker
in Flaubert's "L'Education Sentimentale": a man so habituated to corruption
that he would happily pay for the pleasure of selling himself.

Here, also, is a positive monster of conceit. He and his foreign minister,
Dominique de Villepin, have unctuously said that "force is always the last
resort." Vraiment? This was not the view of the French establishment when
troops were sent to Rwanda to try and rescue the client-regime that had just
unleashed ethnocide against the Tutsi. It is not, one presumes, the view of
the French generals who currently treat the people and nation of Cote
d'Ivoire as their fief. It was not the view of those who ordered the
destruction of an unarmed ship, the Rainbow Warrior, as it lay at anchor in
a New Zealand harbor after protesting the French official practice of
conducting atmospheric nuclear tests in the Pacific. (I am aware that some
of these outrages were conducted when the French Socialist Party was in
power, but in no case did Mr. Chirac express anything other than patriotic
enthusiasm. If there is a truly "unilateralist" government on the Security
Council, it is France.)

We are all aware of the fact that French companies and the French state are
owed immense sums of money by Saddam Hussein. We all very much hope that no
private gifts to any French political figures have been made by the Iraqi
Baath Party, even though such scruple on either side would be anomalous to
say the very least. Is it possible that there is any more to it than that?
The future government in Baghdad may very well not consider itself
responsible for paying Saddam's debts. Does this alone condition the Chirac
response to a fin de regime in Iraq?

Alas, no. Recent days brought tidings of an official invitation to Paris,
for Robert Mugabe. The President-for-life of Zimbabwe may have many charms,
but spare cash is not among them. His treasury is as empty as the stomachs
of his people. No, when the plumed parade brings Mugabe up the Champs
Elysees, the only satisfaction for Mr. Chirac will be the sound of a petty
slap in the face to Tony Blair, who has recently tried to abridge Mugabe's
freedom to travel. Thus we are forced to think that French diplomacy, as
well as being for sale or for hire, is chiefly preoccupied with extracting
advantage and prestige from the difficulties of its allies.

This can and should be distinguished from the policy of Germany. Berlin does
not have a neutralist constitution, like Japan or Switzerland. But it has a
strong presumption against military intervention outside its own border and
Herr Schroeder, however cheaply he plays this card, is still playing a hand
one may respect. One does not find German statesmen positively encouraging
the delinquents of the globe, in order to reap opportunist advantages and to
excite local chauvinism.

Mr. Chirac's party is "Gaullist." Charles de Gaulle had a colossal ego, but
he felt himself compelled at a crucial moment to represent une certaine idee
de la France, at a time when that nation had been betrayed into serfdom and
shame by its political and military establishment. He was later adroit in
extracting his country from its vicious policy in North Africa, and gave
good advice to the U.S. about avoiding the same blunder in Indochina. His
concern for French glory and tradition sometimes led him into error, as with
his bombastic statements about "Quebec libre." But -- and this is disclosed
in a fine study of the man, "A Demain de Gaulle," by the former French
leftist Regis Debray -- he always refused to take seriously the claims of
the Soviet Union to own Poland and Hungary and the Czech lands and Eastern
Germany. He didn't believe it would or could last: He had a sense of
history.

To the permanent interests of France, he insisted on attaching une certain
idee de la liberte as well. He would have nodded approvingly at Vaclav
Havel's statement -- his last as Czech president -- speaking boldly about
the rights of the people of Iraq. And one likes to think that he would have
had a fine contempt for his pygmy successor, the vain and posturing and
venal man who, attempting to act the part of a balding Joan of Arc in drag,
is making France into the abject procurer for Saddam. This is a case of the
rat that tried to roar.

Mr. Hitchens, a columnist for Vanity Fair, is a visiting fellow at Berkeley
and the author, most recently, of "Why Orwell Matters" (Basic, 2002).
Back to the Top
Back to Index

South Africa: The Downside of Liberation
By Michael Radu
FrontPageMagazine.com | February 6, 2003

Nelson Mandela, South Africa's first black president, who is widely admired
across the political spectrum more for his performance in office than for
his beliefs, is now retired and thus free to express his long standing
Marxist and often bizarre beliefs freely. He continually attacks U.S.
"imperialism" and "arrogance" while voicing support for the likes of Libya,
Iraq, and Cuba. This is not surprising. Despite the well deserved Nobel
Peace Prize (shared with F.W. de Klerk) and his relatively moderate behavior
while in office, Mr. Mandela did support violence in the past-a fact that is
largely forgotten or trivialized. Indeed, in 1961 he was the founder of
Umkhonto we Siswe ("Spear of the People"), ANC's terrorist arm, and never
during his long years in prison did he condemn that organization's acts of
indiscriminate terrorism. Moreover, throughout his career Mandela has
remained close to regimes actively supporting terrorism - the former Soviet
Union, Libya, Cuba.

There were good reasons for such fears, not the least being the decades old
cohabitation of Mandela's African National Congress (ANC) with, and its
penetration by, the Communist Party of South Africa (SACP), one of the world
's most committed Stalinist parties. There were also the ANC's close links
with the militantly leftist (and SACP dominated) trade union federation,
COSATU. However, most of those fears turned out to be exaggerated. Once in
power, the ANC (the leadership of which has since passed from Mandela to
Thabo Mbeki) understood, or was made to understand by the collapse of the
Soviet bloc, that capitalism is not a "white" thing, but rather is the
reason South Africa is the continent's superpower, with half of sub-Saharan
Africa's GNP. Capitalism was the only way it could remain in that position.

And importantly, despite the rhetoric about black economic oppression under
apartheid, the fact remains that a black middle and indeed upper class had
developed in South Africa, the interests of which had little to do with the
traditional socialism advocated by the ANC throughout its history.

Yes, Mandela implemented an aggressive affirmative action policy once he
took office-which slowed down the economy. His government established a
criminal law code on the European model - abolition of the death penalty,
excessive rights for accused criminals, etc., with destructive results.
South Africa today competes with civil war-torn Colombia for the dubious
distinction of being the world's most crime-ridden country. Interpol's
International Crime Statistics say it all: in 1999 South Africa had 121
murders and 119 rapes per 100,000 inhabitants, compared with Colombia's 69
and 6 respectively (and the United States' 5 and 32). The trends are no more
encouraging considering that in 1994 the world's average murder rate was 5.5
per 100,000, compared to South Africa's 45. In such circumstances, and with
a slow justice system, which only produces a 10 percent conviction rate,
South Africa has seen the rise of vigilante groups filling the void left by
an incompetent (affirmative action, again - one third of policemen are
functionally illiterate) and violent police - who between 1997 and 2000
killed 1,550 people, compared with 2,700 killed by the apartheid regime in
30 years.

The high crime rates, and a decline in educational standards, led to a
massive emigration of white professionals to the United States, UK, Canada,
and Australia. A 1998 poll of 11,000 skilled professionals suggested that 74
percent wanted to emigrate - with then-president Mandela responding with
"Good riddance" to them. The problem is that not just professionals leave
South Africa - major corporations also moved out, including mining giant
Anglo American Co. and South African Breweries, both of which are now
headquartered in London.

Most South African companies, including the largest, which are in the mining
and energy fields, have black shareholders, whose interests are the same as
those of shareholders everywhere: maximizing profits. And the economy is
doing relatively well, at least by African standards. Indeed, the nation
experienced a 2.6 percent growth rate in 2001 and, according to the CIA, had
a GNP of $412 billion that year ($9,400 per capita). However, the
unemployment rate remains very high among the black majority - with a lack
of education and an inflexible labor market being the primary causes.

It used to be fashionable to accuse the apartheid regime of racism when it
tried to control immigration from the rest of Africa. The issue remains even
now that South Africa's president is black. The people most hostile to
African immigrants, most of them illegal aliens, are South Africa's blacks
themselves, who see their jobs lost to cheap immigrant labor and their
opportunities lost in competing with foreigners. (Sound familiar?) The
result is that today South Africa is implementing increasingly draconian
immigration restrictions for foreign Africans and considering even more.

South African companies are involved as investors or consultants in most
sub-Saharan countries, continuing a process started during the apartheid
regime. Since then Pretoria has refrained from exerting its natural
influence, and its restraint has only made things worse in most of Africa. A
clear instance is the situation in Congo (formerly Zaire and now officially
the Democratic Republic of the Congo), where an all-African war pitting six
different countries killed hundreds of thousands while Pretoria remained
largely ineffective. Even closer to home, while the criminal regime in
Harare goes its way in transforming the once-prosperous nation of Zimbabwe
into a basket case, Pretoria has had little to say, despite the Zimbabwe
regime's open disdain for South Africa. Although Pretoria has a decisive say
on what Zimbabwe does or does not do, it for elects to protect Robert Mugabe
's Stalinist clique.

When it comes to African opinions at the UN, Pretoria also prefers to side
with the worst. Libya for chairmanship of the UN Human Rights Commission?
Yes, said Pretoria, and so did the rest of the African bloc. Support Mugabe'
s "right" to be invited to Lisbon for the EU-African Summit? Yes again, at
the cost of billions of dollars in aid to Africa. Mandela's ideological
legacy seems to be alive in Pretoria's international behavior.

None of this should come as a surprise. The once dominant South African
National Defense Force (SANDF) is now only a shadow of its past self,
largely as a result of budget cuts and affirmative action, which put former
ANC terrorist thugs and gang members in charge and led to a massive exodus
of white and colored (mixed race) officers.

Since elections in South Africa are largely decided by race, the ANC is, for
all practical purposes, the only political party that matters, and the
distribution of power is decided by intra-party debates, rather than be
negotiations with the largely ineffective opposition.

President Mbeki has a problem with his own ANC party, specifically with
Nelson Mandela's former wife, Winnie. Mrs. Mandela is the loose cannon of
the ANC. A convicted torturer and felon and thoroughly corrupt, she remains
a very popular figure with black South African youths and was repeatedly
elected to the ANC leadership. The disturbing thing here is not so much
Winnie's criminality, awful as it is, as the general decline of South Africa
's judiciary, which is becoming increasingly more "African" and less and
less Western.

Finally, there are Mr. Mbeki's autocratic style and personal beliefs - such
as those regarding AIDS. South Africa has the world's largest number of
persons living with HIV/AIDS: 5 million of its 44 million citizens are
HIV-positive. Only 42 million are infected worldwide (Anne-Marie O'Connor,
"S. Africa Has Doubts on U.S. AIDS Proposal," Los Angeles Times, 1/30/03).
But Mbeki has repeatedly stated that he did not believe the "thesis" that
AIDS is caused by HIV, or that it is a virus at all. Until last week, he
even resisted making available, at foreign subsidized prices, the
anti-retroviral drugs that have proven effective in preventing
mother-to-child transmission of HIV. (South Africa already has 660,000 AIDS
orphans.) Considering that South Africa has the only real health care system
in sub-Saharan Africa, such an attitude is nothing short of suicidal for the
region.

Ultimately, it is South Africa that will decide the future of sub-Saharan
Africa as a whole. But South Africa's policy vis-à-vis the rest of the
continent is still in flux, with many discouraging signs crushing hopes of a
better future under its democratized rule. One must hope Pretoria will take
the direction of common sense and free markets. South Africa has the
responsibility for and would deservedly benefit from making the right
choice. If it does not, Africa is doomed.

Back to the Top
Back to Index

The Daily Star, Lebanon

Setbacks for Gadhafi's dream of supremacy in Africa
Neighbors still don't trust libyan leader

Tripoli has turned away from the Arab world, but its continental partners
are leery about its true intentions
Ed Blanche
Special to The Daily Star

Moammar Gadhafi's efforts to win the international respectability he has
craved for so long were boosted in January when African states, brushing
aside protests by the Bush administration, were instrumental in installing a
Libyan diplomat as president of the United Nations Commission on Human
Rights.
But this diplomatic success, which came amid a rising tide of Third World
hostility toward the United States over Iraq, could not mask the setbacks
Gadhafi has suffered of late in his ambition to lead a united Africa into
the 21st century, or the concern that despite his new Africa-first policy
and apparent moderation of his radical ways the erratic Libyan leader was
once again making mischief in the Dark Continent, his eyes on the unstable
region's mineral wealth.
The chairmanship of the 53-member, Geneva-based commission rotates on a
regional basis and this year it was Africa's turn. It was an opportunity
that Gadhafi grabbed with both hands, cashing in on the support he built up
in Africa ­ cynics would say this was bought with Libyan petrodollars ­
during his years of international isolation following the December 1988
Lockerbie bombing.
While it was possible for Libya to contend that its success in Geneva was an
endorsement of the new, moderate Gadhafi who began emerging in the late
1990s, there were many who were aghast that a "rogue" regime ­ which only a
few years ago was widely reviled as a sponsor of terrorism which imprisoned,
tortured and murdered its opponents, financed international terrorism and
remained the prime suspect in the mid-air bombing of two airliners in which
hundreds of people perished ­ should now preside over the UN's watchdog on
human rights.
The Africans decided to support Libya's candidacy in July 2002 in Durban,
South Africa, at the inaugural summit of the African Union, which replaced
the dictators' club known as the Organization of African Unity. Gadhafi sees
himself as the driving force behind the creation of the new body, first
proposed in 1999 as a "United States of Africa" to promote solidarity and
economic integration.
But South African President Thabo Mbeki is increasingly seen as the union's
key figure because of his vision of promoting democracy and good governance
to lead the world's poorest continent, plagued by AIDS and ravaged by
conflict in 20 of its 53 states, into a new era of peace and prosperity.
Disgusted with the US-brokered Arab-Israeli peace process and the distinct
lack of Arab support for Libya during the UN sanctions imposed over the
Lockerbie affair, Gadhafi flamboyantly turned his back on the Arab world in
March 1999 and declared with characteristic flourish: "Now we are Africa. We
are no longer Libya." Last October, he quit the Arab League.
After decades of causing mayhem in sub-Saharan Africa, supporting rebel
groups and even engaging in open conflict with rivals, such as Libya's
ill-fated 1980-89 intervention in neighboring Chad that ended in defeat at
the hands of French-backed government forces, Gadhafi assumed the mantle of
mediator in the continent's wars and embarked on a high-profile diplomatic
initiative to show that he had put his revolutionary ways behind him.
But many African governments seem determined to block his efforts to
dominate the new union, fearing that could impede urgently needed foreign
investment. With the Americans insisting that Libya remained a rogue state
seeking weapons of mass destruction, his fellow African leaders have sought
to freeze him out of a core group, the New Partnership for Africa's
Development (NEPAD), a regional "Marshall Plan" backed by the Group of
Eight.
African foreign ministers rejected Gadhafi's proposals for uniting the
continent with centralized government institutions and a common army. Libya
has been pressing, without success, for membership of the 20-member
implementation committee that includes the four which drew up the NEPAD
plan ­ South Africa, Nigeria, Senegal and Algeria. Gadhafi apparently
suffered a further rebuff in early February at the African Union's first
extraordinary summit in Addis Ababa, with Mbeki as chairman, which was
preoccupied with the economic impact of the looming US war with Iraq and
with quelling the continent's myriad conflicts.
Libya is involved, or allegedly so, in several of these conflicts. In May
2001, Gadhafi sent troops to the unruly Central African Republic (CAR) to
save its unpopular president, Ange-Felix Patasse, from being toppled in a
series of coup attempts. The big prize: a stake in the former French colony'
s gold, diamonds and uranium.
In September, Patasse's mines minister, Andre Nalke Dorogo said Bangui had
signed a 99-year treaty to allow Libya to exploit its mineral riches.
Patasse's government later denied any such deal and in January, Libya, faced
with growing African suspicion about its involvement in the CAR, withdrew
the 400-strong force it had deployed in Bangui to ensure Patasse's survival.
Gadhafi's interest in the chronically unstable CAR went beyond minerals. The
landlocked country is strategically located on the borders of Chad, Sudan
and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The DRC has vast mineral wealth,
squandered for decades and now the target of rival factions in a
four-year-old civil war that has drawn in six neighboring states seeking
plunder. Sudan, torn by a 20-year civil war, is becoming an oil exporter and
impoverished Chad's discovery of oil on the border with the CAR promises to
transform its economy.
Gadhafi is alleged to be backing rebels in Chad, whose government Patasse
has accused of directly supporting rebel leader General Francois Bozize, a
former army commander, whose forces hold territory in the north of the CAR.
In October, these Chad-based rebels moved against Patasse, indicating a new
level in the latent rivalry between Chad and Libya. Their proxy war in the
CAR has raised concern of a new conflict between Tripoli and Ndjamena.
In December 2002, the DRC's embattled government complained to the UN
Security Council that Tripoli was sending troops and tanks to Ugandan-backed
rebels of the Congolese Liberation Movement, which recently sent fighters
into the CAR to help the Libyans keep Patasse in power. The Libyans,
Kinshasa alleged, airlifted weapons through Sudanese airspace to two towns
on the DRC's border with the CAR.
This was seen as a "slap in the face" for Mbeki because it threatened to
derail an erratic peace process sponsored by Pretoria to end the DRC
conflict. Tripoli denied the allegations.
With its neighbors ­ Chad, Cameroon, Congo-Brazzaville, the DRC and Sudan ­
all competing for influence in the CAR, long a key transit point for arms
shipments in the region, there is growing concern that the country could
become another battleground for African powers, like the DRC.
Gadhafi's hopes of extending his influence as far south as crisis-torn
Zimbabwe have also foundered with the collapse of a 2002 agreement to supply
Robert Mugabe's increasingly totalitarian regime with 70 percent of its fuel
requirements in return for beef, sugar and tobacco. Zimbabwe has suffered
acute fuel shortages since 2001.
More recently, the leaders of Liberia and Burkina Faso, both alumni of
Libyan guerrilla training camps in the 1980s, have been accused of funneling
arms, cash and fighters to rebel forces in the Ivory Coast.
The Abidjan government has repeatedly claimed that the three-month-old
rebellion in the world's major cocoa producer is being backed by outside
powers.
It seems, after all, that not a lot has changed in Tripoli.
Back to the Top
Back to Index

Financial Times

      Former anti-apartheid activist to decide England cricket appeal on
Zimbabwe match
      By David Owen, Sports Correspondent
      Published: February 7 2003 4:00 | Last Updated: February 7 2003 4:00

      Albie Sachs, the South African former anti-apartheid activist, will
today to determine the fate of England's World Cup cricket match against
Zimbabwe.

      This follows yesterday's rejection by cricket authorities of the
England and Wales Cricket Board's request for the February 13 match to be
switched from Harare to South Africa.

      The ECB immediately appealed against the unanimous ruling by the
six-member World Cup technical committee. The International Cricket Council
last night appointed Justice Sachs to hear the case.

      The affair has overshadowed the build-up to the six-week tournament,
which is to start in Cape Town on Sunday.

      Though Mr Sach's decision will be binding, it will still not guarantee
that the match takes place. There is a strong chance that the losing side
will boycott the fixture, forfeiting the points associated with it.

      Peter Chingoka, Zimbabwe Cricket Union chairman, indicated this week
that Zimbabwe would refuse to contest the match if it was moved to South
Africa. "We have made a decision that we will not play any of our home
matches away if they are shifted for political reasons," he said.

      England's cricketers had pleaded for the match to be moved, saying
they were "greatly concerned about the moral, political and safety issues
that the fixture in Zimbabwe has raised".

      The ECB had also come under pressure from the British government not
to play in Zimbabwe because of the policies of Robert Mugabe's
administration.

      With questions hanging over the matches between Kenya and New Zealand
in Nairobi and Australia and Zimbabwe in Bulawayo, the tournament looks
certain to begin under a heavy political shadow.

      Announcing yesterday's decision, Malcolm Speed, ICC chief executive,
said the committee had made "what we believe is a fair and honest decision".
A "very comprehensive security plan" was being thrown around the players and
officials.
Back to the Top
Back to Index

Agri SA press conference statement
31 January 2003

Agri SA leaders' impressions of the Zimbabwean visit

Agri SA was invited by President Mbeki to send delegates with Ms Didiza,
the Minister of Agriculture and Land Affairs, to Zimbabwe. They used
this opportunity to speak to Minister Didiza's Zimbabwean counterpart,
Mr Made, Zimbabwean government officials, agricultural organisations,
input suppliers and the leader of the Zimbabwean opposition party, Mr
Tsvangarai. They also visited farms with the government delegation and
later met with independent people who are familiar with the area and the
transitional arrangements.

From what they observed, the delegates are convinced that the land
reform programme was aimed primarily at securing political patronage and
was implemented in such a way that it caused irreparable damage to the
production base of agriculture. It also offers little prospect of
sustainable profitability for the present beneficiaries of the
programme. It is tragic that more people have not gained access to land
in terms of the fast-track programme and that 350 000 farm workers and
their families now live as refugees in their own country. Moreover, 7
to 8 million people face starvation due to a lack of food and care.

The present dilemma cannot be ascribed to a few administrative errors.
Whilst the need for a fundamental land reform programme is not
disputed, the programme has by no means contributed to economic
progress, equity and improved food security. It was used as a tool to
gain and secure control in Zimbabwe. Agri SA’s representatives
therefore do not believe that they have witnessed a turning point and
that things will now start to improve. They are of the opinion that the
programme is based on unacceptable and unsustainable points of
departure. It will have to be replaced with a programme governed by a
totally different set of values if agriculture is to be revived to play
the role it should in that economy.

Minister Made stated clearly that the government and the ruling party
would retain title to the land and would dish it out to "qualifying"
persons, which in practice means to those who show support for the
ruling party. The delegation was shocked by the blatant way in which
the minister evaded penetrating questions in this regard and his attempt
to justify his party’s actions with thought-transference.

In most cases the beneficiaries knew nothing about farming and many of
them were completely unfamiliar with the farms or production information
aside from occupying the homesteads. Although it is said that the
land would or should be used productively, a massive decline in
production is inevitable.

When interviewed in the presence of government representatives,
beneficiaries sketched a rosy picture of their agricultural
achievements. Quite clearly this was orchestrated. When probed about
practices and costs, their response was unconvincing.

Beneficiaries do not hold title to land to use as collateral for credit
and are therefore totally dependent on government support for such
credit and for gaining access to subsidised inputs. They are therefore
shielded from real costs, while market prices of controlled products,
such as maize and wheat, are pegged at unrealistically low levels.
While this is normally an intolerable situation, these new farmers have
indicated that they experience no problems. This confirms that they are
not functioning within a market discipline and are basically employed
and supported by the government to keep commercial producers away from
their farms, farm workers and farming operations.

These interventions, together with the impact of a bankrupt economy,
give rise to a lopsided economy of unknown proportions. It creates
opportunities for political and bureaucratic mismanagement, favouritism
and intimidation, and for some an opportunity to profit immensely. The
result is that the frustrations of ordinary Zimbabweans are mounting,
which will be difficult, if not impossible, to control.

Apparently, the Zimbabwean government contemplates managing some of the
frustrating bottlenecks and deficiencies by imposing more interventions.
Mr Made, for instance, said that the rest of the economy should also be
"indigenised", as in the case of agriculture, to secure control over the
supply of inputs and related economic activities. He failed to explain
how this would solve existing problems.

He also made no bones about the fact that South Africans with property
in Zimbabwe must accept the reality of Zimbabwe's land programme. Agri
SA delegates are of the opinion that he resented the presence of South
African farmers in Zimbabwe. The fact that an investment agreement
exists between South Africa and Zimbabwe that rules out the present
confiscation approach, is of little concern to him. Between 160 and 200
South African farmers are currently subject to political theft of
private assets, as is the case for almost all commercial farmers in
Zimbabwe.

Mr Made was also irritated when questioned on the negative impact of
their land grabbing policy on investor confidence in general. He made it
clear that ZANU-PF was involved in a different phase of their liberation
war and that a solution to economic problems was a lower priority than
the successful "indigenising" of economic assets.

With this as backdrop, including the demise of the country’s
institutional capacity, problems such as food and fuel shortages and the
outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease are merely symptoms of an inherently
sick and corrupt system.

The delegation is of the opinion that the SA Government should speak out
against the lack of legitimacy of the Zimbabwean regime, should
criticise that government’s fraudulent practices and make it clear to
ZANU-PF that, if they persist with morally wrong practices that most
Zimbabweans and the rest of the world reject, they should not expect the
blessing or support of South Africa as a lifeline to keep themselves in
power.

In conclusion, South Africa should endeavour to build national consensus
on a just and implementable land reform policy and programme to speed up
existing processes and to ensure that we do not end up with the same
messy situation as in Zimbabwe.

The role of commercial farmers, respect for property rights and a
constitutionally based judicial system should also be valued and
confirmed throughout the process.
Back to the Top
Back to Index

iafrica.com

Mbeki climbs into WC debate
Posted Fri, 07 Feb 2003

South African President Thabo Mbeki hinted on Friday that England and New
Zealand's refusal to play cricket in Kenya and Zimbabwe were part of a
carefully orchestrated campaign against an African-hosted World Cup.

"To the best of our knowledge, these governments have provided no
information to the International Cricket Council (ICC) indicating that the
security of the players is threatened," Mbeki wrote in the African National
Congress internal newsletter.

He said recent "travel alerts" issued by the British and Australian
governments to warn their citizens against terrorist threats in South
Africa, could have formed part of a drive to discredit the region ahead of
the World Cup.

"Given what has now happened with regard to Zimbabwe and Kenya, it may very
well be that the false 'travel alerts' about South Africa were intended to
convey a global message of general African insecurity, to prepare for the
campaign against Zimbabwe and Kenya, and therefore the African-hosted
Cricket World Cup," he said.

The England and Wales Cricket Board (ECB) will discover later on Friday
whether or not their final appeal to have their February 13 World Cup match
against Zimbabwe in Harare switched to South Africa has been successful.

The England team wants the match moved because of fears over their safety in
the Zimbabwe capital. Meanwhile, New Zealand have pulled out of their World
Cup game in Nairobi, Kenya, saying they had information of a terrorist
threat after 11 people were killed in a bomb attack at a Mombasa hotel last
year.

The Australian government has also pressurised its team - but to no avail -
to withdraw from its Zimbabwe game due to be staged in Bulawayo on February
24.

The eighth World Cup starts with an opening ceremony in Cape Town on
Saturday. Most of the matches will be played in South Africa while Zimbabwe
was originally scheduled to stage six games and Kenya was due to host two.

"Interestingly, and of importance, other governments whose citizens are
scheduled to play in Zimbabwe and Kenya have not questioned the
determinations of the ICC and the experts who have done detailed groundwork
in these countries," Mbeki said.

He said the decision to host matches in Zimbabwe and Kenya was aimed at
developing cricket on the continent.

"A few years ago, the ICC and our United Cricket Board decided that they
should work together to encourage the development of cricket in other
African countries.

"It was most unfortunate that this great tournament should have been
politicised."

AFP
Back to the Top
Back to Index

cricmania

Friday February 7, 7:12 PM

England ask for ICC security briefing on Zimbabwe

JOHANNESBURG (Reuters) - England have asked the International Cricket
Council (ICC) for an up-to-date security briefing on strife-torn Zimbabwe,
suggesting they are still considering playing their World Cup match there.

An ICC spokesman told Reuters on Friday that both England, who are making a
final appeal on Friday to have the Harare match switched because of safety
worries, and Australia had asked for briefings.

"England and Australia decided to take up the ICC offer," he said. "They
will receive up-to-date, in-depth information.

"It will be very detailed, explaining how security around them will work,
from when they arrive to when they play and when they leave."

The first game of the World Cup will be played on Sunday. South Africa will
stage 46 of the 54 games, with six in Zimbabwe and two in Kenya.

ICC chief executive Malcolm Speed made the offer of last-minute briefings by
security experts on Thursday after the World Cup technical committee
rejected the England and Wales Cricket Board's (ECB) request to move their
February 13 game against Zimbabwe.

Speed argued that many of England's concerns about political and social
unrest in Zimbabwe were based on "hearsay, radio reports, newspaper reports"
rather than hard facts.

England's final appeal is due to be heard by South African judge Albie
Sachs, whose decision is binding, later on Friday.

England will then have to decide whether to fulfil the fixture or forfeit
the game. That decision is not expected until Saturday, after the tournament
opening ceremony.

A forfeit would leave England with an almost impossible task of reaching the
next round of the tournament. It would also leave the England and Wales
Cricket Board facing demands for million of pounds in compensation.

ECB chief executive Tim Lamb said the security briefing would be held on
Friday. Asked about the chance of England still doing a U-turn and
travelling to Harare, he responded: "I am not prepared to comment. There
will be a players meeting tomorrow (Saturday). Things will become clear
after that."

England skipper Nasser Hussain suggested last month that the players'
reluctance was also a matter of conscience.

Australia's players have also expressed worries about the situation in
Zimbabwe but are still committed to playing in Bulawayo on February 24.

No briefing has been requested by New Zealand, who have refused point-blank
to play against Kenya in Nairobi on February 21.

They have also not made an appeal for a venue switch, suggesting they could
resort to other legal challenges or simply forfeit their match.

Australia and Britain have led calls for Commonwealth sanctions against
Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe, accusing him of rigging his re-election
in 2002 and compounding Africa's food crisis by seizing white-owned farms to
give to blacks.

Cricinfo

England make last stand
Derek Pringle - 7 February 2003

The England and Wales Cricket Board have appealed to Albie Sachs, a leading
South African judge, after their petition to have England's match with
Zimbabwe moved to South Africa was rejected by the International Cricket
Council's technical committee in Cape Town last night.

It is the last stage in the appeal process, and was invoked after the ECB's
evidence was dismissed by the ICC's six-man technical committee who voted
unanimously to keep the game in Harare.

According to Malcolm Speed, the chief executive of the ICC and one of the
committee, it was felt much of the ECB's material evidence was "unclear in
origin and of uncertain reliability, relying on hearsay and reports in
newspapers and radio", a finding bordering on humiliation for Tim Lamb and
his team of lawyers.

If the appeal, which is final and binding, is unsuccessful - almost certain
considering the 68-year-old Sachs's ANC past - it leaves England's players,
who will meet with the tournament's security directorate this evening, with
little option except to boycott the fixture and forfeit the four points
available to the winners, or swallow their fears and head to Harare.

The additional penalty for failure to honour the fixture would be a fine in
the region of £1 million against the ECB for breach of contract.

England's players remained tight-lipped last night. A team spokesman said:
"The players feel it would not be appropriate for them to comment at this
stage of the process."

Sachs heads South Africa's Constitutional Court and has only one arm. The
other was lost when he opened a letter bomb allegedly sent to him by South
Africa's security forces during the apartheid era.

Refusing to play the game is a drastic measure that would detract from the
tournament, but which does have a precedent. In 1996, Australia and West
Indies refused to play their pool match in Sri Lanka, and handed their hosts
the points. Although Australia still made the final, Sri Lanka had the last
say though, beating them to win the cup.

With Zimbabwe making it plain that they would not play the fixture if it is
relocated, Sachs, who must make his ruling within 12 hours of receiving both
cases, does have an alternative. If he considers that the security situation
has changed, he can award two points to each team.

Such an option would certainly prevent loss of face by the parties
concerned, but it is only likely to happen if Sachs feels there is not
enough time to investigate the new evidence put forward by the ECB. If the
judge decides that the ECB case does have credence and that the match should
be moved - both unlikely - then Zimbabwe's refusal to play the relocated
match would presumably result in all four points being awarded to England.

The meeting, which ended with an hour's deliberation by the ICC, took place
at a waterfront hotel beneath Table Mountain. The ECB's submission that the
security risk had altered substantially, lasted 90 minutes and was supported
by a document that ran to 150 pages.

Contained within were the seven points that the ECB were relying on - and
which the ICC found added up to little more than speculation. The first
consisted of the death of a Zimbabwean man allegedly tortured last November
for opposing World Cup matches in the country.

The next was the warning the US embassy has sent out to its citizens about
going to Zimbabwe. The third point was the fear that Zimbabwe security
forces would use excessive force. Four, that Gary Kirsten, one of South
Africa's players (conveniently in the other group), said he would not go
there to play.

If that all sounded a bit old hat, the next one; correspondence received by
the ECB, hardly delivered a smoking gun. If they expected the technical
committee would take them at their word they were mistaken, and the final
two points, a radio interview with an opposition party member in Zimbabwe
and the general economic conditions in the country, were fairly tame.

With a few more yards to run, there is a fear that the squabbling has
detracted from the competition proper, which opens with a spectacular
ceremony at Newlands cricket ground tomorrow night.

"It's time for the administrators and politicians to get out of the way and
let our great cricketers take the stage," Dr Ali Bacher, the tournament
director, said. "It is going to be a great World Cup for Africa and world
cricket."

Significantly he forgot to mention England, probably with good reason. If
they give Zimbabwe a flying start by not going, they will almost certainly
fail to qualify for the next stage.

© The Electronic Telegraph
Back to the Top
Back to Index

SABC

----------------------------------------------------------------------------
   Rebuffed England face Cup dilemma
            February 07, 2003, 20:15

            England must decide whether to put principles ahead of World Cup
ambitions after their final appeal to switch their match in Zimbabwe was
rejected today. Albie Sachs, a South African judge, announcing his verdict
less than 24 hours before the tournament opening ceremony, ruled that the
game should go ahead despite England's concerns over political and social
unrest in the country.

            "The England and Wales Cricket Board (ECB) makes no complaint
about the Zimbabwe Cricket Union nor against the players in the Zimbabwe
team. It is the setting that leaves anxiety in the ECB's mind," Sachs said.

            "The players have manifested deep concern not only about the
moral question but the safety of players and spectators.

            "The greater the degree of danger and the more damaging its
impact the greater the duty on the organising authorities to intervene.

            "Having heard the appeal I have not been persuaded that the
decision of the technical committee (to insist the match takes place in
Harare) was wrong.

            "This appeal does not raise or deal in any way with the
consequences of the ECB and the England players not to play in Zimbabwe.
These are matters for the ECB and the players."

            Nasser Hussain's side, whose reservations have been based on
both moral arguments as well as safety concerns, now face a stark choice.
They can either swallow their pride and travel to Harare or forfeit the
Group A game on Thursday. They are due to call a crisis team meeting later
today to make their decision.

            "There will be a players meeting... Things will become clear
after that," Tim Lamb, the England and Wales Cricket Board chief executive
said.

            A forfeit would all but end their hopes of reaching the second
round of the competition, since they would have to beat at least two of
world champions Australia - who have defeated England in their last 13
one-day meetings - 1999 World Cup finalists Pakistan and India to have any
chance of progressing. England's first official request to shift the match
was turned down by the World Cup technical committee yesterday.

            Shared dilemma
            England are not the only side to face the dilemma. New Zealand,
unsettled by a bombing in Mombasa in November which killed 16 people, have
refused point blank to play Kenya in Nairobi on February 21. Australia,
meanwhile, like England in Group A, said earlier this week they were still
ready to play Zimbabwe in Bulawayo on February 24.

            They, however, like England, have accepted an International
Cricket Council (ICC) offer to meet security experts and discuss the
up-to-date situation in Zimbabwe. The first game of the World Cup will be
played on Sunday. South Africa is staging 46 of the 54 games, with six
planned for Zimbabwe and two in Kenya.

            England - who were told by Malcolm Speed, the ICC chief,
yesterday that some of their concerns were based on "hearsay, radio reports,
newspaper reports" - Australia and New Zealandare effectively on their own.

            Pakistan and India, in Group A, have stressed they are happy to
play in Zimbabwe, while Sri Lanka, the other Group B team to play in
Nairobi, also have no qualms. New Zealand have yet to lodge an official
request for avenue switch. They have also not made an appeal for a venue
switch, suggesting they could resort to other legal challenges or simply
forfeit their match.

            Martin Snedden, the New Zealand Cricket (NZC) chief executive,
told Reuters by phone today: "It will probably be two to three days before I
can make an announcement about our intentions publicly."

            The governments of Australia and Britain are opposed to their
national sides playing in Zimbabwe, although they have said they would
enforce a boycott. Australia and Britain have led calls for Commonwealth
sanctions against Robert Mugabe, the Zimbabwean President, accusing him of
rigging his re-election in 2002 and compounding Africa's food crisis by
seizing white-owned farms to give to blacks.

            With half of Zimbabwe's 14 million people facing food shortages
and the main opposition leader facing a possible death sentence if convicted
of trying to kill Mugabe, some critics say playing cricket there would imply
approval of Mugabe's rule. Planned opposition protests around matches have
fuelled fears for players' and fans' safety at the World Cup. - Reuters


Reuters

      England lose final appeal over Zimbabwe switch

      CAPE TOWN (Reuters) - A final England appeal to switch their World Cup
match against Zimbabwe in Harare has been thrown out.
      South African judge Albie Sachs confirmed Thursday's decision by the
World Cup technical committee that the match should go ahead on February 13.

      England had argued the fixture should be moved to South Africa, the
main tournament hosts, because of the political and social unrest in
neighbouring Zimbabwe. Nasser Hussain's side will now have to decide whether
to forfeit the game.

      The tournament's opening ceremony takes place in Cape Town on
Saturday, with South Africa playing West Indies in the opening fixture on
Sunday.

The Times

            England ready to forfeit match
            By John Goodbody

            ENGLAND seem certain to take unilateral action and pull out of
their World Cup game against Zimbabwe on Thursday after the technical
committee of the International Cricket Council (ICC) last night unanimously
refused to switch the contentious fixture to South Africa. It considered
that the security situation in Harare had not deteriorated sufficiently to
justify the change.
            It is highly unlikely that this decision will be reversed today
when the England and Wales Cricket Board (ECB) appeals to an independent
judge, the final stage in the process. England are then expected to withdraw
from the fixture, their opening game in the competition. They would forfeit
four points, putting their chances of qualification for the later stages in
jeopardy, and may have to compensate the ICC for its losses, largely from
television revenue. This could amount to at least £1 million. The issue has
caused a sizeable rift in world cricket, with the ECB - under huge pressure
from the Government, the public and its own players - desperately trying to
find some way out of the impasse.

            After a four-hour meeting in Cape Town, Malcolm Speed, the ICC
chief executive, said: "We have known the views of England right from the
start. We have evaluated the evidence and done the best we can to make the
right decision." He insisted that there was a "very significant amount of
security around the players and the officials", adding that "in the last
week or so, the number of police personnel devoted to this match has
increased".

            Disorder in Zimbabwe, a country already racked by disturbances
and with a starving population, has increased recently because Morgan
Tsvangirai, the leader of the main opposition party, is on trial for
allegedly plotting to murder President Robert Mugabe and it was thought that
demonstrators might use the match in Harare to highlight their grievances.

            However, it now seems certain that the game will not take place.
Zimbabwe has refused to agree to any switch to South Africa, a move that was
in the ICC's contingency plan should the security situation have
deteriorated. None of the other five teams scheduled to play in Zimbabwe is
expected to join England's boycott, although Australia have strong
reservations about their fixture in Bulawayo on February 24.

            The ECB announced its intention to appeal within an hour of the
technical committee's decision and it will be heard today by Judge Albie
Sachs, from South Africa. His decision will be final and binding on both
sides. Tim Lamb, the ECB chief executive, said: "We're disappointed with the
decision but we hope (the judge) will see the strength of our arguments."

            Asked what would happen if England withdrew from the game, Speed
said: "If that were to happen it would be a big shame for the World Cup. We
want to play all 54 matches in 2003. But we cannot force people to get on a
plane and go somewhere they don't want to."

            Ali Bacher, the World Cup executive director, said he felt some
sympathy for the concerns of England players but insisted that the match
should go ahead. He told Sky Sports News: "In the committee's opinion it is
safe and secure for the England players to play their match in Zimbabwe.

            "Since September 11, 2001, it has been a very changing world and
we do understand the concerns of the England players, but we had to make a
decision. The ECB made an impassioned plea for the England players not to go
to Harare, but the committee was unanimous."

            Bacher, a former South Africa Test player, added: "For African
cricket it is very important. We have always wanted to spread cricket in
this continent. We are confident that the matches will go ahead without any
safety or security problems. We would like this not to have happened, but
this week is an important milestone in the history of cricket.

            "It really will be a wonderful event for Africa and
international cricket. This weekend will set the tone for a wonderful World
Cup."

            The ECB was represented at the meeting by Lamb, Mark
Roper-Drimie, its director of legal affairs, and Mark Gay, a leading sports
lawyer. The technical committee comprised Speed, Bacher, Campbell Jamieson,
head of the commercial company advising the ICC, Brian Basson, of the United
Cricket Board of South Africa, and Sunil Gavaskar.

            On Wednesday, Nelson Mandela, the former President of South
Africa, had implored England to fulfil the fixture, saying: "They must
respect what the ICC says. If we refuse to follow what the international
body says, we introduce chaos in cricket."
Back to the Top
Back to Index

BBC
Friday, 7 February, 2003, 16:12 GMT
Media reflects on cricket world cup
Africa Media Watch

With the Cricket World Cup getting under way this weekend, Media Watch looks at what newspapers in host countries South Africa, Kenya and Zimbabwe have been saying about the controversy which has engulfed the tournament.

The long-running row between England and Zimbabwe has been compounded by New Zealand's continuing refusal to play in Nairobi against Kenya, and Australia's worries over travelling to Bulawayo.

On the eve of the tournament's opening, leader-writers and commentators hope the spirit of the contest will overcome the controversies.

Terror fears

The Kenya Times slams the New Zealand cricket team's decision to pull out of their first scheduled match in Kenya - the Kiwis cited concerns over terrorism - as "whimsical and at best absurd".

Kenya's leading Sunday paper, the Sunday Nation, says New Zealand would be no safer if they were playing at Lord's cricket ground in London where "they might need to worry that Osama [Bin Laden] could poison their soup."

If the New Zealand team insists on playing venues without a "hint of terrorism", the paper suggests they might like to consider playing "on the moon".

The organisers need to look carefully at the mistakes they made

The Nation, Kenya

The Standard takes a similar line saying that terrorism can strike anwhere and any time.

"Kenya is not the first country to experience terrorism and it is not going to be the last," it says. It argues that the best approach to tackle terrorism is "not to run away from it but to fight it".

Popular independent daily The Nation says that there is "some sympathy for England's predicament, though relatively little for New Zealand".

"What must be hoped for now is that the World Cup gets off smoothly on Sunday, and that the matches go ahead in the best possible spirit thereafter."

"But the whole issue leaves a bad taste in the mouth. Politics and sport can never be entirely divorced and the organisers of the event need to look carefully at the mistakes they made," the paper says.

'Massive event'

An eve-of-tournament editorial in South Africa's The Star accentuates the positive, saying the tournament "will be a massive event for South Africa".

Let's really get into the spirit of what will be a special event.

The Star, South Africa

"This World Cup provides us with so much to be positive about," the paper says.

"So let's really get into the spirit of what will be a special event."

But several columnists in the same paper rap the organisers.

"The original idea was a good one: calling it an 'African World Cup' and sharing some of the joy and prestige of hosting it with neighbours," writes prominent columnist Max du Preez.

"But picking Mugabe's Zimbabwe as a co-host could predictably diminish the success of the tournament and damage South Africa. Instead of gaining good PR for Africa, they have simply succeeded in broadcasting Africa's failures and problems to the world," he says.

Another commentator calls it "extraordinary" that the organisers of the tournament "did not have the sensitivity to consider the moral issues of playing matches in Zimbabwe".

World spotlight

Zimbabwe's pro-government The Herald is keen to see the contest "roar into life".

Let the party begin

The Herald, Zimbabwe

"After a countdown blighted by politics and boardroom disputes, the eighth Cricket World Cup finally comes alive tomorrow in Cape Town with focus rightly shifting to the players in a search for the Holy Grail that will spill across the Limpopo on Monday."

"Let the party begin," it urges.

But with the competition opening at the end of the same week that saw opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai put on trial for conspiring to murder President Mugabe, other papers continue to have misgivings.

Zimbabwe's Financial Gazette condemns the government's "heavy-handed tactics" in attempting to stop the media and international observers from monitoring the Tsvangirai trial proceedings in Harare.

"Far from leaving well enough alone at a time the country is under the world's spotlight ... the ruling Zanu-PF seems anxious to paint itself as the crude, dictatorial and fascist government the international community believes it to be," it says.

The Zimbabwe Independent meanwhile predicts a brutal response by the authorities to civic protesters who have threatened to disrupt the tournament by staging demonstrations.

"Police Commissioner Augustine Chihuri last month promised to "deal ruthlessly" with any group attempting to disrupt public peace by demonstrating during the staging of the Cricket World Cup," the paper recalls.

"Chihuri's threats," it says, "put into perspective the police's perception of crowd control - that any dissent must be crushed if it poses a challenge to its political masters."

BBC Monitoring, based in Caversham in southern England, selects and translates information from radio, television, press, news agencies and the Internet from 150 countries in more than 70 languages.

Back to the Top
Back to Index

Please forward this message to your own network, and ask those recipients to forward it to theirs.
World Cup Cricket in Zimbabwe
Given the assurances to the ICC by the Commissioner of Police that non violent, non disruptive protest is allowed in Zimbabwe, it is vital that all caring Zimbabweans associated with the cricket, use this global window to express themselves.
The Zimbabwe Cricket Supporters for Democracy appeal to all those participating in the cricket in any way to wear black and white clothing, and a black arm band, as a symbol of mourning for the death of democracy in Zimbabwe.
We appeal to all spectators to heed this call and to all players and umpires to wear black arm bands during their games in Zimbabwe.
From Zimbabwe Cricket Supporters for Democracy
Back to the Top
Back to Index

The Australian

Zimbabwe cricket boycott

February 07, 2003
A ZIMBABWEAN living in Bulawayo has said he would not watch Australia play
in the World Cup in his home town, even if he was offered a free ticket to
the cricket match.
Bernard McCann, whose daughter and grandchildren live in Brisbane, said
today most people were upset that Australia had agreed to play in Zimbabwe.
Australia is scheduled to play at Bulawayo's Queens Sports Club on February
24, despite the federal government continuing to lobby the International
Cricket Council to move the match.
McCann said locals were feeling let down that the international teams were
not boycotting the country, which is in a state of political turmoil,
economic collapse and ravaged by famine, induced by the regime of President
Robert Mugabe.
"When South Africa had apartheid Australia said it wouldn't play South
Africa, and the same before that with Rhodesia," McCann told AAP.
"But I can tell you the atrocities which are being committed in this country
are a hell of a lot worse than they ever were in those times."
McCann said people were struggling to find stocks of the staple diet of
mielie meal (corn meal) and petrol was scarcely available.
"People haven't had mielie meal for the last three months. We got petrol on
Friday, that was the first bit of petrol we've had since November," he said.
"People are sleeping in their cars, in queues kilometres long in hope to get
petrol, and some of them after three days give up because they have to get
home.
"And the rest of the world says we'll let you go and play cricket anyway, it
doesn't matter."
McCann said he was not confident visitors would be safe.
"I wouldn't bank on anybody being safe here because it is so volatile," he
said.
"The people are starving, they are bloody hungry and then when they see that
the rest of the world doesn't see any problem and comes to play cricket -
it's just a big game."
The former mine manager said there was "no way" he would watch the match.
"Do you think I could actually condone the rest of the world coming to play
cricket here while people like me and the Africans are starving?" he said.
"Do you think I would support something like that? Like hell, no way.
"People I have spoken to say you can't get tickets but even if they got
tickets free they wouldn't go."
Back to the Top
Back to Index

Zim Independent

Letter to English cricket team captain

AN open letter to Nasser Hussein, the captain of the English cricket team:
Dear Nasser,

You have perhaps reached the peak of your playing career with not many Test
matches ahead of you. Win or lose, you cannot achieve more on the cricket
pitch than you already have.

If you would like to go down in cricket history ensuring that your name will
not be forgotten and always be present on the lips of those engaged in
Wisden-like discussions, there is one thing you can do.

Just take a firm conscience, moral-like stand and refuse to play in any
matches scheduled to take place in Zimbabwe. It might help you to find the
courage to take this rather drastic step if you dragged along another
"old-timer" like Alex Stewart to back you up.

You are a well-educated, articulate player, a man of the world in fact, and
cannot be unaware of the situation here.

The presence of the English cricket team in Zimbabwe on this important
international sporting occasion will only be used by the government here to
loudly proclaim to the world how normal things are and to scoff at those who
have moved to apply sanctions and aimed at them the opprobrium they deserve.

Cocooned as you would be in your five-star accommodation, you will see
nothing of the suffering farm labourers, homeless and jobless after the
commercial farm seizures. You will get no inkling of the brow beating, and
sometimes much worse, that affects many of the innocent inhabitants of our
rural areas where there is some support for the constitutionally recognised
MDC opposition party.

Your action in refraining from participating in the matches in Harare and
Bulawayo may draw a few gasps in certain quarters, but rest assured it will
be met with much approval in the hearts of this nation. You will not need to
be reminded of the feelings of Tony Blair and others in the government and
official opposition and recall the insulting remarks from Harare with
prohibitions to visits here for many.

It is possible that you might be sued by the avaricious ethic-free mob for
whom, to put it simply, you are working.

Let them go ahead and it will not be long before there is a big whip around
to make sure you are not out of pocket. It is not impossible that your
courageous and highly commendable moral stance will be noticed around the
world and this will only add to the legend that will be well on the way to
being created.

Who knows, in the course of time when you are surrounded by your
grandchildren, someone may wish to make a film about you rather as they did
not so long ago about another sportsman/athlete with high standards of
behaviour who would not run in the Olympics on a Sunday.

They will scrounge around for a latter day Ben Kingsley to play the leading
role in your story!

With the best of British luck in the tournament that faces you in South
Africa.

Pain stopped play,

Chiredzi.
Back to the Top
Back to Index