nasdaq
UNITED NATIONS (AFP)--A Security Council vote on U.N.
sanctions against
Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe has been delayed as
many members prefer
to back South African-mediated talks between the Harare
government and its
opposition, its president said Thursday.
Vietnam's
ambassador to the U.N. Le Luong Minh, who chairs the council this
month,
told reporters that the U.S., which drafted the sanctions resolution,
had so
far made no attempt to push for a vote Thursday.
The U.S. delegation had
hoped to have a vote late Wednesday on the text,
which would slap for an
assets freeze and a travel ban on Mugabe and 13 of
his cronies, as well as
an arms embargo.
"There was a request to put to the vote that resolution
yesterday. But the
the request was canceled," Minh said. "So far we have not
received any
request to schedule a vote on that yet.
He said Vietnam
and several other council members believe "we should support
the good
offices efforts by regional countries and regional organizations."
"We
have been seeing efforts under way by the African Union and the (14-
nation)
SADC (Southern African Development Community) and we think those
efforts
should be supported," Minh said.
Zimbabwe's ruling party and opposition
held talks in South Africa Thursday
for the first time since Mugabe won the
June 27, one-man runoff election
boycotted by the opposition and widely seen
as lacking legitimacy.
-Dow Jones Newswires;
201-938-5500
(END) Dow Jones Newswires
07-10-081710ET
Zim Online
by Thomas Hove Friday 11 July
2008
HARARE - President Robert Mugabe's government began
preliminary talks with
the opposition on Thursday but crisis-weary
Zimbabweans were sceptical that
the bitter rivals could put aside
deep-seated hatred and mistrust between
them to agree to form a government
of national unity to end the country's
crisis.
Both Mugabe's ruling
ZANU PF party and opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai's
Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) party have come under heavy
international pressure
to enter a negotiated settlement to end a political
impasse that has lasted
eight years and plunged once prosperous Zimbabwe
into its worst economic
crisis.
But political analysts as well as ordinary Zimbabweans were
doubtful that a
government of national unity or any other negotiated deal
between the
feuding political parties would stand the test of
time.
Mugabe's contempt for Tsvangirai and the opposition leader's
insistence that
he did not recognise the 84-year-old as the legitimate
leader has heightened
the scepticism among ordinary Zimbabweans of a
negotiated settlement to end
their misery.
"I don't believe a
government of national unity is the answer because ZANU
PF is only seeking
legitimacy and does not have the interests of the
opposition," said Lloyd
Mabasa a bar tender in central Harare.
"For me it is appalling to even
think of sitting down with people who only
yesterday were killing MDC
supporters but today they say they want to talk.
About what?" asked
Mabasa.
The MDC says more than 100 of its supporters were abducted,
tortured and
killed since the March 29 general elections which the
opposition won, but
perpetrators have not been arrested. Instead, over 1 500
of its activists
have been arrested for political violence.
Analysts
said only a transitional government, in which the MDC has strong
representation, recognising its majority in parliament, and whose mandate is
clearly defined, would be the right step in resolving the country's
problems.
The transitional government should run for 24 months,
during which a new
people-driven constitution - which strengthens the
legislature and
judiciary - would be crafted, set conditions for a free and
fair election
and demilitarise state institutions.
Zimbabwe's
military took over Mugabe's re-election campaign after the
veteran leader
was defeated by Tsvangirai in the first round of voting on
March 29, waging
brutal violent attacks on opposition activists in rural
areas and setting
homesteads ablaze accusing them of selling out the
country.
Political
commentators say the military has to be delicately sidelined from
running
the affairs of government and reoriented to focus on issues of
national
security.
Zimbabweans were too traumatised to go back to the polls now
and would need
time for healing and reassurance that they could support and
vote for any
political party without fear of retribution, analysts
said.
"These talks will be protracted and I think it is understandable
for many
people to be sceptical. People don't trust ZANU PF but a negotiated
settlement is the only way out of this crisis," Eldred Masunungure, a
University of Zimbabwe political science lecturer said.
ZANU PF seems
eager for talks, hoping a deal with Tsvangirai would help
unlock
international goodwill and see the start of a much-needed economic
recovery.
Zimbabwe's economy is plagued by soaring inflation, now put
above 10 million
percent by independent analysts, unemployment of more than
80 percent and a
crunch shortage of food and foreign currency.
The
West is threatening more sanctions against Mugabe's government, which
would
worsen the plight of ordinary Zimbabweans but an acceptable deal with
the
MDC could help stem the crisis, according to ZANU PF insiders.
But MDC
supporters are reluctant, still deeply haunted by the violence of
the last
three months that forced Tsvangirai to pull out of the election
race a week
before voting day.
Tsvangirai has already received a backlash from ZANU
PF and state media for
snubbing a meeting with Mugabe last weekend that was
organised by South
African President Thabo Mbeki, but the move is popular
with his angry
supporters.
"Mugabe says his re-election is
legitimate, he should rule. Why care now to
sit on the same table with a
puppet to negotiate a unity government when he
won a landslide and has the
mandate of the people," said Paul Mandava, a
bank teller in
Harare.
Mugabe frequently brands Tsvangirai a puppet of the British and
has
previously said he would rather talk to Britain than the former trade
union
leader.
"Tsvangirai should be careful not to be tricked like
(Joshua) Nkomo, we will
never forgive him," said a 53-year-old vegetable
vendor in the Avenues area
who identified herself as Mai Shuvai.
"We
want to know what will happen to those whose loved ones were killed for
supporting MDC, they cannot just die like dogs, their spirit has to be
appeased," she added.
ZANU PF is preaching reconciliation after
retaining Mugabe. A frustrated
Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa suggested
on Saturday Tsvangirai's
failure to attend the Mbeki-brokered meeting showed
that the opposition
leader was drifting towards launching a rebel movement.
The charges are
denied by the MDC.
"The MDC should know that we are
all Zimbabweans and we should come together
and resolve our problems. There
is noone from the West who will do that for
us," said Josphat Jiri, a
staunch ZANU PF supporter. - ZimOnline
IOL
July
10 2008 at 08:54AM
By A'eysha Kassiem
A Zimbabwean
member of People Against Suffering, Suppression,
Oppression and Poverty
(Passop) has been threatened with a firearm in an
attack described as
"racist and xenophobic".
Passop was "angered" by the attack on its
Du Noon leader, Cosmos
Liyeto, in Brooklyn, Cape Town, on Tuesday, its
chairperson, Braam Hanekom
said.
"The attacker called him a
Nigerian, smashed his car windows and
pushed a revolver into his chest. This
attack was racist and xenophobic."
A man has been arrested and
appeared in the Cape Town magistrate's
court on Wednesday.
A
shaken Liyeto said the assault took place about 2.30pm.
"I had
parked in the road and went to visit someone. The streets are
narrow, but
there was enough space for another vehicle to pass.
"When the
man's car tried to get past, he hooted, so I went outside
to move the
car.
"The man confronted me and started yelling, saying: 'Why do
you want
to act like you own Amsterdam Road?' He made derogatory remarks,
with lots
of swearing."
While he was standing at his car, the
man reached under his seat,
pulled out a revolver and pressed it against his
chest, Liyeto said.
"He shouted: 'You Nigerians, you want to act
like you own the street.'
I was traumatised and felt stupid. I couldn't even
start the car
afterwards."
The man had also assaulted him, but
he was not injured, Liyeto said.
"I kept thinking: 'Why? What did I
do to warrant this?' I was
completely shocked. I even apologised when he
started to hoot when he could
not get his car past, but he said, 'You are
sorry, but I want you to feel
sorry for what you did'."
Liyeto
filed a complaint at the Maitland police station.
Tiisetso Lerutla
at the police station confirmed this.
"The man went to court this
morning. He has been charged with
malicious damage to property and pointing
a firearm."
Meanwhile, Passop has commended the Department of Home
Affairs for
making a change to the queuing arrangements for
asylum-seekers.
"The new system allows (such people) to queue at
the Department of
Home Affairs office in Barrack Street. We are encouraged
by the change."
Concerns remained, however, about the management of
the queue and the
huge number of asylum-seekers waiting to apply for refugee
status, among
other aspects.
"Last year, a man died of
starvation in the queue after waiting
several weeks to be allowed his right
to apply for refugee status.
(Asylum-seekers) are having to live on the
street for weeks as they fear
losing their places in the
queue."
aeysha.kassiem@inl.co.za
This article was originally published on page 6 of Cape Times on July
10,
2008
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Thursday, 10 July 2008
06:10
By Folosi KaNdaba
A headmaster from Tsholotsho in
Matabeleland North was this week
summoned to a magistrate's court after he
said Mugabe was old and medieval
in outlook and should step down from
power.
Mr Hlonzamandla Moyo made the outburst in a bus on his way
to the
school he heads.He said the remarks in the presence of the feared
Central
Intelligence Organisation who were in the bus.
The
46-year-old Moyo claimed Mugabe was the central striker in the
destruction
of the economy and it was now time for him to step down. He said
Mugabe had
presided over the death of the economy and he should appoint a
white person
to be finance minister, as whites had a better record at
administering
economic turnarounds.Zimbabwe has faced almost a decade of
economic meltdown
blamed largely on
Mugabe's self serving policies. The octogenarian,
leader, however,
blames the problems on sanctions imposed by the
West.
Moyo was remanded out of custody on free bail to 26 August,
after the
magistrate, Toindepi Zhou said there was no reason to continue
keeping him
in custody.
Last week a 22-year-old Bulawayo
Polytechnic student was also brought
before the courts for contravening
sections of the electoral law after he
used his mobile phone to take a
picture of himself casting his ballot. He
had allegedly written insults on
the ballot, accusing Mugabe of hunting down
the opposition and killing them.
Two men were arraigned before a magistrates
court in Bulawayo, after they
again had insulted Mugabe and police
commissioner Augustine Chihuri. They
accused Chihuri of masterminding
genocide and warned that after the
opposition had assumed power, the two
would be brought before the
International Criminal Court for crimes against
humanity.
Jul 10th 2008 | JOHANNESBURG
From The
Economist print edition
A negotiated end to the power struggle in
Zimbabwe looks far off
THERE were more harsh words for Zimbabwe's
president, Robert Mugabe, this
week, as well as more promises of tough
action against his regime following
his re-election in a sham one-man
run-off on June 27th. But, equally, there
was also more evidence that the
world remains divided-and often bitterly
so-on what to do about him. Only Mr
Mugabe profits from these divisions.
The Zimbabwean impasse figured high
on the agenda of the G8 gathered in
Japan. Prompted by Britain's prime
minister, Gordon Brown, the
rich-countries' club, including Russia, heavily
criticised the Zimbabwean
election. The G8 said it would not accept the
"legitimacy" of Mr Mugabe's
new government. It promised to take "further
steps" against 13 of Mr Mugabe's
inner circle who are responsible for
organising most of the violence.
Targeted sanctions and an arms embargo are
expected to be proposed at the UN
Security Council. Some African countries,
such as Botswana and Nigeria, also
condemned the election.
But,
again, several African countries objected to any further sanctions.
South
Africa's president Thabo Mbeki said that sanctions could lead to a
civil war
in Zimbabwe. And, despite Russia's apparent show of unity at the
G8, neither
it nor China could be relied upon to back a strong resolution on
sanctions
at the UN. It is a familiar split. Instead, these countries insist
that Mr
Mbeki's mediation efforts between Mr Mugabe and the opposition
Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) be given more time to succeed-a process
that some
Western leaders have now lost patience with.
Both sides say that they
want to talk. But their positions appear
irreconcilable. The MDC insists
that it will not participate in any proper
negotiations unless violence
stops, political prisoners are released, those
who have fled violence are
repatriated and humanitarian assistance is
allowed to resume. Having lost
faith in Mr Mbeki, the MDC also wants a
full-time mediator from the African
Union. It has rejected the idea of a
government of national unity, but
advocates a transitional administration
based on the results of the first
round of voting on March 29th-which it
won-leading towards fresh elections.
Mr Mugabe, for his part, insists that
the opposition recognises his flawed
re-election.
A plan floated by Mr Mbeki before the run-off, which would
leave Mr Mugabe
as a ceremonial head of state and give the opposition
executive power,
appears to have little chance of success. The South African
president, eager
to show some progress in his faltering shuttle diplomacy,
flew to Harare on
Saturday July 5th and met Mr Mugabe and Arthur Mutambara,
the leader of a
small MDC splinter party. This raised some hopes. But the
MDC leader, Morgan
Tsvangirai, resisting pressure from Mr Mbeki, refused to
participate. Mr
Mutambara later said that he attended the talks only because
he thought Mr
Tsvangirai was going to be there as well; Mr Mutambara insists
that there
will be no deal without the main MDC group.
Political
violence shows no sign of abating. According to the MDC, at least
20
activists have been killed since the run-off, bringing the total of
confirmed deaths since the first round in March to over 100. Dozens of
opposition supporters are still missing and 1,500 or so remain behind bars.
This week, the body of an MDC driver abducted in Harare last month was
finally found, burned and decomposing on a farm about 30km outside the
capital. He had been tortured before being shot. Armed militias were also
reported to have attacked two camps near Harare where people fleeing the
violence had taken refuge after seeking shelter in the South African
embassy.
Mr Mugabe's ruling ZANU-PF also appears determined to
reverse the majority
that the opposition won in the National Assembly for
the first time since
the country's independence in 1980. Besides results
being contested in
court, nine lawmakers from Mr Tsvangirai's camp have been
arrested or
abducted since the first round of voting. The combined
opposition holds 110
seats against ZANU-PF's 97.
Mr Mugabe is
unlikely to relent unless under serious, concerted pressure.
But, as usual,
it is hard to see exactly where that is going to come from.
Even now, the
wily Zimbabwean liberation hero seems to be outwitting his
rivals, mediators
and enemies in almost equal measure.
United
States Senate (Washington, DC)
PRESS RELEASE
10 July 2008
Posted to
the web 10 July 2008
Washington, DC
U.S. Senator Russ Feingold,
Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations
Subcommittee on African Affairs,
released the following statement today in
support of the Group of Eight's
(G8) statement condemning the recent
elections in Zimbabwe, as well as its
rejection of the Mugabe government's
legitimacy:
"I welcome the G8
leaders' condemnation of the June 27th elections in
Zimbabwe and their
rejection of the Mugabe government's legitimacy. I am
equally pleased that
G8 leaders committed to take further steps against
those responsible for
election-related violence, but words alone are
insufficient to resolve this
crisis. The G8's statement must be followed by
action from the international
community and countries in the region to make
clear that they will not stand
by as violations of human and political
rights in Zimbabwe continue. I
support the efforts of the Bush
administration and others at the United
Nations to impose an international
arms embargo and multilateral sanctions
and hope the UN Security Council
passes a resolution swiftly and
unanimously. The need for comprehensive,
coordinated action by regional and
international leaders has never been more
urgent."
On July 15th,
Feingold will hold a hearing in the African Affairs
Subcommittee to examine
the volatile situation in Zimbabwe.
New Zimbabwe
By Alex T.
Magaisa
Last updated: 07/11/2008 17:03:36
DESPITE the public posturing and
differences in the characterisation of the
negotiations, it is clear that
something is going on behind the scenes as
the politicians try to find a
solution to the country's chronic problems.
The public posturing merely
represents the normal jousting for positional
superiority in the talks. This
is an attempt to assess the factors that
might influence the inevitable
negotiations.
The paucity of legitimacy is Zanu PF's greatest weakness.
Robert Mugabe got
the result that he wanted on June 27 because it adorned
him with legal
power. But Morgan Tsvangirai's withdrawal and the negative
judgment passed
by the main election observer missions left Mugabe's
legitimacy in tatters.
Tsvangirai on the other hand may not have the
legal power but he rides on
the crest of moral authority derived from
victories in the Parliamentary and
initial Presidential elections on March
29. This gave Tsvangirai, and the
MDC, a large measure of international
recognition. But he, too, knows that
although inhibited by a lack of
legitimacy, Zanu PF remains the de facto
government.
Mugabe seeks
legitimacy through the negotiated settlement, whilst, through
the same
process, Tsvangirai seeks to gain a legal foothold in government.
Tsvangirai
knows that the fight for democracy requires the MDC to have some
influence
in government.
Security Structure
The recent electoral farce
demonstrated, quite markedly, that the real power
to determine the
leadership question is held by those in control of the
security forces.
Mugabe owes his current position to the top men in uniform.
Conversely,
Tsvangirai's Achilles Heel has long been the inability to draw
power from
the security structure. The men in uniform have been the single
greatest
stumbling block in Tsvangirai's passage to power.
They will remain key
players in the negotiating process because any outcome
will, ultimately,
need their support. They will favour an outcome that
protects not just
Mugabe but, importantly, their own security and welfare.
The negotiating
process will, therefore, be heavily influenced by the
demands and interests
of the uniformed men.
Intra-Party Divisions
Both Zanu PF and the
MDC suffer from chronic factional divisions. The result
is that in
negotiating for a new Zimbabwe, each of the internal factions is
positioning
itself not only against the other party but also against each
other. One
faction could prove to be an impediment to negotiations if it
feels that it
would concede space to the other in the final outcome.
Ultimately, each
faction in the respective parties will seek representation
in any new
government. It could be a large, complicated and expensive
government.
However, whilst Zanu PF somehow manages to maintain a
brave face of unity
even at the hardest of times, the MDC still exhibits
signs of indiscipline
that could quite easily be exploited by Zanu PF in the
negotiating process.
A party that fails to unite, let alone in which two
candidates from the same
faction contest against each other, leaves itself
vulnerable to Zanu PF's
adeptness at playing the opposition against each
other by handing out
Presidential gifts.
We have already seen how
Zanu PF can exploit these divisions in the way it
managed to obtain a photo
opportunity with the MDC Mutambara on July 5,
2008, when the MDC Tsvangirai
stayed away from the Mbeki meeting. A more
unified opposition could have
taken a common position. Zanu PF will
negotiate with them as two formations
and will continue to play them against
each other.
The
Economy
Zanu PF has transformed a once prosperous economy into a basic
economy of
hunter-gatherers, literally surviving from hand to mouth. The
trouble is
that it shows neither a clue nor the facility to solve the
chronic economic
problems. The rot has begun to affect the empires of Zanu
PF Oligarchs who
are now desperate for a settlement.
The MDC's
strength lies in its promises of a better future based largely on
the
support of the international community who have predicated their
assistance
on political change. Zanu PF knows that the presence of the MDC
in
government has the potential to unlock various economic opportunities. It
is
largely for this reason, not quite a sudden realisation of the light of
decency and democracy, that Zanu PF is desperate for the MDC's hand in
marriage.
The 'International Community' and the Demise of Brand
Mugabe
Mugabe's standing in the international community has fallen
miserably in the
recent past. The escalating international pressure against
Mugabe and
support for Tsvangirai will be a key factor in the negotiations.
The threat
of sanctions and further isolation, particularly in Africa, will
push Mugabe
to do a deal.
Nevertheless, 'Brand Mugabe' still has some
residual effect, especially on
some fellow African leaders, like South
Africa's President Mbeki. They still
prefer a quiet exit rather than a
humiliating departure, hence their support
for a negotiated
settlement.
In some ways the international community influence is also a
double-edged
sword for the MDC. Its most vocal backers are the West and this
has, rather
unwittingly, fed directly into Mugabe's rhetorical
characterisation of the
MDC as puppet of the West. Critics say the MDC took
this matter for granted
and did not do enough to rebut Zanu PF's rhetoric.
Mugabe and Africa have
tended to respond to the vocal Western criticism
instead of focussing on the
local concerns. These international squabbles
may derail local negotiations,
for, as they say, when elephants fight, it is
the grass that suffers.
How the MDC handles the delicate balance between
the influence and
expectations of its Western and African backers will be
crucial in the next
few months.
Opposition's Limited
Alternatives
The unwillingness or inability of the MDC to commit to a
mass uprising is
something that Zanu PF has identified over the years and
cemented by the
threat and use of violence. Zanu PF knows that the MDC has
little
alternatives other than to seek the assistance of the international
community. Local initiatives such as strikes, mass action, job stay-aways,
etc have been tried and failed beyond the initial success of the late 1990s.
Zanu PF knows, therefore, that the opposition's hopes lie in a negotiated
process.
The Media
Both parties have engaged in 'talks about
talks' through the media. None of
this has provided clarity. It has probably
bred further animosity and
suspicion, further derailing or even jeopardising
the talks.
For an organisation of its size and stature, the MDC appears
to have a
surprisingly loose grip on its information dissemination systems.
There are
far too many people speaking on behalf of the party and sometimes
the
statements are incongruent so that it is not easy to determine the
official
line. It may, perhaps, be argued that there is some method in the
confusion,
as a negotiating strategy, to keep Zanu PF guessing.
But
it does not help, as we have seen in the international media, when some
shady characters are wheeled into news studios and purport to speak on
behalf of the party, even though they do not hold any current party
position. There is always a risk here, at delicate stages of negotiations,
for ill-intentioned people who claim to have the best interests of the
opposition at heart, to purport to speak on its behalf, when in fact they
are intent on jeopardising the official position. Some will even take
delight in pointing to what they characterise as flip-flops which tend to
arise when different people make conflicting statements on the same issue or
when some ghost-writers make reckless remarks in the name of the party
leader. These weaknesses can be easily corrected by tightening the
information dissemination channels.
Violence
Finally, violence
has both been a strength and also a weakness for Zanu PF.
It is violence
that led to Tsvangirai's withdrawal from the race and paved
the way for
Mugabe to claim legality. Just as Zanu PF unleashed violence in
Matabeleland
to bring PF ZAPU to the negotiating table, so it has succeeded
again to use
violence to coerce the MDC into negotiations.
It is, however, also a
weakness of sorts because the subsequent withdrawal
by Tsvangirai deprived
the electoral process and outcome of the sought after
legitimacy. Instead of
giving it positional superiority, the outcome has
left Zanu PF weaker and in
need of recognition, which only a negotiated
settlement might
deliver.
At the end of the day, the politicians will negotiate and
compromise. What
the ordinary men and women say will count for little. One
can only hope that
whatever arrangement is achieved those who purport to be
fighting for
democracy will not concede heavily and join the proverbial
gravy train,
after which it will be aluta continua for the ordinary men and
women. The
arrangement must always be seen as a means to an end, not an end
in itself.
Then again, there are no angels in politics.
Alex Magaisa
is based at Kent Law School, The University of Kent, UK and can
be contacted
at wamagaisa@yahoo.co.uk
http://www.hararetribune.com
By Gilbert Muponda | Harare
Tribune News
Updated: July 10, 2008 9:36
opinion@hararetribune.com
There is urgent need for a stakeholder conference to start mobilizing
resources for Zimbabwe's economic recovery .The current economic decline
will require more resources to get the economy on a productive and growth
path again. Whilst politics has taken the spotlight for a better part of the
last decade, it's imperative that a national economic vision blue print be
developed beyond any party or political lines.
The economic
vision blueprint will then act as guideline to mobilize
financial, human and
other resources necessary to get Zimbabwe's Economy to
work and full
capacity to create desperately needed jobs and produce basics
that are in
short supply.
Over the last few years focus has been on land and
sovereignty which
are important aspects of nation building but on their own
are not enough to
build a strong, independent and economically sufficient
nation. There is
need to involve more stakeholders in developing a national
economic vision
which will have their support since it will be a result of
wider
consultation. Whilst land is important there is need to look beyond
the land
and exploit other advantages that Zimbabwe has including the well
developed
education sector and function communications
infrastructure.
The National Economic Vision will then act as the
leading vehicle to
mobilize international resources not only in donor form
but investment
commitments from various sources including Sovereign Wealth
Funds which are
currently awash with funds seeking suitable investment
destinations. There
is a definite need to move away from Donor dependency
and N.G.O dependency
.This can only be done through a comprehensive Economic
Plan that?s clear on
what is to be achieved and how it will be
achieved.
Zimbabwe is rich in various natural resources some of
which are
currently enjoying record high prices due to the strong demand
from China
and India's booming economies. Commodity prices go through cycles
and the
prices may decline well before Zimbabwe realizes any tangible
benefits from
current commodity windfalls. Zimbabwe has other advantages
such as a
relatively well developed financial system and skilled labor
force.
These factors make it fairly simple how to develop a
workable recovery
economic recovery blue print It is therefore critical that
Zimbabwe starts
packaging it self as an attractive investment destination
.Whilst the
politics is very unstable by any standards ,no situation is
permanent ,
there is now need to look beyond the party and political lines
and put
Zimbabwe first .
It is clear that Zimbabwe's current
political arch-rivals claim to be
fighting to preserve, build and restore
national pride. But what seems to
escape the whole fight is that probably by
the time the fight ends there
wont the much in of a nation in terms of
economic infrastructure .Industry
would be a mere fraction of what it was a
few years back. The point here is
there is now need to look beyond personal
positions or party ideologies and
try to focus the nation on re-building the
economic foundation after close
to a decade of unprecedented
recession.
Presently there is a lot of International goodwill
towards Zimbabwe
such that the Economic recovery may take much less time
than what many
political and economic commentators have been preaching. The
focus has been
on Zimbabwe for a considerable time that should the
Zimbabweans themselves
come up with an all inclusive Economic Vision
blueprint many nations and
institutions are ready to assist Zimbabwe to get
back to its economic feet.
Whilst the goodwill currently exists it
must be noted that nothing
lasts forever. Especially goodwill can't be there
forever. It only takes
another major international emergency or event for
all the attention and
goodwill to dry up. During the early days the
International community used
to be seriously concerned about events and
situation in Somalia. And when
the situation persisted and the nation's
owners failed to resolve their
differences international attention and
goodwill waned up-to now .
Now the international community mostly
concerns itself with the safety
of luxury cruise liner ships off the Somali
international waters for safety
from pirates. Otherwise there isn't much of
an effort to fix that country's
economy. This is a useful case study for
Zimbabwe in terms of keeping
investors and international community
interested in the country. Once
international and investor interest wanes
it's almost impossible to recover.
Whilst it is important to win a
political contest it is even more
important to have a comprehensive and
realistic plan to mobilize financial,
human and other resources to ensure
that the Economic production capacity
can be enhanced, jobs created and
inflation tamed.
Gilbert Muponda is a Zimbabwe-born entrepreneur.
He can be contacted
at gilbert@gmricapital.com .This article
appears courtesy of GMRI Capital.
More articles at www.gmricapital.com
Christian Today
Posted: Thursday, July 10, 2008, 6:51 (BST)
Zimbabwean
churches could provide the "ultimate challenge" for Catholic
Robert Mugabe
as the African leader seeks to legitimise his recent
re-election, says
Progressio's Dr Steve Kibble.
Writing on the New Statesman's website, Dr
Kibble, Progressio's advocacy
coordinator for Africa, said that despite
having swept to victory in last
month's vote, Mugabe still faces "a serious
dilemma" if he hopes to bring
Zimbabwean church leaders back on
board.
In recent years, Mugabe's Zanu-PF regime has slowly eroded a once
"healthy"
relationship with the core denominations of the Zimbabwe churches,
writes
Kibble, charting a catalogue of developments that have led to a
modern day
standoff between church and state.
Though church leaders
were historically "quiet" on Mugabe's authoritarian
regime, a stolen
election in 2005, coupled with 'Operation Murambatsvina' -
which saw scores
of innocent civilians attacked and arrested by government
forces - only
served to heighten church leaders' concerns.
Finally, in 2007 the
Zimbabwean Catholic Bishops Conference took the plunge,
issuing a statement
that squarely blamed the Mugabe government for
spiralling inflation, rampant
food shortages and widespread inflation.
"Mugabe's regime now looks to
have lost the support of most of the churches,
bar those who are supporters
or beneficiaries of land and other gifts",
writes Kibble.
In a
country where 90 per cent subscribe to a faith and over 60 per cent
attend
Christian churches on a regular basis, Kibble points out that Mugabe's
next
steps vis a vis the church will be "closely scrutinised across the
region
and the world."
"Any direct attacks on the church would see Mugabe
shunned by his fellow
Southern African leaders, who are all nominally
Christian", he says.
The fact that Mugabe may yet "prove reluctant" to
unleash a full-blown
campaign of violence against the churches could, says
Kibble, open up a new
space for action on the part of church
leaders.
The Zimbabwean churches now have "significantly more space than
others to
stand up for the political, economic and social rights of their
flocks", he
concludes.
iafrica.com
Article By:
Thu, 10 Jul 2008
07:45
Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe received a show of support from the
tiny
kingdom of Lesotho when its prime minister told foreign powers on
Wednesday
to respect the sovereignty of states in the region.
Asked
for his reaction to calls for sanctions on the regime in Harare after
Mugabe's widely derided re-election last month, Pakalitha Mosisili said it
was not for outsiders to decide on the legitimacy of a particular
government.
"It is high time countries and states respect the
sovereignty of other
countries," the Lesotho prime minister
said.
"Whoever is saying it does not confer legitimacy on the government
of Robert
Mugabe, who is he or she to do that?"
His comments come
after leaders of the group of eight industrialised nations
rejected the
legitimacy of Mugabe's victory in a one-man poll and vowed to
take
"financial and other measures" against perpetrators of political
violence.
In another tacit show of support for Mugabe, Mosisili said
that any
government in Zimbabwe had to have the support of the armed
forces.
"I don't care who rules Zimbabwe but he must be acceptable to the
armed
forces because he needs their support, but even they must respect the
will
of the people," he said.
Constantine Chiwenga, the armed forces'
chief of staff, said ahead of a
first round of voting in March that he would
not take the salute from anyone
who had not fought in the country's 1970s
liberation war in an apparent
reference to opposition leader Morgan
Tsvangirai.
Tsvangirai beat Mugabe into second place in the first round
but pulled out
of the 27 June run-off after scores of followers of his
Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) party were killed in attacks he blamed
on pro-Mugabe
thugs.
While Mugabe played a leading role in the 1970s
liberation war in what was
then Rhodesia, Tsvangirai did not play any
part.
Along with Zimbabwe, Lesotho is one of the 14 countries which
make up the
Southern African Development Community (Sadc).
AFP
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Thursday, 10 July 2008
07:13
Parliament calls for transitional administration
-MEP urges additional AU mediator on Zimbabwe
EURO-MP Glenys
Kinnock today called for an additional African Union
mediator to be
appointed to lead efforts to establish a transitional
administration in
Zimbabwe.
Her call came as MEPs voted on a resolution urging an
inclusive
mediation process to help end the climate of terror sweeping the
country.
The resolution calls for an interim administration reflecting the
results of
March 29th in order to stabilise the economy, resolve the
humanitarian
crisis, draft a new constitution and organise fresh
presidential elections.
It also demands that sanctions against members of
the Mugabe regime are
tightened.
Speaking in Strasbourg today,
GLENYS KINNOCK, Co-President of the
Africa, Caribbean and Pacific States -
EU Joint Parliamentary Assembly,
said: "Today the European Parliament adds
its voice to international calls
for tougher sanctions against Mugabe, for
an international arms embargo and
for a worldwide travel ban and freezing of
assets. We know who the
ringleaders and bag carriers of the Mugabe regime
are and they must be held
to account.
"So too do we urge moves
toward a transitional government. Any talks
must be based on the outcome of
the March 29th election which the MDC won,
and not on the sham run-off on
June 27th. It must be a transitional
arrangement designed to lead to a new
constitution and fresh elections. As
Morgan Tsvangirai has said "no power
deals, no power sharing".
"Moreover, there has to be an additional
mediator, Mbeki cannot do it
alone, so we call for an African Union nominee
of equal standing - such as
Joaquim Chissano or John Kufor - to work
alongside him."
Notes
For more information please
contact Lisa Stevens at the Labour
European Office on 029 2022 7654 or 079
7367 8175
The Sacramento Bee
By
Nat Hentoff -
Published 12:00 am PDT Thursday, July 10,
2008
Global attention, following Robert Mugabe's
blood-drenched extension of his
presidency in Zimbabwe, was on the summit
meeting of the leaders in the
African Union. At the start, Asha-Rose Migiro,
deputy secretary general of
the United Nations, spoke plainly: "This is a
moment of truth for regional
leaders," with Mugabe having created "the
single greatest challenge to
regional stability in southern Africa." A few
African heads of states agreed
with her - notably Kenya's Prime Minister
Raila Odinga, who said of his
reigning colleagues: "They should suspend
(Mugabe) and send peace forces to
Zimbabwe to ensure free and fair
elections." This heretic was ignored, and
the unscathed Mugabe - "Africa's
Hitler" - was asked only to consider
forming a power-sharing unity
government with the opposition Movement for
Democratic Change. And the
United States, as of this writing, is pushing the
U.N. Security Council to
impose garden-variety sanctions on Mugabe's
swashbuckling
government.
Even if those sanctions were not vetoed by China, Russia and
South Africa
(which has disgraced itself through President Thabo Mbeki's
appeasing
"mediation"), Mugabe's total control of Zimbabwe's military,
judiciary and
his hordes of thugs will not be affected.
As for the
likelihood of the dictator's "good faith" efforts to work with a
unity
government, the BBC reported on July 4 that he has already taken care
of the
annoyance in the first election (May 26) that gave the Movement for
Democratic Change control of the parliament. This was only a 10-seat
majority for the MDC; and ominously, as the African Union leaders were
meeting, the members of the legislature had not yet been
seated.
That fragile majority is now broken. The BBC disclosed that
the obstructive
10 MDC members are now in prison or otherwise charged and
unavailable to
take their seats. This will require, of course, bi-elections,
which, as in
the runoff, will be supervised by poll watchers with clubs and
some other
forms of Mugabe-style electioneering likely to cause the demise
of
unpatriotic voters. The MDC, understandably, has many conditions before
negotiating for a "unity" government.
But what of the people of
Zimbabwe in the wake of their liberator's smiling
return from the African
Union summit? There has been little world press
attention on the millions
who have not been able to flee from what Mugabe is
fond of calling "the
Zimbabwean way" of governing.
Due to a July 2 report from Harare,
Zimbabwe's capital, by the United
Nations' IRIN news service, we have some
sense of the result of the African
Union's (and the United Nation's) utter
failure to be of any use to these
people.
Chamunorwa Shamhu, an
employee of one of the few nongovernmental
organizations the Liberator
allows to function in Zimbabwe, says of his
colleagues: "This is no joke -
people have been operating like zombies.
People are listless, dejected, have
no interest in their work." This heavy
pall is not limited to that
workplace. IRIN News adds: "Psychologist
Paddington Japajana said people
appeared to have symptoms akin to
post-traumatic stress disorder - a
condition associated with horrific
experiences.
"'The condition
manifests itself,'" Japajana said, "'through profound
sadness, fear,
depression, apprehension, failure to concentrate, failure to
participate in
usual activities.'" Also quoted is Sharon Dube, "who has two
children and is
a junior at an advertising agency." (Even in a wasteland
like Zimbabwe,
there apparently is always a place for an advertising
agency.) Dube, whose
existence is of no interest to Mugabe or, for that
matter, to Mbeki, says:
"My children are growing up and they need to eat,
but my earnings are not
able to sustain them. I have all along had led a
pretty decent life, but as
things stand (in recent years), if the hardships
continue, the only option
left to me would be prostitution." Also revealing
of the world's abandonment
of what leaders running for office like to call
"the ordinary people," there
are messages received by Jonathan Clayton, a
Times of London reporter who
had been jailed in Bulawayo, Zimbabwe's
second-largest city, for sneaking
into the country to cover the first round
of elections.
Text messages
he now regularly gets from released former cellmates include:
"I am begging
you Mr. Jonathan pliz (sic) help us. ... We cannot stay in
this country any
longer, it is mad place now." In the June 30, Times of
London, Jonathan
Clayton writes: "My cellmates all had a naive belief that
the outside world
would not stand by and watch President Mugabe cheat his
way back to power.
They desperately sought reassurance. I never said what I
truly believed -
that once again Mr. Mugabe would get away with murder." But
elsewhere, life
goes on. Congressman Dana Rohrabacher, a Republican of
California, says of
sportsman George W. Bush's attending the opening of
China's Genocide
Olympics: "a president ... promoting democracy and human
rights loses
credibility (attending) ceremonies of the Olympics in a country
that is the
world's worst human-rights abuser." Not quite the worst. There
are a number
of ardent competitors for this title. Mugabe may yet win that
gold medal
while Zimbabwe's people wholly drop out of the news.
About the
writer:
.. Nat Hentoff is a nationally renowned authority on the First
Amendment and the Bill of Rights and author of many books, including "The
War on the Bill of Rights and the Gathering Resistance" (Seven Stories
Press, 2004).
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com
July 10, 2008
By Our
Correspondent
BULAWAYO - A government of national unity incorporating
both Zanu-PF and MDC
is bound to fail as long as President Robert Mugabe is
part of the
arrangement, a former senior Zanu-PF official has
said.
Daniel Shumba, former Zanu-PF chairman for Masvingo Province, said
such a
government would be unsuccessful because Mugabe now behaved as if he
actually owned Zimbabwe.
He said Mugabe had developed a penchant for
unbridled power, dating back to
Zimbabwe's war of liberation which led to
independence in 1980. Shumba, now
president of the United People's Party
(UPP), was addressing delegates at a
three-day conference held in Bulawayo
to review the just ended electoral
process.
The conference was
organized by Centre for Peace initiatives in Africa
(CPIA).
Shumba
said Mugabe appeared to genuinely believe that Zimbabwe was now his
private
possession.
"Negotiation for a powering sharing deal between the MDC and
Zanu-PF won't
be successful as long as Mugabe is part of it because he now
feels he owns
this country and everybody else who is not Zanu-PF is a
lodger, " said
Shumba
He said even during the liberation struggle in
the 1970s Mugabe had always
wanted to be at the helm.
"This man
thinks he is a conqueror; even during the liberation struggle in
the 1970s
Mugabe always wanted to dominant," he said.
Shumba said Mugabe had now
transplanted the Zanu-PF political system into
the social structures of the
country.
Speaking at the same conference former Zanu -PF legislator for
Chimanimani
Michael Mataure said Zimbabwe was facing a crisis because some
in the
leadership lacked tolerance, and did not want to listen, appreciate
and
differ from other political leaders.
Mataure is now head of the
Public Affairs Perspective Social Trust (PAPST).
"The main reason why
Zimbabwe is in crisis is that there are some political
leaders in this
country who lack tolerance and the don't want to listen,
appreciate and
differ in ideologies with other political leaders," said
Mataure.
Mataure also said most leaders in Zimbabwe always wanted to
be recognized as
very important individuals, and did not have any respect
for other people.
"Some political leaders are being recognized as "Very
Important People"
(VIP) wherever they are," he said. "This has become a norm
and it's hard for
them to respect anybody else."
The CPIA three-day
conference ends Thursday.
It is being attended by civic society groups
including Zimbabwe Election
Support Network(ZESN), Evangelical Fellowship of
Zimbabwe (EFZ), Women
Trust, Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR), Media
Institute of Southern
Africa (MISA), various political parties, journalists
and lawyers.
Zimbabwe Gazette
By Lee Shungu, on July 10 2008
13:56
The unfriendly economic climate currently
prevailing in Zimbabwe
coupled with the harsh political environment has led
to the closure and
scaling down of operations by some of the country's
biggest food-based
companies.
This situation has
resulted in a severe food shortage, mainly
basic commodities such as
mealie-meal, bread, sugar, cooking oil, butter and
milk. Supermarket and
shop shelves are empty whilst the parallel (black)
market cannot copy with
the demand.
The recent big victims entail bakers Lobels and
Innscor
subsidiary- Bakers Inn, and Delta Beverages.
It
is now rare to find bread in the capital city, Harare as
bakers have now
resorted to making rolls, doughnuts, pies and biscuits. A
loaf of bread now
costs not less than $50 billion on the parallel market. A
pie at Bakers Inn
costs $65 billion.
The country's leading baker, Lobels
recently announced it got
rid of its bread department to focus on
biscuits.
Early this week, a source said the company is no
longer able to
produce bread owing to a number of factors which include
wheat shortages.
"One of the main reasons for this
decision is government's
continuous involvement in the pricing of
bread."
"The National Incomes and Pricing Commission (NIPC)
always
gazettes an unreasonably low selling price of a loaf of bread, which
will be
way less as compared to the production costs."
"The
NIPC targeted the company so many times, in which bread was
then sold for
'almost for free' resulting in the company suffering a huge
loss," he
said.
Zimbabwe's agricultural production began to dwindle in
2000
following the controversial land reform programme which resulted in
more
than 4000 white commercial farmers being displaced by President Robert
Mugabe's war veterans, the ruling party- ZANU PF and uniformed forces'
senior officials.
Violence and squabbles, lack of farming
knowledge by the new
farmers, and lack of inputs has had a great impact on
the country's food
production especially in maize and
wheat.
Some bakers who ceased production recently include
Mitchells,
Aroma, and the Chinese - Vivon.
Other big
food-based firms which shut down in the past years
include Blue Ribbon Foods
and Olivine Industries.
Last week, Delta Beverages was also
rumored to be soon halting
operations. The firm has since scaled down
production resulting in soft
drinks and beer shortages across the
country.
The firm is also reported to have cited escalating
operational
costs in addition to lack of inputs and ingredients such as
barley and
maize.
According to the Central Statistics
Office (CSO), many
constraints especially foreign currency shortages have
forced companies to
fail to acquire required imported inputs resulting in
capacity utilization
in many industries falling to below 20 percent in 2007
from 30 percent in
2006 and 50 percent in 2004.
Analysts
say the government-sanctioned price cuts have worsened
the difficult
operating conditions in the economy in general and the
manufacturing sector
in particular as this severely squeezed profit margins.
Last
year, companies such as Edgars, TM Supermarkets and
Innscor's subsidiaries
of Bakers Inn and Chicken Inn were forced to shed-off
some branches and
retrench workers.
http://www.hararetribune.com
By Bulawayo Agenda | Harare Tribune
News
Updated: July 10, 2008 12:45
news@hararetribune.com
Zimbabwe, Harare--Bulawayo Agenda compiles the Daily Agenda from
reports and
alerts from its network of contacts located in areas served by
its chapters.
It offers an alternative source of information from the
mainstream media
that is often restricted in terms of reach and its focus on
the
grassroots.
Gwanda, Matabeleland South
Province
Mealie-meal in Gwanda is being sold only to Zanu PF
supporters. War
veterans, soon after the runoff, were controlling the sale
of the scarce
commodity only to those with indelible red ink. They are now
doing the same
to people on a prepared list of those sympathetic to Zanu
PF.
Only these can access basic commodities sold at selected shops
in the
town. The commodities can sustain a large number of people as they
are said
to be delivered twice a week. Residents say that it is the same
beneficiaries of Zanu PF largesse that divert them to the teeming black
market.
Matobo, Matabeleland South Province
Ward
and village development committees have been dissolved by Zanu PF
activists
in the Matobo district and they have imposed their supporters as
committee
members. These committees have been renamed Ward and Village
Assemblies.
By night, the councillor is mandated call a meeting
of villagers in
the area who then elect their own village development
committee members and
ultimately come up with the ward development
committee. This election is not
determined by political affiliation but by
the capability of an individual.
Zanu PF did this without the elected
councillor, Ethel Nyamukunda's consent.
Meanwhile, five curio
carvers have been expelled from Jikweni craft
centre by Zanu PF activists
who accused them of being MDC supporters. The
committee in charge of the
craft centre was also dissolved and a new one
comprising of Zanu PF
supporters imposed.
Gweru, Midlands Province
Peter
Muchengeti of ZIMCET and based in Gweru has gone into hiding
after he
observed being trailed by four unidentified men in Gweru. The men
were
earlier on spotted in a tinted grey saloon parked across the Zimcet
office
with one of them pointing at the office. Muchengeti had to hide
temporarily
at Gweru agenda. He is one of several activists who are on a
police list of
people who should be watched. There are fears for his life.
American Jewish World Service (AJWS)
Date: 10 Jul
2008
Amid widespread human rights
violations and political violence, Zimbabwe
held its run-off presidential
election on June 27. Labeled a "sham" by the
international community,
incumbent Robert Mugabe, the only candidate
running, won the election with
85% of the vote. During the tumultuous period
leading up to the elections,
opposition supporters and organizations faced
harassment, intimidation and
violence by partisans of the ZANU-PF, Mugabe's
party. The country now faces
international condemnation amid the ongoing
collapse of civil
society.
"Many people just would not vote. With the rise in violence and
intimidation, mostly in rural areas, people became despondent. Everyone
wants change, but they already voted once and it did not matter," reports an
AJWS grantee* in Zimbabwe. Says another source: "Victims were attacked at
night, their doors where broken down if they refused to open [them] they
were taken outside and beaten with poles or iron rods."
In Zimbabwe's
general elections on March 29, opposition party Movement for
Democratic
Change (MDC) won a plurality of votes, requiring a run-off
election. Ahead
of the run-off, political violence against MDC supporters
became so
widespread that the party's leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, withdrew
from the
race, citing the danger for his supporters and aides. According to
the MDC,
86 of its supporters were killed and 200,000 displaced ahead of the
run-off.
Sources from Zimbabwe report of large-scale post-election
violence and
retribution, perpetrated by ZANU-PF and its supporters. One
AJWS source in
Zimbabwe documented over 50 pictures of torture and murder
victims,
including crushed hands, whipped backs and buttocks and several
hangings and
stonings. Poor youth from local communities are suspected of
instigating
much of this violence, having been promised food, money and
impunity from
looting in exchange for their actions.
"This is a
state-planned, militarized operation of retribution and
intimidation on the
opposition MDC officials, activists, members and
supporters," says one
Zimbabwean civil society leader. "The situation is
worsening by the day. The
stability of the region is in the process of being
shattered."
The
work of civil society organizations in Zimbabwe is now more important
than
ever, but many cannot operate in the current climate. Institutions
advocating for justice are alleged to be "anti-government" or accused of
associating with MDC, and thus face hostility from the government or
pro-government thugs. Accusing NGOs (non-governmental organizations) of
meddling in politics, in early June the Zimbabwean government suspended the
operations of any Zimbabwean NGO that "organizes, mobilizes or brings
together large numbers of people."
With 80% unemployment, more than
160,000% inflation (with some estimates as
high as 500,000%) and almost two
million people infected with HIV/AIDS,
Zimbabwe cannot afford to lose the
important social services that NGOs
provide. These dire health and poverty
issues, coupled with the current
political crisis, means that Zimbabwe is on
the verge of becoming a crisis
country. AJWS emergency funding is supporting
Zimbabwean organizations as
they address urgent needs at the community level
- food and medical
attention, as well as transportation to safe houses or
across borders away
from violent threats. Ongoing AJWS grantmaking supports
local organizations
addressing sexual and reproductive health, illiteracy,
violence and
HIV/AIDS.
American Jewish World Service expresses
solidarity with Zimbabweans, and
joins the international community in
calling for a fair, peaceful and
democratic election. Click here to read the
full statement of support.
Elections that are free from violence and
intimidation are an important
first step in ensuring that Zimbabwe can move
forward from this political,
economic and humanitarian disaster.
*
Sources from Zimbabwe remain anonymous in this article for security
purposes. In addition, AJWS has removed its Zimbabwean grantees from the Web
site during this period of tension.
1 This article
is dedicated to H.E. Mr. Thabo Mbeki, President of the
Republic of South
Africa, a true visionary leader for his highest integrity,
energy,
inventiveness and steadfast commitment to his mission to mediate
Zimbabwe
parties and tiredness effort for the African Renaissance.
By Rafael F.,
PhD candidate in Development Economics
(Rafaelfassil@gmail.com ) Many citizens
of developing world dissatisfied
with political sound bites of Western media
and cable news network‟s like
BBC , CNN, Reuters, AP, Voice of
America,...Etc; rather turning to the
Internet and other alternative sources
of unbiased emerging news network‟s
for a more complete picture and facts.
The most common Sound bites by
Western Media on Zimbabweans and Mugabe
include:
Zimbabwe is in crisis. Half the population is facing the
threat of famine,
hundreds of thousands of people have been displaced, 80% of
adults are
unemployed, the annual inflation rate stood at over 165,000 per
cent and the
rule of law has been replaced by the arbitrary and brutal rule
of a
self-appointed elite.
There has been a sharp increase in the
scale of state-sponsored violence,
as the security services and ZANU-PF
militia have unleashed a campaign of
intimidation, torture and murder against
opposition activists, journalists,
polling agents, public servants, civic
leaders and ordinary citizens
suspected of voting for the MDC.
South
Africa‟s President Thabo Mbeki has continued to shield Mugabe and
his "Quiet"
Diplomacy didn‟t bring changes to Zimbabwe.
The U.S. and EU continue
sanctions against members of the ZANU-PF regime.
Beyond these sound
bites, let me start with fundamental questions:
Why from the late 1990s
to today, the Western regimes (in particular UK
and USA) and Western Media
are obsessed and demonising H.E. Mr. Robert
Mugabe as an
„evil
dictator‟ and Zimbabwe became the West‟s favoured punch bag and
heavy-handed
sanctions in the Continent of Africa?
Is Mugabe really the most
autocratic, undemocratic and human right abuser
in terms the level of
violence and human-rights violations compared to rest
leaders of the
developing World?
Are the Western regimes motives and objectives in
Zimbabwe is really for
advancing rule of law and respect for human right, if
so, why Western regime
put the same pressure and sanctions on their strategic
allies to mention
some Egypt, Ethiopia, Nigeria, Saudi Arabia that has much
worse records rule
of law and human-rights violations by any standard than
Zimbabwe?
What is really going on in Zimbabwe beyond the sound bite?
What are the
roots causes of the problem for the current Zimbabwe
situation?
What should be done to address the current situations in
Zimbabwe?
In this article, I will briefly address the above questions by
presenting
the historical hard evidence beyond the sound bites for supporting
my
argument for the root causes of the current situation in Zimbabwe.
I
conclude this article by proposing what should be done to address
the
current situations in Zimbabwe.
Background
Type in the name
"Mugabe" on the Google search engine and you will get about
sixteen million
hits, i.e. highest number of hits, mostly sound bites,
compared to any
president of Africa countries.
Despite all these sound bites of West
media for last decades, still most
people of the developing world see Mugabe
as a revolutionary hero, fighting
racist white minority rule for the freedom
of his people. Moreover, one of
the undoubted achievements of Robert Mugabe's
since independence is the
expansion of education. Zimbabwe has the highest
literacy rate in Africa at
85% of the population. Mr Mugabe was a teacher for
20 years before entering
politics in 1960 and strongly believes that
education is the best investment
a country can make. As a result of
acknowledgment of his
achievements, British who are now the main sponsor
for the "regime change"
sound bites, awarded Mugabe with honorary knighthoods
in 1994. Inequality
and the issue of LAND
Robert Gabriel Mugabe was
born in 1924 in Kutama Mission in Zvimba, 60 km
west of Harare. The
surrounding areas of Trelawney and Darwendale boast some
of Zimbabwe's best
farm-land, mostly owned by white commercial farmers who
have become rich by
growing tobacco - Zimbabwe's major cash crop. While
growing up, Robert Mugabe
witnessed at first hand of the unequal
distribution of land in the then
Rhodesia. After successful struggle against
the white minority rule for the
freedom of his people, in 1979, renewed
negotiations in London led to the
Lancaster House Agreement2 which paved the
way for independence in April
1980. The three-month long conference almost
failed to reach an accord due to
disagreements on land reform. Mugabe was
pressured to sign and land was the
key stumbling block. Both the British and
American governments offered to buy
land from willing white settlers (the
"Willing buyer, Willing seller"
principle) and a fund was established, to
operate from 1980 to 1990.
2
Lancaster House Agreement reached in conference held at Lancaster
house,
London September - December 1979, can be accessed
http://www.zwnews.com/Lancasterhouse.doc
Independence
saw the transfer of power from whites to blacks, but not land.
When Robert
Mugabe came to power in 1980 he promised to re-distribute land
white-owned
land to the blacks. But there have been few transfers in the
last decade, due
to the fact that the West broke the promise of the
Lancaster House Agreement
that operated from 1980 to 1990 and the white
minority were not willing to
sell land since under the Lancaster House
agreement the Zimbabwe Government
could only buy white land from "willing
sellers". When this expired after 10
years the Zimbabwe government passed a
law to make compulsory purchases.
Immediately, Britain and other Western
donors have stopped funding government
land reform with false accusation
that much of the land ended up in the hands
of Mr Mugabe‟s associates
rather than the poor. The fact of the matter is
that British Government did
not fulfil their commitments of the Lancaster
House agreement that operated
from 1980 to 1990 and most of white farmers
were not willing to sell the
land. In 1997 Mugabe announced a hit list of
1,500 farms set for compulsory
acquisition.
However, in year 2000,
after 20 years on independence, 4,500 white farmers
still owned 70% of the
best land.
Land Facts of Zimbabwe
Total population: 13.3 million
(UN, 2007)
White population: 70,000 (about 0.6%)
1890-1980:
Black peasants were moved to less fertile areas during the
colonial
area
Whites own majority of the best farming land
1 Million
Blacks owned 16m hectares - often in drought-prone regions
(2000)
4,000 whites owned 11m hectares of prime land (2000)
Source: UN, 2007;
BBC
Since March 2000, government have compulsory acquisition many
white-owned
farms and redistributed to black farmers. He began forcible
land
redistribution, which brought the government into headlong conflict
with
Western government mainly British and USA, and their financial
institutions
the International Monetary Fund and World Bank. Nevertheless,
the Mugabe
government also should take part of the blame for the current
suffering of
Zimbabweans since the government was ill prepared with sound
policy and
strategy to empower the farmers with the necessary skill; foreign
exchange
to buy crucial imported agricultural inputs (like fertiliser, spare
parts);
and the issue of international trade and the global international
politics
before implementing the compulsory acquisition. As a result, once
known as
the breadbasket of Africa, Zimbabwe Agricultural production has
plummeted.
Western Heavy handed Economic Sanctions
Western
governments (British and US) angered in particular his boldness in
daring to
seize white farms, to interfere in the Congo without a green light
from the
USA,
and his frequent accusations of Western colonialism. Zimbabwe
captures both
the West‟s sense of caution in international affairs and also
its inexorable
drive to interfere wherever and however it can.
A key
driver of Zimbabwe‟s economic crisis has been the West‟s attempts to
bring
down Mugabe by turning the financial levers. Relentlessly, the
American and
British governments, and the European Union, economically
punished Mugabe‟s
Zimbabwe for what they considered to be its political
disobedience. Let me
list the major sanctions by the west that resulted
suffering of millions of
Zimbabweans.
In November 1998, the International Monetary Fund
implemented sanctions
against Zimbabwe, by warning off potential investors,
freezing loans and
refusing to negotiate with Zimbabwean officials on the
issue of debt.
In September 1999, the IMF suspended its support for
economic adjustment and
reform in Zimbabwe.
In October 1999, the
International Development Association, a multilateral
development bank,
suspended all structural adjustment loans and credits to
Zimbabwe; in May
2000 it suspended all other forms of new lending.
In December 2001, the
US passed the Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery
Act, which decreed
that Mugabe could restore relations with international
financial institutions
only if he agreed to conditions on Zimbabwe‟s rule of
law, the presence of
its troops in the Congo, and the conduct of its
internal elections. The
American law also instructed all US members of
international financial
institutions to oppose and vote against any
extension of loans, credits or
guarantees to Zimbabwe.
In 2002, then British foreign secretary Jack
Straw declared that Britain
would „oppose any access by Zimbabwe to
international financial
institutions‟. Also in 2002, British officials
threatened to withdraw
financial assistance to other countries in southern
Africa unless they, too,
imposed sanctions against Zimbabwe.
The
European Union imposed „smart‟ sanctions against Zimbabwe, refusing
to
allocate visas for travel in EU countries to Mugabe and his officials
and
freezing all of their economic assets in Europe.
The economic
punishment of on Mugabe by powerful Western forces had a
massive impact on
Zimbabwe. According to one critical observer, Gregory
Elich3: "Western
financial restrictions made it nearly impossible for
Zimbabwe to engage in
normal international trade. ……And for a nation that
had to import 100 per
cent of its oil, 40 per cent of its electricity and
most of its spare parts,
Zimbabwe was highly vulnerable to being cut off
from access to foreign
exchange. ……….Elich argues that the impact of Western
restrictions on trading
and crediting with Zimbabwe was „immediate and
dire‟: The supply of oil fell
sharply, and periodically ran out entirely. It
became increasingly difficult
to muster the foreign currency to maintain an
adequate level of imported
electricity, and the nation was frequently beset
by blackouts. The shortage
of oil and electricity in turn severely hobbled
industrial production, as did
the inability to import raw materials and
spare parts. Business after
business closed down and the unemployment rate
soared..." Western melding of
sovereign Zimbabwe’s internal politics
Alongside the economy sanctions of the
west, Zimbabwe‟s economy, the West
interfered politically in an attempt to
undermine Mugabe‟s government. To
mention some of the major melding of
Sovereign nation internal affairs:
3 The Battle over Zimbabwe’s Future:
By Gregory Elich
America’s Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act
of 2001: authorised
President George W Bush to fund „opposition media‟ as
well as „democracy and
governance programmes‟ inside Zimbabwe. In April last
year, the US State
Department confirmed for the first time that the US had
sponsored „events‟
in Zimbabwe aimed at „discrediting‟ Mugabe. It is reported
that the
opposition party MDC also received financial backing and political
direction
from Britain, Germany, Holland, Denmark and the US.
A small
number of political observers in the West/UN member states have
questioned
the wisdom of Western interference in Zimbabwe‟s
internal
affairs.
When America passed its Zimbabwe Act, US
congresswoman Cynthia McKinney
asked during a debate in the House of
Representatives:
"Why US officials were enforcing politically-motivated
sanctions against a
mostly democratic country. Zimbabwe is Africa‟s
second-longest stable
democracy. It is multi-party. It had elections last
year [in 2001] where the
opposition [the MDC] won over 50 seats in
parliament. It has an opposition
press which vigorously criticises the
government and governing party. It has
an independent judiciary which issues
decisions contrary to the wishes of
the governing party."
Indeed, one
of the ostensible reasons why America passed the Act was to
protest against
the presence of Zimbabwean troops in the Congo. Yet, in
2001, both Uganda and
Rwanda also had troops in the Congo; and neither
Uganda nor Rwanda allowed
opposition political parties or a free press. Yet
both were allies of
America, and received considerable economic backing from
the USA.
"Regime change" in Zimbabwe: Both US and Britain officials advocated
and
financed "regime change" in Zimbabwe. For example, the Commonwealth Heads
of
Government Meeting in Abuja (5-8 December, 2003) resolved to "encourage
and
assist the process of national reconciliation" in Zimbabwe. But to
the
British prime minister, Tony Blair, (as he told parliament on 9
December,
2003 on his return from Abuja), national reconciliation should lead
to
regime change in Zimbabwe.
"It is in [the] interests [of Zimbabwe's
neighbours] not to support Mugabe
and the Zimbabwean regime, but to
facilitate national reconciliation in the
interests of changing the regime,"
Blair said.
Since then both US and Britain officials advocated "regime
change" in
Zimbabwe, directly violate the charter of the United
Nations.
What should be done?
United Nation
UN has never
been credible when it comes to standing for the voices of
powerless sovereign
developing countries in general and Africa in
particular. The UN Security
Council which is the UN‟s most powerful body
entrusted with primary
responsibility for the maintenance of international
peace and security
suffers from the democratic and representative deficit.
It‟s mainly dominated
by the West (US, Britain and France). Even though I‟m
very sceptical about
UN, its historical opportunity for the UN rather than
addressing the sound
bites by meddling with internal affairs of election in
sovereign nation like
Zimbabwe, it‟s time to explore what‟s gone wrong in
Zimbabwe? How to get to
the bottom of over standing issues like land reform,
economic crisis and
political environment without compromising the
sovereignty of a great nation
in order to come up long lasting solution that
affects the majority of
Zimbabweans. Last but not least, the UN should
openly criticise the West for
its double standard and "its crime against
humanity" by imposing heavy hand
sanctions which resulted of the suffering
of Millions of Zimbabweans and
"regime change" efforts in Zimbabwe directly
violate the charter of the
United Nations.
Africa Union and SADAC
The West (mainly Britain,
US and European union) used sanctions and economic
blackmail; they funded
opposition parties and „events‟; and most revealingly
they put pressure on
South Africa, SADC member states and Africa union to
use their muscle to try
to push Mugabe from power.
To their credit, many African officials
refused to play the game. The
African Union turned down Western suggestions
to send forces to Zimbabwe in
2005 and 2008 arguing that „it is not proper
for the AU commission to start
running the internal affairs of members‟
states‟. However, there are few
handful African politician try to use this
challenge as an opportunity to
renew their awful records and being „poodle‟
of the West includes Botswana
president Ian Khama; Kenyan Prime Minister
Raila
A. Odinga; ANC president Jacob Zuma and Nigeria president Umaru
Musa
Yar'Adua.
Though South Africa‟s Mbeki has become involved in
Zimbabwean politics, he
has also, to the irritation of Western observers,
insisted boldly that the
future of Zimbabwe is only in the hands of
Zimbabweans. The Western regimes
motives and objectives in Zimbabwe is not at
all for advancing rule of law
and respect for human right, if so, why Western
regime put the same pressure
and sanctions on their strategic allies to
mention some Egypt, Ethiopia,
Nigeria and Saudi Arabia that has much worse
records rule of law and
human-rights violations by any standard than
Zimbabwe.
To sum up, AU should support fully South Africa‟s Mbeki effort.
Unless
African Union stand up and advocate in harmony, like Asia and Latin
America,
for lift of the Western sanctions against member state and
facilitate the
process of reconciliation and long lasting solution to stop
the suffering of
millions Zimbabweans of sovereign nation, otherwise, sooner
or later, the
West will apply the same approach to other Africa member states
for
promoting their selfish interest.
Finally the Africa Union should
rethink and propose rules that regulating
the West mainstream media that run
in Africa member states like BBC & CNN,
which are 99% of the time when
Africa is covered in the their "sound bite"
news, it is uniformly as a tale
of disaster, poverty and conflict. There is
rarely much context or background
what‟s really going on in Africa. As a
result it has negative impact to the
whole socio-economic development
process in the continent for example by
meddling in the country internal
affairs, discouraging foreign direct
investment, tourism, and sense of pride
being African. Thus, African
politicians should seek resolution to reinvent
world perceptions of Africa
and the way that the West engages with it, then
the role of the media and the
stories it reports on Africa will have a
pivotal role in that
process.
Zimbabweans
You know the truth beyond the sound bites of
Western media and troubled more
than anyone else about what‟s really going on
in your great country. Your
hunger is not for "cover up" liberal democracy,
but for your sovereignty,
equal socio-economic and political right for all
citizens and fare
distribution of Land.
It is only in your hands of
proud, capable and pragmatic citizens to look
for solution without
compromising your sovereignty. Don‟t allow and bow for
the Western regime and
media sound bites to compromise your Sovereignty with
"democracy cover up
operation" which comes with great sacrifices three
decades ago. You survived
the West sanction and proved to the world so far
that desired change in
socio-economic and political environment is only and
only come within
Zimbabweans, not from Western regime meddling of your
internal affairs. Thus,
show your anger of the West sanction and meddling of
your internal affairs by
peaceful demonstration outside of Western embassies
and use your talent and
opportunity available (for example Blog, social
networks and YouTube ...Etc)
for revealing the truth beyond the sound bites
about what‟s going on in
Zimbabwe. Furthermore, demand your own politicians
to seek long lasting
solutions that ensures: equal socio-economic and
political rights and
opportunities for all citizens; and fare distribution
of Land to end
suffering of your fellow citizens. Last but not least, don‟t
bow down for the
West sound bites that compromise your sovereignty.
Prosperity, Justice
and meaningful Reconciliation for Zimbabweans!!