MASHONALAND Central
Province is bracing for farm evictions as a team headed by Deputy Police
Commissioner Godwin Matanga, which is tasked with enforcing the government's
one-man one farm policy has finally descended on the area. Ephraim Masawi,
the Mashonaland Central Governor, yesterday told The Daily Mirror that the
committee had already carried out a probe into land ownership in an attempt
to flush out multiple farm owners. The team has moved in barely a fortnight
after Matanga dismissed another one that had earlier moved into the area as
fake. So far the eviction committee has been to Mashonaland West, Masvingo
and some parts of Matabeleland, where a number of high ranking government
and Zanu PF officials have been barred from some properties on the grounds
that they have more than the stipulated one farm. In an interview, Masawi
said: " First of all, they found problematic areas, and they are now working
on their findings. "It's not my committee, it's independent and I cannot
comment on its work. However, it is answerable to Matanga (Deputy Police
Commissioner) and only him can comment on its work" Asked to comment on
the team said to be fake, Masawi said he was not in a position to comment,
as he did not know the people who were behind it. No further information on
the work of the team could be obtained, as Matanga refused to
comment.
THE Media and
Information Commission (MIC) has moved into private training institutions to
monitor the quality of delivery and ensure the standardisation of the
institutions' curricula. This is a new development for the private journalism
schools dotted around the country. In the past, government has
concentrated on monitoring training offered by public institutions such as
the Harare Polytechnic, the Midlands State University and the Zimbabwe Open
University. Sources in private colleges have indicated that all journalism
departments have been asked by the MIC to submit their syllabuses. The
decision by the MIC to put private colleges under surveillance is part of
the legal provisions enshrined under the controversial Access to Information
and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA). Section 43 of the Act talks about the
establishment of a fund for, among other objectives, the assistance of
training programmes. Section 44 (a) reads: "The objects of the fund shall be
the standardisation of mass media services and the maintenance of high
standards of quality in the provision of such services." The Daily Mirror
understands that lecturers at a key private training centre have been asked
to resubmit their updated CVs as jittery administrators desperately try to
prepare their journalism departments before a possible inspection by the
MIC. Private colleges offering journalism courses in Zimbabwe include the
Harare based Christian College of Southern Africa (CCOSA), Ranch House
College, UMAA Institute in Marondera and the Career Management Centre and
Foundation College in Bulawayo. Some editors have welcomed the move since the
quality of journalism training has deteriorated over the years. Some
students coming for attachment from some universities do not even know how
to use a computer, let alone construct a news article. The editors would
rather have students coming to sharpen their writing skills, as opposed to
teaching the students the basics of journalism.
POLICE
yesterday picked up an Anglican parishioner for leading a demonstration
against Harare diocese Bishop Norbert Kunonga at St Mary's Anglican
Cathedral. The parishioner, only identified, as Murehwa is an organiser at
the Anglican Church's St Francis of Assisi parish in Glen Norah. Mass has
been disrupted for the past three weeks at the parish following the
suspension of the resident priest, Paul Gweshe, in December. Before the
demonstration, a church warden Bernard Nengomasha told parishioners that
their hope to get a priest had been fruitless. He further asked fellow
church members to proceed with morning prayers only (Martins) and go back
home. He said: "Again, our hopes to get a priest this Sunday were in vain.
However, we can proceed with Martins and go back home." However,
parishioners refused to comply with Nengomasha's request. Instead, they
decided to go to the cathedral-the Harare diocese's headquarters- to force
Kunonga into dialogue. On arrival at the cathedral, the parishioners sang
songs against Kunonga, waving placards with messages denouncing him, the
diocese's vicar general, Harry Rinashe, and Gwese's proposed successor only
identified as Gwedegwe. They tried to disrupt a church service but were
denied entry by some senior church members at the parish, who argued that
Kunonga was not present and the right place to stage their demonstration was
the headquarters' offices just behind the church building. "We have
exhausted all the channels. Why is he refusing to talk to us? Bishop
varikutiza hwai dzavo (The Bishop is running away from his flock)," said one
angry parishioner who spoke on condition of anonymity. The parishioners only
dispersed after police intervention. The police said under the Public Order
and Security Act (Posa), the parishioners had no right to demonstrate
without police clearance. When Kunonga was reached for comment, he said: "Put
down your phone. Don't waste your time," before hanging up. Gwese, who
has since been transferred to Mhondoro-Ngezi, was suspended in December for
allegedly providing the local legislator, Priscilla Misihairabwi- Mushonga a
platform in church during thanksgiving. Kunonga has had problems with other
parishes in Chitungwiza, Mabvuku-Tafara, Banket and Mufakose.
THE MDC says the ball is now
in the court of Sadc governments to ensure President Robert Mugabe
implements the regional body's principles guiding free and fair
elections. In an interview with The Daily Mirror at the weekend, shadow
foreign minister Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga said Morgan Tsvangirai's
trip to Zambia last Sunday was routine briefing of regional leaders on the
situation in the country ahead of the general elections just two months
away. Misihairambwi-Mushonga said Tsvangirai's visit also served as a
reminder to Zambian President Levy Mwanawasa and his regional colleagues
that their influence could force President Mugabe's government to adhere to
Sadc's electoral ethics. Despite the uncertainty surrounding the MDC's
participation in the March polls, Misihairabwi-Mushonga pointed out that
Mwanawasa had advised the opposition party to contest the elections. She
said pressure was now on Mwanawasa and other regional leaders to ensure that
Harare complied with the Sadc principles before the MDC could participate in
the poll. On Tsvangirai's meeting with Mwanawasa, Misihairabwi-Mushonga said:
"There wasn't any difference from what other Sadc leaders have said before.
The President of MDC gave the Zambian leader an update on the situation in
Zimbabwe regarding the implementation of Sadc principles. What is now left
is for the Sadc leaders to use their influence." Misihairabwi-Mushonga
pointed out that President Mwanawasa had invited Tsvangirai to
Lusaka. "It was the Zambian leader who invited the MDC leader for an update
and that is what he got. It's now left to Mwanawasa and his counterparts in
the region to ensure that Zimbabwe implements the Sadc guidelines," she
said. She stressed that Sadc leaders wanted the MDC to participate in the
election, as a boycott would exacerbate problems in Zimbabwe. "In fact,
the MDC is happy with the pressure from Sadc to participate as this in turn
puts pressure on the region to ensure that the government of Zimbabwe
implements the principles. "The MDC does not want to boycott the election and
we are in total agreement with what Sadc leaders are saying. Political
parties are formed not to boycott elections. What we are simply saying to
the government is: create a free and fair environment before we can
participate," she said. In a bid to comply with the Sadc guiding principles,
the Zimbabwean government has since introduced changes, including holding
elections in one day, use of translucent boxes and the creation of an
independent electoral commission.The Government, however, is yet to open the
airwaves to opposition political parties, among other complaints by the
opposition.
CABINET minister Paul Mangwana, who is facing a stiff challenge
from former Zupco boss Bright Matonga in Kadoma East constituency, allegedly
went berserk on Saturday and burnt some ballot papers during the on going
Zanu PF primary elections. Sources said Mangwana, who is the Minister of
Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare, had apparently concluded that the
odds were staked against him and decided to turn on the papers. In Chivi
North, the Minister of Industry and International Trade, Samuel Mumbengegwi,
yesterday became the first high-profile politician to lose his seat in the
on-going primary elections. He was beaten by little known Enita
Muzariri. Mumbengegwi, a former public service commissioner and deputy
chairman of the Local Government Board, polled 1 633 votes to Muzariri's 6
443. Results released yesterday also showed that at least 10 sitting Members
of Parliament had also lost their right to represent the party in this
year's general elections. Mashonaland West acting provincial chairperson,
John Mafa last night confirmed that Mangwana had destroyed some ballot
papers, but would not be drawn into saying much because he was yet to
receive a report on the issue. He was also afraid that he might appear
biased if he said much over the alleged incident. " I have been notified
of the incident, but I am yet to get a report on everything that transpired.
Obviously that incident had a negative impact on the polls. The exercise was
supposed to end on Saturday, but it will spill to tomorrow ( today), which
shows that something is wrong," said Mafa, who lost the Mhondoro primary
elections to Cottco boss Sylvester Nguni. Mafa refused to say much on the
incident, arguing that he might appear biased, as polling was still
ongoing. Efforts to contact Mangwana were fruitless last night. In
Mashonaland West, two sitting MPs Phone Madiro and Ishmael Mutema of
Hurungwe West and Kadoma Central lost the right to represent their
constituencies to Cecilia Gwachiwa and Muduvuri Jamayi respectively. In
the newly created Manyame constituency, Patrick Zhuwao clinched the seat
after Bybit Tsomondo withdrew at the last minute. Zhuwao, who is President
Robert Mugabe's nephew, is son to the President's sister,
Sabina. Minister of State for Policy Implementation Webster Shamu maintained
his edge over Parliament Deputy Speaker Edna Madzongwe in Chegutu. The two
had also vied for the same seat for the current Parliament, but Madzongwe
had opted out of the race. In the Midlands, provincial chairman Jason
Machaya said so far two sitting MPs -Pearson Mbalekwa and Innocent Chikiyi
of Zvishavane and Chirumanzu respectively - lost their seats to Obert
Matshalaga and Edwin Muguti. He said Thomas Ndebele clinched the Silobela
vote, while counting was still going on in Gokwe North and Central,
Mberengwa West and Vungu. The Minister of Environment and Tourism, Francis
Nhema retained his Shurungwi constituency. Machaya added that in
Gokwe-Chireya, the exercise would spill into the coming few days due to a
number of factors. " Polling did not take place at some stations due to a
combination of factors such as heavy rains and the fact that this is a
remote area," he added. In Mashonaland Central, provincial chairman, Chen
Chimutengwende said in the four contested seats two sitting MPs -
Nobbie Dzinzi (Muzarabani) and Paul Mazikana (Guruve North) - had lost the
right to contest the general elections on a Zanu PF ticket. He said two
women - Sandra Machirori and Sabina Zinyemba -won primaries in Rushinga and
Mazowe West respectively. In Manicaland, provincial governor, Michael
Nyambuya won in Mutasa North, while agriculture Minister Joseph Made ousted
legislator Gibson Munyoro in Makoni West. Ellen Gwaradzimba and Freddy
Kanzama won in Mutare North and South respectively, while Enoch Porusingazi
won in Chipinge South. In Nyanga, Paul Kadzima won. In Harare province,
Harare North and South went to Nyasha Chikwinya and a Nyanhongo
respectively. Dzivaresekwa went to Tichapondwa Muchada, Mufakose to Sabina
Thembani, Kuwadzana to David Mutasa and Glen Norah to Victoria
Chitepo. In Masvingo Province, Chiredzi North MP Elliot Chauke lost to a C
Pote, while Zaka East MP and Deputy Minister of Water Resources and
Infrastructure Development, Tinos Rusere defeated retired Major Alex
Mudavanhu. MPs Jefta Chindanya and Walter Mutsauri also lost their Zaka West
and Bikita East constituencies, while Charles Majange and Aaron Baloyi of
Chivi South and Chiredzi South won in their respective constituencies. In
Mashonaland East, voting ended on Saturday in the only constituency, which
went for primaries, Murehwa North, where the Minister of Health and Child
Welfare, David Parirenyatwa defeated the incumbent MP Victor Chitongo. The
party's chairman of the national elections directorate, Elliot Manyika, said
heavy rains had hindered the smooth running of the elections. He added that
his directorate was considering State assistance to get to remote areas and
would ask for helicopters and other forms of help to ensure that the
elections were concluded. "We have so far managed to hold elections in 42
constituencies throughout the country and we are left with 14 constituencies
where counting and verification is still going on. In some of the
constituencies, the vote counting and verification has been completed, but
we have been facing communication problems as voting teams in various
constituencies cannot communicate with their command centres because of the
remoteness of these," he said. There were also allegations of vote
rigging and favouritism, and Manyika said the doors would be open for any
appeals by losing candidates.
JOHANNESBURG - The African National Congress of South Africa (ANC) says
Zimbabwe's main opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
must be allowed to hold public meetings if this year's parliamentary
elections are to be declared free and fair.
ANC
secretary-general, Kgalema Motlanthe told journalists after the party's
national executive committee meeting that he was worried that the MDC still
required permission from the police to hold public
meetings.
"We have been concerned about several things.
The MDC is a party that is represented in parliament and it controls several
municipalities. This position impairs their ability to interact with their
constituencies.
"Over the years we have been continually
saying to them that you cannot have a properly registered party restricted
in this way," he said.
Motlanthe said his party would
continue to talk to the ruling Zanu PF over the MDC's concerns. President
Thabo Mbeki's ANC and government have in the past come under fire over their
quiet diplomacy and failure to condemn the ruling Zanu PF government's
dictatorial and undemocratic practices in Zimbabwe.
The MDC has threatened to boycott the March election if Mugabe does not
conform to the Southern African Development Community guidelines and
principles for free and fair elections.
Allow MDC to campaign freely or election
will be a farce
Date: 17-Jan, 2005
We commend the
position taken by the African National Congress of South Africa, (ANC) on
the need for the MDC to be allowed to hold political meetings inside
Zimbabwe with its millions of supporters in the campaign for the March
parliamentary elections.
Speaking in South Africa, the ANC
secretary-general Kgalena Motlanthe said if the Harare administration bars
the MDC from holding meetings, then the March election would not be seen as
free and fair.
At the moment, the playing field is skewed
against the MDC and unless President Mugabe and his Zanu PF do not abide by
the guidelines agreed by the SADC heads of state including Mugabe in
Mauritius last year, the election will be nothing but a
farce.
Nearly all the issues raised by the MDC are valid. They
include the need for a new voters' roll, access to the public media
including radio and television and the need for an independent election
supervisory commission whose members are not handpicked by the
government.
The ANC is a lone voice. There should be more
voices from within the SADC region and beyond in order for Mugabe to yield
to a democratic dispensation.
The SADC region will not
enjoy full democratic rule unless there is genuine change in Zimbabwe.
Zimbabwe to hog limelight at Commonwealth
press meeting
Date: 17-Jan, 2005
ZIMBABWE will
feature prominently at the Commonwealth Press Union biennial conference to
be held in Sydney, Australia next month.
One of the issues on
the agenda of the meeting is Reconstruction and rehabilitation - the role of
the media.
Geoff Hill, a freelance journalist and author who is
based in South Arica but has worked in Zimbabwe, will tackle this topic
which will be discussed by the delegates.
The conference,
which will run from 23 to 25 February, will come soon after the three day
sixth editors' forum at the same venue. Zimbabwe will not be officially
represented at the conference after it was suspended from the
English-speaking body which is based in London.
Other topics to
be covered at the Sydney conference include the erosion of press freedom,
privacy and the press the safety of journalists in their day to day
operations.
HARARE - Violence
against school teachers is set to intensify in rural areas ahead of the
March parliamentary election as it emerged recently that the government had
approved the forced military training of senior school teachers, according
to highly placed officials within the Ministry of Education, Sport and
Culture in Manicaland.
The trained teachers, the officials
said, would be working as spies on behalf of the ruling party in their
respective schools and whip all dissenting teachers into
line.
The officials said nearly 50 school teachers, among them
headmasters, deputy headmasters and senior teachers have been receiving
military training at National Youth Service Training Centres around the
country.
"The majority of selected teachers in Manicaland are
being trained at Mushagashe Training Centre in Masvingo Province," the
official said.
"They have been receiving their training,
disguised as orientation training since December 12 and will complete their
training a fortnight after schools open. We suspect those trained teachers
would monitor the movements of other teachers on the political
field."
The government and Zanu PF have targeted teachers in
rural areas for reprisals for their alleged "bad" influence on villagers to
support the opposition Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC).
Violence against rural school teachers intensified ahead
of the June 2000 parliamentary and March 2002 presidential election.
Hundreds of them fled from rampaging Zanu PF militants who attacked them and
burnt down their property as punishment for supporting the
MDC.
The official, said at one of the schools, Zvenyika
Mabvudzi, the headmaster at Crosdale Secondary School and Rhoda
Nyamurundira, the senior teacher at the same school had been posted to
Mushagashe for National Youth Service Training Center, under the auspices of
the newly founded Teachers Union of Zimbabwe (TUZ), strongly linked to the
ruling Zanu PF.
In an interview early this week, Daniel
Chigudu, the chairman of the TUZ in Nyanga District said his organisation
had sought the authority of the Ministry of Education, Sport and Culture to
have two teachers from each school in Manicaland to undergo national youth
training to entrench patriotism among teachers.
"All the
teachers who are going to take part in the election in March have to be true
patriots so that we do not have sell-outs, being involved in the voting
process," Chigudu said. "Soon it would be mandatory that teachers interested
in participating in national programmes like census, vote counting be
presided over by teachers who are members of TUZ."
Aeneas
Chigwedere, the Minister of Education, Sport and Culture was not available
for comment. Attempts to get comment from officials in his office were also
fruitless.
Raymond Majongwe, the president of the Progressive
Teachers Union of Zimbabwe (PTUZ) was also unavailable for comment. His
mobile went unanswered.
An official in the PTUZ office who
refused to be named said: "Any attempts by the government to legitimize the
Zanu PF TUZ would be doomed. The PTUZ has maintained that no teacher should
undergo this military training for whatever reason."
In
separate interviews, teachers in Makoni and Nyanga districts said they had
been forced to become members of the TUZ by senior government officials with
the backing of agents of the Central Intelligence Organisation
(CIO).
The teachers, who refused to be identified said the TUZ
was launched in June 2004 at a meeting held at a Nyanga hotel, attended by
CIO heads in Manicaland.
Sources said the school
headmasters, who led the recruitment drive on behalf of TUZ, warned teachers
against continued support for the PTUZ and the Zimbabwe Teachers Association
(ZIMTA), both accused of being confrontational with
government.
A teacher at Nyamhuka Secondary School said: "We
have been told that we needed the TUZ for our safety ahead of the
parliamentary election. Our headmaster made it clear that we would ignore
his advice on our own peril. We have become TUZ members for security
reasons."
Teachers pay $1 000 as joining fee and thereafter $3
000 in monthly subscriptions to TUZ.
HARARE, Jan. 17 (Xinhuanet) -- Iranian President
Seyeed Mohammed Khatami arrived in Zimbabwe on Monday on a three-day
official visit aimed at bolstering diplomatic ties between the two
countries.
He was met at the Harare International airport by
his Zimbabwean counterpart, Robert Mugabe. The two were scheduled to hold
bilateral talks Monday.
Before leaving on Wednesday, the
two leaders are expected to sign bilateral agreements in various sectors of
the economy. The two countries already have co-operation agreements in the
fields of agriculture and communication.
Zimbabwe has
received grants from Iran for the development of its agriculture sector, and
is also getting assistance in the revamping of equipment at the Zimbabwe
Broadcasting Holdings.
The visit by the Iranian leader comes at
a time when Zimbabwe has adopted a "look East policy" that is geared towards
solidifying relations with countries in the Far East and Asia following the
straining of relations with the west. Enditem
From: "Trudy Stevenson" Sent: Monday, January 17, 2005 5:07 PM Subject:
Harare North Voters Roll Inspection - new facility
Constituents in
Harare North are now able to check their name on the new voters roll at my
Parliamentary office at Mt Pleasant Hall from 8.30 am - 5pm Monday to Friday
(closed lunchtime 1-2 pm) or by telephoning my PA, Beauty, on
304289. Please do check - and register at an Insepction Centre if necessary
(you cannot register at my office- sorry!)
Museveni, Mugabe in air link talks By Grace
Matsiko Jan 18, 2005
KAMPALA - Presidents Yoweri Museveni and
Robert Mugabe have initiated an agreement opening direct airlinks between
Entebbe international airport and Harare.
"Relations between
Uganda and Zimbabwe have greatly improved after the DRC conflict. It is in
this spirit that our President and President Mugabe want direct links
between the two countries" a State House official said.
A
Zimbabwean delegation held a three-day meeting with the Ugandan officials at
Grand Imperial Hotel in Kampala as a follow up of the discussion between
Museveni and Mugabe, an official said yesterday. The meeting ended on
Saturday.
He said, a Ugandan delegation of experts led by the
Ministry of Works, Transport and Communications MOWTC) director of
transport, Mr Grace Itazi, met the Zimbabwean delegation in Kampala to
initial Museveni-Mugabe proposal of direct commercial links between each
other's capital.
Acting Works Minister, Mr Michael Werikhe, was
reported attending a meeting at the ministry headquarters in
Kampala. Mr Itazi confirmed the meeting with Zimbabweans, but declined
to give details. "For avoidance of misinforming the public we shall
write a statement and give it to the media," Itazi said.
He did
not say when the statement would be ready. But a source close to the
negotiations said that the two teams initialed an agreement and a Memorandum
of Understanding putting in place the commercial airlinks.
Ugandans or Zimbabweans wishing to travel to each other's country would pass
through Nairobi, Kenya for connecting flights. The development comes at
the time Zimbabwe is facing criticism and isolation from the international
community as a result of land reforms by President Mugabe.
President Museveni is among the few African leaders that have stood in
support of Mugabe amidst harangues from his former Western allies, mainly
Britain, accusing him of dictatorship. Zimbabwe and Uganda have
until 2002 been rivals as a result of the conflict in the DRC.
Zimbabwe backed by the DRC government at the time Uganda deployed its forces
in the vast African nation to flush out remnants of Allied Democratic Forces
(ADF) rebels.
Ugandan forces captured several Zimbabwean soldiers
during the combat but later handed them over to the International Committee
of the Red Cross (ICRC) for repatriation back to Harare. But
Museveni recently said the misunderstandings had been ironed out.
Zimbabwe's Ruling Party 'Old Guard' Returns to Prominence By Peta
Thornycroft Harare 17-January-2005
As
Zimbabwe's Zanu PF nears the end of its primary elections for the national
poll expected in March, Peta Thornycroft reports that the ruling party has
been through a turbulent period.
Political analysts say that Zanu PF's
so-called old guard, the party leaders during the struggle for independence,
have returned to political prominence.
They say most of the newer and
younger party leaders who entered politics in the elections of 2000 have
been abandoned by Zanu PF. Among the most prominent to be sidelined are
justice minister Patrick Chinamasa and information minister Jonathan
Moyo.
One candidate who was not sidelined is agriculture minister Joseph
Made. Analysts are surprised he is being allowed to stand for election in
the primaries because he has been criticized by some senior leaders in Zanu
PF and many government economists for his inaccurate Zimbabwe crop
forecasts.
More women will stand for national elections. A a deliberate
policy move by Zanu PF to get more women in the legislature.
There
are still a small number of districts that have not finished electing party
candidates. Among them is Mr. Moyo's district. Zanu PF says that district,
and several others in the same Matabeleland province in southern Zimbabwe
will be finalized soon.
New laws to govern Zimbabwe's elections were
passed by parliament late last year and were signed into law last week by
President Robert Mugabe.
The opposition Movement for Democratic Change
says none of the new laws comply with regional electoral principles that Mr.
Mugabe and other southern Africa leaders signed last August.
[ This report does not
necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations]
JOHANNESBURG, 17
Jan 2005 (IRIN) - Zimbabwean opposition parties and civic groups have warned
that unless the voters' roll is reviewed by an independent body, the
credibility of the March general elections could be called into
question.
The voters' roll was opened for inspection on Monday until 30
January. Zimbabwe has 5,658,637 eligible voters, according to the
registrar-general's office.
In an interview with IRIN, Lovemore
Madhuku, chairman of the pro-democracy NGO, National Constitutional
Assembly, contended that the roll would be no different from the one used in
the 2002 presidential elections, which were condemned as flawed by most
western observers.
"The roll is in shambles: over the years the
registrar-general's office has added more names but not totally reformed the
roll ... We have had cases of deceased people appearing on the roll; people
being registered in the wrong constituencies; or others simply failing to
find their names," said Madhuku.
Registrar-General Tobaiwa Mudede
announced that his department would prepare the roll according to the new
constituency boundaries drawn up by the Delimitation
Commission.
However, Madhuku alleged that it was impossible for the
authorities to compile an accurate roll in time because of the lack of
resources and in the absence of an independent electoral body, the
authorities could manipulate the voting process.
"We could have hoped
for a credible roll if the proposed Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) had
been appointed ... Even if the ZEC were to be appointed, I don't think there
would be any changes, since its head will be a presidential, and therefore
partial, appointee," said Madhuku.
The main opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) has threatened to boycott the elections unless
government agrees to reform of the electoral process in accordance with the
Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) guidelines, which include the
appointment of an independent electoral commission.
The MDC is also
demanding the repeal of a raft of laws affecting the media, NGOs and public
security, which it views as an infringement of Zimbabweans' democratic
rights.
Mudede has defended his department, saying: "Those questioning
the accuracy of the roll are free to go and inspect it, with the rest of the
country, during the inspection period."
He added that, "The
[registrar-general's] office has a mandate to conduct elections, and will do
so until such a time that the new electoral commission is appointed. I
cannot comment on statements alleging irregularities, because we have not
gone through the inspection process as yet."
South Africa's ruling
party, the African National Congress (ANC), has weighed into the debate on
the fairness of upcoming poll.
"We have been concerned about several
things [in Zimbabwe]," ANC secretary-general Kgalema Motlanthe told a media
briefing after the annual meeting of the ANC's National Executive Committee
at the weekend.
"The fact that the opposition MDC is a properly
registered political party, but it still requires police permission to hold
its meetings ... impairs its ability to interact with its constituency -
it's an anomaly," Motlanthe was quoted as saying. "Indeed, the playing field
should be levelled, and the police should act in an impartial manner," he
said.
Fraud and violence reports mar Zim poll January 17 2005
at 03:31PM
Harare - Voting for candidates to stand for President
Robert Mugabe's ruling Zanu-PF in parliamentary elections was continuing for
a third day on Monday amid reports of rampant violence, fraud and
confusion.
Thousands of Zanu-PF grassroots supporters began
queueing early on Saturday in the party's primary elections for candidates
to contest 120 seats in parliament, but in most places polls opened only in
the afternoon, the state press reported.
Voting was still going
on in several constituencies, state radio said midday on Monday. The
state-controlled Sunday Mail showed a picture on its front page with a long
queue of people waiting to cast their ballot papers in an open cardboard box
marked mixed fruit jam.
Serious controversy preceded the primary
elections as party supporters held demonstrations against the exclusion of
about a score of senior ruling party officials purged by Mugabe in a
crackdown on unprecedented dissent within the ranks of the organisation he
has controlled for 30 years.
In one constituency, social welfare
minister Cephas Mangwana burned a pile of ballot papers when he saw he was
losing, the pro- government Daily Mirror said.
Mangawana is the
architect of a law soon to be promulgated and meant to close down human
rights organisations, including those devoted to transparent
elections.
The state-run daily Herald, which usually censors
reports embarrassing to the state, said Monday that the results in two
constituencies in eastern Zimbabwe had been suspended after massive rigging
and vote buying.
Suspension of proceedings because of
irregularities was reported in several other constituencies. Frequent
violent clashes between supporters of opposing candidates were reported, and
in one constituency in Harare, riot police had to be called twice to break
up brawling.
Mugabe's victories in parliamentary elections in 2000
and presidential elections in 2002 have been widely dismissed as the result
of fraud and violent intimidation. - Sapa-DPA
January 15, 2005 Posted to the web January 17,
2005
Maputo
"We have no more debt with Britain - they have
scrapped it all", Mozambican Prime Minister Luisa Diogo told reporters in
Maputo on Saturday.
She was speaking after the British Chancellor of the
Exchequer (Finance Minister), Gordon Brown, had met with President Joaquim
Chissano. Brown announced, not only that Britain has cancelled all
Mozambique's bilateral debt, but that it will also pay 10 per cent of the
servicing of Mozambique's debt to the World Bank (in proportion to Britain's
10 per cent holding in the Bank).
Brown put the amount of debt
pardoned at some 150 million dollars over the next few years. He said he
hoped that Britain's initiative of paying off the debts of developing
countries to the World Bank would be followed by other rich nations. The
money that countries such as Mozambique would otherwise have spent on debt
servicing could now be channelled to the health and education services, he
added.
Brown said he knew Mozambique was making "notable progress in
poverty reduction", and he thought it just that Britain should "join in
promoting the country's prosperity".
"The rich countries should
shoulder the duty of helping the poor ones combat misery by making more
resources available for key social areas", he added.
Brown went on to
meet with President-Elect Armando Guebuza, to express his hopes for
continuing close ties between Britain and Mozambique under the new
government, likely to take office in late January or early February.
By Barnabas
Thondhlana Last updated: 01/18/2005 04:22:20 A SA spymaster, who
"controlled" high-profile Zimbabwean "informants", was lured into Zimbabwe
by one of his "recruits" - and then arrested.
His arrest exposed at least
five alleged spies, four of whom have since been detained, and has triggered
a diplomatic row between South Africa and Zimbabwe.
The SA agent, who
cannot be named at this stage, was arrested in Victoria Falls last December
and is being held by Zimbabwean authorities. He reportedly broke under
interrogation and released the names of "agents" he was handling.
The
40-year-old white agent had also been earlier arrested in Zimbabwe for a
different and minor infraction early last year but was released after
intervention by the SA authorities.
The arrested man, who "handled"
at least five known "informants", committed the major mistake of trying to
recruit the head of counter intelligence of the Zimbabwean Central
Intelligence Organisation (CIO).
Intelligence sources in SA told City
Press that it was this move that eventually saw the man arrested at Victoria
Falls.
Information pieced together by City Press reveal that the alleged
agent had travelled to Livingstone, in Zambia, after making arrangements
with the CIO officer to meet there.
The plan had been that the CIO
officer was to check into a hotel on the Zimbabwean side in Victoria Falls
and then travel either by foot or car over to Livingstone for the
meeting.
"But on the day of the scheduled meeting the CIO officer phoned
the SA agent to say he could not make the meeting in Livingstone "for
various reasons" that related to his family. He proposed that the SA agent
travel to Victoria Fallsfor the meeting instead.
"The SA agent agreed
and crossed into Zimbabwe and went to the hotel where the CIO officer had
booked in. But it was a trap and within 15 minutes of his arrival, the
Zimbabweans walked out with him under arrest," our source said.
The
arrest was kept under wraps while the CIO interrogated the man. He then
started confessing, and revealed the names of his "informants". It was this
that led to the arrest of three prominent ZANU PF officials and a diplomat
who had been stationed in SA for nearly 10 years.
These are Zanu PF
Member of Parliament and Mashonaland West provincial chairman Phillip
Chiyangwa, banker Tendai Matambanadzo, ambassador designate to Mozambique
Godfrey Dzvairo, Zanu PF Director of External Affairs Itai Marchi and
Switzerland-based embassy official Erasmus Moyo.
Moyo, however,
disappeared en route to Zimbabwe following the arrest of the others. He made
good his escape at a Swiss airport after being escorted by Zimbabwean
embassy intelligence to catch a flight to Harare where he would have been
placed under arrest. His whereabouts are unknown.
When the SA man failed
to return and the arrests started, SA government officials contacted the
Zimbabwean authorities inquiring about him, but were rebuffed. "It took
threats to release the story in the media to get the Zimbabweans to confirm
that they have him," a source said.
Information in Harare is that the
agent is being kept in a safe house "in comfortable conditions" and that the
case was being handled from within the office of President Robert Mugabe
himself.
Rumours in Harare this week were that at least two Cabinet
ministers may also have been working for SA and may soon be
arrested.
The debacle has embarrassed SA and the lines between Pretoria
and Harare have been buzzing as all efforts were made to curtail damage
ensuing from the arrests. It could not be established if Mugabe and
President Thabo Mbeki have spoken about the matter.
The Ministry of
Intelligence on Friday issued a statement saying only that it was policy not
to comment on operational issues.
The statement was seen as the closest
diplomatic confirmation that could be expected under the
circumstances.
Sources said after the agent's earlier arrest in the
country, he had been advised not to visit Zimbabwe again, even though the
earlier arrest was not linked to espionage.
"That is why he arranged
the meeting in Livingstone. The mistake was to fall for the trap and enter
Zimbabwe.
"He should never have done that because the CIO are very good
at what they do. He should have rescheduled the meeting and flown home,"
another source said. City Press
By
Staff Reporter Last updated: 01/18/2005 04:07:50 THE South African
government is mum on the fate of a suspected spy arrested in Zimbabwe in a
trap laid by one of his "informants".
The country's foreign affairs
department referred enquiries to the intelligence services, while the
presidency directed reporters to the department. "I have no instructions on
this matter at the moment," said Ronnie Mamoepa, a foreign affairs
spokesperson.
Lorna Daniels, a spokesperson for the intelligence
ministry, the National Intelligence Agency and the SA Secret Service, also
declined to comment. "We are not commenting on this matter at all," she
said. "It is an operational matter that can't be dealt with in
public."
The Zimbabwean embassy in Pretoria referred enquiries to the
information ministry in Harare, which could not be reached this afternoon.
Media reports said the South African agent was arrested at Victoria Falls
last month and was being held by Zimbabwean authorities. He reportedly broke
down under interrogation and revealed the names of Zimbabwean "agents" he
was handling.
His arrest apparently exposed at least five alleged spies,
four or whom have reportedly been detained. Three of them were apparently
officials of the ruling Zanu(PF) party, and one a diplomat stationed in
South Africa. The City Press newspaper reported the man's arrest was due to
his attempt to recruit the head of counter intelligence of the Zimbabwean
Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO).
The two apparently made
arrangements to meet in Livingstone, Zambia, but the CIO officer asked to
meet at Victoria Falls instead. It was reportedly a trap. - Sapa
Beijing's delicate balancing act in Africa Paul Mooney
International Herald Tribune Tuesday, January 18, 2005
Oil and
freedom
BEIJING In the 1960s and 1970s, Chinese engineers were hard at
work throughout Africa, constructing stadiums, laying roads and building
hospitals in the cold war battle for the hearts and minds of third world
citizens. The politics and revolutionary idealism behind these projects
faded in the 1980s but a fast-growing China with a voracious appetite for
resources is now back with a vengeance. . Almost every African country
today bears examples of China's emerging presence, from oil fields in the
east to farms in the south. . From 2002 to 2003, two-way trade climbed 50
percent to $18.5 billion - the fastest growth China has seen with any
geographical area - and is tipped to soar to $30 billion by
2006. . China's rampant economic expansion, which gives it a huge appetite
for raw materials, is the major factor driving its long march across the
African continent. The second biggest consumer of oil after the United
States, China is searching the world for new sources of energy, and Africa
is fast becoming an important supplier. China has oil partnerships in Sudan,
Chad, Nigeria, Angola and Gabon, and is exploring a collaboration in
Kenya. . Beijing has pressed history to promote its economic agenda,
attempting to win African sympathy by emphasizing the common history of
exploitation that China and African nations have suffered at the hands of
Western colonialists. This is a common theme in the pages of African
newspapers, where commentators argue that Western investors exploit Africa,
while Chinese companies tend to invest in businesses that are
beneficial. . Still, there is some debate among Africans over whether
China is exploiting or benefiting their continent. The Chinese are busy
developing much-needed African infrastructure: roads and rail lines in
Ethiopia, Sudan and Rwanda; a new hospital in Sudan; a farm and a bridge
across the Nile. But at what cost? . Moeletsi Mbeki, deputy chairman
of the South African Institute of International Affairs, wrote recently on
the Web site AllAfrica.com that China "is both a tantalizing opportunity and
a terrifying threat to South Africa." On the one hand, he said that China
was the tonic that mineral-rich but economically ailing South Africa needs.
But he added that exports from China and Hong Kong to his country are double
those from the rest of Africa and almost double what South Africa exports to
China. He called the trade relations between South Africa and China "a
replay of the old story of South Africa's trade with Europe." . Mbeki
added, "We sell them raw materials and they sell us manufactured goods with
a predictable result - an unfavorable trade balance." . Meanwhile,
however, many African nations are pleased that no political strings are
attached to China's friendship, with the obvious exception that they must
not recognize Taiwan and must affirm the "one China" policy. . He Wenping,
director of the African Studies Section at the Chinese Academy of Social
Sciences in Beijing, says that China and Africa share the view that
countries should not meddle in each other's affairs. "We don't believe that
human rights should stand above sovereignty," He says. "We have a different
view on this, and African countries share our view." . Zimbabwe is a case
in point. After Americans and Europeans withdrew from the country because of
the government's destructive land reform program and poor human rights
record, China stepped in to work with the embattled, and resource-rich,
African nation. . Sudan is another example. China National Petroleum
Corporation won an oil exploitation bid there in 1995, and when Washington
cut ties two years later, the Chinese were ready to fill the void left by
retreating Western oil companies. They helped to develop oil fields, built
refineries, and laid two oil pipelines. Sudan, which was an oil importer
before the Chinese arrived, now earns $2 billion in oil exports each year,
half of which goes to China. . But more important for Sudan is
Beijing's political support. China has vowed to veto any sanctions imposed
against Sudan. When the UN Security Council tabled a resolution in September
to punish Sudan for failing to stop atrocities in the troubled western
region of Darfur, it was forced to water down the proposal to avoid a
Chinese veto. . International pressure is growing for China to use its
political influence to pressure Sudan, which critics say is using its oil
dollars to fund the military actions against its black African population in
Darfur. Some observers say that China, which relishes its relatively new
position as an international mover, will not want to be seen as an obstacle
to the solution of the problem in Sudan. . If sanctions were to block
oil from Iran and Sudan, China would be forced to scramble to find other
sources, which could be difficult. The question is whether Beijing is
willing to sacrifice oil and its African partnerships to salvage its image
as a responsible global force. . (Paul Mooney, a freelance journalist, has
been reporting on China for 15 years.)
Zimabwe's dramatic investigations into spying activities continue
to unfold, with the recent arrest of a South African agent believed to have
been working with some top Zanu(PF) members.
A leading South African
Sunday newspaper reported yesterday, that the yet un-named South African
spymaster's arrest had caused a diplomatic row between South Africa and
Zimbabwe. The paper said rumours in Harare were that at least two cabinet
ministers may have also been working for South Africa, and could be arrested
soon.
Those already facing charges of spying include Phillip Chiyangwa, a
Zanu(PF) member of parliament, Godfrey Dzvairo, Zimbabwe's
ambassador-designate to Mozambique, Itai Marchi, the Zanu(PF) director for
External affairs as well as Kenny Karidza and businessman Tendai
Matambanadzo. Professor Hennie Strydom, international law professor at the
university of Johannesburg, said that because of the fact that the South
African government has always supported the government of Zimbabwe and the
risk that has developed because of this, releations will have to be mended
and most probably be done by way of diplomatic exchanges.
The South
African government would have vested interests in doing this because it will
probably need the information to asses the region. There is currently a unit
in the president's office assessing security risk in the region. Prof
Strydom explains that the information was needed for that, especially since
Zimbabwe is nearing elections, in order to plan and to be prepared for what
could happen, a reason the professor believes is why the information was
needed.
There is substantial state practice on the handling of relations
between two countries afflicted by such a scenario. Once the government on
the other side, Zimbabwe in this case, has got the information it requires
from the person that was arrested, that person will be sent back to the
country of origin, South Africa. Professor Strydom also suspects that the
information is needed by the Zimbabwean government to press charges against
Zimbabwean nationals in Zimbabwe who where involved in getting information
and passing it onto the South African government.
As for the
Zimbabwean nationals involved, depending on the kind of info that was given
to the South Africans, they could be charged for high treason, though no
mention has been made in the newspaper reports. The possibility is at
present that lesser charges will be pressed against those people.
"The
South African involved in this was very disingenuous to fall in this trap
and the result is that that person will probably never be able to be used
again as an operative in that part of the world and will be sent back and
have some kind of a desk job," says Prof Strydom.
"I don't know what the
security on the other side was initially. It seems from the newspaper
reports that information was passed to the South African operative, perhaps
heads will roll on the other side as well."
As for what spurred on the
involvement of Zimbabwean nationals, the professor did not hesitate to
respond; "money". That's all. This has been a factor all over the world,
especially at the time of the Cold War. There were numerous incidents
between the Soviet Union and the Americans where spies have sold, for
private gain, information to the other side.
Overhaul the UN's human rights body Loubna Freih International Herald
Tribune Tuesday, January 18, 2005
Evicting the
abusers
GENEVA The high-level report on UN reform released last month is
being touted as the most far-reaching overhaul proposal for the
international organization since its creation. Yet for those of us working
in human rights, it offers little cure to the ills that have befallen a
critically important UN institution: the Commission on Human
Rights. . The section of the report on reforming the Human Rights
Commission highlights a serious credibility problem that often casts doubt
on the overall reputation of the United Nations. The commission's job is to
hear evidence of human rights abuse and openly condemn the perpetrators. But
in practice, the commission has become an annual six-week exercise in
desperate attempts to shield malefactors from criticism. . The
53-member commission has fallen captive to some of the world's most abusive
governments, including Sudan, Zimbabwe, Saudi Arabia, Cuba, China and
Russia. When it is time to vote on critical resolutions, these abusers act
in a bloc to prevent scrutiny of their own human rights records and those of
their abusive peers. The justification: that old chestnut, defending state
sovereignty. . This was not always the case. In the last decades, the
international community, acting through UN human rights bodies, helped
hasten the end of apartheid in South Africa and gave comfort to the victims
of repression in Argentina and Chile. Yet today, the fiercest critics of
"naming and shaming" are African and Asian governments, working against the
interest and aspirations of their people. . Members of the high-level
panel were quick to point out that membership is both the key to the problem
and the most sensitive issue. But they dodged the tough issue: why states
who have appalling human rights record at home, or who refuse to cooperate
with international human rights officials, should sit on the commission at
all. Instead, this group of former ministers opted out, proposing that all
191 UN member countries should be invited to sit on the
commission. . The panel's report gives little explanation for this
unworkable proposal. Adding more government voices will do little to bring
out the investigative work of the UN experts, nor bring to the fore the
plight of the victims who often have no other place to go to air their
grievances. The proposal would further marginalize this body - again, a
bonanza for the worst abusers. . This proposal takes scant notice of
recent recommendations by the UN secretary general, Kofi Annan, the late UN
Commissioner for Human Rights, Sergio Vieira de Mello, and several human
rights groups, all of whom have called for establishing qualifications for
membership on the commission. Commission membership should be earned rather
than assumed as a right, and it should be awarded only to countries that
have shown a genuine commitment to human rights. . Such commitments
could include cooperation with all UN investigators, ratification of all
major UN human rights treaties, the completion of all reports to the
treaty-monitoring bodies, and a pledge to allow country-specific situations
to be discussed regardless of the politics. . Instead of making the
commission bigger, the panel should have focused on making it stronger. One
proposal worthy of consideration is having the commission in session
permanently, rather than for only six weeks in the spring. Only a full-time
body can respond adequately to crises in Darfur, Colombia or Nepal as they
occur. It would enable preventive action in some imminent cases of human
rights crises. Most important, more time could be spent on follow-up and
implementation of the body's decisions. . Human rights must continue to be
a concern for the Security Council in cases where global security and peace
are threatened by massive human rights violations. A permanent human rights
body would not obviate that responsibility. But it would allow the
international community to focus on more than a handful of countries in any
one year - and to take stronger measures to address abuse. . The
commission has fallen into such an abysmal state because governments
ostensibly concerned about human rights have let it happen. They must now
take up the cause of reforming the commission properly, or it will sink into
even greater disrepute. . (Loubna Freih is the Geneva-based UN
representative of Human Rights Watch.)
As we
await the visit of yet another high-level troika, Zimbabweans will remember
only too clearly the fate of their predecessors. Out-manouvered by Robert
Mugabe and Zanu PF, these visits mainly serve to reassure the visitors that
they are actually doing something about the parlous state of Zimbabwe.
Little else ever seems to emerge from them. The impending visit of the three
SADC Presidents comes at a crucial time for Zimbabwe, now a matter of weeks
away from a new general election. We do not have a date, but all indicators
are that it will be held in March, and hence there is dramatically
diminishing time for SADC to have any influence on these elections. This is
the case notwithstanding the fact that the SADC meeting in Mauritius is many
months old, and that the principles and guidelines signed up to all of SADC
have been signed up to by all the member states of SADC. Thus, this visit
occurs within the context of established guidelines, and it will be
interesting to see to what extent the SADC Troika operates within these
guidelines. It also means that Zimbabweans will have an opportunity to
evaluate the conclusions of the SADC presidents against known standards and
the known evidence. The Principles identify certain essential components of
a democratic election. These include:
a.. full participation of
the citizens in the political process; b.. freedom of association; c..
political tolerance; d.. equal opportunity for all political parties to
access the state media; e.. impartial electoral institutions; f.. an
independent judiciary; g.. voter education; h.. acceptance of and
respect for the election results proclaimed by the national electoral
authorities to have been free and fair; and i.. challenges to the election
results as provided for in the law of the land.
These are all
easy to ascertain in the current context, and largely comprise the
"freeness" component of any election. On current evidence from all sources,
the current climate is not "free", with even political processes within Zanu
PF showing violence and lack of democracy, especially in the holding of
primary elections. Several members of Zanu PF have been prosecuted for
violence in their campaigning to be elected for the party. Here we would
expect some statement from the Troika about whether these principles are
being adhered to, and on what basis they reach the conclusion that they do.
The SADC Principles also set out the responsibilities of SADC member states
holding elections, which are to:
a.. take measures to ensure
the "scrupulous implementation" of these democratic election
principles; b.. establish impartial, all-inclusive, competent and
accountable national electoral bodies staffed by qualified personnel;
c.. safeguard human and civil liberties of all citizens, including the
freedom of movement, assembly, association, expression, campaigning and
access to the media on the part of all stakeholders, during electoral
processes; d.. provide adequate resources for carrying out democratic
elections; e.. ensure that adequate security is provided to all parties
participating in elections; f.. ensure the transparency and integrity
of the entire electoral process by facilitating the deployment of
representatives of political parties and individual candidates at polling
and counting stations and by accrediting national and other
observers/monitors.
Here the troika will once again have to make some
statement about the current climate, and this will have to be broader than a
mere consideration of the new Acts. Certainly the third point immediately
above will be a taxing assessment. There is little doubt in the minds of
most observers, both national and international, that there is precious
little attempt by the Zimbabwe government to "safeguard human and civil
liberties". Here it will have to be borne in mind that there is a highly
adverse report from the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights
still waiting the attention of the Assembly of the African Union. This
report concludes that, at best, the Zimbabwe government has not acted
responsibly in protecting the rights of its citizens. At worst, the evidence
indicates that the Zimbabwe government has been guilty of a campaign of
politicide against its own people, and here mostly in respect of elections.
Furthermore, there has been no credible attempt in the past five years to
bring any perpetrators to court, with the cases of Chief Inspector Dowa and
CIO operative Joseph Mwale being amongst the most egregious
examples.
Here Zimbabweans will hope that there is a serious attempt
to evaluate the current climate by the troika, but we should also not expect
that this is something that can be done on a whistle-stop visit. The
important evaluation will be for the presidents to note the acrimony between
the parties and the wide range of serious allegations around elections. This
will obviously require much more detailed examination than the troika can
undertake, and hence the crucial decision that they can make must be to
insist upon the immediate deployment of a SADC observer mission. Any
judgement on the forthcoming election cannot only take place in the two
weeks immediately prior to the election, and will require a careful analysis
in situ of the Zimbabwe government's adherence to the Principles and
Guidelines. This will require discussions with the widest range of
stakeholders for the elections: political parties, civil society groups,
churches, human rights groups, the press and media, and, or course, the
ordinary citizens of Zimbabwe. So, if the troika is to be wholly impartial
and serious about their new Principles and Guidelines, we should not expect
any precipitate conclusions, but rather an insistence on comprehensive
observation of the whole process. They should also insist that the election
should be conducted in an atmosphere of openness, and this should mean that
no body should be excluded from observing these elections if they so desire.
After these presidents represent countries that have all held exemplary
elections in atmospheres of openness and accessibility. They should desire
nothing less for Zimbabwe