MUGABE BLOCKS PARLIAMENTARY SPEAKER'S CORRUPTION PROBE Wed
26 January 2005 HARARE - President Robert Mugabe has ordered the police to
stop investigating parliamentary speaker Emmerson Mnangagwa for corruption,
gold smuggling and illegally externalising foreign currency, sources told
ZimOnline yesterday.
A team of special investigators headed by
senior assistant police commissioner, Steven Mutamba, tasked last April to
probe Mnangagwa, has now been disbanded after Mugabe ordered the
investigation called off late last year.
"We were making
headway when we were just told to pack our bags and return to our provinces.
The official reason we were given was that the police force no longer had
money for our travel and subsistence allowances during investigations," said
a police officer, who was part of the investigating team.
The
officer, who spoke anonymously for professional reasons, added: "We have now
learnt that the investigation was called off on instructions from the
highest office. The whole thing had become too much of a political
matter.
"For example there were times during the probe when we
would be told to wait for instructions from higher offices before carrying
out certain tasks. In certain cases, potential witnesses would refuse to
talk to us and instead referred us to Mnangagwa who was
unco-operative."
Police spokesman Oliver Mandipaka said he did not
have ready information on the case when contacted for comment and promised
to find out what had transpired over the probe. But he was no longer
reachable on his mobile phone when we called him later in the
day.
Mnangagwa could not be reached for comment while Home Affairs
Minister Kembo Mohadi, under whose portfolio the police falls, would not
take questions on the matter. "I have not been informed about that. Thank
you," Mohadi said before switching off his phone.
The police
team that was probing Mnangagwa comprised crack investigators drawn from
Harare, Manicaland and Masvingo provinces. It was divided into four
sub-teams headed by chief superintendents Musarashana Mabunda, Patrick
Ncube, one Mhene and another Mangoma.
The sub-team leaders reported
to assistant police commissioner Chris Gora, who deputised team leader,
Mutamba.
Relying on information unearthed by investigators, Police
Commissioner Augustine Chihuri and State Security Minister Nicholas Goche,
in charge of intelligence services, informed Mugabe in early November last
year that enough evidence had been uncovered to arrest
Mnangagwa.
It was then that Mugabe ordered Chihuri to call off the
probe against Mnangagwa, one of his closest lieutenants and for long
perceived as his heir apparent until he sidelined him in December to appoint
Joyce Mujuru as vice-president.
Mnangagwa was first publicly
linked to illegal gold trade when his name was mentioned during the trial in
March last year of Mark Mathew Burden, a local gold producer who was being
accused of involvement in the gold black market and of
smuggling.
Burden, who was also accused of illegally exchanging 8.8
kilogrammes of gold for diesel at the height of the fuel crisis in Zimbabwe,
allegedly told the police that he had illegally traded in gold on behalf of
Mnangagwa.
But Burden, later withdrew the statement about Mnangagwa
saying it had been extracted from him under duress. He was later acquitted
by the court.
Mnangagwa, who has been the ruling ZANU PF party's
finance secretary until a few years ago, was also last year quizzed by a
party taskforce investigating allegations that companies owned by the party
had siphoned foreign currency out of Zimbabwe.
The ZANU PF
probe however appears to have hit a brick wall after top directors of the
party's companies fled the country, reportedly with the help of an unnamed
senior politician.
Mnangagwa was also named in a United Nations
report two years ago among African politicians and military commanders who
allegedly looted diamonds and other natural resources from the Democratic
Republic of the Congo during that country's civil war. - ZimOnline
Deputy minister orders shooting of MDC candidate Wed 26
January 2005 INSIZA - An opposition candidate in the March election escaped
unhurt after he was shot at here last weekend by ruling ZANU PF party
supporters allegedly on the orders of Deputy Minister of Transport, Andrew
Langa.
Langa, who is the sitting Member of Parliament (MP) for
Insiza, about 120 kilometres south of Bulawayo, is also the ZANU PF
candidate for the area in the March poll. He was in the area campaigning
when he met the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party's Siyabonga
Malandu, who was also canvassing for support.
The MP allegedly
ordered his younger brother and his driver, who were part of a group of
supporters he was travelling with, to shoot at Malandu and his
supporters.
Neither Malandu nor his supporters were injured because
of the shooting although three youths who were part of the opposition group
were assaulted.
Malandu said: "We met a convoy of seven ZANU PF
cars, including Langa's personal car. They blocked and insulted us. Langa
then ordered his team to shoot us. His brother Danny and driver Patrick Hove
then opened fire. Our youths fled but three were caught and were beaten
up."
The shooting incident was reported and entered as crime record
number 717273 at Filabusi police station in the area.
Langa
could not be reached for comment while police spokesman Wayne Bvudzijena
refused to comment on the matter.
The ZANU PF parliamentarian
reclaimed the Insiza seat from the MDC in a violence-marred by-election in
2002. Langa was also accused of shooting to death an MDC activist,
Darlington Kadengu, during the run-up to the by-election.
A
petition by the MDC challenging Langa's victory in that by-election is still
pending at the courts.
The MDC has threatened to boycott the March
poll unless the political playing field is levelled and political violence
ended. - ZimOnline
Business begs Mugabe to mend relations with IMF Wed 26
January 2005 HARARE - Zimbabwe's business leaders have called on President
Robert Mugabe and his government to restore relations with the International
Monetary Fund (IMF) and other multilateral institutions to get
balance-of-payments support badly needed to end Zimbabwe's forex
crisis.
In submissions ahead of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe's
monetary policy review statement today, the Zimbabwe National Chamber of
Commerce (ZNCC) said Harare must urgently restore full relations with the
IMF and other international lending institutions to get economic
support.
The ZNNC said: "There is need to quickly restore fully
relations with international financiers like the World Bank and
International Monetary Fund in order to benefit from the balance-of-payment
support which will improve our supply of foreign currency to meet local
demand."
The business grouping also castigated RBZ governor Gideon
Gono's exchange rate policy which they said was uncompetitive and had led to
a decline in exports.
The Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries,
which together with the ZNCC are the two biggest representative bodies for
business in the country, has also said Gono's foreign currency auction
system had failed with more traders now resorting to the black market where
forex was readily available.
Gono, whose previous prescriptions to
end foreign currency shortages and kick-start Zimbabwe's troubled economy
have flopped, is today expected to unveil yet more measures to try and
resuscitate the economy.
Zimbabwe has grappled its worst economic
crisis since the IMF cut financial support in 1999 after disagreements with
Harare over fiscal policy, human and property rights and other governance
issues. Other international donors and development partners, taking a cue
from the IMF, have also withheld support to Harare.
Mugabe's
chaotic and often violent land reforms in the last three years have only
helped exacerbate the economic crisis by destabilising the mainstay
agricultural sector. - ZimOnline
JOHANNESBURG - Movement
for Democratic Change party leader (MDC), Morgan Tsvangirai, has described
President Robert Mugabe's government as a "vampire regime" that must be
removed if the country is to return to normalcy.
Tsvangirai
made the remarks at a one day seminar on opposition parties and democracy in
Africa at the South Africa Institute for International Affairs in
Johannesburg this week.
He said people must not underestimate
the consultation process which the MDC is conducting before announcing its
decision on the March election saying it was thorough and
important.
Tsvangirai said the party wanted to take a decision
that reflected the wishes of the people.
"We are doing this
because we want to have a resounding mandate from the people of Zimbabwe his
party was undertaking the process would result in the party making a
decision based on the wishes of the people."
The MDC which had
been postponing its decision on the elections would convene a national
executive meeting early next week to finalise the matter.
He
said people should not be worried about whether the MDC will participate or
not but they must be concerned about the conditions under which the election
in Zimbabwe would be conducted.
Tsvangirai said the present
conditions were not conducive for free and fair elections and called on the
African Union and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) to
rectify the matter before the poll.
The MDC has threatened to
boycott the March election if the playground is not levell ed but they are
being persuaded by regional and international leaders to take part in the
elections.
THE country's gold
production has surged to a new three-year high with total output of the
yellow metal reaching 19 675.09 kilogrammes at the end of last
year.
Provisional figures from the Zimbabwe Chamber of Mines
indicate that 19 675 kg of gold were produced last year valued at $1.3
trillion. The 2004 output figure represents a 57 percent increase compared
to 12 564 kg produced in 2003. In 2001, Zimbabwe produced 18 049 kg of
gold.
The RBZ is buying gold at $92 000/gramme. Those that opt
to sell in foreign currency get 50 percent of the payment in Zimbabwean
dollars at the auction rate and are allowed to retain 40 percent in US
dollars while the remaining 10 percent is paid at a rate of
US$1:$824.
Gold miners are now accessing the productive sector
facility at a concessional interest rate of 50 percent per annum, which has
enabled them to reduce working capital costs.
The Chamber
of Mines has since appealed to the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe and government
for a review of the gold price, to improve the fortunes of the mining
sector. The mining body is looking for a review of the price to at least
$115 000/gramme from the current $92 000.
"The chamber has
engaged the RBZ saying that the current $92 000 is unsustainable. They are
looking at a figure ranging from $115 000 to $120 000," a mining executive
said.
Gold producers say a review of the gold price would
offset the rising costs of wages and electricity. Zesa introduced a 126
percent one-off tariff hike for industry and the mining sector this month
which the miners' representative organisation is greatly worried
about.
Yellow metal producers have also raised concerns about
the new minimum wage for the industry of $735 000 per month. The new figure
came from an Administrative Court intervention after employers and employees
were deadlocked over a new wage.
Increases of 33 percent
were awarded in April and July. A further increase of 53 percent was awarded
as of October 1.
Last year the RBZ was buying gold for $60 000
per gramme.
ZIMBABWE's youngest Member of Parliament, Nelson Chamisa of
the opposition MDC, has been arrested. His arrest yesterday came barely
two days after heavily armed police in Bulawayo pounced on his colleague and
fellow legislator for Makokoba, Thokozani Khupe, during a meeting in her
constituency. Chamisa, the legislator for Kuwadzana, was arrested in
Marondera yesterday for allegedly inciting public violence, while Khupe was
released on Monday on $100 000 bail. Their arrests come at a time
Zimbabwe's main opposition party has appealed to regional and international
leaders to help level the playing field, in Zimbabwe, which it says tilts
heavily in favour of the status quo. The MDC has since accused the police of
selective application of the law using their interpretation of the Public
Order and Security Act, which they say gives them power to sanction
political gatherings. The police insist that under POSA, they should give the
go ahead for parties to meet openly for their safety, while the MDC argues
that the legislation only requires them to notify the uniformed officers of
their intention to hold meetings, and not seek clearance. MDC secretary
for information and publicity Paul Themba Nyathi said Chamisa was arrested
when he reported at Marondera Police Station yesterday in the company of his
lawyer, Alec Muchadehama of Mbidzo, Muchadehama and Makoni Legal
Practitioners. "Chamisa was arrested this morning in Marondera on allegations
of inciting violence. He is accused of having addressed an MDC youth forum
in Wedza constituency on Saturday, January 22 2005, at which meeting he is
alleged to have used some language that incited violence," Nyathi
said.
Police spokesperson Wayne Bvudzijena yesterday confirmed Chamisa's
arrest, saying he was being held by Marondera Police. "He was arrested
this morning for inciting public violence at a meeting he held in Wedza last
Saturday. He is currently in police custody in Marondera," Bvudzijena
said. In a statement, Nyathi said the number of arrests of its leadership and
members had become a cause for concern to the MDC. He said: "The MDC is
increasingly concerned by the rise in the number of arrests of its
leadership and members. We are particularly perturbed by the increasing
cases in which the police are continuing to disrupt MDC meetings and play
Zanu PF devil's advocate. "We are aware that the police are on a mission to
fulfil an assignment designed by the paymaster, Zanu PF, and whose desire
would be to derail our successful meet-the-people programme ahead of the
March 2005 general election." Last year, seven MDC legislators were
arrested for various offences, mainly for allegedly inciting violence and
holding illegal gatherings, while several others have been detained in
police custody on similar charges since the formation of the party in
September 1999. Nyathi said the latest arrest was an indication that the
government was not in a position to comply with Sadc guidelines on
democratic elections.
REGIONAL magistrate Peter Kumbawa
yesterday recused himself from the espionage trial of Zanu PF deputy
director of security Kenny Karidza following a successful defence
application by defence counsel George Chikumbirike. Chikumbirike applied
that Kumbawa steps down from hearing the matter during proceedings held in
camera yesterday. Stephen Musona from the Attorney General's Office told
reporters after the proceedings held in camera for security reasons that
Kumbawa had recused himself and Karidza's trial was expected to resume
tomorrow before a new magistrate. "The defence has made an application
for the magistrate to recuse himself from the case and the application has
been granted. The matter has been remanded to Thursday (tomorrow). A new
magistrate is going to be allocated to deal with the matter, which means the
trial is likely to resume then," Musona said. The proceedings, which are
usually conducted in Court 19, were yesterday moved to the Victim Friendly
Court at the Harare Magistrates' Courts. Karidza is pleading not guilty to
charges of contravening provisions of the Official Secrets Act. Facing
similar charges are the ruling party's chairman for Mashonaland West and
Chinhoyi legislator Phillip Chiyangwa, ex-Metropolitan Bank company
secretary Tendai Matambanadzo, Zanu PF director of external affairs Itai
Marchi and Zimbabwe's ambassador-designate to Mozambique Godfrey
Dzvairo. Kumbawa dismissed Chiyangwa's application for refusal of remand and
bail last year prompting the legislator to seek recourse in the High Court
where Justice Charles Hungwe has reserved judgment on the matter. Last
week, Kumbawa turned down an application by Matambanadzo, Marchi and Dzvairo
to change their pleas from guilty to not guilty saying it was an attempt by
the trio to delay the judicial process. Defence counsels Dube, Manikai and
Hwacha indicated they would take up the matter with the High Court to
overturn Kumbawa's decision.
THE
controversial visit to Zimbabwe by the Congress of South African Trade
Unions (Cosatu) has been hit by confusion with two government ministers
issuing conflicting statements on who was to clear the delegation's intended
visit here. The militant SA labour group is expected in the country next
Wednesday, according to Cosatu general secretary Zwelinzima Vavi. Labour,
Public Service and Social Welfare Minister Paul Mangwana said it was the
responsibility of Home Affairs Minister Kembo Mohadi to clear Cosatu to
visit Zimbabwe while Mohadi said if they do not go through Mangwana he would
not entertain them. So who is responsible? Mangwana maintained that
the ultimate decision to grant Cosatu permission to come here was the
prerogative of the Internal Affairs ministry. He said: "I don't know why they
wrote to me. That is none of my business that is why I have not responded. I
don't care who they visit. That is not my responsibility to clear them into
the country. It is that of the Home Affairs ministry. I can only entertain
them if they abide by the government-to-government protocol. I am part of
government not ZCTU - a labour union." However, Mohadi said the decision
to clear the delegation rested with Mangwana while his duties entailed that
the Labour minister's decision was respected. "There is nothing untoward
about the visit, they should only abide by the laws. Minister Mangwana has
to grant them permission that's why they wrote to him. If he does not (grant
them permission), my responsibility is to see to it that the laws of the
country are not flouted," Mohadi stressed. Vavi said a delegation would be on
"the first flight (to Zimbabwe) on February 2". He said Mangwana was aware
of this and had been duly notified. Last October, the government sent packing
a 12-member Cosatu delegation by road via Beitbridge violating a High Court
order dismissing Harare's unilateral decision as unlawful. The move
provoked a backlash from the MDC, which was born out of trade unionism. The
opposition party went on to move a motion in Parliament heavily criticising
the action. Zanu PF legislators hit back by walking out of Parliament when
the issue was being debated. The latest development follows last
Saturday's meeting in Cape Town between Vavi and his ZCTU counterpart
Wellington Chibebe. The two trade unionists issued a joint statement saying
they had reviewed the situation in Zimbabwe and agreed that Cosatu should
renew their fact-finding mission. In a letter dated January 24, addressed
to Mangwana and signed by Vavi, Cosatu's powerful scribe said: "We hope to
arrive in the country in the first week of February and will comply fully
with all laws of the country. We trust that this time there will be no
problem with the mission entering the country and exercising its right to
meet our fellow trade unionists." Vavi also explained that this time around
they would restrict their meeting only to ZCTU officials. During the last
visit, the Cosatu delegation wanted to meet the National Constitutional
Assembly (NCA), Crisis Coalition Zimbabwe, the Zimbabwe Election Support
Network - civic groups perceived as an extension of the MDC. The
government objected to the trip saying "the proposed fact finding mission is
predicted in the political domain." As such, Vavi in another letter to
regional and general secretaries of labour unions asking them to join in the
Zimbabwe itinerary, said the decision to meet the ZCTU only, and not civil
society was a compromise. "We know that this approach of restricting our
meeting to the ZCTU instead of meeting all those we believe may provide us
with information, such as civil society organisations, is already a
compromise. "It could encourage some to run a campaign to suggest we had
ulterior motives at the time of our previous mission. It is a compromise
because, as a revolutionary movement we have stubbornly refused to be
restricted to narrow labour issues," Vavi declared. He also wrote to
Moses Katchima, the executive secretary of the Botswana-based Southern
Africa Trade Unions Coordinating Committee. He implored the need for
solidarity with Zimbabweans in light of the impending crucial
elections. Vavi said without Sadc nations' intervention, "the country would
be plunged into a major catastrophe if the elections do not help thecountryt
out of its current crisis."
TODAY, the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe
(RBZ) governor Gideon Gono presents the 2004 fourth quarterly review of the
monetary policy, amid a history of 13 months that have transformed
Zimbabwe's economy. In December 2003, Gono singled out inflation as the
biggest hurdle to economic prosperity. Through Gono's subsequent monetary
policy statement and constant reviews, inflation has declined from a peak of
623 percent in December 2003 to 132 percent in December last year, although
it remains the highest in the world. However, as the governor presents the
fourth review today, various loopholes remain unplugged. The majority of the
corporate world is still in distress despite the RBZ channeling a $2
trillion revival package to them. The export sector is still handic apped by
exchange rate disparities, which the central bank has struggled to
control. The introduction of the foreign currency auction system in January
2004 has failed to mobilise enough foreign currency to lubricate the
critical sector's needs. Although the auction has significantly improved
foreign currency inflows from US$250 million in September 2003 to US$1.2
billion at the same time last year, there are glaring mismatches between
demand and supply. Economic experts have pointed out that a real foreign
currency auction system under the current scenario would invoke the
declining instability given that the local currency has remained over valued
against the US$, a situation that breeds the black market. Added to the
exchange rate challenges are the high interest rates, which have however
been on a down spin in recent months. The financial services sector has in
the past month slashed interest rates from 200 percent last year to at least
128 percent in the past few weeks. However these rates remain very high
making borrowing very difficult, if not impossible to the productive
sector. This is against a backdrop of uneconomical deposit rates, some of
which are as low as 3.5 percent. A recent list of deposit rates provided
by the monetary authorities indicate that by December last year Barclays
Bank was paying 36 percent, NMB 10 percent, CFX Bank 15 percent and Stanbic
Bank offering 3.5 percent interest on deposits. The RBZ has recently
questioned the seriousness of the figures but no action has been taken to
deal with banks taking into consideration the fact these funds are invested
in high yielding money markets with up to 300 percent interests to the
banks. "It will be a sad day when the RBZ will be forced, against its will,
to prescribe interest rates on the back of perceived, as well as actual
unfairness on play. "Some players on the market have been found to hold
in excess of $1 trillion on demand accounts where they are paying depositors
interest rates of as little as 0.2 percent per annum," Gono noted in a
recent statement. The Zimbabwe National Chamber of Commerce (ZNCC) says
interest on deposits should go up to encourage more deposits and savings.
The ZNCC also says consideration should be given to legislating the gap
between lending and deposit rates in line with inflation
movements. Although the central bank has posted giant strides in dealing with
the speculation in the financial services sector, economic performance has
also been affected by the closure of seven financial institutions, the bulk
of who provided industry's working capital requirements. Appropriate
strategies must be implemented before these financial institutions are shut
down while surveillance mechanisms should be increased to restore
credibility and confidence in the critical sector, according to most
analysts. As the monetary authority, the central bank should prevail its
influence to restrain the arbitrary price increases that, inspite of the
declining inflationary pressures, have continued to be hiked, especially by
local authorities and parastatals. Zesa recently massively hiked its
tariffs, further increasing the production costs of industry. Business
organisations say their licences have increased from $60 000 last year to
$3.5 million, while little effort has been made to support critical value
addition that generates more foreign currency earnings. Business has also
been affected by the practice of probing the origins of foreign currency in
the hands of individuals and companies and this has affected efforts to
mobilise more foreign currency. The ZNCC proposes that no questions should be
asked for transactions of less than US$5000 involving individuals, and US$20
000 for body corporates.
AN MDC youth leader in
Budiriro was severely assaulted by fellow party members on Saturday, in
skirmishes involving the opposition party supporters. Impecabble sources
told The Daily Mirror yesterday that the Budiriro acting youth chairman,
identified only as Gonzo, sustained serious injuries as the marauding party
supporters exchanged blows following misunderstandings during a party
meeting. The youths were allegedly divided between those aligned to Budiriro
Member of Parliament Gilbert Shoko and others who were opposed to
him. Police spokesperson Wayne Bvudzijena yesterday confirmed the assault on
Gonzo. He said Gonzo had reported the matter to the police when he sought
clearance for medical examination. Assault and accident victims usually
have to get police clearance before they are attended to at hospitals or
clinics, unless in emergency cases. Bvudzijena said he could not provide more
information as the matter was still under investigation. "The incident
happened on January 22 at the Budiriro car park. He came to the police for
clearance to seek medical attention. At the moment we are not aware of his
status." Efforts to locate Gonzo yesterday were in vain. MDC Harare province
spokesperson Last Maengahama said: "We need more time to verify the story.
They were all members of the party, but the matter, I understand, had
nothing to do with politics. But at the moment I do not want to say anything
as there are elements of truth and lies in the story." Shoko also confirmed
the assault on Gonzo. "He came to me saying he had been assaulted by
fellow party supporters and I assisted him," he said. He dismissed
allegations that he had been the cause of divisions among the youths that
could tear apart the party structures in that constituency.
THE MDC
has accused Zanu PF youths in Mashonaland Central province of barring it
from conducting meetings in the province, reportedly saying it was a "no-go"
area for the country's main opposition political party. The ruling party
draws most of its support from that province as well as Mashonaland East and
West. The three provinces, the MDC said, recorded some of the most violent
clashes that erupted between supporters of the two protagonists in the
bloody 2000 parliamentary elections. Blessing Nhema, the MDC youth
chairman for the province, alleged his group was barred from holding
outreach programmes in some parts of the province last week to enlighten
opposition supporters about the forthcoming elections. Nhema claimed that
Zanu PF youths barred them from holding the meeting in Chiveso, on the
outskirts of Bindura. He said his group then proceeded to Shamva but the
ruling party youths pursued them. Said Nhema: "When we got to Shamva, we
went to our district chairperson's (a Mrs Muronzi) house. In the meantime,
Zanu PF youths mobilised other youths in the area and gathered at her
gate." He said when they were about to leave, they were blocked and the
ruling party youths only moved after Muronzi intervened. Tichaona
Chahwanda, the opposition party's youth secretary for Mazowe, echoed Nhema's
sentiments, alleging that his group, too was barred from holding activities
at Mushurwe village in Nzvimbo last Sunday. He said they were attacked by a
group of Zanu PF youths at Howard shopping centre where they had gone to buy
food. Contacted for comment, the province's governor, Ephraim Masawi referred
all questions to Zanu PF youth leaders, saying he only dealt with matters of
development. Zanu PF deputy secretary for youths, Saviour Kasukuwere
dismissed the allegations, saying: "That is nonsense. They should not waste
their time in this province, if they have failed to convince people they
should not put the blame on us because we will not organise meetings on
their behalf." He said that the MDC was failing to mobilise support around
the country and declared it would never win any election in
Zimbabwe. Some time last year the ruling party was alleged to have come up
with a "password" for visitors to gain entry into the province. Although
Masawi denied the allegations, he said some people were suspicious of
strangers in the province. This sad scenario comes at a time when President
Robert Mugabe, the government and his party's leadership have declared war
on politically motivated violence ahead of the general elections slated for
March. The polls are expected to be a two horse race between the ruling party
and the MDC, if the opposition party decides to participate. So far,
indications are that the MDC will take part although they have kept the
nation guessing on their decision. Some of the reasons the MDC stood back
from participating in any elections in the country is alleged selectively
application of the law and the use of youths-militia to intimidate its
electorate and bar it from holding political meetings.
Zimbabwe's forex rules likely to be eased in quarterly
review January 26, 2005
Harare - Zimbabwe's central bank
would press ahead with its policy of reining in inflation and easing foreign
exchange controls when it released its quarterly policy review today,
analysts said.
While inflation had slowed to 133 percent from a
high of 624 percent a year ago, pressure from increases in the price of
services provided mainly by state-owned enterprises and local authorities
could stall the fight against inflation, they said.
Zimbabwe is
in an economic crisis, which critics blame on mismanagement by the
government of President Robert Mugabe.
Mugabe has denied the charge
and blamed his country's woes on sabotage by opponents of his seizure of
white-owned farms for redistribution to poor black Zimbabweans.
"We expect the central bank to continue with its tight monetary policy to
bring the rate of inflation down early in the year,"
Confederation
of Zimbabwe Industries president Pattison Sithole told Reuters.
"But we are worried that parastatals right now are coming with exorbitant
charges for services, which is highly inflationary," he added.
State power company Zesa raised tariffs by up to 500 percent this month.
Local authorities have increased charges by an average of 160 percent, and
firms want to pass this on to consumers.
Analysts also want central
bank governor Gideon Gono to keep a tight leash on money supply growth -
which reached 320.6 percent last August - by not extending cheap funds to
distressed industries.
Zimbabwe's economy has shrunk nearly 30
percent since 1999, with an unemployment rate of 70 percent and acute
shortages of fuel and foreign exchange.
Industrialists want
interest rates, at 130 percent, reduced to about 50 percent. But analysts
have said such a move would boost money supply growth and inflation as
companies borrowed cheaply and speculated in foreign currency and
stocks.
Investment rates have remained at less than 20 percent,
discouraging savings.
The Zimbabwe National Chamber of
Commerce expects Gono to offer exporters a higher rate for their foreign
currency and to scrap the dual exchange rate to stimulate
growth.
Similar demands were also made by the Chamber of Mines
early this month.
Keeping exporters viable is crucial to the
government since international donors such as the International Monetary
Fund suspended funding in 1999, cutting the country's other main foreign
exchange lifeline.
Exporters sell their foreign currency at
auctions controlled by the central bank.
In the latest auction
on Monday, the local unit fell to its lowest against the US dollar since
auctions began a year ago, after the bank accepted higher-priced bids for
foreign currency.
The local dollar dropped 0.6 percent to Z$5
879.95 to the US dollar at Monday's auction as the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe
sold $11 million. The auctions are held twice a week.
The
Zimbabwean dollar was trading at Z$921.61 to the rand yesterday.
The central bank started the auctions after the currency dropped as low as
Z$10 000 per US dollar on the black market. Exporters have said the rates at
the auctions were not viable.
The auctions provide foreign currency
for use by businesses and are used as an indicative rate by banks for the
purchase of foreign currency by individuals.
Foreign currency
not sold in the auctions is sold to the government at Z$824 to
US$1.
"We see the Reserve Bank relaxing some foreign exchange rules
such as the amount exporters can retain ... but at the same time striking a
balance with importers so that we don't end up with imported inflation,"
said the president of the Zimbabwe National Chamber of Commerce, Luxon
Zembe.
Gono is also expected to announce new measures to strengthen
the country's financial sector, which has lost investor credibility
following the closure of eight locally owned banks in the past
year.
CONFERENCE THEME: OPPOSITION PARTIES AND
DEMOCRACY IN AFRICA: THE ROLE AND CHALLENGES
SESSION 2:
Dealing with Ruling Party Hegemony
Perceptions of the official
opposition - Encouraging a change in political consciousness in
Zimbabwe
Morgan Tsvangirai, President, Movement for Democratic
Change, Zimbabwe.
Chairperson, ladies and gentlemen,
After 90
years of colonial rule and years of a sustained guerrilla war, Zimbabwe was
born. That was in 1980. We celebrated with boundless excitement.
Independence marked the end of an era of colonial rule. Independence marked
a new beginning. To give a legal face to that independence, Britain crafted
a power transfer agreement at Lancaster House in London. The agreement
included a surrender document presented in the form of a Constitution. The
people had no input into this independence document. The so-called
Constitution was a mere compromise document totally unconcerned about the
path to freedom and to real democracy.
Twenty five years down the
line, that document is still the supreme law of our
land.
Zimbabwe assumed its statehood with immediate post-war
problems of structure, authority and control. Through a series of
Presidential interventions, the white colonial administration was smashed
overnight and replaced by a system of political patronage that rewarded
idleness and sycophancy. The new system fanned instability, assumed an alien
populist socialist ideology that pretended on worker representation,
embraced trappings of foreign cultures and abandoned the ideals of the
liberation struggle. The new system merely replaced the colonial
administrator and adopted an agenda that was at variance with the
expectations and aspirations of the people.
The state was
staffed by party loyalists whose brief was to serve and save the party
regardless of the national agenda. The pattern remains the same today. One
could therefore argue that Zimbabwe is a nation without a state, without a
democratic state. During the first five years of independence, the system
was at war with the people in Matabeleland and parts of the
Midlands.
In the second five year period, the system broke ranks
with the entire nation. The church, workers, students and peasants began to
confront the regime, seeking answers as to the direction the revolution was
taking. The revolution had lost its way. To survive, the regime declared a
war against the people.
Throughout the 90 years of direct
colonial oppression, there were two civil society organizations which kept
our people united, across the racial, ethnic and class divide: the church
and the trade union movement. Churches and trade unions produced and
developed the nationalist political leadership of the
time.
Chairperson, ladies and gentlemen, this is where we are
coming from.
The regime could no longer hide its confusion.
Workers openly confronted the nationalists and challenged them on their
earlier pronouncements and ideology, especially when Robert Mugabe and Zanu
PF adopted the Economic Structural Adjustment Programme as the new economic
policy at the start of the second decade of our independence. ESAP exposed
Zanu PF.
The ZCTU declared its autonomy and de-linked itself from
Zanu PF. Zanu PF could no longer justify its socialist ideology. Zanu PF
lost its publicly stated socialist identity. The party was confused as to
how to deal with the workers. When it failed to negotiate, it sought
confrontation. It sought to smash the labour movement. The party lost its
worker base. It had to deal with the crisis of loss of political base. Zanu
PF lost its worker representative status out of which it claimed its right
to existence as a socialist party.
Chairperson, ladies and
gentlemen, at that time, I was the leader of the Zimbabwe Congress Trade
Unions. I was arrested and brought before the courts and charged with
treason, my first treason charge.
The student movement voiced its
concern. Zanu PF responded with force. For the first time since
independence, student demonstrations were brutally suppressed. Student
leaders were arrested and charged. A new law, holding back academic
freedom, was imposed to limit student and intellectual activity, banning
demonstrations on university campuses. The picture remains the same to this
day.
The suppression of popular discontent and the crisis of
governance led to a rapid evolution of social movements. Through its
actions, the regime united the people against it. The regime created a
breeding ground for the emergence of a range of
alternatives.
Chairperson, ladies and gentlemen, for clarity let
me go back to the political events prior to the start of the second decade
of our independence. The ruling party's political ideology is one premised
on the misguided concept that Zanu PF alone has the legitimate right to rule
Zimbabwe.
The manifestation of this ideology is a violent
political culture, and virulent, backward and distorted form of nationalism,
that brooks no dissent or criticism of the ruling party and its political
agenda. This form of nationalism borders on fascism. All political opponents
are publicly vilified as enemies of the state and agents of some nefarious
outside influence.
Apathy, fear and subservience are viewed
as the benchmarks of political success. Every election that has been held in
Zimbabwe since 1980 has been marred by political violence and intimidation,
most of which has been perpetrated by supporters of the ruling party. In the
1985 elections, which were held in during the brutal clamp-down in
Matabeleland, political violence occurred in the Zapu strongholds of
Matabeleland and Midlands provinces.
The ruling party's
clampdown on its Zapu rivals formed the centerpiece of its strategy to usher
in a legislated one-party state. The coercive pressure on the Zapu
leadership culminated in the Unity Accord of 1987 under which the Zapu
leadership agreed to absorb their party into Zanu PF. The Accord ignored
the basic political and economic concerns of the ordinary
people.
The Unity Accord technically created a de facto one party
state. The Accord empowered Zanu PF to shake off the restrictions imposed on
the nation by the Lancaster House Constitution and implement the people's
will without any legislative and executive hindrance. But that was not to
be. In the absence of a legislated one-party state, Zanu PF was determined
to exploit powers at its disposal to ensure that all political opponents
lost the stomach for a prolonged challenge to its
authority.
The 1990 elections were marred by violence which left
Patrick Kombayi, an opposition candidate challenging late Vice President
Simon Muzenda, maimed for life. The Zimbabwe Unity Movement, a new party
formed by the former Zanu PF Secretary General Edgar Tekere was heavily
infiltrated, destabilized and later collapsed.
But the people
remained undeterred. Former Chief Justice Enock Dumbutshena transformed a
civic grouping, the Forum Trust of Zimbabwe, into a political party to
contest the 1995 Parliamentary elections. Like ZUM, the party faced the same
fate.
Chairperson, ladies and gentlemen, a government with a poor
record of delivery risks continuous challenges from the people. With all the
legislative and political power at its disposal, Zanu PF failed to deliver
on basic expectations of the liberation struggle. The party personalized
state power and sought to monopolize the liberation struggle. The crisis of
governance in Zimbabwe assumed critical proportions and its resolution could
not be located within the ruling party.
Almost a quarter of
century after independence, Zimbabweans are as poor as they were in 1970,
fewer people have formal sector jobs now than in 1980 and life expectancy is
lower than in 1960. On the one occasion we were granted an audience with
Mugabe, he informed us to go and form our own political party if we were
serious about achieving our objectives. Well, on 11 September 1999, we did
just that.
The founding objective of the movement was to take
over power through democratic means. This presented a point of departure
with the culture in Africa where the opposition often opted for violence in
order to effect regime change.
Allow me, Chairperson, ladies
and gentlemen, to draw your attention to the following points in our
founding manifesto, published in August 1999, and I quote:
a.. The
MDC stands for the supremacy of the nation and its people over partisan or
individual interests. a.. The MDC rejects systems that prioritise defence
of the leadership interests over defence of people interests. a.. The
MDC stands for a people's Constitution, prepared in a democratic, broad
based and participatory process that recognises equality of opportunity and
treatment of all Zimbabweans. a.. The MDC stands for social democratic,
equitable, human centred development policies, pursued in an environment of
political pluralism, participatory democracy and accountable, transparent
governance. a.. The MDC aims to build a united, non-racial, non-sexist and
democratic society. End of quote.
No matter which yardstick of
human development is used, Zimbabwe has regressed significantly in the last
10 years - and in a more visible way in the last five years. For us
democratic change could be achieved through the electoral process. In the
June 2000 parliamentary elections, which were, as you know, were marred by
violence and electoral malpractice, the MDC won 57 of the 120 seats that
were contested.
The results of these elections meant that for the
first time since independence Zimbabwe had an official opposition with a
national support base. In line with our thinking on how to bring about
democratic change, we challenged the results in 37 constituencies. Of these
eight were set aside in our favour, which means we won the popular vote in
that election.
However, five years later and a few days before
the nation goes to the polls again the courts are still to conclude the
election petitions. By 2003, we were in charge of 12 major towns and cities
after the local government elections. In essence the result means the MDC
controls a constituency that generates 60% of the country's Gross Domestic
Product. Politically, the result means we drive the national
agenda.
Given the public policy and public position of SADC and
the AU on freedom, liberty, equity, economic management, governance and
democracy, one would have thought the two bodies could put together
mechanisms for correction and sanction should a member state deliberately
sabotage these noble ideals.
Chairperson, ladies and gentlemen,
the MDC believes, as a matter of natural right, that it is important to
participate in the furtherance of democracy, free and fair elections and
human development. The party sees a progressive Africa as a continent that
respects universal principles on all facets of human
endeavour.
Nothing, absolutely nothing, Chairperson, ladies and
gentlemen, should be classified as an African standard, different from what
happens elsewhere. My experiences in dealing with a post-colonial
dictatorship shows that such struggles can be so protracted that it is
impossible to put a time frame to it. After the electoral dispute arising
from the Parliamentary election in 2000, we resolved to pursue a legal
channel as a solution.
The regime quickly subverted the judiciary
and sat on the election petitions. The matters remain unattended to, a few
weeks before another Parliamentary election. The delays made us very
uncomfortable and destroyed confidence in the electoral system. We,
nevertheless, soldiered on. We took part in 13 by-elections, regardless of
the tight conditions and violence on the ground.
In my case,
in 2000 the High Court nullified the result in Buhera North Constituency
where my Zanu PF rival, Kenneth Manyonda's violent campaign led to the
deaths of two MDC campaign workers. Manyonda appealed to the Supreme Court.
The court record was missing soon afterwards. Mugabe awarded Manyonda with a
Ministerial post. In the case of Makoni East Constituency, the High Court
took two years to pass a judgment after hearing our candidate's arguments.
Again, the Zanu PF loser appealed against the judgment and was immediately
rewarded with a Ministerial post.
I participated in the
Presidential election in March 2002 against heavy odds. I believe I won that
election. When Mugabe stole the ballot once again, I petitioned the High
Court for relief. It took me 18 months and a High Court judgment to get a
date for an initial hearing. The matter is still pending, three years after
the election.
In between, I spent two and half years in
conditions of virtual house arrest and on trial for high
treason.
Together with scores of activists who include 14 Members
of Parliament, I survived several assassination attempts. Three MDC MPs who
had been assaulted subsequently died. Being related to or employed by an MDC
MP can result in gross violations of human rights. Three MPs have had
members of their staff brutally murdered. Although the culprits are known,
no arrests have been made.
The MDC could have responded to
the violence encouraged by Zanu PF by sanctioning our supporters to fight
'fire with fire' and retaliate. But we haven't. And the reason for this is
that we as a party do not support violence. The legal route, through the
courts, has let us down as a possible remedy to our problem. The other
option at our disposal was through our participation in
Parliament.
The long and short of our experience in the
legislature under the prevailing environment where we are in the minority is
that we went to parliament to debate, raising issues of national concern
while the ruling party came to parliament solely for the purpose of
legislating parochial issues of its personal
survival.
Parliament for them became a tool for legitimizing the
subversion of the people's will. The regime is trying to use us in the
process as a de-facto accomplice. Because of the Zanu PF majority, beefed up
by 30 appointed MPs, Parliament passed some of the most repressive
legislation in Zimbabwe's history during the past five years. Parliament
even jailed Chaimanimani MP Roy Bennett using the same flawed
system.
Further, we tried to search for a political solution
through the negotiating table. Again this path was not taken seriously, with
the regime only viewing negotiations as an opportunity to buy time as well
as open opportunity to destabilize our party.
When
persuasion, diplomacy and outside political pressure failed to bring about
results, we intensified internal pressure at home. In March and in June
2003, we organized mass action against Mugabe and Zanu PF. We managed to
bring the country to a standstill for a week, credit to which must go to
Zimbabweans.
That earned me two weeks in jail and a 2nd
treason charge.
The question then is how did we manage to handle
the ruling party's hegemony and survive as a political party? Our approach
was simple. We remained in contact with the people. We applied a variety of
democratic methods of resistance to the regime ranging from international
solidarity, people power, the legal challenges, exposure though
participation in parliament and local government and elections. We also
engaged in acts of defiance as a way of exposing the shortcomings of the
systems under the regime. It is this pressure at all levels that has
sustained us leading the regime to accept that the status quo is no longer
sustainable.
A new spirit has taken route in the SADC region to
deal with the question of elections. The guidelines adopted in Mauritius
last year give us a lot of hope and encouragement. They are not just SADC
guidelines. They are universal requirements. This re-awakening of political
consciousness and collective resolve for a better future in the region
provides us with an engine room for growth, peace and
stability.
Zimbabwe, however, remains out of step with the
thinking of the rest of the region.
The reforms that the
Government has made to the electoral laws, while a step in the right
direction, are nowhere near sufficient. Significant reform measures are
needed if the Government is to comply with the new SADC benchmarks on
democratic elections.
From the MDC's perspective, the Government
needs to carry out the following if credible elections are to take
place:
1.. The disbanding of the youth militias and their
complete removal from all constituencies 2.. The repeal or amendment of
all legislative provisions that infringe upon basic civil and political
liberties 3.. A comprehensive independent audit of the voters' roll and for
those who have been unable to register to be able to do so 4.. Access
to the state media
It will take six months for these reforms to have
a meaningful impact on the electoral and political environment. The MDC is
therefore advocating that the earliest the elections can take place is end
of June 2005.
It is imperative that we get this election right;
that all stakeholders are comfortable with the conditions and processes
under which the election is held. Another disputed election would be bad
news for Zimbabwe and bad news for the region.
Most conflicts
arise from disputed elections - Cote D'Ivoire being the latest example. If
the people are unable to decide who rules them the seeds of conflict and
instability risk being sown.
The twin evils of poverty and
inequality, which have plagued our continent for far too long, can only be
tackled in an open political environment built around democratic
institutions that harness citizens' basic rights and
freedoms.
I am particularly concerned about the plight of
young people in Zimbabwe. Because of the general economic collapse, they are
a potent threat to political stability and economic growth. Many are forced
into the youth militia camps and emerge with brutalized minds and a
distorted understanding of right and wrong. We must prevent the creation of
a lost generation and attend to these idle minds as a national priority.
They remain wounded by poor state planning, inappropriate education and
corruption.
Zimbabwe needs a new beginning. A new Zimbabwe, with
opportunities, jobs and food. The stepping stone to the new Zimbabwe is a
free and fair election. The biggest challenge facing Zimbabwe today is to
make this happen. People have lost confidence in the electoral process. They
have experienced too many fraudulent elections in which their vote has been
meaningless. This has to change. The current electoral and political
environment precludes a free and fair election.
Chairperson,
ladies and gentlemen, in conclusion I want say that the challenges placed on
us by the 24 years of elitist rule are immense. So therefore it is
imperative that we get the forthcoming election right. Another disputed
election would be bad news for the region.
The political
challenges before us are:
a.. A comprehensive programme of
national healing;
a.. a return to the rule of law;
a..
a home-grown Constitution;
a.. a change in our political
culture;
Once that is achieved, our nation can tackle in a
sustainable way the problems of
a.. the
economy;
a.. rebuilding the infrastructure;
a.. the
Hiv/AIDS pandemic;
a.. the current humanitarian
emergency;
a.. shortages of basic social needs.
We are
determined to forge ahead. Beyond the election, I wish to state once again
that we have no intention of pursuing a campaign of retribution once there
is a new dispensation in our country. There is no need for any person to
turn against the people, purely out of fear of a government coming out a
social liberation force like the MDC. The people have long expressed their
revulsion at attempts to repeat the scenes of the past 25 years. They want
to start afresh.
Our vision is to create a platform for the
victim and the perpetrator to experience the joys of justice, peace,
stability, freedom and prosperity. Differences shall be recognized and
respected; our diversity shall be celebrated and accepted as a source of
strength; our political contrasts, separate ideologies and organizational
differences shall assist our nation to reap the benefits of honest political
pluralism. Our vision directs us towards a holistic view of our past,
understanding the desperation of a failed nationalistic
elite.
We understand Africa's known dilemma arising from the
historical failure of the continent's liberators to extend the ideals of the
struggle against colonialism to the people in the post-independence era. We
recognize the weaknesses of the former liberation movements and their
general lack of preparedness to tackle the challenges of a complex
post-colonial era.
But we must move on. Zimbabwe needs a new
beginning.
-
RE: Midlands CFU - Jean Simon - RE: On Hasluck by A Farmer Abroad - Another
Farmer Abroad - SA Spymaster - Willi Robinson - Help - Driver for Elderly
lady -
Neil
Letter
1: RE: Midlands CFU, received 21 January 2005
by Jean Simon
Dear
farmers, ex farmers and other interested parties
I have been away and
have just read the emails on the open letter forum concerning the letter sent
by Trevor to members of his Farmers Association. While I do not condone his
fawning letter of threat to his members I do believe the following is
relevant:
The Commercial Farmers Union is a membership driven Union. That
means that 1 members select their representatives at farmers association
level 2 the members are represented by this elected leader at regional and
then at national level in the CFU Council. 3 Council members elect the
President and Vice President of the Union.
If this is the case then when
we do not approve of our elected representative's behavior, we as members, at
our grass root level, have the right to remove our representative and replace
him/her with another representative.
While I respect our right to
object to the behavior of a representative of CFU, I challenge each one of
you to look towards your own behavior and then concider the
following:
1 If you are presently a member of CFU, raise your objection
to the behavior of Trevor to your membership and if you are a member of
the midlands branch, ask him to resign and replace him. 2 If you are a
member in another Farmers Association, ask your representative to object to
Trevor's behavior at Council next week and ask him to suggest that Trevor be
encouraged to resign. 3 If you are no longer a member of CFU, rejoin the
Union so that you can help select a different representative 4 If you
believe that you no longer have a Farmers Association which can represent
you, join FIT which is an Association for farmers who are no longer on the
land but who still retain an interest in CFU matters. FIT have a
representative in Council.
While you still hold the title to your land or
you continue to lease a piece of land or are an ex farmer, you have the right
to apply for membership of CFU or retain the membership you previously had.
By contributing your subscription to the CFU you are enabling each one of
us to have a common, united, commercial farmer voice which will have a say
in the final outcome of this awful travesty of justice which has taken
place over the past 5 years.
But if you just sit on the sidelines
criticising CFU, you will weaken their potential to help each one of our
farmers, past and present.
Remember, the CFU is only as good as its
members. The members chose the leaders.
ARE YOU A MEMBER OF
CFU?
We are all fighting for a transparent, democratic government who
manages our affairs with the best interests of the people of our country. The
same applies to our CFU. Elect the leaders who will represent you best, IF
you believe the current leaders do not represent you.
Letter
2: RE: A FARMER ABROAD, received 20 January 2005
by Another Farmer
Abroad Dear JAG,
Since reading a letter from Farmer Abroad on your
Open Letters Forum of Jannuary 12th, I have been pondering a lot on one
paragraph.
He quoted David Hasluck as claiming that thanks to having
"deepened and strengthened committment to dialogue" all the Burma Valley
farmers remain on their land. Is this still true?
If so David Hasluck
deserves huge congratulations (which were not accorded when he quit the
CFU).
The press reports that Mr. Mbeki is possibly behind the espionage
of a political party in the country. The motive is believed to be that Mr.
Mbeki wants to know what is really going on in that party. But
why?
Interestingly, there have been thousands of farmers murdered in
South Africa over the last few years. Some South Africans who have left
the country of their birth indicate that it seems likely that Mr. Mbeki
might be studying the inner workings of The Tool of devastation that
has destroyed the banking system in Zimbabwe - by the systematic erosion of
the world banking's sacred instrument - Title. If Cosatu becomes a threat
to Thabo's power base - he will have the formula to have his very own
private Third Chimurenga in South Africa, to secure and protect those all
important votes.
Zimbabweans and South Africans might eventually come
to understand that the destruction, or enormous reduction of security of
tenure has been the very aim of the Third Chimurenga. In this way, all the
people will be at the mercy of the state and subject to His total
subjugation. Twenty years ago, The Leadership acknowledged that the creation
of a form of Title in the Communal Lands would give independence and
interdependence to the poor people in the rural areas - and thus empower
them. In spite of being adopted by all fifty five Rural Councils in the
country to unlock their potential - The Leadership - in the interests of
power retention - rejected the idea outright.
It seems that history
might just once again - mockingly to painfully slow learning man - repeat
itself - maybe with a fast forward button this time. Just as Zambia now
exports maize to hungry Zimbabwe, some being grown by ex-Zimbabwean farmers
in Zambia. So, when the wheel turns full circle, Zimbabwean (and maybe
expatriate South African?) farmers may well grow maize for 50 to 60 million
starving South Africans - who will have feasted on the words "The land is the
Economy, Die Land is Geld!" Chave Chimurenga!"
The only that question
remains is - will Agri-SA (SA Farmers' Union) prostitute its self respect and
integrity by seeking a policy of Dialogue? Time will tell.
Letter
4: HELP - DRIVER FOR ELDERLY LADY, received 21 January 2005
by
Neil
A widowed elderly lady client of mine, who lives in an old age home
on Steppes Rd in Chisipite, has been extremely lucky as for a number of
years now, a very kind & caring businessman loaned her the use of his
companies very reliable, honest and polite driver who used to drive her twice
a week around the suburbs which allowed her some form of independence to do
her own personal business/shopping & do a few chores for her. She is
partly disabled & as a result, is unable to drive
herself.
Unfortunately, the company now needs this driver every day &
has had to withdraw this service from next month.
She is,
understandably, beside herself as this "disaster" will take away her only
remaining form of "independence." She has no family members in the country
anymore. She has her own car - a Toyota Corolla, which the driver used &
which of course, she keeps serviced & fuelled etc.
Can you put out an
SOS for anyone who might have or know of some person/business who could help
her with a driver ?
JAG Hotlines: (091) 261 862 If you are in trouble or need
advice, (011) 205 374 (011) 863 354 please don't hesitate to contact us -
we're here to help! 263 4 799 410 Office Lines
The article below, extracted from the SA Farmer's Weekly
(12.11.2004), refers to various legal challenges won in the SA Supreme Court
of Appeal. These rulings and judgements have a profound significance here in
that Zimbabwe also operates under Roman Dutch Law, and for this reason should
be publicised widely here.
The conflicte between political policy and
the law is also highlighted, with the law prevailing in South Africa ...so
far.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------- WHITE
FARMERS ARE ENTITLED TO RESTITUTION
from SA Farmer's Weekly, 12th
November 2004
Are white farmers who were forced under apartheid to sell
their farms for the consolidation of the homelands entitled to restitution?
Yes, they are, according to judgements in the Land Claims Court and Supreme
Court of Appeal. Despite this, the Land Claims Commission seems hell-bent
on opposing all claims. Chris Louw reports.
Land Claims Commissioner
Tozi Gwanya says whites collectively supported and benefited from apartheid
and therefore should not be entitled to compensation for land they were
forced to sell for homeland consolidation.
He is supported by Limpopo's
land-claims commissioner, Mashile Mokono, who has rejected all claims for
compensation by white farmers in the province (there are about 40 such cases
in Limpopo).
Mokono was forced to settle out of court when it came clear
he would lose a landmark case against the descendents of Rudolf ("Duimpie")
Opperman, former owner of the farm Zuurfintein near Mokopane
(Potgietersrus). Opperman was forced to sell his farm in the late 1980s to
have it incorporated into Lebowa.
The Land Claims Court in Randburg
ruled that Opperman's heirs were "entitled to restitution in a right of land
dispossessed as a result of past racially discriminatory laws and practices".
This was despite Mokono's assertion that he was "gunning for this [case]
because we don't want people who don't qualify [for compensation] in terms of
the [Restitution] Act to qualify suddenly on technical
grounds".
Gwanya said in January 2002 that when victims of forced
removals were booted off their land under racist laws, white farmers who were
moved to make way for the homeless were the only ones to receive fair
compensation. He added that they "were, in fact, overly compensated because
they received market value for the land and also had relocation costs
paid".
The irony is that while debate still rages among the Land Claims
Commission 's bureaucrats over whether white farmers can ever have been
victims of past discriminatory laws, the Supreme Court of Appeal (SCA) has
already ruled on the matter. All other courts, except the Constitutional
Court, are bound by the SCA's rulings.
In the case if Abrams v Allie
NO and Others 2004 (4) SA 534 (SCA), the appeal court held that a claimant,
to qualify for restitution, had only to prove there was an element of
compulsion without which there would have been no sale.
Land sold
under duress
It has been established that most white farmers who sold
their land to former apartheid agent the South African Development Trust
(SADT) for purposes of homeland consolidation did so under
duress.
Pretoria lawyer Peet Grobbelaar believes all white farmers who
sold their land to the SADT would be compensated if they challenged the
rulings of various regional land claims commissioners who denied them
restitution. This is provided they lodged their claims in compliance with
the Restitution Act before 31 December 1998.
Grobbelaar, who
represented the Oppermans in their successful challenge of Mokono's ruling
that their claim was "frivolous and vexatious", says the Constitution
retrospectively allows for more equitable compensation than was provided for
under the old apartheid laws.
Although the Opperman case had received
wide media attention, the fact that whites were also entitled to restitution
was established back in May 2002 in Randall and Knott's case in Port
Elizabeth. Counsel for the Ministry of Land Affairs argued that it would
defeat the purpose of the Restitution Act to define the claimants -
"privileged white persons of means" - as dispossessed people entitled to
restitution of rights in land.
Heart-rendering case
Acting Judge
YS Meer rejected the argument and ruled that "Parliament in its wisdom chose
not to exclude white persons of means (or indeed any persons of means) as
beneficiaries under the Restitution Act".
Randall's case (with Charles
Stanley Randall and his sister, Marjorie Faith Kietzmann, as claimants) was
particularly heart rendering. Their father, Charles Norman Randall, was the
former owner of the well-developed farms Umtata Mouth and Woodlands in the
Peddie district. Both farms had been in the family for almost 100 years when,
in 1972, the district was declared a released area, meaning it was due to be
incorporated into Ciskei.
The Randalls resisted being dispossessed of
their farm. But once the farms came to be in the "released area", they fell
into a category of land that could be acquired by the SADT and even
expropriated. Land vested in the SADT was held for the exclusive use and
benefit of blacks under the National Party government's Development
Act.
Recalcitrant owners isolated
All the evidence showed that the
properties were acquired from forced sales. One of the witnesses was a former
employee of the Department of Cooperation and Development, Hendrik Pienaar.
He testified that once an area had been declared released, the department
started negotiating with landowners for the purchase of their properties on
the basis of valuations by the Department of Public Works. Owners rejecting
an offer would be placed last in line. Once most properties had been sold and
recalcitrant owners isolated, negotiations would resume on the basis of funds
left over. More often than not the owner would be forced to sell at a price
lower than the original offer. There was no question of "willing buyer and
willing seller" in this situation. In practice SADT was the only buyer.
Pienaar said landowners were under duress to sell their land under threat
of expropriation.
Charles Stanley Randall testified that his father
spent 90 years on the two farms until his death on 1 August 1991. Neither he
nor his father intended ever disposing of the farms that housed the family
graves. Despite various protests through the Peddie Farmers' Association,
state valuators valued the farms in 1975.
The Randalls knew their
farms could be expropriated. In a letter dated 14 December 1979, Randall
voiced his disappointment at the offer for Woodlands, saying he accepted it,
as he had no choice. Umtata Mouth was transferred to the SADT on 28 February
1979 for R162 700 and Woodlands on 20 February 1980 for R357 300.
Much
the same applied to Andrew George Knott, owner of the Knott farms that were
also acquired by the SADT. He sold the farms that had been in the family
since 1884 to SADT after receiving a "take it or leave it"
offer.
Advocate NA Cassim, for the Department of Land Affairs, argued
that both farmers had entered into the sales "opportunistically" because they
saw a chance to benefit financially from the acquisition of their properties
for the consolidation of Ciskei. Cassim also argued that privileged whites
were not included in the definition of the Restitution Act.
Meer said
it was not the function of his court to "legislate" the exclusion of whites.
"And it would certainly ill behove it to do so", Meer said. Such an exclusion
would go against the tenor of the Constitution and the Restitution Act, "both
of which seek to eradicate discrimination". The court found the claimants
were dispossessed of a right in the land. It ruled Randall and Knott had
established the second threshold factor in a restitution claim: they had not
received just and equitable compensation as contemplated by the
Act.
Against this background, many lawyers find it difficult to make
sense of commissioner Mokono's statement last month that "(white people)
don't qualify (for compensation) in terms of the act".
FW
In August this year, Land Claims Court
Judge Justice Moloto confirmed the principles that were applied in the cases
of the Peddie farms.
The case involved NG Pillay, who was coerced in 1958
into selling his eight-acre property in Cato Manor, near Durban, when the
area was changes from an Indian to a "white group area", now known as
Westville.
Much of the argument centred on the concept of
"dispossession", Judge Moloto ruled that the cumulative effect of racially
discriminatory laws and practices, which over a period of time eroded the
rights of the claimant, induced him directly or indirectly, to vacate the
farm. "forceful removal is not a perquisite for dispossession."
Motolo
ruled that there needed only to be an element of compulsion that induced the
alienation of the property. He said Pillay's descendents were entitled to
financial compensation because their father had been forced by racially
discriminatory laws to sell the
property.
White farmers coerced into selling their farms
for homeland consolidation purposes under apartheid enjoyed far less
protection under the law than property owners do today.
Attorney Peet
Grobbelaar said the legal principle of solatium - compensation for loss and
inconvenience - was inconsistently applied in the 1970s and
1980s.
Initially, dispossesses farmers were paid a percentage of the
purchase price of the property as solatium; later compensation was limited to
a sum of R10 000. In terms of section 25(3) of the Bill of Rights in
the Constitution, compensation must be just and equitable. Because
the provisions of the Constitution are applicable retroactively,
Grobbelaar believes all white farmers who filed restitution claims should be
receive compensation.
The Bill of Rights states: "The amount of the
compensation and the time and manner of payment must be just and equitable,
reflecting an equitable balance between the public interest and the interests
of those affected, having regard to all relevant circumstances, including:
the current use of the property; the history of the acquisition and use of
the property; the market value of the property; the extent of direct state
investment and subsidy in the acquisition and beneficial capital improvement
of the property; and the purpose of expropriation."
Few of these
principles were adhered to when white farms were dispossessed for the
purposes of consolidating homelands. This says Grobbelaar, means that people
who were forced to sell their farms under apartheid should be able to claim
restitution by way of financial compensation, in line with present values, to
the extent that they were
under-compensated.
JAG Hotlines: (091) 261 862 If you are in trouble or need
advice, (011) 205 374 (011) 863 354 please don't hesitate to contact us -
we're here to help! 263 4 799 410 Office Lines
1.2
NOTICE: ALL EX-CHAPLIN SCHOOL PUPILS, received 18 January, 2005
Following
the last notice placed in JAG classifieds I now have pleasure in attaching
the Notice containing the info for the forthcoming Old Chaplin Association
Reunion.
To JAG many thanks for your assistance.
NOTICE: OLD
CHAPLIN ASSOCIATION - 2005 REUNION
Saturday 5th February, 6,30 pm at
Round Table Centre, Second Street Extension, behind Reps at northern end of
East Road
Form "BRING AND BRAAI"-Bring your own boerewors etc, plates,
flask etc and if possible, folding chair
Bar Cash bar, club
prices
Parking Guarded but at owner's risk
Dress Smart informal-
to suit occasion
Publicity Please help by letting your Chaplin family and
friends know. We can only afford to contact a few. If possible put this
notice on your Club noticeboard
Charge NIL
Donations To cover
costs of hire of the hall, firewood, postages etc and to keep the O.C.A going
donations will be much appreciated. Please hand in at the
door.
Contacts George Alers-Tel 884282 Dorothy Vahey- Tel
336078
Postal George Alers 26 Blue Kerry, 30 Steppes Rd, Chisipite,
Harare
Well established lodge situated on the Zambezi
river - Caprivi strip , Namibia. Renown for excellent bream and tiger fish
fishing as well as fantastic birding. Ill health is the reason for
selling.
Anyone interested and for further enquires please
contact: email: bruno@iway.na phone :
00264-666 86
802.
In attractive residential area
of Mt. Pleasant, close to Arundel Village shops, Arundel & Gateway
Schools
Spacious home overlooking well established, lawned, pretty garden
& variety of lovely trees, plus large swimming pool /Koi fish pond with
filtration pump.
This home offers: 4 large bedrooms, 2 bathrooms, main
ensuite; large fully fitted kitchen, dining room; lounge with jetmaster
fireplace. Home office and separate study off the main bedroom, (his &
hers) leading through to a large cottage consisting of 2 bedrooms, main one
large, with ensuite bathroom, lounge/dining room, kitchen. Set on 1 acre,
full security walling/sliding gates. Double lockup garage with lit up
service pit, double carport, 2 workshop areas plus long storage outbuilding
shed. Prolific borehole, double domestic quarters, all on 1 acre of rich soil
. Double shade port. Very close to Harare International
School.
PIRANAH 16 FT. SPORT BOAT WITH
90 HP YAMAHA "AUTO LUB" - Power trim ... Under 60 hours ... Genuine Ride
Guide Steering ... Engine still as new - plus well made
HIGH SPEED ROAD
TRAILER ... Z$50 million. All in excellent condition. Also fitted with
Navigation lights; a canvas canopy for shade. Whole unit for a lot less that
just a new motor.
BOAT SHELTER made of galvanised IBR sheeting with
cranked ridge on poles - dismantleable, for above boat.
Z$3.25m.
Piano - Baby Grand Otto Bach
Outstanding Condition ! - Z$50 Million negotiable! MUST BE SEEN AND
PLAYED TO BE APPRECIATED.
Variety of 2nd hand Piano Music Books -
Classical selection & others, at reduced prices to clear. Feel free to
come and browse. Bach, Beethoven, Chopin, Listz, Mozart, Handel ...
Sonatas, Preludes, Fugues & sheet light music.
1.8
FOR SALE HOUSEHOLD FURNITURE, received received 17th January 2004
Antique
Book Case With Lead Light Doors .... Z$1,2 M Bed - Single Headboard, Bed
& Base ...... Z$800,000- Chair - Casual, Parker Knoll ...... Z$450
000 Dressing Table English Oak (Cottagie/Antique) Excellent ....
Z$1,2m Dressing Table ... Triple Mirror Fluted Drawers, Ball & Claw
(Beautiful) . Z$1,2m Dressing Table ... Triple Mirror. Teak In Excellent
Condition Z$1.2m Head/Foot Boards - Solid Wood For Single Beds ...... Z$100
000 Ea. (Per Single Bed) Headboard Single - Solid Dark Oak/ Dralon - As
New Z$550,000
Appliances Deep Freeze 9 Cu Ft ... Z$2,6m Fridges 7
To 16 Cu. Ft From .....Z$1,3m - Z$3,5m Stove 3 & 4 Plate From ......
Z$1,6 (3 plate) & Z2 to Z$2,5m for 4 plates.
Office Equipment and
Furniture Anglepoise lamp - Z$200,000 Computer ... 486 DX2 Windows 3.1 and
other programs loaded - Z$1m Desk, Large Executive - Immaculate! - 165cms X
105cms- Beautiful Solid Wood, With red leather top Insert. 9 Drawers - Z$
3m ... A valuable asset, which must be seen! Typewriter (Manual) - Olympia
Desk Model; Ideal for commercial school ... Z$350 000 Metal stationary
cupboards/filing cabinets Z$950 000 Set of 4 metal drawers - approx. 30 x
5cms Z$180 000 5, card filing drawers (index cards, -14x 5 x 3cms Z$80 000
each Set of 2 , card filing drawers, - 20 x 12.5cms (8 x 5 inch) Z$120
000 Files - Good condition - $3,000 each Special Byco type ergonomic
computer chair to relieve
back problems.....Z$200,000
Sporting/Camping: Camping/Hikers light
weight Mats For Sleeping On. Z$50 000 each Cool Box ... Z$80 000 Hockey
Stick (Mancha) ...................... Z$75 000 Socker/Hockey Boots Size 7
..............Z$70, 000 And Z$90 000 Water Ski-Ing Jacket With Whistle ...
Floatation Aid Group 4 --- Size 5 Imported .... Give Away At Z$75 000 (still
available)
Miscellaneous Carpet
bowls........................$150,000 Ceiling Light Fitting With Two Lights
.... Z$100 000 Drive Way Gates 12ft X 6 Ft ....... Never Used ...
Z$1m Fibre Glass Trailer Moulds ... 5 Models Of Luggage Trailers.
Offers Invited Around Z$40 M ... A Good Small Business.. Garden trailer
... unregistered ... Z$3,5M Hand held Infra red massager .............Z$200
000 Honey spinner centrifugal type ... manual ... can be motorised ...
need attention Z$500 000 Klaas Vakie Body Support Mattress
Z$150,000 Koi Fish ... Variety Of Sizes And Colours .... From Z$120
000 Lamp Stand - Tall Ceramic. ..... Z$350 000 MICROMETER 25mm to 50mm ...
BRAND NEW ... NEVER USED. Mirror - Oval Hanging ........Z$130 000 Marley
roof tiles ............................. $1500 each Pictures In Frames - A
variety from .... Z$40 000 Printers tray - small .... Z$30 000 Radio
Communication ... 4 Vehicle Radios Plus Base Station; Power Supply plus
Aerial Mast. Z$2m Slide viewer for individual slides ............ Z$50
000 Triangular advertising trailer for movable signs ... Z$3M Willow
Pattern Crockery - teaset and plates .... Z$400 000 Wooden Table tennis
Table, with bats/balls....needs
some attention...Z$500,000
1.9
FOR SALE GARDENING/BUILDING, received 17th January 2004
Van der Spuy's
gardening books ... Z$30 000 each Cycads Japanese Fine Leaved in sleeves or
pots -from Z$50 000 Strelitzias (Crane Flower) .in sleeves, well
established... Z$25 000 Waste Bin For Inside Kitchen Cupboard, Brand New!
... Imported .. Z$150 000
1.12.
OFFER: WEDDING/BIRTHDAY INVITES, received 20 January 2005
We make
embossed Wedding or 21st birthday invitations, thank you cards, table place
cards, Order of Service, Funeral leaflets etc. Wide range of colours
including gold and silver.
1.16
FOR SALE: FARMING ODDS+ENDS, received 24 January 2005
- Worsley Electric
Fencing Unit battery or mains operated $500'000.00 - Vetinary Emasculator
$500'000.00 - Phillips Dosing Guns $400'000.00 each - Cuboard Locks
$2'000.00 each - Car Seat Belts $300'000.00 each
Singer treadle or electric sewing
machine in good nick $2'000'000.00 Heavy duty but not industrial, made in
England
T192 Motorola cell phone still in box unwanted
gift $700'000.00
Digital Gram scale for weighing gold or
gemstones $3'000'000.00
Pentium 233 computer 14 inch LG
Screen 2.3 gig Hard Drive 1.44 Stiffie 40X CD Rom 96meg Ram Full
Multi Media Windows 98 SE Full House Software $3'000'000.00 (3
Million)
Family with young twins
looking for house to rent. Would prefer Northern suburbs but would consider
others. Need a reasonably sized garden and at least 3 bedrooms. No urgency
but need to upsize to accommodate growing boys and their
toys!
JAG Hotlines: (091) 261 862 If you are in trouble or need
advice, (011) 205 374? (011) 863 354 please don't hesitate to contact us -
we're here to help! 263 4 799 410 Office Lines
From: "Isabel Madangure" <mail@zpdp.org> Sent: Wednesday, January
26, 2005 8:21 AM Subject: New Hope for Zimbabwe (For immediate
release)
Since attaining independence in 1980, Zimbabwe has been
ruled by one party, the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (Zanu
PF), led by Robert Mugabe. Following a merger between ZANU-PF and its rival
in 1987, Zimbabwe has operated characteristically as a one-party state,
and although elections continue to occur regularly, it has been extremely
difficult for opposition parties to flourish.
The recent near
collapse of Zimbabwe's economy and escalating rates of inflation and
unemployment have set the country on a downward spiral. Zimbabwe,
which once served as the breadbasket to the rest of Africa, now faces
starvation. In addition to hunger, it is estimated that over a third of
Zimbabweans have contracted HIV, the virus that causes AIDS. Instead
of weddings and celebratory gatherings, Zimbabweans spend our weekends at
gravesites burying our dead. This situation is worsened by severe shortages
of trained medical personnel and the absence of essential medicines,
medical equipment and facilities.
Mortuaries are overflowing with AIDS
tortured corpses and crime has increased substantially as a crippled army
of malnourished, uneducated AIDS orphans emerges, a startling foreshadow of
Zimbabwe's daunting future. Riots in the street and calls in parliament by
the Movement for Democratic Change (opposition to Zanu PF) for President
Mugabe's impeachment are indications of the growing level of frustration with
the current political leadership.
Early in 2004 President Mugabe, for
the first time, announced that he would give up the Presidency to
a successor in 2008. The glimmer of hope, however, was quickly darkened by
bleak options as Zimbabwean's speculated about the viability of a successor
from within the Zanu PF camp. Alternatively, the MDC opposition party is
clouded with ideological division and the fact that Morgan Tsvangirai, the
leader of the MDC, is facing treason charges. Zimbabwe has become a place
of political paralysis, chaos, hunger, terror and desperation.
With
the upcoming March 2005 Parliamentary elections the Zimbabwean People's
Democratic Party (ZPDP) led by Isabel Shanangurai Madangure has emerged as
the only worthy opponent capable of breaking the MDC - Zanu PF deadlock,
and providing a viable source of hope for the future of Zimbabwe
The
ZPDP leader is no stranger to Zimbabwe's political scene. Many Zimbabweans
call her "Amai" which when translated to English means "mother." She is in
fact the bold leader of "the unspoiled" political party and was the first
women to challenge the presidency of an African nation when she launched the
ZPDP in 1991.
Isabel Shanagurai Madangure was born the first daughter
of a highly revered minister, and educated as a teacher for Zimbabwe's youth.
In 1972 Amai Madangure's dream was to own a business in the center of
town. Her dream was abruptly snatched away when the harsh reality of racism
intervened. The prevalent "color-bar" left her with no alternative but to
open her small grocery store in the black inner city of Highfields,
Harare.
Her taboo marriage to a white man publicly demonstrated
defiance to racism. Amai Madangure openly pledged her support in the fight
against racism, and in 1980 celebrated with her fellow Zimbabweans
the independence of her homeland. This was to mark the beginning of equal
opportunity for all Zimbabweans.
By this time Amai Madangure had
developed savvy business skills. Her small grocery store had thrived and
evolved into a fruit and vegetable market. She had tendered and secured multi
million dollar contracts with various organizations and provisioned an
ongoing supply of fruit and vegetables. It can be said that for a time
Amai Madangure was a mother to the nation feeding: army soldiers, school
children the ailing in hospitals and many others with the wholesome goods
she acquired from well-established farmers.
But as time progressed the
sincere efforts of honest business people were no longer rewarded. There came
on the scene a corrupt and dishonest barrage of political rulers - and
with them came a self-serving entourage of leaders in both the governmental
and private sectors. No longer was value placed upon one's ability to
deliver and honor contractual agreements, instead value was placed upon the
weight of the bribe. Worse yet was the harsh reality that there was nowhere
to report such conduct, as everyone seemed to be in
bed together!
Asked to describe the years that followed,
Amai Madangure says:
"It was like a rat race. After we reclaimed
our nation, we expected things to get better. Instead our problems had
just begun. After the war, those at the top forgot the people that had
struggled. We were surprised to see them lining their pockets with
money from wherever they could find it. So in 1988 we started gossiping
amongst ourselves about how bad our leaders were.
I started printing
pamphlets and walked the streets fearlessly because I was hurt by the deeds
of those we had trusted to rule our land. In spite of the hardships we
pressed on. I watched my people as they were wounded by the devastation of
economic degradation, massacres, abuse of authority and above all the ever
escalating corruption."
In 1991 Amai Madangure could bare the conditions
of her country no longer and launched the Zimbabwe People's Democratic
Party (ZPDP) which today is symbolized by an image of a mother with a baby on
her back. She became the first women in history to challenge the
presidency of an African country. She says:
"At that time no one
could talk of democracy. Zanu PF wanted to declare a one party state. We
worked secretly with various chiefs in the communities. The current rulers
no longer recognize the traditional chiefs who serve to preserve our
heritage. Soon after we launched we received letters from all over
the world encouraging us to be strong and to keep our focus."
Today after more than three decades of struggle Amai Madangure again
stands to challenge the present government. Her hope is to correct the wrongs
and to put an end to the pain of a country in agony. She says:
"A
loaf of bread, which once cost twelve cents - today is over four thousand
dollars. The cost of living is beyond reach, no wonder the sick are dying
silently, to whom do they cry out! Poverty and death is at almost every
doorstep. Thousands of innocent people - both black and white have died.
Farms have been invaded, innocent blood has been spilt and it's not over
yet! Many today are fleeing the country of their birth leaving behind every
thing."
Hope for the Nation of Zimbabwe The ZPDP is calling upon you
for support its quest to oust Zanu PF and put an end to the suffering of
the people of Zimbabwe. People's emotions are boiling and when they erupt
it may be too late to control them peacefully. Zimbabweans by nature are
peace-loving people but their patience is wearing thin because of the
suffering.
Amai Madangure plans to restore peace and dignity in the
hearts of the people of Zimbabwe. She says:
"We must restore moral
integrity in Africa. We must not underestimate the power of national unity as
we look with hope towards a time of reconstruction. The ZPDP will foster
the return of economic development and democratization. We will have a zero
tolerance for corruption. We will promote equal housing for all. We will
make available efficient transportation systems and other infrastructures. A
quality education will be provided to every child. We will promote freedom
of speech and of the press. We will promote equality amongst men and
women. We will abolish deeply ingrained taboos while also preserving our
cultural traditions. Above all, a system of accountability must be
implemented.
All of us have lost loved ones or are watching those we
love die of AIDS. We must immediately slow new cases of HIV and AIDS through
prevention, education and the encouragement of abstinence. One family at
a time, we must learn to speak openly about HIV / AIDS and confront the
poison that has ravaged our land. We will provide adequate counsel and
medical attention to afflicted families."
As the crisis in Zimbabwe
worsens the ZPDP seeks to avert riotous conduct and instead develop a
strategy for the people of Zimbabwe to exercise their suffrage rights and
facilitate political change beginning with the March 2005
elections.
The ZPDP intends to provide new leadership respectful of
human rights. Those who support a free and democratic future for Zimbabwe
should urgently demonstrate their concern and assist the ZPDP
in facilitating change in Zimbabwe.
Amai Madangure hopes that the
current Zimbabwean crisis does not discourage others from lending
their hand. She says: "Only let such aid be directed to the proper
channels. It is our prayer that with the support of the donor community, we
will successfully pave the way for the reconstruction of our nation, this
time, with unblemished integrity."
Media interested in setting up an
interview with ZPDP representatives or submitting content for the
site should contact our Editor via e-mail at mail@zpdp.org or visit http://www.zpdp.org
Andrew Meldrum in Pretoria Wednesday
January 26, 2005 The Guardian
The Zimbabwean opposition leader, Morgan
Tsvangirai, challenged South Africa and neighbouring countries yesterday to
press President Robert Mugabe to meet the minimum standards for free and
fair elections. Mr Tsvangirai said his party, the Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC), had not yet decided whether to participate in parliamentary
elections in March.
"The question is: are credible elections possible
under the current conditions? The answer is no," Mr Tsvangirai told the
Guardian. Speaking in Johannesburg, he urged the Southern African
Development Community to influence Mr Mugabe to meet election standards set
by the 14-nation body.
"We cannot hold public meetings of more than three
people without police permission. There are 50,000 youth militia trained to
inflict violence on the opposition. Voter registration... is a shambles and
prevents millions of people from voting," Mr Tsvangirai said.
He said
the MDC was confident of widespread support and wanted to participate in the
elections but added: "If we take part under current conditions we give
legitimacy to a discredited system. If we don't run then we become
irrelevant."
Zimbabwe's ruling party descends into
chaos From Jan Raath in Harare
TWO
months before Zimbabwe's parliamentary elections, President Mugabe appears
to be losing his grip over the party he has controlled for 31
years. Mr Mugabe, 80, is struggling to suppress an
unprecedented outbreak of infighting and dissent within Zanu
(PF).
A purge of dissidents has cost him the figures
who controlled the party's machine of violent intimidation, fraud and
propaganda. It has left a pliant but second-rate old guard to run the
election campaign.
"Mugabe is now a leader of a faction, not
the leader of the party or the country," claimed Morgan Tsvangirai, leader
of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change.
Zanu
(PF) said yesterday that the process of choosing its 120 candidates for the
March elections - supposed to have taken one day - would be finalised on
Saturday, two weeks after the process began.
Contestants have
deployed mobs of youths to attack each other, and in Harare riot police had
to break up the clashes.
Didymus Mutasa, the Anti-Corruption
Minister, led a three-day rampage against his challenger, leaving a trial of
smashed limbs, burnt-out cars and ransacked homes.
To get
their names on to the list, party heavyweights scattered money and food
among Zanu (PF)'s poorgrass-roots supporters. Joseph Made, the Agriculture
Minister, was reported to have ordered the distribution of maize seed and
fertiliser from government stocks. Paul Mangwana, the Social Welfare
Minister, reportedly set fire to ballot papers when he saw he was
losing.
The selection process was preceded by a purge of
senior party officials after Mr Mugabe discovered a plot to foil his plan to
make Joyce Mujuru, the loyal head of the party women's league, the party's
vice-president, thereby ensuring he can manipulate the transfer of power
whenever he retires.
The dissidents' scheme to promote
Emmerson Mnangagwa, Zanu (PF)'s godfather figure and the Parliament's
Speaker, in Ms Mujuru's place was the first organised resistance to Mr
Mugabe since 1977, when he put down a rebellion among his guerilla
leaders.
Those purged included Jonathan Moyo, the Information
Minister, whose propaganda has been critical to Mr Mugabe; Patrick
Chinamasa, the Justice Minister and architect of much repressive
legislation; and Jabulani Sibanda, head of the notorious movement of
guerilla war veterans.
"It's very doubtful whether Zanu (PF)
will be able to put in place the same kind of infrastructure of violence
that characterised the two previous elections," said Eliphas Mukonoweshuro,
a political commentator. "The people Mugabe has dismissed got to their
positions because they had some support. They would also have discussed
their plans with their party structures before they defied Mugabe."
Political Tension Mounts in Zimbabwe as Elections Draw Near By Peta
Thornycroft Harare
25-January-2005
There is a growing tension between Zimbabwe's
main opposition party and the police before a general election expected in
March. The police say the opposition is breaching security laws, and the
Movement for Democratic Change has accused the police of politically
motivated persecution.
Thoko Khupe is an opposition member of parliament
from second city Bulawayo who was released from detention Monday. She and
scores of politicians and officials from her district were arrested during
the weekend at what they say was a closed election-strategy meeting on
private property.
The police say she held a public meeting without
permission, as required under Zimbabwe's tough security laws.
The MDC
officials have been charged with breaking security laws, and will face trial
at some time in the future. Another MDC legislator, Nelson Chemiza, was
arrested Tuesday accused by police of inciting public violence connected to
a meeting he addressed in a rural area southeast of Harare on
Saturday.
Police spokesman Wayne Bvudzijena says if there is a
dispute over interpretation of the law it will be decided by the courts. He
said Zimbabwe is going into an election period and that police were
determined that there would be no political violence as in the last two
national elections in 2000 and 2002.
He denied that the police were
partisan and allowed the ruling Zanu PF to have meetings without permission.
He said the police do not expect political parties to apply for permission
for closed executive meetings.
Last week South Africa's ruling African
National Congress criticized Zimbabwe laws that it said made it difficult
for the MDC to hold meetings.
Assistant Commissioner Bvudzijena said
violence statistics complied by Zimbabwe's Human Rights Forum were biased in
favor of the MDC. He said both parties had committed political
violence.
In every monthly report on political violence during the past
four years, the Human Rights Forum and other non-governmental monitoring
organizations have identified Zanu PF as the main culprit in political
violence. Reports from non-governmental organizations monitoring legal
action against political parties also report the overwhelming number of
people charged in court with breaking security legislation were members of
the MDC.
Mrs. Khupe, like most MDC legislators, has had many brushes with
the law. Five days before her latest arrest she was in court in Bulawayo on
similar charges dating back to 2002. It is not known when that case or many
others outstanding for several years against MDC members will be
concluded.
Zim warns Cosatu to stay clear 26/01/2005 10:38 -
(SA)
Media 24 Africa Bureau
Harare - Zimbabwe has warned
Cosatu it will arrest and deport union members if they go ahead with plans
to visit the country next week.
According to Paul Mangwana, Zimbabwe's
minister of labour, his government would not accept Cosatu's
"attitude".
"They can come if they choose to disregard us. This country
has facilities that ensure the law is adhered to.
"They have the
ability to handle any instance of intrusion and to ensure that things are
settled with those who come here on subversive missions," he told Beeld in
an interview.
Cosatu has said it will send a delegation to Zimbabwe on a
fact-finding mission next week after being thrown out of the country last
year.
Cosatu secretary-general Zwelinzima Vavi said it was necessary to
visit the country before the general elections scheduled for
March.
Cosatu doubts whether the elections will be free and fair.
Zim part of UN human rights forum Posted Wed, 26 Jan
2005
An unlikely trio comprising of Cuba, Zimbabwe and China are to form
a group that will hear complaints about other countries before the United
Nations' top human rights forum, a diplomat said on
Tuesday.
Frequently condemned themselves for alleged human rights abuses,
the three countries were each nominated by their respective regions along
with Holland and Hungary, said Ivan Mora, Cuba's ambassador to the UN in
Geneva.
The five-nation group is due to meet on February 7 ahead of the
annual, six-week gathering of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights,
which is due to start on March 14.
During four days, the body will
study complaints from governments and other parties about human rights
abuses in different countries across the world.
It must decide which
cases should be considered and whether or not this should be done publicly
or behind closed doors.
According to UN sources, the five states have
already received 85 complaints including those against the United States for
its invasion of Iraq as well as New Zealand and Australia for their
treatment of their indigenous populations.
At the same time, the
commission last year censured Cuba's clampdown on dissidents and urged it to
accept a human rights probe.
Zimbabwe, in contrast, avoided an
international probe into alleged acts of politically motivated violence and
other human rights abuses thanks to a "no action" motion.
China
systematically exercises this procedure to ward off a debate on its human
rights record.