Mudede disgraced

Zim Independent

Ray Matikinye

THE High Court in Harare yesterday blocked Registrar-General Tobaiwa
Mudede's bid to withdraw publisher Trevor Ncube's Zimbabwean citizenship
after counsel from the Attorney-General's Office abandoned the case.

Ncube sued Mudede in the High Court late last year after the RG
stripped him of his Zimbabwean citizenship on the grounds that his father
was of Zambian origin.

In a landmark judgement regarding the Citizenship Act, High Court
judge, Justice Chinembiri Bhunu ordered Mudede to restore Ncube's Zimbabwean
citizenship immediately and to renew his passport within seven days. He also
ordered Mudede not to interfere with Ncube's possession and use of his
passport. Punitive costs were awarded against Mudede.

Justice Bhunu described Mudede's conduct as "alarming" and
contemptuous of his previous rulings.

Mudede lost a similar case against Ncube, publisher of the Zimbabwe
Independent and The Standard newspapers as well as the Mail & Guardian in
South Africa, after he attempted to seize his passport in 2005. His
attorney, Sternford Moyo, described the latest bid as "repeating conduct
that has taken a sinister dimension".

On Wednesday Justice Bhunu postponed the case to allow additional
submissions by Moyo, who secured a sworn opinion on Zambian law from Lusaka
advocate Nchima Nchito. Nchito's submission, which states that any person
entitled to Zambian citizenship and who has acquired the citizenship of
another country automatically loses entitlement to claim Zambian
citizenship.

"This serves to refute the contention by the RG that Ncube was
Zambian. Zambia does not permit dual citizenship," said Nchito.

Mudede was represented by Virginia Mabiza who appeared with Ernest
Jena, both from the Attorney-General's office. The state lawyers abandoned
the arguments by the Registrar-General after considering the position under
Zambian law. They argued however that the RG and the Minister of Home
Affairs - cited as the second respondents - should not be ordered to pay
costs saying they had made a genuine error of law. However, Mudede's
application was dismissed with punitive costs.

Justice Bhunu in his ruling pointed out that the abandonment of the
case by the Attorney-General's office "was not an act of charity but due to
compelling legal realities".

In his submission, Moyo said a punitive order by the court was
necessary for the abuse of office of the type that Ncube described in his
submission.

He said it was evident that Mudede had taken a position on the matter
without seeking legal advice from the AG's office, hence the AG's office did
not take responsibility in preparing the heads of argument.

Moyo also submitted that Mudede had acted without examining foreign
statutes such as the Zambian law. Neither did he take into account
government's position which shows that cabinet was concerned with the
requirement to file renunciations even if applicants don't hold foreign
citizenship.

"Equity demands that a party who has been compelled to approach the
courts for assistance and is shown to have good grounds for invoking
assistance be compensated to cover losses and costs incurred," Moyo said.

"The applicant was subjected to an unnecessary, unlawful and
bureaucratic attempt to denationalise him. If you fail to do so, it might be
construed as acquiescence to abuse of office by the applicant."

In his judgement, Justice Bhunu said Ncube had fully complied with the
requirement by the RG's office. "Therefore it is remiss to refuse to renew
his passport on some spurious reasons."

He ruled that the attempted denationalisation was unlawful, illegal,
null and void, and that it was in defiance of his December 2005 ruling
following the seizure of Ncube's passport on arrival in Bulawayo.

In a statement Ncube said he was delighted that the court had ruled in
his favour, "as he had expected".

"The courts have stopped the gross abuse of power by Tobaiwa Mudede
and all those who were behind this act," Ncube said.

"More importantly, this decision by the High Court makes it clear that
all those Zimbabweans by birth whose parents were born outside Zimbabwe need
not fear further harassment and abuse from the Registrar-General's office
regarding the legitimacy of their citizenship."

Ncube condemned the attempt to use citizenship as a tool "to fight
perceived political enemies and to settle personal scores" adding that
Zimbabwe now needs to ensure that its citizenship laws are progressive.

He said the ruling removed the fear of being denationalised from an
estimated 1,5 million Zimbabwean citizens, whose parents are of foreign
extraction.

Mudede has successfully withdrawn citizenship from activist and
government critic Judith Todd among others because both her parents were
citizens of New Zealand. He also withdrew the citizenship of MDC computer
wizard Topper Whitehead who was in the process of unravelling Zanu PF's
electoral rigging in the controversial 2002 presidential election.

Mudede lost a civil action against the Independent in 2004.

Cabinet reshuffle imminent

Zim Independent

Dumisani Muleya

PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe is soon expected to reshuffle his cabinet -
possibly this weekend - before he returns to work from his annual leave in
what could see the appointment of his last team of ministers ahead of the
expiry of his tenure in 14 months' time.

Government sources said Mugabe would make cabinet changes probably
tomorrow, if not next week, before he resumes duty. The sources said Mugabe
wanted to make sweeping changes in his deeply divided and now ineffective
cabinet but was constrained by many factors, including the revolt last month
in his party ranks over the controversial 2010 election proposal, the
economic crisis, factionalism, ethnic balancing and mediocrity among Zanu PF
backbenchers.

It is said Mugabe, for instance, wants to reduce the number of
ministers from Mashonaland East province, which engineered the internal
revolt, to dilute the province's influence but fears a potential backlash
from retired army commander General Solomon Mujuru's faction. This leaves
him stuck with deadwood which he can't clear for political reasons.

The reshuffle, initially expected after the senate election in
November 2005, has been on the cards for some time. The last reshuffle was
after the March 2005 parliamentary election.

The sources said Mugabe discussed the reshuffle last month with close
advisors and has been working on it during his holiday in the Far East. The
sources said Mugabe took the CVs of a couple of deputy ministers, Zanu PF
senators, chairmen of parliamentary portfolio committees and Zanu PF MPs on
his holiday to consider for his reshuffle. Currently there is only one
senator, Samuel Mumbengegwi, who is a minister.

Some of those whose CVs were taken by Mugabe for close consideration
include Masvingo South MP Walter Muzembi, who also chairs the agricultural
portfolio committee, Masvingo senator Dzikamai Mavhaire, and
non-constituency senator Sheila Chipo Mahere.

Mavhaire, who fell out of favour with the president after his daring
"Mugabe must go" call in 1999, was last month appointed to the Zanu PF
politburo for the first time.

Sources said several changes were coming in key economic ministries
after Mugabe's "development cabinet" failed to perform. The previous "war
cabinet" and the one appointed for economic recovery also failed. Mugabe has
of late been complaining about his corrupt and incompetent ministers.

Government sources said Finance minister Herbert Murerwa, Economic
Development minister Rugare Gumbo, Agriculture minister Joseph Made and
Industry and International Trade minister Obert Mpofu would almost certainly
be dumped.

Mugabe has publicly shown hostility to Murerwa after the minister's
open clashes with Reserve Bank governor Gideon Gono over policy. Sources
said Murerwa would also be removed because last month he offered to resign,
but was asked to rethink his decision.

Justice minister Patrick Chinamasa, who usually acts in Murerwa's
absence, could replace him. Chinamasa is also likely to be moved because he
has been rendered ineffective due to clashes with Attorney-General Sobusa
Gula-Ndebele.

Rural Housing minister Emmerson Mnangagwa could return to the Justice
ministry. This would serve Mugabe well as Mnangagwa's portfolio would then
reflect his party job as legal affairs secretary.

Sources said Made would "almost certainly" be removed and was "likely"
to be "frozen out" in the process. It is said Mugabe has been infuriated to
hear that the country needs to import 900 000 tonnes of maize and that out
of the 350 000 tonnes of wheat expected less than half would be realised.

Local Government minister Ignatious Chombo, who has presided over the
collapse of municipalities, and Education minister Aeneas Chigwedere, who
has bungled things in his portfolio, could also go.

Mugabe is also likely to appoint a substantive Minister of Information
after the death of Tichaona Jokonya last year.

Sources said Anti-Corruption minister Paul Mangwana, the acting
minister, is unlikely to be confirmed. Instead, Policy Implementation
minister Webster Shamu or Zanu PF deputy secretary for information and
publicity Ephraim Masawi, who is also Mashonaland Central governor, could
come in.

Stan Mudenge has maintained a low profile at Higher Education despite
corruption charges at the ministry, while Simbarashe Mumbengegwi has been
invisible at Foreign Affairs. Sources said while the faces would change,
policies were likely to remain the same.

Gono succumbs to Zanu PF pressure

Zim Independent

Shame Makoshori

RESERVE Bank of Zimbabwe governor Gideon Gono - apparently succumbing
to pressure from Zanu PF critics - is in the process of setting up a
committee to advise the central bank on the appropriate exchange rate, the
Zimbabwe Independent has heard.

Sources this week said the office of the governor had shortlisted
professionals, business executives and politicians for possible appointment
to the foreign currency management committee.

The sources said possible candidates for the committee included Media
and Information Commission chair Dr Tafataona Mahoso who has of late
launched attacks on the central bank and other advocates of devaluation.

Another one is former Finance minister Dr Simba Makoni whose quest to
devalue the local currency in 2002 was resisted by President Mugabe who
described proponents of devaluation as "economic saboteurs".

There would also be representation from business groupings such as the
Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries, the Zimbabwe National Chamber of
Commerce and exporters and farmers. The shortlist, sources say, will be
presented to the Office of the President for approval prior to its
announcement.

Gono has faced criticism over his foreign currency management system
by his principals in Zanu PF and government.

The committee could be unveiled when Gono presents his monetary policy
review statement later this month.

Formation of the foreign currency management committee comes after
Zanu PF indicated at its annual conference in Goromonzi in December that it
was slowly losing confidence in the continued handling of foreign currency
by the RBZ alone.

The party's economic affairs committee proposed the establishment of a
foreign currency management committee to oversee the allocation of hard
currency.

The Independent understands that the committee will also play a
leading role in determining the exchange rate.

Zanu PF economic affairs secretary Richard Hove said his committee was
concerned with the influx of flashy cars on Zimbabwe's roads when industry
was battling to access foreign currency for raw materials and spares
procurement.Hundreds of companies have folded in Zimbabwe since 2000 due to
foreign currency scarcity.

Hove argued that this was a sign of poor prioratisation that should be
corrected if other stakeholders played a proactive role in the distribution
of the critical resource.

"The little foreign currency coming in, how is it managed? There
should be a committee and the RBZ should not intervene in some issues," Hove
said.

Despite widespread protests that the exchange rate was no longer
viable, Gono has kept the Zimbabwe dollar at $250 to the greenback since
January 2006.

Manufacturers say the realistic exchange rate must be around $750 to
the US dollar.

Analysts say the problem with foreign currency committees was that
they put stringent measures on exchange rate movements.

Meanwhile, former Zimbabwe National Chamber of Commerce (ZNCC)
president Luxton Zembe said the committee will only add value to the economy
if experts with foreign currency management experience are appointed to run
it.

Zembe suggested that the experts be independent in their thinking,
objective, truthful and capable of giving proper advice to the RBZ.

He suggested as potential committee members former RBZ governor
Leonard Tsumba, former Delta Beverages CEO Enoch Chiura, the ZNCC, CZI and
the Zimbabwe Council for Tourism. He however said RBZ governor Gono must not
chair it.

"You cannot have a person who is being advised chairing the
committee," Zembe said.

"South Africa has a similar body but (South African central bank
governor Tito) Mboweni takes what the body says, he listens to what the
members of the body say," said Zembe.

He said Zimbabwe's committee must be autonomous in the allocation and
prioritisation of foreign currency. Without that it will suffer the fate of
many advisory bodies that have turned into white elephants.

Maize scam at GMB

Zim Independent

Augustine Mukaro

A SERIOUS maize scam has been unearthed at the Grain Marketing Board
(GMB) resulting in the parastatal buying maize consignments more than once
while large quantities of grain have been channelled to the black market
instead of the intended hammer millers.

Management at GMB this week confirmed that millers and other
unscrupulous businesspeople were taking advantage of price distortions in
the grain system to siphon thousands of tonnes for resale, which explains
why grain is always available at Mbare Msika, but at prohibitive prices.

The GMB is buying maize for $52 350 a tonne from farmers and selling
it for a paltry $600/tonne to millers.

GMB acting chief executive retired Colonel Samuel Muvuti confirmed
that there were unscrupulous millers who have diverted grain onto the black
market and that police were investigating the allegations.

"It's true, some unscrupulous millers have diverted grain onto illegal
markets but we are doing our best to plug the loopholes," Muvuti said. "We
have put some millers under 24-hour surveillance with the assistance of the
police. There are quite a number whom we have suspended from purchasing
grain because of their double-dealing."

Muvuti said there were individuals who had tried to resell maize they
had obtained from the GMB at $600 a tonne back to the parastatal for $52 350
a tonne.

A source at the GMB said the scam involved officials in the loss
control department responsible for issuing milling licences.

"One such case was discovered late last year involving a milling
company based in Chitungwiza and a senior loss control officer at GMB
headquarters," the source said. "The company's milling licence was withdrawn
and the officer lost his job."

Grain as a controlled commodity can only be moved from one point to
another with the authorisation of the GMB, and by virtue of being a licensed
miller, there is room to easily obtain the grain and side-market it.

Milling licences used to be confined to companies like National Foods
and Blue Ribbon Foods, but are now freely available to anyone with a hammer
mill.

Can a new cabinet reverse Mugabe's disastrous legacy?

Zim Independent

Dumisani Muleya

PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe will stake his controversial legacy ahead of
the expiry of his official term of office in 14 months' time when he makes
an expected cabinet reshuffle any day now.

Mugabe - possibly making his last cabinet changes before he leaves
office - will naturally expect that his last team of ministers will save
whatever survives of his chequered legacy which now leaves him looking like
one of the worst leaders to have emerged from post-colonial Africa.

Whether Mugabe goes in 2008 or hangs on until 2010, as he seems intent
upon, he will want a dramatic performance from his cabinet to leave a
positive mark on Zimbabwe's political and, above all, economic landscape.

This is a make or break year for Mugabe. His new cabinet will have
only a few months before the next scheduled presidential election to address
a series of deep-rooted problems that have blighted his rule which started
on such a promising note.

By his own pronouncements and yardstick, Mugabe wants his leadership
measured against his government's record on social services delivery -
education, health and housing - as well as land reform and international
relations.

Above all, Mugabe apparently wants to be judged by his contribution to
the liberation struggle. The official line is Mugabe and colleagues
liberated Zimbabwe, not that the people collectively liberated themselves.

In Mugabe's political view, well-documented in David Martin's book The
Struggle for Zimbabwe, the country's independence from Britain in 1980 was
not an outcome of a national effort but an exclusive achievement of a small
coterie of Zanu PF loyalists led by himself.

This has put him on a collision course with his erstwhile PF Zapu
comrades who feel there is a systematic attempt to airbrush them from the
history of the struggle.

Vice-President Joseph Msika and Speaker of Parliament John Nkomo
recently rebutted this account of history, saying the Independence struggle
was not a monopoly of Zanu PF.

During election campaigns, Mugabe always brandishes his liberation war
credentials, which have now been put under scrutiny in Edgar Tekere's
autobiography, A Lifetime of Struggle. Mugabe's supporters have reacted
angrily to this.

Mugabe does not miss an opportunity to parade purported achievements
in education, health, roads and housing. The mantra is that government built
schools, clinics, roads and houses. Rural areas were also connected to
electricity, they say. Those who buy into this, especially on education,
even claim Mugabe "educated Zimbabweans" and that the country has the
highest literacy rate in Africa.

Critics say while these achievements were significant, their value is
now being diminished because of the broader collapse of the economy and the
sea of poverty engulfing the country.

Although Mugabe would want to secure his legacy around these issues,
most of the success stories have over the years been almost totally reversed
due to the current economic crisis wrought by his regime.

Government's utopian socialist promises such as housing and health for
all by the year 2000 never materialised.

Existing schools, clinics, and roads are now in a dilapidated state.
The education system is declining. Schools have no textbooks and tens of
thousands of children are not able to finish their education due to poverty.
Thousands of students now go outside the country to get a better education.

The children of ministers are sent to school overseas or to still
better-managed private schools at home.

Hospitals and clinics have no medicines. Mugabe and his ministers, as
well as the rich, seek medical treatment abroad. The ongoing doctors' and
nurses' strike bears testimony to the failure of the health delivery system.

The road network, largely built during the colonial era, is
collapsing. Many roads are rugged due to potholes and cracks.

Mugabe would also want to be remembered as the leader who delivered
land to the masses. However, the unstructured, often violent and chaotic
land reform programme has only managed to rock the foundation of the
economy - agriculture - and trigger a wider socio-economic and political
crisis. It has also benefited the elite more than peasants. Currently almost
every cabinet minister has more than one farm.

Whereas Mugabe was a statesman and darling of the Western world when
he first came to power in 1980, today he is widely seen as a rogue leader
presiding over a failing state. And it is not just the West that has reached
that conclusion.

Mugabe's isolation was dramatised during last year's Sadc meeting in
Lesotho where he was reportedly forced to leave in huff after regional
leaders expressed concern over his failed policies. The country was seen in
the same league as Swaziland in terms of democracy and human rights - an
impediment to investment.

Zimbabwe has been hauled before the African Commission for Human and
Peoples' Rights and the UN equivalent for human rights abuses.

Harare - where the Commonwealth's Harare Declaration which upholds
democracy and human rights was adopted - now stands out isolated from the
broad international community, except from repressive states, when it was
part and parcel of the community of progressive nations.

Ironically, Harare has now quit the Commonwealth over human rights
issues and with it lost important technical services support and
scholarships.

In 1980, Zimbabwe was widely welcomed to international organisations
such as the United Nations, the International Monetary Fund and the World
Bank, but it is now facing expulsion.

When Mugabe came to power the Zimbabwean dollar was stronger than the
United States currency, but now the US dollar is at least 4 000 times (in
real terms) stronger than the local unit. Inflation was in single digits in
1980 but now it is four-digits at over 1 200%. This is testament of economic
failure writ large.

Mugabe's last cabinet has to deal with all these issues in a short
time to salvage something from a disastrous legacy, if he is to avoid
evoking negative memories in the minds of future generations for what he
bequeathed to the nation. It is a sad scenario, one that everyone except him
can see.

Mathuthu takes occupancy of RTG property

Zim Independent

Loughty Dube

MATABELELAND North governor Thokozile Mathuthu and her husband have
taken over a property at Sikumi Tree Lodge in the Hwange conservancy area
amid an ownership wrangle with listed counter Rainbow Tourism Group (RTG).

Mathuthu, who was reportedly staying in a three-star hotel for the
better part of 2005 and 2006 after arguing that she had no accommodation, is
shuttling to and from Sikumi Tree Lodge and her Lupane offices, a round trip
of over 120 kilometres a day.

Mathuthu, together with her husband John, some time in 2005 moved into
a farmhouse at Sikumi Tree Lodge, which borders the Hwange National Park,
after former Information minister, Jonathan Moyo, through a company that he
had an interest in, was dislodged when he fell out of favour with the
government.

RTG chairman Ibbo Mandaza yesterday confirmed that his company had
made representations to Environment and Tourism minister Francis Nhema to
have the governor and her husband removed from the property.

He said a meeting between RTG and the ministry had been scheduled for
next week to discuss the issue. Mandaza said the farmhouse was a property of
Sikumi Tree Lodge.

Former Lands minister John Nkomo issued RTG with a lease agreement in
early 2005 but the lease was subsequently revoked by another letter in
December of that year from Didymus Mutasa who had taken over the Lands
portfolio.

Following the revocation of the lease, the Mathuthus moved onto the
property, prompting RTG to raise concerns with Nhema.

RTG sources said despite promises by Mutasa that the occupation of the
property by the Mathuthus was a mistake, there had been no progress on the
issue.

The area in dispute was previously owned by Buck De Fries and was
designated for resettlement in 2002.

The Zimbabwe Independent this week visited Sikumi Lodge and discovered
that the Mathuthu family had blocked the main road leading to the lodge,
forcing tourists and visitors to use an alternative eight-kilometre-long
detour.

Sources said the RTG was irked by Mathuthu's decision in December to
bar tourists from passing through her property by locking gates to the main
road leading to the lodge.

"Mathuthu has put padlocks at the main gates that tourists were using
and they now have to use a rough winding stretch that is eight kilometres
long," said a source.

When the Independent arrived at Mathuthu's residence she was in Hwange
but policemen armed with AK-47 rifles were patrolling the grounds, where her
green official Mercedes Benz Elegance Class E230 was parked.

The farmhouse at the centre of the dispute has two outbuildings, a
garage, a disused swimming pool, workshops and animal pens.

Villagers nearby said Mathuthu stayed at the farmhouse but in some
instances stayed in Empumalanga township in Hwange.

"The governor and her husband stay here and they have been here for
the last eight months but in some instances they go to Hwange where I
understand they have a house," said a villager from a nearby farm.

Mathuthu is keeping chickens and supplies eggs to the Hwange
community.

The 30-bed Sikumi Tree Lodge is an ecotourism facility that offers
upmarket accommodation and photographic safaris to tourists.

Queen Elizabeth II had lunch at the lodge during the Commonwealth
Heads of Government Meeting held in Zimbabwe in 1991.

Efforts to contact Mathuthu for comment were fruitless as her mobile
phone was out of reach while Local Government minister Ignatious Chombo's
phone was ringing without any response.

Mathuthu at the beginning of the year moved her offices from Bulawayo
to Lupane.

She does not have accommodation in Lupane as her official residence is
still under construction. Construction of the house is now above window
level.

Last year the governor sued The Standard over the publication of two
stories which revealed that she was staying in a hotel and later that
President Mugabe had ordered her to leave the hotel.

The case is currently before the High Court.

Health board blames govt for doctors' strike

Zim Independent

Lucia Makamure

HEALTH Services Board (HSB) chairman Dr Lovemore Mbengeranwa has
lashed out at government for lack of planning in dealing with the welfare of
junior doctors who have been on strike since December.

In an interview this week, Mbengeranwa said recurrent doctors' strikes
could be avoided with a bit more foresight.

"As a medical practitioner, I believe that prevention is better than
cure," he said. "These junior doctors started training six years ago and the
government knew that one day they would be junior doctors needing
accommodation and transport. So something should have been done earlier
instead of waiting until a crisis developed."

He said the Health and Child Welfare ministry was allocated 30% of
what it had bid for from Treasury. That allocation was inadequate to cover
salaries and to revamp public health institutions as well as fund the day to
day running of hospitals, he said.

"The only way to deal with this is for government to fix the economy,"
Mbengeranwa said.

The on-going strike by junior doctors and nurses at state hospitals is
a further blow to the country's already ailing health sector.

Information made available to the Zimbabawe Independent this week
indicates that the sector is operating with only half of the required staff
in most disciplines.

"We get our funds from government and for a long time we have not been
getting enough. This has resulted in gradual deterioration of
infrastructures and equipment," said Mbengeranwa.

"Salaries have lagged behind leading to a lot of nurses, doctors and
paramedics to leave the service."

A document made available to the Independent indicates that the
country has only 641 government doctors as of August last year instead of
the required 1 153. A majority of those are junior doctors who have been on
a strike for the past five weeks demanding salaries of up to $5 million and
improved working conditions.

Public health institutions are facing a critical shortage of nurses,
pharmacists and radiographers. The country's public institutions only have
29 radiographers instead of the required 170.

Mbengeranwa said there was very little his board could do to retain
experienced staff as it has little to offer compared to their regional and
international competitors.

"We are losing our professionals who are leaving for greener pastures
in South Africa, the United Kingdom and Australia - countries we cannot
compete with because of our poor economy. These guys have marketable
skills."

He attributed the mass exodus of health professionals to poor working
conditions and low salaries. "The board is concerned with the poor levels of
remuneration for the health workers, lack of institutional residential
accommodation, escalating transport costs resulting in some professionals
having to leave the service as a sign of protest."

Mbengeranwa said it was unfortunate that doctors have to go on a
strike as a way of drawing the government's attention to their grievances.

However, he said he was worried by the doctors' failure to come up
with a representative on the health service bipartite negotiating panel.

"The doctors' seat on the negotiation forum is vacant; they are
communicating to us through the ministry, which is wrong. We have however
tried our best but whatever they are going to get might not be adequate
considering that we are living in a hyperinflationary economy," Mbengeranwa
said.

"Salaries and accommodation allowances have since been adjusted to a
reasonable amount."

He said negotiations for car loans were still underway.

The HSB is still trying to address the issue of acquiring cars for the
doctors but it has no access to foreign currency. It has to engage other
players like Treasury and the CMED. "There is no guarantee that they will
get the cars because at the moment Willowvale Mazda Motor Industries is not
operating at full capacity and Treasury has to get the required foreign
currency."

Mbengeranwa could not disclose how much the junior doctors are going
to get saying it was the board's policy that all staff salaries are kept
confidential.

Zimbabwe Medical Doctors Association (Zima) secretary-general Dr
Tapuwa Bwakura said though their membership included junior doctors his
organisation could not represent them at any negotiating forum.

"Zima is not a statutory board. It is a voluntary membership board
which has no mandate to discuss salaries and working conditions," said
Bwakura.

"The sooner the issues surrounding the strike are resolved the better
for everyone. We hope the issues will be amicably resolved and that the
concerned parties make dialogue an ongoing process instead of only engaging
in dialogue when there is a crisis."

People interviewed in the streets said they had lost faith in the
country's public health delivery system.

"I do not waste my time going to Parirenyatwa or Harare hospital
because if it's not the doctors who are on strike then there are no drugs or
the machines are down," said Togarepi Zimuto of Highfield.

Runyararo Chiwetu of Sunningdale said: "We are watching our relatives
die at home because sending them to government hospitals is a waste of time
and we cannot afford the fees charged at private hospitals."

In the meantime the Minister of Health and Child Welfare Dr David
Parirenyatwa has gone on leave leaving Defence minister Sydney Sekeramayi to
continue with the negotiations.

Zanu PF's dark history haunts Buhera

Zim Independent

Shakeman Mugari in Buhera

ABOUT half a kilometre from the popular Murambinda growth point lies
the shell of a burnt out car which serves as a poignant reminder to the
people of Buhera of one of the most brutal incidents in the political
violence that swept through the area in the run-up to the 2000 parliamentary
election.

The vehicle shell along the main Murambinda-Chivhu highway is tangible
evidence of the crime that claimed the young lives of two Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) activists in horrifying circumstances.

In this burnt-out shell Tichaona Chiminya and Talent Mabika met their
death at the hands of Zanu PF members allegedly led by a Central
Intelligence officer, Joseph Mwale and war veteran Kainos Kitsiyatota
Zimunya.

Such was the horrific nature of the crime that High Court Judge
Michael Devittie nullified the result of the poll won by Zanu PF in Buhera
North and said in his ruling that "the killing of Chiminya and Mabika was a
wicked act". Devittie recommended in 2001 that Mwale be tried for the murder
of the two activists, noting that there was a strong possibility that the
secret police agent could be convicted of the crime.

Mwale however still walks free. Unlike other car shells that become
playthings for kids, this one is avoided like a haunted house. It is has
become a reminder of Zanu PF's dark history. It is a symbol of the political
intolerance and electoral violence that has stained the party's record

Enterprising tinsmiths have cut out metal panels and sections of the
chassis to make utensils and farm implements. But this has not helped in the
healing process. The memories are still fresh.

The children in nearby homesteads know the story behind the shell or
at least their parents have told it to them. It's a dreadful tale that will
be told for generations to come.

The Zimbabwe Independent recently tracked survivors of the horror in
Buhera communal lands. They say they are lucky to be alive but not a day
passes without them reliving the pictures and sounds of the desperate
screams of Chiminya and Mabika as they were engulfed in flames from petrol
bombs.

The day was April 14 2000 and dawn had just passed. For the first time
in the history of Zimbabwe, Zanu PF faced a genuine election challenge in
the form of the MDC. The opposition had spread into Buhera and other rural
areas giving Zanu PF real fears that it could loss the election.

As the campaign intensified, fear and boiling emotions triggered
massive violence. "People were beaten and houses were burnt," recalls George
Gwena, who at the time was the deputy chairman of the MDC in Buhera. "What I
didn't know was that someone could go as far as to kill for his party to
win."

And so kill they did. Reconstruction of what really happened on that
day is not easy because many of the survivors have moved to other areas
while the few who remain are reluctant to talk for fear of retribution.
There still remain the courageous ones like Martin Hapanyengwi who are
prepared to talk because they say if they were "meant to die at the hand of
Zanu PF youths, we should have died on that day". He is prepared to talk
because he saw such terrible things on that day.

"I saw gruesome things on that day," said Martin. "So for someone to
instil fear in me, one has to do worse things. Maybe you have to kill a man
and eat him while I watch to frighten me," he said.

Martin was in the same car as Chiminya and Mabika when they were
killed. In April 2000, he was a 24-year old trying his hands in local
politics as an MDC member and activist. On that day, Martin together with
eleven other youths including Chiminya and Mabika, attended an MDC rally at
Murambinda.

"It was a bad day from the start," Martin recalls. "Soon after our
rally, two of our members were severely assaulted by Zanu PF members.

"The police were uncooperative when we tried to make a report. The
officer in charge disappeared when he saw us and his juniors refused to make
a report."

After visiting the victims at the local hospital, Chiminya decided to
drop the youths at their houses.

As they were driving home in Chiminya's truck, a twin-cab vehicle came
out of the CIO offices at Murambinda growth point and followed them as they
headed for the main road. Chiminya was with Mabika and another passenger - a
student from the Harare Polytechnic College - in the front seat. There were
nine people in the pick-up.

"When we reached the main road, the twin-cab (truck) overtook us and
started blocking us. It blocked us twice," Martin said.

"After 200 metres the twin-cab vehicle stopped right in the middle of
the road blocking our vehicle."

Martin said Mwale came out of the vehicle with a revolver in his hand.
He was with nine other people who were carrying iron bars and knobkerries.

Mwale said: "unofira mahara mufana" as he approached the car. The mob
started smashing the windows, hitting Chiminya, Mabika and the other
passengers in the process. The nine youths in the back jumped off and ran
for their lives but not before some of them were battered with iron bars.

The student who was in the front seat with Chiminya and Mabika managed
to escape because he was close to the door. Chiminya and Mabika were trapped
in the car as the mob smashed the door. They eventually came out of the car
staggering but they were hit with petrol bombs.

"I was close by, about 30 metres way," Martin said. "I saw Mwale throw
a petrol bomb at Chiminya and then the car."

Another petrol bomb landed on Mabika who by this time was screaming:
"Mwale naGwama (one of the Zanu PF members in the mob) mondiuraireyiko?"

It was a desperate plea made to the perpetrators to spare her life.
Some of the youths who had escaped tried to help but the Zanu PF mob charged
at them threatening to kill anyone who came closer.

"We watched helplessly while they were screaming as the fire engulfed
them," said Martin with tears welling in his eyes.

"We tried to come to their help but the mob blocked us. By then, Mwale
was waving his gun in anger."

Perhaps the saddest part of it all is that the incident happened in
full view of the police who had been called by Happison Chiremba (the MDC
candidate in Buhera at that time) who had rushed to make a report as soon
when he noticed that Chiminya's car was being followed.

"Police just stood by watching Chiminya and Mabika burning to death,"
Martin recalls. Their "job" done, Mwale and the mob drove off but the police
made no move to arrest them. Martin and other youths who had gone into
hiding in the nearby bushes rushed to put out the fire on Chiminya and
Mabika but it was too late.

"We got to them and tried to roll them over while others used tree
branches to put out the fire but it was too late."

Chiminya died on the spot in the arms of one of the youths. Mabika was
taken to Murambinda hospital alive but died the following day. She was one
of the first female victims of the politically motivated violence that
pervaded the country.

Some of the people who were in the Zanu PF mob that torched Chiminya
and Mabika are still walking scot-free in Buhera often passing by the burnt
car in which the two MDC activists died.

"Dzimwe nguva tinonwa nawo doro pamashop ekwaMarenga," said Martin.

The police have said they cannot locate Mwale although there are
reports that he is often seen in Mutare. In 2004 Mwale was reportedly
dispatched to Roy Bennett's Charleswood Estate to deal with employees who
were protesting the takeover of the farm by the army. A farm worker was shot
dead during the episode.

According to the MDC's Roll of Honour, from 2000 to 2004 about 102 MDC
members were killed in politically-related violence. None of the cases have
been resolved despite reports to the police. So long as those responsible
continue to walk free, Zimbabwe cannot boast of observing the rule of law.

Govt reviews Vision 2020

Zim Independent

Dumisani Ndlela

GOVERNMENT has reviewed its long-term economic revival blueprint,
Vision 2020, admitting revival efforts had been sabotaged by "excessive
monetary expansion" which had stoked inflation to record levels.

The document acknowledged that economic revival efforts had been
thrown off the rail by runaway inflation, and that poor productivity and
huge budget deficits, foreign currency shortages and speculative tendencies
had partnered to weigh down Zimbabwe's once promising economy.

"The high inflation has discouraged savings and investment, distorted
resource allocation, reduced the international competitiveness of exports
and overally reduced capacity utilisation in all productive sectors. This
has led to an overall economic decline. As a result, Zimbabwe's key
socio-economic indicators such as poverty and unemployment have worsened,"
the report said.

The document noted that the country's challenge was "to bring down
inflation, while stimulating growth and minimising the adverse social costs
of the dis-inflation process on the vulnerable groups of society".

Zimbabwe is currently going through its worst economic crisis in
history that has resulted in a cumulative gross domestic product contraction
of over 30% in the past five years.

Inflation is currently at an all-time high of 1 281,1%.

The reviewed document, which has been sent to stakeholders for
comments and contributions, has received President Robert Mugabe's assent.
He has written its foreword exhorting Zimbabweans to "draw inspiration from
it in their various spheres of life".

But concerns emerged from the business community this week that
efforts to seek input from stakeholders were meant to deceive the nation
into believing that the revised document had input from all stakeholders on
the basis of the "post-review consultations".

Businessdigest saw a copy of a letter sent to stakeholders by Andrew
Bvumbe, the permanent secretary for the Ministry of Economic Development,
dated January 19.

The letter suggested that the document was still "being revised and
updated within the auspices of the National Economic Recovery Council (NERC)
as per the NERCTC resolution of the meeting held on the 18th of January
2007".

Bvumbe said he wanted stakeholder input by the end of the day last
Wednesday.

But an introduction in the revised document, signed by Economic
Development minister Rugare Gumbo, suggested the document had already been
finalised.

"As Minister of Economic Development, I am privileged to have overseen
the review and updating of the Vision 2020 Document," Gumbo noted in his
introductory note. "The review and update was necessary in order to take
into account changes in the socio-economic environment and the need to
strengthen the coordination and implementation of government policies,
programmes and plans."

Gumbo said the review and update had been done by his ministry "under
the auspices of NERC".

He said there had been input from various government institutions and
the private sector during the review and update, but it was not clear when
the private sector had made this input which Bvumbe sought in his letter to
the private sector written last Friday.

Parallel market rates go wild

Zim Independent

Dumisani Ndlela

RATES ran riot on the foreign currency parallel market this week as
buyers scrambled to buy foreign currency on fears of drastic measures by
Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) governor Gideon Gono that could leave
speculators and huge cash holders in the lurch.

Parallel market dealers said demand had escalated over the past two
weeks, as buyers feared losing huge sums of Zimbabwe dollars should Gono
embark on the second phase of his ambitious Project Sunrise that plunged the
market into unprecedented chaos last August.

Gono has promised to launch the second phase of Sunrise after the
first one in which people in possession of large sums of Zimbabwe dollars
were arrested and their money confiscated following the revaluation of the
local currency.

Huge cash holders were left holding large sums of Zimbabwe dollars
after failing to bank them due to stringent deposit regulations imposed to
punish conditions when Gono revalued the local currency under sweeping
economic reforms.

The local unit plunged to $600 to the South African rand, from around
$350 to the rand when the year opened.

The Zimbabwe dollar weakened to $4 200 and $7 000 to the greenback and
the British pound respectively, from around $3 000 and $5 000 at the opening
of the year.

Dealers said pressure on the currency had increased dramatically on
January 15, and "rates have been changing everyday" ever since, a dealer
said.

"I think it's because many companies had opened, but we're seeing
demand from almost everyone - people no longer want to hold the Zimbabwe
dollar," the dealer told businessdigest.

"The demand is very high but there is very little inflow on the market
and this is pushing rates up," the dealer said.

Another dealer indicated there was growing anxiety on the market which
was unclear over Gono's next move after dealing with alleged speculators,
blamed for fuelling the country's inflation which touched a high of 1 281,1%
last month.

Gono, widely expected to present his monetary policy statement before
month-end, has not given a date for the presentation of the statement,
keeping the market in suspense.

Businessdigest reported last week that the official foreign exchange
market was having uncharacteristically low inflows as foreign currency
owners remained tight-fisted in anticipation of devaluation by Gono.

There is a strong market sentiment that Gono could devalue the local
unit to between $750 and $1 000 to the greenback, from the current rate of
$250 to the US unit.

The adjustment of rates on the parallel market has led to market-wide
price adjustments during the week.

"I came to buy (candle) wax only to realise the price had doubled in
just a day," a dejected trader told businessdigest. "They tell me it's the
exchange rates and I might find the wax with new prices tomorrow if I don't
buy today."

There were concerns asset prices were likely to rise on growing demand
as people sought to hedge themselves against the defenceless currency.

While some captains of industry have predicted that 2007 is going to
be a year for the revival of Zimbabwe's fragile economy, independent
economic forecasts indicate the year could be the gloomiest in the history
of the country, now entering its seventh year of contraction.

An International Monetary Fund forecast predicts inflation to average
4 279% this year, a factor likely to push Zimbabweans into scurrying for
foreign cash.

The hyperinflationary cycle has made it unattractive to hold the local
currency when costs for goods and services go up almost everyday.

This has meant that rather than saving, people are now making sure
they spend their little incomes as fast as they can, on goods.

Analysts have predicted a pronounced flight from the domestic currency
as a store of value by people holding cash shifting their wealth into hard
currency or durable goods.

Sugar price not sweet enough, say producers

Zim Independent

SUGAR producers this week said a government-sanctioned hike in the
price of sugar fell far short of ensuring viability in the sector, warning
that shortages of the basic commodity were likely to remain entrenched in
the market.

Sugar producers won a 117% hike in the price of sugar to $1 133 and $5
609 for 2kg and 10kg of white sugar respectively, while the price for brown
sugar went up to $1 050 and $5 197 for 2kg and 10kg respectively.

Sugar producers had last week demanded that government pegs the
wholesale price of sugar at $4 500 for a 2kg pocket.

The new sugar prices put the retail price for 2kg of sugar at $1 247
and 10kg at $5 197.

But sources said producers were unhappy with the level of increases,
saying viability remained under threat and production meaningless without
guarantees of profit.

Businessdigest understands that producers were agitating for hikes of
at least 200% to make operations viable.

Sugar had disappeared from supermarket shelves in the past three
weeks. There were unconfirmed reports that producers were withholding sugar
from the market until a favourable price was agreed with authorities.

"There are a number of problems that have remained unresolved," an
industry player told businessdigest.

"There are a number of things that are beyond the industry's control;
like high inflation, now at 1 281%, and access to foreign currency from the
central bank. The sugar industry is not treated as a priority sector by the
Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe," the source said.

The source added that Zimbabwe had produced enough sugar cane stocks
during the current season to adequately supply the domestic market.

ZSA said in a statement on Friday that until government approved its
proposals for viable prices, shortages would persist.

"The Zimbabwe Sugar Association, which represents the sugarcane
farmers, sugar millers and the sugar refineries, is conscious of the
problems that Zimbabwe consumers are having in sourcing sugar from the
formal market," the ZSA said.

"The industry has not been cushioned against the hyperinflationary
environment which has resulted in significant cost increases across the
board without a corresponding adjustment to the selling price," the
statement added.

However, while sugar had not been available on the formal market, the
black market had been thriving in the past three weeks with prices
skyrocketing to between $4 000 and $4 500 for the 2kg packet of white sugar.

Government has imposed controls on prices of most basic commodities,
exposing producers to huge loses.

Bakers last year tried to defy government controls but faced an
unprecedented police clampdown that resulted in the arrest of several
managers. - Staff Writer.

'No feasible turnaround without Zesa'

Zim Independent

Shame Makoshori

A POWER utility executive this week warned that efforts to turn around
Zimbabwe's ailing economy would hit a brick wall because of government's
failure to recognise the role played by Zesa Holdings in power generation.

Addressing journalists in Harare on Tuesday, Zesa Holdings board
chairman, Christopher Chetsanga, denied allegations that mismanagement was
behind the power utility's worsening woes, saying the company's escalating
crisis was the responsibility of government which had consistently refused
to allow Zesa to charge economic tariffs for electricity consumption.

"Everyone is talking about economic turnaround but without an
efficient Zesa there will be no turnaround to talk about," Chetsanga charged
during his first public address to the press since taking over the
chairmanship last year.

"(Government) should make sure that Zesa is given enough resources to
carry out its operations because the sub-economic tariffs are hurting the
company," he said, adding that the power utility was "broke" and the nation
should brace for severe power outages this year.

Zesa suffered a $105 billion loss in 2006.

"In 2006, our total revenue was $26 billion while expenditure was $66
billion. We incurred a deficit of $34 billion but if you add borrowing costs
of up to 500%, the deficits came to $105 billion," Chetsanga said.

"This is a terrible situation, isn't it? But the year 2007 is going to
be very bad, not better than last year," Chetsanga warned.

"Zesa requires 70% of its total revenue to import electricity, leaving
only 30% to cover operational costs," he said.

Chetsanga hit out at government, the power utility's sole shareholder,
for failing to fund the rehabilitation of crumbling infrastructure at a time
when southern Africa faces serious power shortages.

Major exporters in the region had slashed exports to Zimbabwe from 650
Megawatts (MW) to 150MW, leaving Zimbabwe in a precarious situation.

Chetsanga said Zesa could do little to avert the crisis because there
was an acute shortage of resources.

Zesa imports 35% of the country's power requirements at US$0,02 per
kilowatt hour (kW/hr) and sells it at US0,2 cents per kW/hr.

Locally generated power costs $90 per kW /hr to produce but it is sold
at $5 per kW/hr, a situation that had contributed to huge losses.

He said the power utility's ageing infrastructure required urgent
foreign currency injections for equipment replacement, system upgrades,
spares and general system maintenance.

Chetsanga said the problem at Zesa had been due to lack of
rehabilitating and infrastructure maintenance over the past two decades.

"One hopes to see a culture of maintenance being restored," he said.

On Tuesday, Zesa announced the retrenchment of 600 workers to save
$240 million per month in salaries.

The restructuring also resulted in the trimming of Zesa's subsidiaries
from five to four.

The company said it had entered into negotiations with foreign
investors to increase generating capacity at the Hwange Power Company by
600MW and Kariba Power Station by 300 MW at a cost of US$800 million by
2008.

There were problems with the deal, however, as Zesa was failing to
raise US$49 million as down payment as part of the arrangement.

NRZ negotiates for Zim-SA railway line

Zim Independent

Pindai Dube

The National Railways of Zimbabwe is negotiating with the Bulawayo
Beitbrige Railway (BBR) for use of the railway line linking Zimbabwe with
South Africa, businessdigest established this week.

NRZ, one of the few parastatals said by Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ)
governor Gideon Gono to have positively responded to a turnaround programme
under which the RBZ injected billions of dollars to save ailing state
enterprises, intends introducing a passenger train on the route.

The negotiations are understood to have already won the backing of
Transport minister Christopher Mushohwe.

Businessdigest has gathered that negotiations between NRZ and BBR, the
owners of the railway line, are almost complete.

The two companies are understood to be working on an acceptable
financial package for the deal as well as payment modalities in view of
Zimbabwe's foreign currency crisis.

The Bulawayo-Beitbridge railway line was constructed in 1999 and has
been used for freight purposes.

The railway line is the only rail link between Zimbabwe and one of its
biggest trading partners in the region, South Africa.

Fanuel Masikati, the NRZ Public Relations Officer, confirmed that NRZ
was engaged in negotiations with BBR to lease their railway line.

"Negotiations between us and BBR are complete and we are currently
finalising the logistics (before we) introduce a passenger train on the
route," said Masikati.

"Soon we will start having trial runs as we did with other two newly
introduced Harare-Bindura and Harare-Chinhoyi routes."

Masikati denied market speculation that NRZ's previous attempts to
lease BBR's rail line had been hampered by foreign currency.

"We are not seeking funds because resources for the project are there
and all that is left are a few things, for example, to work out timetables,"
said Masikati.

Marginal decline for domestic debt

Zim Independent

Paul Nyakazeya

GOVERNMENT'S domestic debt has declined marginally to $175,7 billion
after reaching an all-time high of $178 billion in December last year,
statistics from the Reserve Bank indicated this week.

The domestic debt stock, which consists of government stocks, treasury
bills and central bank advances, opened the year at $175, 664 billion.

The bank's advances to government amounted to $72,5 billion on January
5, with treasury bills accounting for $59,1 billion, accruing an interest of
$114,9 billion. Outstanding government stocks amounted to $1,6 billion.

Economic analysts said the debt decline was unsustainable, warning
that accelerating inflation this year was likely to push government domestic
debt level to new record levels. The budget deficit out-turn for last year
is expected to reach over 20% of GDP.

This excludes quasi-fiscal operations, which gave a budget out-turn of
over 60% in 2005. The budget deficit, excluding quasi-fiscal operations, was
3% in 2005. The absence of foreign financing was also likely to affect
domestic debt level, the commentators said.

Last year, government borrowed aggressively from the local market to
finance a huge budget deficit, stoking inflation which touched a record high
of 1 281,1% year-on-year for December.

High interest rates had also helped swell the level of government
debt, analysts said, indicating that this had forced a major restructuring
of debt last year from short-term debt to long-term debt.

The restructuring exercise, they said, had little prospects of success
because of the market's lack of appetite for long-term investments.

"High interest rates would continue to be a burden on the fiscus. The
debt would continue to soar during the year due to the necessity to fund
various imports such as electricity, fuel and food," a bank economist told
businessdigest.

The country, once the region's breadbasket, has become highly
dependent on imports due to disruptions caused to the farming sector by a
controversial agrarian reform as well as poor harvests caused by drought.

Vaunted Sino- Zim intimacy all but a fallacy

Zim Independent

Dumisani Ndlela

A PLANNED African visit by Chinese President Hu Jintao provides no
clue as to Zimbabwe's vaunted close relations with the Asian country.

Hu, making his second visit to the continent, has again given Zimbabwe
a wide berth, instead visiting four of the country's neighbours in a policy
initiative viewed by observers as aimed at putting African economies on a
solid footing.

No country required that better than Zimbabwe, currently grappling
with an economic crisis now in its seventh year.

Besides giving a modicum of hope to Zimbabwe, isolated by the
international community over a poor human rights record, a visit by Hu would
have generated confidence that the Chinese would finally provide a hefty
financial bail-out.

Hu, whose Africa visit will start on January 30, will visit
Mozambique, whose economy is experiencing one of the highest growth rates on
the continent; Zambia, whose once-suffering economy is on the mend; Namibia,
whose economy is one of the most vibrant in the region; and South Africa,
the continent's economic powerhouse.

Trade between China and Africa has swelled in recent years, reaching
US$42 billion in 2005.

China has become a dominant supplier of cheap manufactured goods for
the continent, and the Zimbabwean government has entered into several deals
with Chinese companies, most of them state-owned, for barter arrangements in
which Zimbabwe will receive assistance in setting up power plants and
telecommunications infrastructure in return for minerals resources to
sustain China's expanding economy.

Hu visited Morocco, Nigeria and Kenya in April last year, signing a
number of trade agreements, while Chinese Foreign minister Li Zhaoxing
visited several African countries this month, again also giving Zimbabwe a
wide berth.

During his current mission, Hu will also visit Cameroon, Sudan, the
Seychelles and Liberia between January 30 and February 10, according to
information released this week by Chinese Foreign ministry spokesman Liu
Jianchao.

Liu told a news briefing the visits were a follow-up to last year's
China-Africa summit in Beijing and aimed to "consolidate traditional
friendship" between China and the African countries.

President Robert Mugabe was one of the delegates to the China-Africa
summit held towards the end of last year.

Immediately after the visit, government suggested that China was to
provide immense support to Zimbabwe to facilitate the country's economic
turnaround programme, with a consignment of fertiliser, as well as other
goods reported to have been already in shipment immediately after the
summit, demonstrating to pessimists China's unflinching support for
President Mugabe's regime.

The European Union and the United States have imposed targeted
sanctions, which include travel bans, on President Robert Mugabe and members
of his regime.

The sanctions have impeded the country from accessing offshore finance
from international financial institutions as well as from the international
donor community.

This has compounded the country's economic woes, with acute foreign
currency shortages resulting in severe fuel shortages which have disrupted
economic activities.

Mugabe's government has pushed for aggressive relations with Asian
countries, particularly China, under a Look East policy adopted mainly to
spite Western countries for the targeted sanctions on his regime.

Shunned by the West and blamed by opponents for sinking the country
into its worst crisis since Independence in 1980, Mugabe has been forced to
scramble for aid from the East.

However, many observers say China, rather than Zimbabwe, has been the
major beneficiary of Zimbabwe's Look East policy, and several bids by Mugabe's
government to source financial assistance from the Chinese have failed.

China has been trying to gain a foothold in Zimbabwe's key mining
sector to explore the country's vast mineral reserves.

In July 2005, Mugabe visited China in a bid to negotiate an economic
package to rescue the country from its crisis.

Nothing came out of that visit.

However, Zimbabwe's ambassador to China, Chris Mutsvangwa, said the
country was on the verge of securing a US$2 billion credit line from China.

The claim was however denied by the Chinese government, who also
dismissed state media reports that a Chinese firm was preparing to inject
huge amounts of money into Ziscosteel to turn around the ailing steelmaker's
fortunes.

Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe governor, Gideon Gono, however announced in
September a US$200 million facility from China as part of nearly half a
billion dollars worth of mainly foreign loans which he said had been offered
after Zimbabwe had met conditions for the Chinese loan.

This left market watchers speculating that Zimbabwe could have
mortgaged mineral resources for the loan.

Zimbabwe has made several offers to the Chinese firms in a bid to
persuade the Chinese government into granting the country a financial
bail-out package.

A Chinese company, Bunday Technical Mining, was recently granted land
by the Chirumanzu Rural District Council to set up a chrome processing plant
in Lalapanzi.

Although the Chinese have become major buyers of tobacco on the local
market, plans by several Chinese firms to finance tobacco farming appear to
have fallen through.

Although a delegation of senior officials from Air Zimbabwe, the Civil
Aviation Authority and the National Railways went to China in 2004 "to
finalise discussions with a Chinese firm" for investment in the companies,
the Chinese firm, China National Aero Technical Import and Export Technology
(Catac), has not followed through on the deals.

Catac has signed several memorandums with the Zimbabwe Electricity
Supply Authority to finance several power projects but these have failed to
get through because of failure by the Zimbabwe government to provide
required guarantees.

Catac had also been courted by Tel*One to provide software for Tel*One
to mitigate theft of copper cables.

The Chinese company has been given a tender to supply aviation
equipment for the Victoria Falls Airport and Joshua Nkomo Airport in
Bulawayo, as well as to assist with the construction of a cargo harbour and
runways.

The company was also expected to supply railway infrastructure,
especially signal network and dualisation of the Harare-Masvingo road up to
the Beitbridge border post.

But Chinese firms have refused to release funds initially pledged for
the projects and until they do so there will be no progress.

The failure of these schemes could explain why China's leader is being
circumspect about visiting Zimbabwe in his journey to Africa. Relations don't
appear to be as intimate as we have been led to believe.

Doing justice to farming

Zim Independent

By Gugulethu Moyo

BEING a farmer can be a tough business in today's Zimbabwe. More so if
you do it part-time.

For one part-time poultry farmer, the office of a judge's clerk
proved, for a while, to be a prime location from which to sell fresh
chickens. The meat would be marketed in the clerk's office while the farmer
worked solemnly in his own office to earn non-farm income from his High
Court job.

The predictable traffic of court regulars - high-fee earning lawyers
in private practice, government legal advisors, prosecutors, litigants,
court functionaries, judges and sometimes witnesses - were a near-captive
market. It could have been a profitable enterprise.

That was until lawyers started complaining: they complained to the
Judge President until, finally, she put a stop to the burgeoning trade in
chicken body parts.

The intrepid part-time farmer in question was a High Court judge; his
clerk was doubling as a salesperson; and the lawyers who complained were
concerned that the sales activity - which sometimes employed fairly
aggressive selling techniques - in the judge's chambers undermined the
proper administration of justice.

Anecdotes of this nature pepper day-to-day life in Zimbabwe's legal
community. One High Court judge, for instance, is said to favour
supplementing his salary by doing a bit of roadside marketing: from the
courtyard in Harare, he's often seen selling tomatoes and cabbages out of
the boot of his official issue vehicle.

These and other true stories are traded often among lawyers to
illustrate the extent of the tie-in between the enormous problems besetting
the administration of justice in the country and the ubiquitous involvement
by judges in small-scale farming enterprises.

So when Judge President Rita Makarau decried last week in a widely
publicised opening-of-the-legal-year speech the parlous state of Zimbabwe's
judicial institutions, which she said was caused by government
under-spending on the judiciary, the litany of tales started doing rounds
again:

"Well, the government has already taken steps to improve the pay
packages of judges," observers said.

"Gono has just approved the purchase of a fleet of 4x 4 vehicles for
judges that will be given to judges to help them with their farming
activities.

"Those judges who have farms are expected to supplement low salaries
with farm income," the story goes.

And herein lies one of the central problems of the administration of
justice in Zimbabwe today. When, in 2000, at the start of the Zanu PF
government's instigated agrarian revolution, members of the judiciary
allowed themselves to be co-opted into a legally murky land redistribution
scheme, the independent viability of Zimbabwe's judicial institution was
lost.

Judges who stood their ground, in those days, and ruled that the
executive had violated constitutional protection of property rights and due
process were hounded out of office. Many of those who stayed on the job
accepted government offers of farms whose legal ownership was subject to
litigation in the courts over which they presided. Other judges were
reported to have "invaded" farms and installed themselves in the place of
previous owners.

Few who witnessed this process can forget the series of nihilistic
manoeuvres of that time. President Robert Mugabe and several ministers,
prominent among them Justice minister Patrick Chinamasa, took it in turns to
condemn judges who ruled against farm acquisitions as "relics of the
Rhodesian era".

One High Court judge even joined in the attacks, alleging that Supreme
Court justices had pre-decided in their favour all the cases brought by
deposed white commercial farm owners. The judge in question, Godfrey
Chidyausiku, was later appointed Chief Justice in the fast-track judicial
reform process that accompanied the land reform programme.

Rather than defend their turf in the time-honoured triparte schema
which lies at the heart of most stable democracies - the separation of
judicial, executive and legislative power - many judges took ill-conceived
steps that made them look like willing collaborators in unlawful executive
action. As many judges of the old bench were pressured to leave office,
others jumped in to fill their shoes.

In a radical philosophical shift, a majority of newly appointed judges
in the "reconstructed" Supreme Court approved the same farm acquisitions
that had been ruled unlawful by their forebears; at the same time many
judges became tenants on the newly appropriated farms.

The tenancy arrangements were fragile - defaulting tenants could have
their lease withdrawn at any time. Later, this new breed of farmer-judges
applied for and accepted concessionary interest rate loans for new farmers.

Judges who refused offers of farms were overlooked in the appointment
system and regarded by the establishment as reactionaries. The result has
been that the value of stock of the judiciary plummeted.

In a now infamous soundbite, Mugabe warned judges that court decisions
that went against government policy would not be enforced. "After all we pay
our judges very well," he ruled.

Nothing about the judicial institution has been the same since then.
Today, lawyers who would previously have viewed appointment to judicial
office as the high point of a career in law would not, for one minute,
consider occupying judicial office. And, in recognition of this, the
executive seems to have stopped asking the most distinguished in the legal
profession to serve on the bench.

Now, it seems that to be appointed to the bench you must be a trusted
hand. But another tragic twist that the judicial deal-makers failed to
predict was that they would become, as appears to be the case now, some of
the least-valued partners in the new political order.

Gone are the days when judges were paid well. Now they "beg for
sustenance" and their function "is not valued", as Justice Makarau confessed
last week.

Those who took the farms have to juggle judicial and farming roles to
try and make ends meet from operating agricultural concerns in a hostile
economic climate. Court work is often set aside while judges manage
labour-intensive, undercapitalised farming ventures.

So serious are the compromises made that lawyers sometimes remark
wryly that one of the hardest legal cases of the day is to figure out
whether a judge is wearing their farmer's hat or a judge's wig.

It may, therefore, not come as a surprise that the Judicial Service
Act, signed into law this week, which in theory introduces measures to
secure the financial autonomy of the judiciary by placing the power to
determine judges' salaries and perks in the hands of an independent
institution, is greeted with a large degree of cynicism by many in the legal
community.

This law won't change much, lawyers say. Having tied up their
independence with so many financial strings, judges are still to solve the
hardest case of all: how to, with credibility, cut the strings attached to
the agrarian revolution within the judiciary.

* Moyo is a Zimbabwean lawyer who works for the International Bar
Association.

Can Gono punch above his weight this time around?

Zim Independent

Comment

RESERVE Bank governor Gideon Gono's long awaited monetary policy statement
is generating a lot of anxiety. The anxiety is not wrought by universal
belief that the policy statement will provide relief to our seemingly
ever-growing problems but by a quest to take positions in the new policy
regime.

The mafia which controls the illegal foreign currency market is waiting for
devaluation before they introduce their own rates while fuel merchants are
withholding product in anticipation of the new dollar rate.

Exporters are holding stock as they contemplate what the new policy will
bring. Gold miners, bankers, farmers and big business are all waiting for
surprises and not necessarily solutions.

There was a time when the shock therapy induced by the element of surprise
had political support from the Zanu PF establishment. The party on the eve
of the 2005 general election rallied behind the governor. They used him to
try and convince reluctant voters that the economy was on the mend. He was
the face of a reforming Zanu PF.

Not any more. He has become a hostage to feuding Zanu PF factions and in
some instances appears to be stranded.

Any attempt to introduce guerilla-type reforms this time around - as was the
case with the currency switch - would be a major test of strength for the
various forces working against each other in the party. He now needs
political allies to push through his policy which has unfortunately pulled
him into the murky political waters of President Mugabe's succession battle.

We said it in 2003 when he became governor that his policies were at the
mercy of political entrenchments which he did not have control over. The
political culture of Zanu PF is built around a strange policy regimen
usually devoid of rational thinking. The aberrations have remained
unresolved until this day, making a mockery of Gono's feverish activity.

One such blunder is the distortion in the pricing of agricultural
commodities, electricity and fuel. The fiscal policy by the Finance ministry
has embarrassingly failed to address the price distortions which have seen
government paying huge subsidies which have not benefited the economy in any
way. A distressing example of such irregularity is in the price of maize and
maize-meal.

The government firstly subsidises agricultural inputs through concessionary
financing, input support schemes and cheap fuel. It then attempts to pay the
farmer a producer price not very different from the international commodity
price index. In the case of maize, the farmer is being paid $52 000 a tonne.
The GMB then shockingly sells the same maize to millers at $600 a tonne.
This is not a subsidy. It is obtuse thinking unimaginable of a system
supposedly run by national leaders. For goodness sake, roadside vendors are
selling a cob of fresh maize for $1 000!

It should be noted that a government agricultural subsidy is paid to farmers
to supplement their income, help manage the supply of agricultural
commodities, and bolster the supply of such commodities on local and
international markets. Farm subsidies are aimed - among other things - at
increasing production and thereby lowering the price of food. In Zimbabwe,
our government spends trillions in subsidising maize farmers and at the end
of each season spends even more - this time in foreign currency - importing
the same commodity.

In the United States in 1929, before agriculture subsidisation, Americans
spent 24% of their income on food; by 1997 this had lowered to only 10,7%
largely due to on-farm subsidies.

It is not only in agriculture that awkward pricing systems are killing the
economy. The Zesa board this week said the power utility was broke because
it was being forced to sell electricity to the consumer at $5 a kilowatt
after producing the same kilowatt at $90. There are distortions in fuel
pricing where government is selling fuel at $325 a litre while the private
sector is charging $4 000.

These pricing distortions are a product of a warped political philosophy and
Gono's blitzkrieg policies have failed to make a dent on these anomalies. By
his admission through lengthy press adverts, he has actually helped
government to fund ridiculous subsidies.

The challenge before Gono is now more complex. It is no longer just exchange
rate management, controlling money supply or policing banks. He now needs to
grapple with dimwit political entrenchments as well. We wait to see if he
can punch above his weight.

We can do better than pine for lost virginity

Zim Independent

Candid Comment

By Joram Nyathi

THAT land reform was necessary in Zimbabwe and that by 2000 it was
long overdue is not in dispute. That when it came it was badly executed is
self-evident from reduced production and the country's reliance on food
imports during the most propitious season of the year.

It is arguable that save for self-serving constitutional amendments,
the land seizures were patently illegal. To compound the whole process, a
number of former white commercial farmers have not been compensated for the
"improvements" on the farms, the furthest government said it was prepared to
go.

But that the whole process should therefore be reversed because of
these three factors - reduced production, illegality and lack of
compensation - amounts to masochistic daydreaming. Yet there are people who
in 2007 still believe it is possible to revert to the status quo ante when
about 4 500 white commercial farmers owned close to 70% of the country's
most productive farmland.

I know politicians are funny creatures who can sometimes try to sell
you the moon but I doubt that even the MDC would promise a return to
pre-2000 land ownership patterns without losing credibility. That would be
the "greatest betrayal" of all time.

Two weeks ago I travelled to Macheke area in Mashonaland East in the
company of a white commercial farmer. (I won't say "former commercial
farmer" because he is still committed to his enterprise). He said he was
simply told to move off his property in 2002 and never to return.

We turned left at the junction of the main Harare-Mutare highway and
Settlers Road, some 20km east of Marondera. By 4pm we were at Murehwa centre
along the Harare-Nyamapanda highway on our way back. In the course of the
tour we visited a number of farms, including Arizona Farm which was owned by
Martin Stevens who was shot and killed in April 2000.

The farmer took me to his farm where 25 hectares of fruit trees were
reduced to rows of charred stumps at the height of the "revolution". He had
already secured export markets for his apples and naartjes in Europe. All
that went up in smoke and has been replaced by a herd of cattle and goats.

The rest of Macheke farming area is a wasteland of small patches of
maize crops of the "wrong colour and height" due to lack of fertiliser and
late planting, he told me. I asked him what he thought should be done to
restore food self-sufficiency. He didn't need to think.

He said the way forward was a return to the past. White commercial
farmers should be given back their land, he said. Farming was a serious
business which called for commitment and huge investment. He said no one
would invest in a country where government had no respect for property
rights and that the 99-year leases given to "new farmers" were a sick joke.
There was no substitute for tradable title deeds, he said.

He spoke with passion and seemed to believe his revisionist
proposition. When I told him a return to pre-2000 land ownership was
"impossible", he said "you can forget about economic recovery".

"But you don't honestly believe that any government would kick out all
the people who have moved onto commercial farms since 1999 to make way for
white commercial farmers, do you?" I ventured.

He said it was up to government to make a choice between starvation
and productivity. Even China and Russia were moving towards freehold land
leases after disastrous experiments with wholesale collectivisation, he
said.

I explained that the difference was that in those countries it was the
"indigenous" population that owned the land. It was the same in Britain, the
US and Europe. Was it possible to find a "middle way" that would accommodate
the interests of both blacks and whites?

He was evidently uncomfortable with this position. He wanted a return
to the original farm boundaries. It was not a question of colour but skill
and interest. Which is true, not everybody can or wants to be a farmer.

From the bushland of Macheke, back in Harare I attended the first of a
series of lectures launched by the MDC on the way to economic recovery. By
the time I got to the venue John Robertson was rounding off his presentation
on "property rights". From his response to questions from the floor I could
tell he believed there was no alternative to property rights.

He insisted there would be no investors coming to Zimbabwe if there
was no security of private property. The solution to the land problem was
straight forward. "If people are made to pay for the land they will quickly
leave the seized farms," he said.

The two gentlemen have a point about respect for the law. But I was
left wondering whether such radical conservatism was the way to go. If so,
then it means our thinking patterns have not transcended the levels that
made the Third Chimurenga not only possible, but also necessary after the
failure of the willing seller, willing buyer approach.

What we today describe as a crisis are in fact the consequences of our
refusal to positively embrace and manage a change process that was almost
inevitable. Zanu PF today is repeating the same folly, save that this time
around the change agents are less resolute, the forces of resistance much
more than a simple, distinct racial minority, and are armed "tooth and
claw".

Imagine all those who lost their relatives in the mayhem following the
launch of the MDC and subsequent elections in 2000 and 2002 saying they will
not accept any compensation short of getting their loved ones back. Where
would the victims of Gukurahundi come from?

If we opt for a wholesale reversion to former farm boundaries, what
happens to the new breed of blacks who have the skill and passion for
farming but were deprived of the chance by virtue of colonial land ownership
distortions, given that we are dealing with a finite resource?

There were a number of senior MDC officials attending the lectures,
including Morgan Tsvangirai. I don't know if they believe a new government
would return us to pre-1999 so that the land reform begins all over again.
That would certainly be a disaster and there must be a less costly way to
resolve this thing. In fairness, the MDC has proposed a comprehensive land
audit as a start.

Nevertheless, as we drove back to Harare from Murehwa, there were more
hunter-gatherers by the roadside selling mangos and mushrooms than were seen
dedicated to turning land into the economy.

Chombo, what happened to elected mayors?

Zim Independent

Muckraker

WHAT a bunch of losers! The Zanu PF Youth League is evidently ignorant
of the ways of the world. Their statement seeking the suspension of Edgar
Tekere tells us all we need to know that the ruling party has been shaken to
its foundations by his revelations.

Tekere's heresy was to suggest in his autobiography, A Lifetime of
Struggle, that he helped to elevate President Mugabe to the party's
leadership. Tekere is unaware, the youths seem to imply, that Mugabe was the
product of an immaculate conception where no human hand could be detected!
This is Ceausescu-style idolatry at its worst.

But what was revealing for us was the statement that despite media
reports suggesting Tekere was working on a book "denigrating President
Mugabe", certain senior members of the ruling party went ahead and attended
the launch.

"These very same members made absolutely no attempt to defend the
office and person of the president and first secretary of the party," the
Youth League spluttered indignantly.

Instead the defence of the president was subsequently left to George
Rutanhire and Patrick Kombayi.

The youths have sought John Nkomo's assistance in disciplining the
offending politicians who failed to leap to Mugabe's defence at the book
launch, most notable among them deputy information secretary Ephraim Masawi,
according to the Sunday Mirror.

It's great to have all this plastered across the media. Where are the
titans of the party when Mugabe needs them? Who of any importance or
significance has spoken up for him?

Instead the first secretary, the hero of the nation, the guardian of
the struggle's legacy, has been obliged to resort to lightweights like
Rutanhire (who?), Augustine Chihuri of Murambatsvina fame, the Herald's
political editor Caesar Zvayi, Nathaniel Manheru and various other
nonentities.

It's a portrait of a once-great party in terminal decline as its
youths, ignorant of the events raised in Tekere's account, seek handy
targets for their frustration. Our thanks go out to all concerned.

But why did the Herald fail to mention that Masawi was in the firing
line for attending the launch?

What a pity that the Herald was unable to mention that salient point
for reasons of state. This is what readers get when they rely on papers that
see loyalty to the regime as more important than reporting inconvenient
facts. Which is partly why Nobel Laureate Wole Soyinka spoke out on
President Mugabe in an interview with the Mail & Guardian in Accra recently.

Zimbabwe's ruler had become intoxicated by power, the writer said.

"He is a liberation fighter whom we all admired and we held up as a
model. He has let us down. He is obsessed with power, intolerant and
despotic. I consider him to be no better than Idi Amin . . .," Soyinka told
the M&G.

"The conduct of Mugabe is a betrayal of what we have fought for on the
African continent. The business of playing the race card when there is
internal opposition and internal demand for change, the cruelty involved,
the annihilation and the bulldozing of those centres of opposition . . . How
is it different from what apartheid South Africa used to do?"

Compare those self-evident conclusions to the facile defence of Mugabe
by Obi Egbuna, hired by the Zanu PF regime to abuse opposition parties and
civil society.

We would be keen to know how much in the way of public funds have been
spent on this mercenary propagandist to preach his sterile gospel of Mugabe
the African saviour. What we do know is that nobody is buying it. That is
what has been so useful about the Tekere book debate.

Egbuna used his Herald space last Friday to call on Morgan Tsvangirai,
Arthur Mutambara and Wellington Chibebe to explain where the MDC and ZCTU's
funding comes from.

What he should be doing is telling the Zimbabwean public where his
funding comes from. His is the alien voice in our midst!

You have to hand it to him. The Sunday Mail's political editor
Munyaradzi Huni is the master of invention.

Last weekend he wrote about the Bush administration exerting pressure
on American companies in Zimbabwe to close shop in a bid to create
resentment against the government.

He quoted an "impeccable source" at the US embassy as saying that the
embassy had been given funds by the Bush administration to persuade American
companies to close down.

"Since the beginning of the year, we have been seeing the management
of American-owned companies operating in the country coming to the embassy
and when we tried to establish the reasons for their visits no one was
forthcoming with the details," one of these "sources" told Huni.

But then suddenly all was clear. "Only last week we saw minutes to one
of the meetings and we established that the embassy was persuading American
companies here to close down. The American government has set up a fund for
these companies so that when they close they are compensated or are assisted
to relocate to any of the neighbouring countries."

This sounds suspiciously like somebody who is not an embassy official
but looks at documents in the embassy's possession! Firstly he doesn't know
why the businessmen are approaching the embassy. Then he discovers it in the
minutes. All very revealing! But it does rather confirm what we have always
suspected about the Sunday Mail's sources.

Does this sound like a US official? "The American government has seen
that the people in Zimbabwe won't revolt against their government and they
are trying to create conditions that will force the people to turn against
their government."

Sounds more like Huni to us. And of course companies closing down are
all part of a plot and their decisions have nothing to do with the toxic
business climate spawned by the regime. Purleez!

ZimOnline carried an interesting story on Monday reporting that
teachers had fled their posts in Mashonaland East claiming harassment by
security agents for listening to foreign broadcasts on donated radios.

"The situation is tense in Mash East," one teacher said. "The youths
and the police have teamed up and act on information provided by Zanu PF
supporters in the district. People are being rounded up and given lectures
on the dangers of listening to the radios. Those suspected of being behind
the distribution are also beaten up."

At a meeting held in Marondera last Tuesday, Mashonaland East governor
Ray Kaukonde is said to have told state security agents and Zanu PF
supporters to be vigilant saying the radios should not be allowed to
circulate in the province, ZimOnline reported.

Contacted for comment, Kaukonde confirmed that the government was
confiscating the radios "in the national interest".

"It is a peaceful exercise (confiscation of radios) in the national
interest. Villagers need food not radios or harmful information," said
Kaukonde, according to the online news agency.

"Those radios are propaganda tools so that villagers can listen to
hostile stations such as Voice of America and turn against the government.
The security agents are only confiscating the radios and carrying out
awareness campaigns so that villagers can report anyone seen listening to
the radios or distributing them," he said.

This is extraordinary. A resident minister admitting that the state is
overturning the right of Zimbabweans to listen to whatever broadcasts they
like? Please test this in court ZLHR. And somebody should make sure the
French and Portuguese ambassadors see this report.

When there was the astounding report that Local Government minister
Ignatious Chombo had urged Harare residents "to be patient" with sewerage
flowing into their homes as this was a result of the change-over of
administration from Harare city council to the Zimbabwe National Water
Authority.

Otherwise they were working harmoniously to improve service delivery,
Chombo told Newsnet on Monday night.

This is sickening arrogance. Where has Chombo been all these years
when raw sewerage has been flowing into Lake Chivero where it has been
blamed for the death of fish?

One can be sure he was also involved in the bungled transfer of duties
between Harare council and Zinwa. Is this another attempt to cover up
Sekesai Makwavarara's failure to make an impact on Harare's water and
garbage woes we wonder?

Incidentally, Chombo was last week warning that "politicians" should
not interfere in council affairs. Somebody should ask him what happened to
the elected mayors of Mutare, Chitungwiza and Harare. What is he? A
ventriloquist?

The Financial Mail of January 19 has an interesting article on
corruption in the ruling ANC of South Africa.

"It was a cool spring evening when an ambulance screeched to a halt
outside the ANC's provincial office in Dutoitspan Road, Kimberley," the
magazine reports. "Paramedics were rushing to the aid of the city's first
citizen, mayor Patrick Lenyipi, who had been hit by flying teacups thrown
during a brawl in the ANC offices.

"The first cup hit him on the head. The handle of a second lodged
itself deep behind the ear after being smashed onto his head with great
force by a senior ANC member."

The fight took place in 2005 reportedly over a tender to supply
coupons for prepaid electricity meters. The mayor had indicated the tender
should go to a group of ANC women who included his mother. Instead it was
advertised with a specific condition that his mother should be excluded.

The report says corruption is so rife in the ANC "it has become a
culture".

ANC secretary-general Kgalema Motlanthe said: "This rot is across the
board. It's not confined to any level or any area of the country. Almost
every project is conceived because it offers opportunities for certain
people to make money."(See Page 20.)

They seem to be learning fast.Readers' comments are welcome.

Finally, is Macquarie University in Sydney aware that it is providing
a platform for another Zanu PF propagandist, Reason Wafawarova, to insult
the intelligence of Zimbabwe's newspaper readers with his puerile posturing?

It certainly does Macquarie University no good having somebody of this
limited scope advertising what little impression their teaching has made
upon him.

But we did have a good chuckle over his attempts to warm up interest
in Zanu PF as the party everyone wants to join.

"Gone are the days when Zanu PF was considered an irrelevant dying
party," Wafawarova claims. "Suddenly everyone is back in the 1980s."

Indeed, it's back to the failed policies of the past. And why is
Wafawarova spewing his patriotic platitudes from a foreign university? What's
wrong with our own universities?

Recovery needs image change

Zim Independent

Eric Bloch

OVER the years, the government has demonstrated its vast array of
negative characteristics.

Although there are a very few exceptions, almost all of the
innumerable ills and problems that perennially afflict Zimbabwe have either
been occasioned by those characteristics or have been severely exacerbated
by them. And that is particularly so insofar as the abysmal state of
Zimbabwe's economy is concerned.

Almost all the essential ingredients for a virile, growth economy have
existed since Independence and yet, since 1997, the economy has been in a
continual, accelerating decline, to levels by now constituting Zimbabwe as
the most poverty-stricken country on the continent of Africa.

Those ingredients which could and should be the catalysts and
foundations for a strong and healthy, expanding economy include, among
others:

l highly fertile land, capable of wholly providing for the food needs
of the nation as well as much of those of neighbouring territories, and of
generating vast production of commodities in high international demand,
including tobacco, cotton, beef, horticultural products, coffee and tea,
citrus and much else;

l an immense, minimally tapped wealth under that potentially fertile
land, including gold, diamonds, emeralds, uranium, platinum, nickel, coal,
methane gas and many other valuable minerals;

l although ageing and deteriorating (due to the nationwide economic
decimation), an industrial infrastructure which is technologically the
second most-advanced and developed in sub-Saharan Africa which, combined
with the fact that Zimbabwe is geographically located so as to be the ideal
principal supplier to most of southern, eastern and central Africa, having a
population of over 320 million potential customers;

l a unique tourism resource, including the spectacular Victoria Falls,
the splendour of the Zambezi Valley, the awe-inspiring Matopos, the mystic
Great Zimbabwe and the Khami Ruins, the wonders of Lake Kariba, the immense
beauty of Nyanga and Vumba, the finest viewing of wildlife of virtually all
species on the continent and much else. All these render Zimbabwe a
potential tourism delight of stupendous proportions, with gargantuan
concomitant economic benefits; and

l a wonderful, very able, hard-working and aspiring labour force (with
a few, very rare exceptions).

Unfortunately, although Zimbabwe has had those outstanding means to
stimulate and fuel a vigorous economy, the last 10 years have witnessed
naught but the diametric opposite of such an economy.

While some (with the government in the forefront) will contend that
that has been a consequence of forces beyond their control, the reality is
that the near-total demise of the economy is almost wholly due to government
policies, and its economic mismanagement.

However, it is devoid of the maturity, and of the sense of duty and
responsibility, to acknowledge that that is so, and to take appropriate
remedial action, other than very occasionally inadequately, ineffectually,
and reluctantly.

Instead, some of its negative characteristics come to the fore. The
first is that of pronounced self-delusion and denial of fact and
accountability.

The government is so imbued with conviction of its absolute
omnipotence and associated infallibility that it is wholly beyond its
conception that it could in any manner whatsoever be the cause of the
Zimbabwean economic Armageddon. It cannot, and will not, accept that it has
destroyed agriculture, negating totally the first of the five most
outstanding triggers for Zimbabwean economic wellbeing.

Blinded by obsessive, albeit highly justified, hatred for
pre-Independence land policies, the government has dogmatically pursued a
cataclysmically destructive land acquisition, resettlement and
redistribution programme, devoid of justice, equity, respect for bilateral
investment protection agreements, and regard for human rights. That has
brought the previously dynamic agricultural sector to its knees. Compounding
the disaster has been prolonged state mismanagement of procurement and
distribution of inputs.

Similarly, the government myopically fails to recognise its continuing
hindrance of mining sector operations and development, its creation of
endless operational constraints for the manufacturing sector, and its
destruction of Zimbabwe's image as an investment and tourism destination.
Instead, a second very greatly negative characteristic repeatedly evidences
itself, being that of extreme paranoia.

As the government is unable to admit to itself, or to others, its
near-absolute culpability for economic disarray, it has convinced itself
that not only are others wholly responsible for that disarray, but also that
those others are very deliberately engaged in destroying Zimbabwe's
international image, as one of their tools to complete the destruction of
the Zimbabwean economy, and thereby, the ousting of the government.

Unhesitatingly, vociferously, insultingly, with invariable disregard
for realties, the government alleges that Britain in general, its Prime
Minister Tony Blair, in particular, the rest of the European Union, the
United States of America in general, and its ambassador to Zimbabwe in
particular, many Commonwealth countries, and many others, are not only
wholly responsible for Zimbabwe's economic misery, but also for deliberate
Zimbabwean-image destruction, and replacement of that image with one which
enhances the programmes of economic collapse.

The mind boggles at how it can be possible for all those alleged
enemies of Zimbabwe, or of its government, to have brought about the
mid-1980s genocidal activities of the Zimbabwean army, and its 5th Brigade
in Matabeleland, or the near-genocidal oppressive brutality of Operation
Murambatsvina less than two years ago.

How was it Britain's aggressive fault that it provided millions of
pounds for Zimbabwe to buy land in the 1980s, which land had not been
resettled or redistributed by 2000? In what way did Britain, the EU, the USA
and others cause thousands of war veterans and others to murder white
farmers, assault hundreds of others, vandalise and steal property and abuse
the land?

Can it credibly be argued that those countries are to blame when their
nationals evidence a reluctance to invest in Zimbabwe, when it is the
government of Zimbabwe which overly-regulates the economy, to an extent that
opportunities of fair returns on investment capital are horrendously
minimised?

And are those countries to blame, when their private sectors are
reluctant to invest in a country which repeatedly signifies that the only
welcome investment is from the East, and from countries with authoritarian
rulership, and when that country repeatedly, scathingly accuses foreign
investors of denuding Zimbabwe of its resources (but does not acknowledge
that those foreign investors send capital and technology to Zimbabwe,
generate foreign exchange, create employment, pay taxes, and do much else to
the benefit of Zimbabwe).

Is it is the fault of Western countries that an overzealous police
force, responsible for ensuring compliance with the law, determines people
to be guilty before proven innocent, in reversal to the legal maxim of
"innocent until proven guilty", and therefore incarcerates people without
trial, sometimes for many months, resorts to excessive violence, destroys
equipment of arrested miners, and all-too often, demands bribes, while in
some proven instances resort to torture?

Is it the fault of those alleged international enemies that a
provincial governor and resident minister, as recently as two weeks ago, has
threatened a repeat of Operation Murambatsvina, instead of proposing
substantive government actions to resolve Zimbabwe's housing problems?

And is it the fault of those well-wishing countries that they are
reluctant to provide Zimbabwe with balance of payments support, loans, and
developmental aid, when doing so would be nothing other than pouring the
monies into a bottomless pit, due to the manifest mismanagement of the
Zimbabwean economy, and the undoubted extent that the world's most
pronounced levels of corruption which prevail in Zimbabwe will preclude much
of such monies being used for intended purposes?

These are but a few of countless instances of Zimbabwe destroying its
international image, to the catastrophic prejudice of the economy and,
therefore, of the Zimbabwean people, but for which the government blames
others.

If the economy is ever to recover, the government must be prepared to
abandon its negative characteristics, adopt constructive ones, vigorously
strive to restore a positive image and, to that end, reconcile with the
international community as a whole, instead of fraternising primarily with
oppressive dictatorships. If it does not, the economy will never recover.

Zim Independent Letters

Tekere's distortions: Shamuyarira to blame
WHILE Edgar Tekere might have got it wrong on the rise of Robert
Mugabe in Zanu in his book A Lifetime Of Struggle, the blame should lie
squarely with Nathan Shamuyarira who allegedly retired from active politics
in 2000 to write a biography of the president.

It is almost seven years later, but we still haven't heard anything
about it.

It took Ibbo Mandaza only two years to publish Tekere's book.

Shamuyarira is too slow for today's political dynamics. Retirement
from active politics should mean not holding any position either in the
party or government as a minister or MP. Yet he still holds the position of
secretary for Information and Publicity in Zanu PF and spends the whole day
working from Zanu PF offices where he is salaried.

If Shamuyarira had commissioned some of the lecturers at the UZ's
Faculty of Arts who are friendly to his party as researchers and writers,
while he edited it, we could have got the biography finished within a year
in 2001. Unfortunately, if he is to take this idea, he would expect such
researchers and writers to accept financial peanuts.

G Mpofu,

Harare.

------------

       Bulawayo should resist Zinwa's sinister overtures
      THE announcement that Zinwa is to take over Bulawayo's water
reticulation and sewerage systems makes sad reading.

      It is with great reservations that we received this piece of
news, more so coming hot on the heels of a damning report from the Auditor-
General.

       Zinwa does not have the capacity to take over and run such an
operation to the required levels of efficiency.

      Zinwa's performance track record is hardly flattering. Look at
the fiasco in Harare. Zinwa is the main actor in the confusion and poor
service delivery that Harare finds itself in. What is referred to as
drinking water in Harare is a liquid not fit for human consumption.

      Harare's environs are drowning in raw sewage emanating from
burst sewer pipes. Service delivery and accountability are almost
non-existent. Zinwa has contributed nothing in terms of value addition to
the city of Harare.

      It has utterly failed to carry out its mandate, a scenario which
calls its continued existence into question. Zinwa must justify its
existence and demonstrate its usefulness to the ratepayers.

      In spite of the perennial droughts suffered in this region of
the country, the Bulawayo City Council has had no problems managing its
water resources and infrastructure. They have had no problems supplying
their ratepayers with quality water to drink and had no sewer problems on
the scale seen in Harare. The situation in Harare is unprecedented and
should serve as an example of how not to run a city. It is local governance
gone bad.

      For an organisation associated with such gross maladministration
and corruption that is engulfing Harare to take over the water affairs of a
city that has been running its affairs exceptional well under the
circumstances, is ridiculous to say the least. If anything, the Bulawayo
City Council should take over Zinwa and show it how things should be done.

      Why should the day-to-day management of our sewerage and water
reticulation systems be handed over to some faceless people in Harare? Why
should Bulawayo ratepayers' money be used to subsidise the corruption and
maladministration of Zinwa as seen in Harare?

      How are we going to be assured that money collected from
Bulawayo water bills will be used for the benefit of its residents? How do
we know that Bulawayo's resources won't be diverted to other areas? What is
central government's interest in all this? How can somebody living in Harare
possibly worry about the water quality in far away Bulawayo? To whom will
Zinwa be accountable? Bulawayo residents or the cabinet? What does the Water
Act say?

      This cabinet directive smacks of interference in the internal
affairs of local authorities, and by using Zinwa to achieve its objectives,
nothing good can come out of this. Zinwa needs a complete overhaul before it
can embark on these forays into local governance. As things stand, Zinwa's
reputation is in tatters.

      I urge the ratepayers of Bulawayo to reject Zinwa's overtures to
take over the water affairs of the city. The Bulawayo United Residents'
Association should brace for a fight in defence of our right to manage our
own water.

      We do not need people from Harare to determine the quality of
water we drink. Council should stand up to this madness. This culture of
invading and taking over other people's successfully-run enterprises before
running them into the ground must come to a stop. The energy and sweat of
others must be respected.

      Wonder Museta,

       Morningside,

      Bulawayo.

       ---------------

            Save Zimbabwe project not for partisan interests
            THE Save Zimbabwe campaign is a stakeholder-driven project
co-ordinated by the Christian Alliance where everyone is free to
participate, including political parties.

            The Save Zimbabwe campaign is what we have all been
waiting for and it is only sincere engagement of democratic forces that will
help us save Zimbabwe.

            It is good for the MDC anti-senate leader Morgan
Tsvangirai to pin his hopes on the Save Zimbabwe campaign project like
everybody else, but it should be known that the Christian Alliance or Save
Zimbabwe project is not a Tsvangirai initiative to save him from political
demise.

            Any attempt to abuse the Save Zimbabwe project to the
advantage of an individual like Tsvangirai at the expense of the real agenda
will be resisted left, right and centre.

            The Save Zimbabwe campaign is an all-inclusive project
driven by ordinary Zimbabweans meant to halt further decay of Zimbabwe's
social, political and economic fabric.

            Any partisan activities associated with the Save Zimbabwe
campaign will derail the whole process because other democratic forces will
take a back seat if the process becomes dirtier.

            I am convinced that a clean bill of transparency and
approach to issues will make us achieve what has not been achieved in many
years under President Robert Mugabe's directionless rule.

            Civic society's view of the Save Zimbabwe initiative is
not to push Tsvangirai, Professor Arthur Mutambara, Wurayai Zembe, Daniel
Shumba or Paul Siwela to the presidency of any united political party
through the back door.

            Kurauone Chihwayi,

            Harare.

             ---------------

                  Zimdef: feeding trough for ministers
                  SINCE the inception of the Zimbabwe Manpower
Development Fund (Zimdef) under the Manpower Development Act, No 36 of 1994,
the organisation is alleged to have bought office furniture and
top-of-the-range motor vehicles for each minister on assumption of duty in
the Ministry of Higher and Tertiary Education.

                  On being deployed to another ministry, the ministers
are said to turn such furniture and motor vehicles to personal use. The
ministers also access Zimdef funds for fuel, hotel accomodation and other
utilities in the name of visits to tertiary institutions around the country,
yet it's an expense under their ministry.

                  So far, Ignatious Chombo, Herbert Murerwa, Samuel
Mumbengegwi and Stan Mudenge have benefitted since the creation of Zimdef.

                  One wonders what the ministry's capital expenditure
(Capex) is used for, if it cannot, among other things, finance the incumbent
minister's official requirements.

                  There has not been a clear separation of what is
permissible under the Act for Zimdef to finance. Expenses for and by Zimdef's
parent ministry fall under the Consolidated Revenue Fund (referred to in
Section 101 of the constitution) as allocated by the Ministry of Finance in
the budget. Zimdef has become another RBZ for the Ministry of Higher
Education - easy access to cheap funds.

                  Such looting is made possible by the organisation,
management and structure of Zimdef. The Act does not provide for a board of
directors like other institutions. There is only the creation of the
National Manpower Advisory Council (Namaco).

                  According to the Act, Namaco was established to
advise the minister on the development of manpower.

                  Zimdef is run by a CEO who reports to the Trustee
(of Public Funds) who is the minister with powers to make unilateral
decisions. The CEO can together with the minister misuse or abuse the funds
under their care. The permanent secretary in the ministry can also abuse his
authority by instructing Zimdef to spend money in the context of being the
"accounting officer".

                  Its funds are made out of the 1% levy on wages by
the private sector. The financiers and consumers of manpower development
(the private sector employers) have no say in how and where the funds are
used except for the advice on the content of tertiary institutions' study
programmes through Namaco. Nobody knows if the funds are not used for
farming as well.

                  One wonders why the Comptroller and Auditor-General
has not raised these issues with the ministry and Zimdef with a view to
stopping the abuse of public funds.

                  Those working for Zimdef have been turned into
"civil servants". Their conditions of service and salary reviews cannot be
made without the approval of the minister and his permanent secretary. The
two exercise their authority to the extent that Zimdef conditions of service
cannot match those of similar parastatals.

                  The minister and permanent secretary determine
conditions begrudgingly because they use wrong standards of measurement. If
Zimdef staffers have to earn like civil servants, one wonders why they were
weaned from the civil service at all.

                  L Mhaka,

                   Harare.

                   ---------

                        What Gono should do to come clean
                        THE response by the RBZ to the article carried
by the Standard on the alleged purchase of a vehicle by the governor raises
questions on what really is going on at the RBZ.

                        Why take three full-colour page adverts to
respond in all main papers? Why have the response in three languages when
the papers are all published in English?

                        Since it is estimated the campaign cost the
RBZ over $34 million, and the RBZ wants to be seen as transparent, could
they share with the public the true cost of the campaign?

                        The issue at hand Mr Governor, is neither
whether you bought a Brabus or an S600. To the average Zimbabwean it's all
the same.

                        What the public wants to know is whether the
RBZ is allocating forex in a transparent manner.

                        The response shows the RBZ is trying to
portray a clean image in the way it conducts its business. Why then did the
governor opt for a loan instead of the RBZ owning the car? Was it not that
the governor wanted to make a big score? Who would not have wanted a loan of
US$138 000 at US$1:$250, which makes it $34,5 million?

                        Any car dealer in town will tell you that a
car bought at US$138 000 has an open market value of over $600 million. So,
overnight the governor made a whopping paper profit of over $550 million. No
wonder he opted for a loan.

                        Is this car loan scheme not a new baby that
the RBZ senior staff have devised in order to enrich themselves overnight?
They get loans in local currency and buy US dollars at a rate of US$1:$250
to import luxury cars for their personal use or resale on the open market,
yet they buy cars for the RBZ on the open market at 15 times the value, if
they use the same exchange rate.

                        If the governor has nothing to hide and wants
to come clean with the public, he should publish with the same vigour a list
of his colleagues who have benefited and the amounts involved.

                        He must also publish the list of government
officials, not to mention Local Government minister Ignatious Chombo, who
have been accessing US dollars at $250 to import personal luxury vehicles
and other trinkets.

                        Is it any wonder then that it has taken so
long to devalue the local currency when inflation is ravaging at 1 200%
plus? Is it any wonder too, that the governor failed to put in place a forex
rate determination committee as promised in one of his monetary policy
statements last year?

                        My heart bleeds when people die in our
hospitals due to shortages of medication and equipment because there is
either no forex or patients cannot buy prescribed medication.

                        Jobs are being lost everyday because of forex
shortages while hotels are at pains explaining to tourists why their charges
are completely out of sync with the rest of the world. All this because the
governor, fellow senior staff and some government ministers want to make
super profits overnight.

                         My question to Gideon Gono is: Who do you
think you are fooling?

                        Tendai Manhanga,

                         Harare.

                         -------

                          Agitate for withdrawal of brutal Act
                          By Steven Chashaya

                          MDC secretary for Information and Publicity,
Nelson Chamisa's letter "Strikes denote rejection of Zanu PF's sterile
agenda" (Zimbabwe Independent, January 12) deserves comment.

                          Chamisa stated that the strikes by doctors
and workers at Zesa, as well as the go-slow in schools, the police and the
army reflect a serious national paralysis authored and orchestrated by the
Zanu PF regime. As such, his party stood in solidarity with the workers and
their right to strike, which is not negotiable.

                          Strike action by workers is an inalienable
right no employer or government can take away.

                          While I totally agree that policies crafted
by the Zanu PF regime have contributed much to the suffering Zimbabweans
endure today, Chamisa must not be economical with the truth.

                          Chamisa should be aware of the ramifications
of the Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act enacted by the American
Congress at the height of the land invasions. Any serious political party
that aspires to assume the reins of power should start seriously looking at
how to tackle this obnoxious and totally obsolescent piece of legislation.
Lord Howell of Guildford could not have bared it all more precisely. During
debate in the House of Lords recently Lord Howell questioned the
effectiveness of the so-called targeted sanctions and asked if they were
hitting the right targets.

                          To quote him verbatim: "As we renew pressure
on Zimbabwe, should we not look at the other shadow sanctions which are
hurting the poorest people, particularly the withholding of some loans from
international institutions and development banks and other investments?
Should we not try to refocus the whole of our operations vis-a-vis Zimbabwe
in ways which hit the criminals ruling the country and do not hit the poor
people who are starving and longing for help?"

                          If a foreign legislator can acknowledge that
the Act is doing more harm than the Mugabe regime, surely it's high time all
opposition parties took a stand and demand the withdrawal of the Act.

                          It would be foolhardy to talk about Zimbabwe's
economic meltdown and Zanu PF's misrule while at the same time ignoring the
brutal implications of the Act.

                          A cursory observation of the type of cars
the ruling elite are driving and their residences will reveal that the
sanctions have in fact hit doctors, workers at Zesa, the police and the army
more than it has hit the intended targets.

                          Both factions of the MDC, NGOs and civic
organisations should get real and stand up to tell the international
community that instead of promoting democracy, the Act has turned to be the
most potent weapon slaughtering more women and children than Mugabe's
misrule.

                          * Steven Chashaya writes from Harare.

-----------
Gono lauded for magnificent display of frugality
By RES Cook

I AM sure that all Zimbabweans have welcomed news that Reserve Bank
governor Gideon Gono only has a Mercedes Benz S600 V12 as his company car,
and not the luxurious and expensive Brabus E V12 that he was reported to
have purchased.

Costing a "mere" US$138 000, all Zimbabweans will be glad of this
assurance that Gono would never knowingly waste any of Zimbabwe's
hard-earned and extremely scarce foreign exchange.

At a time when most Zimbabweans are struggling to survive, as are most
businesses, and when there is insufficient foreign currency to meet such
basic needs as life-preserving medicines, may I be the first to congratulate
Gono on this magnificent display of frugality.

Let us hope that his example of selfless denial in the interests of
the nation will be followed by his fellow chefs.

I have no doubt that when building his mansion, or travelling overseas
on holiday, Gono displays the same concern for careful use of foreign
currency as exemplified by his modest purchase of a Mercedes Benz S600 V12.

When next Gono appeals for self-sacrifice I am sure we shall all
respond positively.

Encouraged by his selfless example, I shall undoubtedly endeavour to
emulate his life-style, a life-style epitomised by self-denial and
parsimony.

Thank goodness not all our chefs are as avaricious as has sometimes
been suggested.

* RES Cook writes from Harare.

Police use force to break NCA protest

Zimbabwejournalists.com

By a Correspondent

POLICE in Harare yesterday fought running battles with more than 400 members
of the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) who were protesting against
Zanu PF's intentions to extend President Robert Mugabe's term of office by
an extra two years.

In the melee some protesters were seriously injured after allegedly being
assaulted by the police. NCA activist John Masva sustained serious head
injuries as a result of police beatings during the demonstration while
others sustained bruises. He is said to be fighting for his life. At least
11 people have been taken to a private hospital to get treatment after
sustaining injuries from the assaults.

An NCA spokesperson said the police had used force in trying to disperse the
protesters.

The NCA said at least 20 activists were arrested after marching for about 20
minutes raising their concerns at the prospect of having next year's
presidential election moved to 2010.

"It was really bad, police were running everywhere with their baton sticks
and I was just caught in the crossfire and had to run for dear life," said
Primrose Mukwedeya. "We all do not want Mugabe's term of office extended but
the problem is that we have this small demonstrations being organised for
this group and that. I did not even know there was an NCA protest. I think
opposition forces need to unite so we can have one big thing to save our
country."

The NCA, which was holding its second demonstration against the 2010
project, says it will not be intimidated by the assaults into throwing in
the towel. The organisation is also campaigning for a new Constitution in
Zimbabwe.

No signs of change in the way Zimbabwe clamps down on the media

Zimbabwejournalists.com

By Ambrose Musiyiwa

PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe has once again been named as one of the 33 leading
"predators of press freedom" in the world.

"Whether presidents, ministers, chiefs of staff, religious leaders or the
heads of armed groups, these predators of press freedom have the power to
censor, imprison, kidnap, torture and, in the worst cases, murder
journalists," Reporters Without Borders said.

The organization pointed out that President Mugabe, who has been in power
since 1980, uses the country's intelligence and security agencies "to
silence all opposition voices" and to "spy on and punish independent media
outlets."

Reporters Without Borders is not alone in its criticism of the Zimbabwe
government's continuing assault on the media. The World Association of
Newspapers recently ranked the country as one of the top three most
dangerous places to be a journalist.

The insecurity and crisis within which journalists are working in Zimbabwe
is a direct result of how the government deals with the media.

In the recent past, newspaper offices and printing presses have been bombed;
journalists have been tortured in police custody and others have been
deported or forced to flee the country. Citizens have also had their copies
of newspapers seized and have been assaulted by military personnel and the
Zanu PF militia if seen with copies of newspapers that are deemed to be
critical of the government.

In addition to this, journalists and media services operators or newspaper
publishers are required, by law, to apply for registration and have
accreditation with the government-controlled Media and Information
Commission (MIC) before they can be allowed to operate. Even when
journalists and media organizations apply for registration and
accreditation, there are no guarantees that the MIC will grant this
accreditation.

At present a local mass media service operator or publisher is required to
pay a registration fee of Zim$600,000 (US$2,392)while a foreign mass media
service or news agency is required to pay US$12,000. Journalists working for
local media houses need to pay a registration and accreditation fee of
Zim$25,000 (US$99) while foreign journalists are required to pay US$100
registration fee before they can be allowed to go about gathering and
disseminating news. Those Zimbabwean journalists who are working for foreign
media organizations are expected to pay US$1,200 in application and
accreditation fees.

These exorbitant fees are an additional factor that is challenging the
viability of publishing and working as a journalist in Zimbabwe.

The few community newspapers that remain operational in the country will
also feel the pinch because in the prevailing economic environment, they are
struggling to get revenue and are increasingly reliant on donor funding to
remain operational.

The fees will also act to discourage freelance journalists from registering
with the MIC while the punitive measures that are in place will deter them
from practicing without accreditation. For example, between Feb. 1 and July
31, 2005 alone, 49 journalists were arrested under the Access to Information
and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) for practicing journalism without
accreditation. Under the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Bill
journalists who are caught working without accreditation face prison
sentences of up to two years.

Those journalists and newspapers who manage to pay these fees and try to go
about their business of gathering, publishing and disseminating news are
routinely arrested, detained and harassed by the various arms of the
country's security services.

Journalists, especially those who write for international newspapers and
magazines, also face harassment and intimidation from government officials
who have described them as "traitors" who are being paid to demonize the
country and its leaders.

In January 2006, for instance, the Minister for National Security, Didymus
Mutasa, told the government-owned Manica Post: "It is sad to note that there
is a crop of journalists who are selling the country to the enemy by writing
falsehoods, with the intention of agitating violence and undermining
national security. The net will soon close in."

In September last year, Mike Saburi, a freelance television journalist, was
arrested and jailed after he was caught filming the police assaulting people
who were gathering to take part in the trade union protest march in Harare.
Saburi was accused of having gone beyond his journalistic work while filming
the protest march.

In the month that followed, security agents raided the Harare office of the
London-based independent newspaper, The Zimbabwean and seized its import
authorization and old copies of the newspaper.

The year before that, three sports journalists, Robson Sharuko, Tendai
Ndemera and Rex Mphisa were dismissed from the government-owned daily
newspaper The Herald for contributing to U.S. public radio Voice of America
(VOA).

Since 2002, nearly 100 Zimbabwean journalists have been forced into exile.

The Zimbabwe government is also making renewed and concerted efforts to
silence the remaining independent newspapers in the country. Recently, the
country stripped Trevor Ncube of his citizenship as part of its ongoing
campaign to close The Zimbabwe Independent and The Standard, the two
independent newspapers that remain operational in Zimbabwe.

At the same time, the MIC is moving to remove Nunurai Jena, who is chairman
of the Zimbabwe Union of Journalists (ZUJ) Chinhoyi branch, from the roll of
journalists who are allowed to practice in Zimbabwe and has accused him of
peddling anti-government propaganda and "malicious reports" about human
rights abuses in Zimbabwe.

The Zimbabwe government has also introduced the Interception of
Communications Bill, which allows security agents to intercept and monitor
email, Internet access and letters in the course of their transmission
through the telecommunications or postal service. The Bill also makes it
possible for news materials to be intercepted during transmission and will
hinder the operation of journalists and media houses. The Bill also
interferes with citizen's rights to access information and freedom of
expression.

In the Mashonaland East province of Zimbabwe, teachers are reportedly being
rounded up by Zanu PF militias and assaulted as part of their "re-education"
if they are found in possession of short wave radios which allow them to
listen to radio stations other than the government controlled Zimbabwe
Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC) channels. According to recent media reports,
a number of teachers have been forced to flee their schools as a result of
these attacks. The ZBC has a monopoly on broadcasting in Zimbabwe: there are
no private or independent radio or television channels broadcasting within
Zimbabwe; those that have tried have been arrested and have had their
equipment seized or have had their licenses revoked.

These are just a few examples of the treatment journalists and media
consumers are receiving from the Zanu PF government.

There are no signs that the situation will improve anytime soon.

Higher And Tertiary Education Fees Misleading

Zimbabwejournalists.com

By Gideon Hlamalani Chitanga

THE recently announced higher and tertiary fees structure, as publicized in
the Sunday mail of 14 January is misleading. Infact, it is an attempt to
create an impression that government is keen on making education not only
affordable to everybody, but, also to sustain fallacy that it seeks to
maintain high standards, hence the reference to Zimbabwe's education role
and status in the SADC.

It is however clear that the increase of fees by 2000 percent is out of
reach of many guardians. The majority of students come from impoverished
rural areas, their parent's income, if any, does not automatically increase
with the turn of the year since such parents are not in formal employment.

They are neither formally employed as Zimbabwe's economic crisis has
destroyed both sectors. Given that the same guardians have to pay school
fees and levies (primary and Secondary), nearly amounting to the same value,
the fees becomes wildly out of reach of many potential graduates and
guardians. It is equally astounding that government did not gazette food and
accommodation fees, leaving it to the discretion of individual institutions
yet these fees are the most expensive.

They are variably pegged at over Z $500 000. Education has not only been out
rightly commercialized and made a luxury, but the system has become bluntly
discriminatory against the poor .where does government expect the students
to live and what will they be eating during the course of their studies.

Food, Accommodation, transport and books (exercises and texts) constitute
the most expensive aspects of education. Factor in the currently
skyrocketing rate of inflation and the subsequent rapid increase of basics
puts everything absolutely out of reach of many students. By gazetting
tuition only, government is abdicating its duties of protecting the poor and
vulnerable of our society and making education realizable by all.
Incidentally it is such groups who need education most to change their
fortunes.

The ever worsening extent of depravity has made colleges and universities
breeding grounds  for prostitution and all sorts  of  corruption as students
desperately struggle to eke out a living, while continuing with their
studies. They dangerously expose themselves to HIV/AIDS, rape and all forms
of violence. In the extreme most students have dropped out at a rate more
than ZINASU's modesty 31,5%.

The government's provincial mouth pierce, Masvingo star, January 19-25,
reports that Masvingo Polytechnical College is deserted. As Education
becomes too expensive against prospects of a bleak future ,students take
great risk, illegally skip the border into South Africa, Botswana and
Mozambique, to do menial jobs. Isn't this a disaster?

Can I hear any Zanu PF and or Government official brag about Zimbabwe's
educational role and status in the SADC. What a national loss and shame. We
have an educational crisis which government is refusing   to acknowledge. It
is actually a national disaster.

Go to any University or College today, students will tell you they rent
about 4 to 6 a single room, walk about 30km to and from college everyday, on
empty bellies. They also have to be on the scrounge like everybody else for
basics which are in short supply. This is no fiction. Come to Masvingo and
confirm this with students who stay at Runyararo West, Rhodene and in the
farms close to Nemamwa Growth point crammed in ramshackle domains,
reminiscent of shanty towns, without running water, ablutions or lighting.

Honestly, how do we study and can our education system proudly produce a
polished global academic under these circumstance. Clearly, these conditions
are not conJusive for any Kind or level of study .They actually speak
volumes about how much our education system and standards have plummet.

Zimbabweans should not be fooled. Students and parents should brace
themselves for a fight to redeem their   birthright and dignity which this
regime has continuously failed to guarantee but nagete. More importantly,
they should confront the regime over issues of governence,
constitutionalism, democracy and human rights, whose failure, compounded by
political ineptitude and greedy within Zanu PF and government has
cryptically put the country in a political economic and social conundrum .

Given this, the 2010 Zanu Pf presidential project which threatens to worsen
the already unbearable suffering  of the downtrodden Zimbabweans should be
confronted head on by all and sundry. The people have no option, but to come
out of this Zanu PFCal-de-Sac Victorious

Gideon Hlamalani Chitanga is the ZINASU Vice President .