The Telegraph
By Sebastien Berger in
Johannesburg
Last Updated: 11:47PM BST 11/07/2008
Russia and China have
vetoed a United Nations Security Council resolution to
impose international
sanctions on key members of Zimbabwe's government,
damaging diplomatic
efforts to isolate the regime.
Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe:
America and the European Union have
already imposed their own sanctions on
Zimbabwe
The resolution would have imposed a travel ban and asset freeze on
Robert
Mugabe and 13 of his cronies, plus an arms embargo on the
country
But although nine countries, including America, Britain and
France, backed
the proposals, five countries voted against, including Russia
and China,
which both enjoy powers of veto as permanent members of the
Security
Council.
"The people of Zimbabwe will not understand the
Russian and Chinese veto,"
said the foreign secretary David Miliband, adding
that he was "very
disappointed."
Article
continues
advertisement
The measures were proposed after Mr Mugabe was
"re-elected" in a
one-candidate election that was heavily criticised because
of the violent
tactics that forced the opposition candidate Morgan
Tsvangirai to withdraw.
More than 100 people, mostly opposition
supporters are said to have died in
the attacks.
Diplomats at the UN
are normally aware of their colleagues' intentions
before a vote is taken,
and in the circumstances it is perhaps surprising
that the US, which
proposed the resolution, pressed it to a decision.
The result will be
seized on by the propagandists of Zanu-PF, Zimbabwe's
ruling party, who
insist that Zimbabwe's economic travails - inflation is
estimated at over
eight million per cent - are due to Western plots, rather
than Mr Mugabe's
mismanagement.
Some UN officials had argued that a parallel mediation
process being led by
the South African president Thabo Mbeki should have
been given a chance to
succeed without imposing stronger
measures.
But without new international pressure, Mr Mugabe will see
little need to
make concessions to the opposition Movement for Democratic
Change in the
talks.
The defeat follows the failure of the African
Union to condemn Mr Mugabe,
despite observer missions criticising the
election. Some leaders on the
continent even made a point of overtly
supporting him.
The veto leaves Mr Mugabe looking ever more secure in
office, despite the
blood shed for his 're-election', and demonstrates the
difficulty of
ensuring concerted international action - which would have
been necessary to
enforce the sanctions even if they had been
passed.
Both Russia and China have questionable human rights records of
their own,
and have long been reluctant to support international
intervention in what
they see as other countries' internal
affairs.
The Russian president Dmitry Medvedev had given ambivalent
indications about
his country's intentions at the G8 summit in Japan earlier
this week. And
China is one of Mr Mugabe's oldest allies and arms suppliers,
a link dating
back to the war against Ian Smith's regime, when it backed his
Zanu
guerrilla movement.
South Africa, Libya and Vietnam also voted
against the resolution while
Indonesia abstained.
It is the latest
example of South Africa failing to support action against
repressive rulers,
despite the ruling African National Congress' own backing
for sanctions when
it was leading the struggle against apartheid.
Last year the country
voted against a resolution calling for the Burmese
junta to stop attacking
ethnic minorities and engage in substantive dialogue
with the democratic
opposition.
Earlier yesterday Archbishop Desmond Tutu, the Nobel
laureate, expressed
frustration that some leaders on the continent had not
condemned Mr Mugabe.
"Obviously it would have been wonderful if there had
been unanimous
condemnation by all the leaders of Africa, but politicians
are politicians,"
he said.
The proposed sanctions on Zimbabwe rejected by the UN Security Council
after vetoes by Russia and China on Friday are the latest examples of a
diplomatic and economic weapon that has a distinctly mixed history of success
and failure. Sanctions sometimes have the appearance of being more about making those who
impose them feel better than making those at whom they are aimed change their
minds. In the case of Zimbabwe, for example, the British and American-led proposal
was that the top 14 people in the country's political and security apparatus
should not be able to travel abroad and should have their assets abroad frozen.
An arms embargo was also proposed. However, those prepared to use force to maintain their positions are hardly
likely to worry about not being able to travel and as long as they have got
their money safely back home, they will continue to live well. Arms embargoes
are often ineffective. In any event, the proposals failed to convince Russia and China, so they were
not adopted. Often the problem with sanctions is they fail to have the effect intended.
Sanctions are an easy diplomatic weapon for governments to reach for. They
have the advantage of helping to quieten domestic critics, even if they do not
actually make much difference. And these days those domestic critics, often in the form of powerful
non-governmental lobby groups, have to be listened to and usually placated. Rhodesian resistance Zimbabwe itself, under its colonial name Rhodesia, provides an example from
an earlier time. The then British Prime Minister Harold Wilson said that sanctions on the
white minority rulers would change things in "weeks not months". It took 12
years and a guerrilla war - led by Robert Mugabe - to effect that change. For many years, South Africa was under an arms embargo. This encouraged it to
develop its own arms industry. In the end it was able to export arms itself.
The question of whether sanctions and isolation convinced the apartheid
rulers that they could not go on is still an issue for debate. Or was it the realisation that apartheid was simply not working that made the
difference? The Cuban example The United States has imposed trade restrictions on Cuba in various forms
since 1960. It did not in any way weaken the position of Fidel Castro, who has
now retired an elderly man. On the contrary, it gave him an excuse for poor economic performance by being
able to blame someone else. Cuba could be an example of sanctions having the opposite effect to the one
required. Another might be the oil embargo imposed by the US on Japan in 1940
after its invasion of southern Indochina. This might have increased Japan's sense that it needed to acquire its own
supplies by attacking oil-rich counties of South East Asia. Iran and sanctions Likewise, in Iran, broad American trade restrictions came in after the US
hostages were seized at the US embassy there in 1979. They have been maintained since. Iran, for example, has not been able to buy
aircraft from the US. But the revolutionary leaders of Iran have not been deterred by these
sanctions and very much remain in power today. They often use US hostility as a
banner around which to rally support. Limited sanctions against Burma have not shifted the ruling junta there. The Arab embargo on Israel has not changed Israeli policy. Targeted sanctions the trend Aware that broad-based sanctions can be pointless, policymakers have turned
more and more in recent years to so-called "targeted" sanctions. These aim at specific items needed by the target government or at particular
people in that government. They avoid the criticism that it is the ordinary
people who bear the brunt of sanctions. Iran is currently the subject, not only of wide US trade restrictions, but of
targeted UN sanctions over its nuclear activities. Specific people, businesses
and organisations are targeted for boycott and isolation. This does seem to have some effect. According to the US Under-Secretary of
State William Burns, Iran has been hampered by restrictions on trade in missile
technology. He told a congressional committee: "As a direct result of UN sanctions,
Iran's ability to procure technology or items of significance to its missile
programs, even dual-use items, is being impaired." What really counts? It is also arguable that sanctions maintained on Saddam Hussein after his
army was ejected from Kuwait in 1991 made it impossible for him to get
technology from abroad, thereby leading to his abandoning any hopes of
developing nuclear weapons and weapons of mass destruction. But his failure in war and UN inspections might have been even more decisive.
And did Libya change course and give up any nuclear ambitions because it was
under sanctions following the Lockerbie bombings? Or did it realise that it
might be attacked by the US, which, with the UK, had found hard evidence of
nuclear smuggling? Another example of targeted sanctions was the 1974 Jackson-Vanik amendment in
the US. It aimed at getting the freedom to emigrate for Soviet Jews by denying
full trading rights for any country that did not allow free emigration. The White House says the amendment was "an extraordinary success in securing
freedom of emigration in the Soviet Union and its successor states". Tit for tat Sometimes sanctions descend into tit-for-tat symbolism. President Jimmy Carter boycotted the Moscow Olympic Games in 1980 following
the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan at the end of 1979. In retaliation, the
Soviet Union stayed away from the Los Angeles Games in 1984. All this had no effect on the situation in Afghanistan, in which the fighting
was the decisive element. Sanctions are not new in international politics, of course. Way back in about 432BC, the Athenians stopped the people of next-door Megara
from trading throughout the Athenian empire. It was over some dispute about
trespassing on sacred land. The result was that Megara's ally, the Spartans, were mightily displeased.
Historians debate whether the Spartans would have gone to war in any case but
they did. The sanctions do appear to have been counterproductive, to say the least. An
old story.
World
affairs correspondent, BBC News website
Yahoo News
2
hours, 43 minutes ago
UNITED NATIONS (Reuters) - Russia and China vetoed
on Friday a
Western-backed U.N. Security Council resolution to impose
sanctions on
Zimbabwe for holding a violent presidential poll that was
boycotted by the
opposition candidate.
The resolution would have
imposed an arms embargo on the southern African
country and financial and
travel restrictions on President Robert Mugabe and
13 other officials. It
would also have called for a U.N. special envoy for
Zimbabwe to be
appointed.
Nine countries voted for the U.S.-drafted resolution, five --
including
veto-holding Russia and China -- opposed it and one abstained in
the
15-nation council.
The result represented a failure by the
Western bloc to induce Russia and
China at least to abstain because of the
gravity of the crisis in Zimbabwe.
Opponents of the resolution, who also
included South Africa, Libya and
Vietnam, argued that the situation was not
a threat to international peace
and security worthy of a council resolution.
They said talks in South Africa
between Zimbabwe's ruling and opposition
parties should be given a chance.
But British Ambassador John Sawers told
the council it had "failed to
shoulder its responsibility to do what it can
to prevent a national tragedy
deepening and spreading its effects across
southern Africa."
Voting for the resolution were the United States,
Britain, France, Italy,
Belgium, Croatia, Burkina Faso, Panama and Costa
Rica. Indonesia abstained.
(Reporting by Patrick Worsnip; Editing by
Doina Chiacu)
Yahoo News
2 hours, 13 minutes ago
LONDON (AFP) - Britain on Friday
expressed disappointment at the veto of a
draft UN Security Council
resolution to impose tough new sanctions on
Zimbabwe, singling out Russia
for criticism.
A senior official in Gordon Brown's Downing Street
office told AFP the
British prime minister was "very disappointed by the
result" -- a view
echoed by Foreign Secretary David Miliband in a
strongly-worded statement.
Russia and China joined South Africa, Libya
and Vietnam in opposing the US
draft, which would have imposed an assets
freeze and a travel ban on
Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe and 13 members
of his regime, and an arms
embargo.
Miliband said: "I am very
disappointed that the UN Security Council should
have failed to pass a
strong and clear resolution on Zimbabwe.
"In particular, it will appear
incomprehensible to the people of Zimbabwe
that Russia, which committed
itself at the G8 only a few days ago to take
further steps including
introducing financial and other sanctions, should
today stand in the way of
timely and decisive Security Council action.
"Nor will they understand
the Chinese vote."
The Downing Street official, speaking on condition of
anonymity in line with
government policy, said Brown was "surprised" that
Russia had not "followed
through" after its help in drafting the G8
statement earlier this week.
He added: "Only last month the Security
Council was adamant, issuing a
presidential statement on the need for free
and fair elections. Zimbabwe
instead meted out violence and
intimidation.
"The council has missed an opportunity to respond
vigorously and quickly to
that. It is a missed opportunity for the people of
Zimbabwe and for the
people of Africa."
Britain, the former colonial
power in Zimbabwe, has been vocal in
criticising Mugabe and his ruling
ZANU-PF party over the presidential
elections last month, amid claims of
rigging and violence against opposition
supporters.
Miliband said
London would pursue its "twin-track approach" of pressuring
Mugabe's regime
and supporting ordinary Zimbabweans, as well as pushing for
greater European
Union sanctions against the veteran leader and his
ministers.
They
would also continue to call for the appointment of a UN envoy to
Zimbabwe,
saying the world body still had a "key role" to play, he added.
Yahoo News
31
minutes ago
LONDON (AFP) - Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe is "happy"
at the veto of
a draft resolution to impose tough new sanctions, the
country's ambassador
to the world body told BBC television from New York
Saturday.
"President Mugabe is happy to know that the United Nations
is still a body
where there's equal sovereignty of every member of the
United Nations and
there are checks and balances within the system that
protects the weak from
the powerful," Boniface Chidyausiku said in an
interview.
Earlier, China and Russia joined Libya, South Africa and
Vietnam in opposing
the US draft, which would have imposed an assets freeze
and a travel ban on
the veteran leader and 13 of his cronies, plus an arms
embargo.
The vote, on which Indonesia abstained, provoked strong
reactions from
Britain, the former colonial power in Zimbabwe, and the
United States. Both
pointed the finger at Russia for reneging on a G8
agreement to back
sanctions.
But Chidyausiku said the blocking of the
draft resolution was "great news".
"It's a reflection of the rule of law
in the United Nations that nobody has
monopoly on how things should be in
the Security Council. Reason has
prevailed," he added.
He said the
"machinations" of Britain, France and the United States, as well
as their
"flimsy reasons" for fresh sanctions, had been exposed and there
was "no
justification for that type of action".
OneWorld International Foundation (OWIF)
Date: 11 Jul
2008
Alison
Raphael
WASHINGTON, Jul 11 (OneWorld) - Marches, petitions, vigils, and
press
conferences across Africa are planned for Saturday at the launch of a
Pan-African Campaign of Solidarity with Zimbabwe.
Disappointed that
their political leaders failed to step up to the plate and
condemn
Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe's brutal tactics during last
weekend's
African Union (AU) summit in Egypt, civil society groups are
mobilizing to
express their discontent.
"The widespread killings, torture, and assault
of perceived opposition
supporters must come to an end in Zimbabwe. Concrete
action is long overdue
and African leaders must end their silent
acquiescence," said Irene Khan,
secretary general of Amnesty
International.
Amnesty and two other groups behind the solidarity
campaign believe African
leaders should "make space" for civil society to
play a more active role in
Zimbabwe's crisis.
"We are needed now more
than ever as millions of people face hunger through
growing food insecurity
brought on by misgovernance," said Adelaide Sosseh,
co-chair of the Gambia
office of the Global Call to Action against Poverty,
a campaign
co-sponsor.
The campaign will put public pressure on regional
organizations such as the
AU and the Southern African Development Community
(SADC) to take steps to
rein in Mugabe.
Among the main demands to be
put forward by the solidarity campaign are the
establishment of an
independent commission of inquiry to explore human
rights violations during
the election and appointment of monitors to report
on ongoing rights abuses,
restoration of an independent judiciary, and
greater accountability for
police and security forces.
In a statement Wednesday, heads of state at
the G8 summit of industrialized
countries in Japan agreed on the need for
independent investigation, calling
for the appointment of a UN special envoy
to report on the political,
humanitarian, human rights, and security
situation and support mediation.
Both civil society groups and Western
governments had hoped that African
leaders gathered at the AU meeting in
Egypt would break with tradition and
condemn the results of the Jun. 27
election in which Mugabe was the only
candidate.
Opposition leader
Morgan Tsvangirai dropped out shortly before the poll due
to the extreme
levels of violence being perpetrated by police, military
forces, and heavily
armed vigilantes against supporters of the Movement for
Democratic
Change.
But although a few leaders spoke out against Mugabe, such as
Kenyan Prime
Minister Raila Odinga and Botswana's Vice President Mompati
Merafhe, who
called for suspending Zimbabwe from the AU, others were content
merely to
call for dialogue between Mugabe and Tsvangirai.
Meanwhile,
reports from Zimbabwe consistently confirm that violence against
opposition
supporters has intensified since Mugabe was sworn in on Jun. 29.
"The
torture camps are still in place, and since the beginning of July three
supporters of the MDC have been murdered by ZANU-PF militia and war veterans
at the torture camps. Several women, including a 70-year-old grandmother and
a 15-year-old girl, have been gang-raped, while beatings and displacements
continue. People are being forced to donate goats, cattle, and women...to
avoid being victims," according to an MDC parliamentarian interviewed
Wednesday by the United Nations' IRIN news service.
Sponsors of the
Pan-African solidarity campaign plan to use such tactics as
vigils outside
Zimbabwean embassies, press conferences, petitions, and
meetings with
government officials to express their concern about the
situation in
Zimbabwe and urge African governments to take action.
Zim Independent
Local
Friday, 11 July 2008 11:27
PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe
and opposition Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) leader Morgan Tsvangirai
have made a dramatic climb-down from their
intransigent positions in
inter-party talks under mounting pressure from
South African president Thabo
Mbeki, it has emerged.
The move demonstrates Mbeki's increasing
leverage in the convoluted
mediation process despite stinging criticism of
him for his failure to wring
a solution from the two men over the past eight
years.
Sources said after the botched meeting between Mugabe and
Tsvangirai
last Saturday, Mbeki has been piling pressure on the two leaders
to drop
rigid preconditions to dialogue and dispatch chief negotiators to
Pretoria
where crisis talks began yesterday.
The negotiations
centre on a government of national unity. The sources
said Mbeki has advised
Mugabe to defer the appointment of a new cabinet to
give a chance to the
talks because a breakthrough could be found soon.
Mugabe had wanted to
announce a new cabinet since last week.
He has been claiming he
would not talk unless he is recognised as the
legitimate president, while
Tsvangirai has been saying he would not reengage
unless he was also
acknowledged as the winner of elections on the basis of
the March 29
results.
Tsvangirai has said he would not talk unless an African
Union envoy
was assigned to the talks to partner Mbeki. He also wants to see
the
"dismantling of structures of violence" and the release of jailed party
members.
However, the sources said Mbeki - who will next month
take over as
Sadc chairman - has prevailed on both sides to drop these
demands and
reengage each other to resolve the political stalemate and halt
economic
haemorrhaging. Mbeki's party, the governing ANC, is also piling on
the
pressure, particularly on Mugabe, to negotiate in good
faith.
On Wednesday ANC deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe and
secretary-general Gwede Mantashe met Mugabe and his deputies Joseph Msika
and Joice Mujuru in Harare to increasse pressure for serious
engagement.
The ANC and Zanu PF met in Johannesburg last month for
talks on the
local crisis. Although ANC leader Jacob Zuma is more critical
of Mugabe in
public than Mbeki, it is said they are in constant touch on the
Zimbabwe
issue.
Zanu PF negotiators Patrick Chinamasa and
Nicholas Goche and MDC
emissaries Tendai Biti and Elton Mangoma, who
represent Tsvangirai's group,
and Welshman Ncube and Priscillah
Misihairabwi-Mushonga for the Arthur
Mutambara camp resumed talks on how to
form a government of national unity
yesterday.
After the recent
AU summit in Egypt resolved Mugabe and Tsvangirai
must form a government of
national unity, the negotiation process has been
gathering momentum although
it suffered a setback last week after Tsvangirai
boycotted a meeting at
Zimbabwe House.
Sources said the real reason why Tsvangirai pulled
out was that he did
not want a group meeting but a one-on-one with
Mugabe.
"Tsvangirai wanted to meet Mugabe alone for private talks
in the
presence of Mbeki.
"This was agreed, but a mix-up arose
when Mbeki allowed negotiators to
be there."
Tsvangirai himself
confirmed this to journalists during the week.
There is a growing
consensus among Zimbabweans, the AU, United
Nations, Sadc and even within
the G8 that a negotiated settlement which
produces a power-sharing agreement
is the most workable way out for
Zimbabwe.
As a result there
has been a flurry of private and informal
engagements on the way forward
between Zanu PF and the MDC, as well as Mbeki
and his negotiators
Sydney Mufamadi, Frank Chikane and Mujanku Gumbi.
It is understood
Mbeki was in constant communication with Mugabe and
Tsvangirai while in
Japan this week where Zimbabwe loomed large in private
and public debates.
This led to the reconvening of talks yesterday.
"Mugabe and
Tsvangirai were put under tremendous pressure by Mbeki
during the week to
accept responsibility to find solutions to their own
country's problems," a
reliable diplomat said. "This led to consultations
between Zanu PF and MDC
representatives to set a date for talks."
While he was in Egypt,
Mbeki did the same. He was in touch with the
parties in Zimbabwe to force
them into dialogue. This led to a meeting
between Zanu PF and the MDC
formations on June 30 and July 2 in a bid to
organise the failed July 5
first-ever meeting between Mugabe and Tsvangirai.
Mbeki had on July
2 spoken to Tsvangirai about it. It is said he had a
tough discussion on the
issue because Mbeki wanted the party negotiators to
meet, while Tsvangirai
pushed for a private meeting with Mugabe. Mbeki ended
up yielding but had
reservations.
The sources said Mbeki asked Tsvangirai if he wanted
to negotiate and
agree a deal with Mugabe himself or leave it to negotiators
to work out the
deal under instruction from their principals. But the MDC
leader maintained
it was better for him to meet Mugabe first and clear the
way for the talks.
The meeting - which was to feature Mugabe,
Tsvangirai and Mutambara at
3pm at Zimbabwe House in the presence of Mbeki -
was then confirmed. This is
according to the Mutambara faction. However,
Tsvangirai pulled out at the
last minute.
The sources said
after that Mbeki pulled out all the stops to get the
talks back on track by
intensifying pressure on Tsvangirai, especially after
his grilling by G8
leaders on the negotiations. Reports said Mbeki was taken
to task over
Zimbabwe after he claimed there was progress in the dialogue.
G8 leaders
reportedly rejected this, including his assurances Mugabe was
going in a few
years' time and that he might even accept a ceremonial post
in the new
set-up.
Mbeki reportedly said there was no legitimate government in
Zimbabwe
and that was why he was pushing for a negotiated settlement to
resolve that
problem.
By Dumisani Muleya
Zim Independent
Local
Friday, 11 July 2008 11:22
SOUTH Africa's African
National Congress (ANC) this week intensified
efforts to push President
Robert Mugabe to discuss a negotiated political
settlement of the Zimbabwean
crisis with opposition MDC leader Morgan
Tsvangirai.
An ANC
delegation led by party vice-president Kgalema Motlanthe
arrived in the
country on Wednesday to discuss with Mugabe ways of resolving
the standoff
between him and Tsvangirai.
A few days ago, ANC president Jacob
Zuma described Mugabe as one of
the leaders in Africa who were clinging to
power against the electorate's
will.
ANC secretary-general
Gwede Mantashe accompanied Motlanthe to the
meeting with Mugabe and other
senior Zanu PF officials.
Mantashe was in 2005 declared a persona
non grata after he and 11
members of the Congress of South African Trade
Unions (Cosatu) were deported
from Harare by the government.
The 12-member Cosatu delegation was, at the time, stopped midstream as
they
held meetings with their Zimbabwean counterparts, the Zimbabwe Congress
of
Trade Unions.
They were bundled into a kombi and driven to
Beitbridge where they
were placed under heavy police and army guard before
they were eventually
deported to South Africa.
However, this
week, despite the fact his ban has not been officially
revoked, Mantashe
returned to Zimbabwe.
Informed sources said yesterday the ANC
impressed upon Mugabe that it
would send the former Cosatu leader alongside
a number of other party
officials for a courtesy call where discussions to
help tackle the
Zimbabwean crisis were held.
Sources close to
the meeting said yesterday the ANC leaders had
"attempted to show Mugabe the
need for a political settlement".
They added that the task was much
easier as Mugabe had already agreed
to back down from his hardline stance
against the opposition.
"The South African delegation made it clear
that bickering between
Zanu PF and the MDC was not going to solve the
problems facing Zimbabwe," a
source said. "It (the delegation) reiterated
calls by the entire ANC
leadership that Mugabe and Tsvangirai should focus
their efforts on forming
a government that would take on board all the
stakeholders. Basically, the
ANC delegation was here to step up its pressure
on Mugabe to agree to talk
to the MDC."
Another source said
Mugabe had given the ANC delegation assurances
that he would engage the MDC
in talks but said he had expressed concern at
the actions of MDC leader,
Tsvangirai last Friday.
Tsvangirai had agreed to meet Mugabe at
Zimbabwe House for discussions
to be chaired by South African President
Thabo Mbeki, but boycotted the
meeting after making a last-minute decision
not to take part. This would
have been the first face-to-face meeting
between the two leaders since the
formation of the MDC in 1999 and the
subsequent political standoff involving
the two parties over
elections.
By Nkululeko Sibanda
Zim Independent
Local
Friday, 11 July 2008 11:21
THE defence
counsel representing the leader of the smaller faction of
the MDC, Arthur
Mutambara, the Standard newspaper publishers, and the editor
of the paper,
Davison Maruziva
, who are facing charges of publishing an
article considered
prejudicial to the state and contemptuous of the
judiciary, yesterday asked
the court to produce a written complaint from
High Court Judge Justice
Tendai Uchena to validate the claim.
Charges against the accused who are facing allegations of publishing
or
communicating false statements prejudicial to the state, arose after the
publication of an opinion piece in which Mutambara was critical of the
judiciary after a High Court ruling in April on the delayed release of the
March 29 presidential election results.
Mutambara's lawyer
Beatrice Mtetwa said the state should be able to
provide a complaint from
Justice Uchena in order to sustain the contempt of
court
charges.
In a letter submitted to the court, the Master of High
Court Charles
Nyatanga revealed that he made a statement in response to
Mutambara's
article after a request by the police.
"Further
reference is made to a conversation this morning between the
Hon Judge
President Justice R Makarau and the Commissioner-General of the
Police Cde A
Chihuri where it was agreed that a statement from me on behalf
of the
judiciary would suffice," he said.
In the letter Nyatanga said the
article was "contemptuous of the
judiciary".
Prosecutor Tawanda
Zvekare said the state would seek to obtain a
written complaint from Justice
Uchena.
The state submitted to the court a statement by Senior
Assistant
Commissioner and commander of the harmonised elections and the
presidential
run-off, Faustino Mazango, in which he said Mutambara's article
was based on
false information.
He said: "In his (Mutambara)
article he falsely presented information
that there were police deployments
in major cities to intimidate ordinary
citizens. He went on to insult the
law enforcement agencies as imbecilic and
cynical military junta running the
affairs of the country."
"It is my belief and conviction that the
country was not at any one
time in the hands of the military as the country
was being administered
according to the constitution of Zimbabwe and was
being administered
civilly," Mazango said.
Zimbabwe National
Army Major General Nicholas Dube in his statement
told the state that
Mutambara had lied in his article about the army's
presence in major cities
and rural areas during election time
"In the article it was stated
that there was heavy army presence in
major cities intimidating ordinary
citizens of Zimbabwe and as far as the
Zimbabwe Defence Forces is concerned,
there has never been deployment of its
members either in town or rural areas
for the purpose of perpetrating
violence."
Dube said Mutambara,
Maruziva and the Standard should not have
authored, edited and published
false information which was likely to
undermine public confidence in the
Zimbabwe Defence Forces.
The Media and Information Commission's
principal research and
investigations and monitoring officer Academy
Chinhamora in his statement
said the editor has an obligation to seek and
obtain legal advice on any
content which might breach the law before
publishing an article.
"The editor should have also noticed that
Arthur Mutambara's piece
attacked a judgement of the High Court. By so
publishing the piece, the
publisher is in agreement with the supplied
information so had a common
intention with the author and the
editor,"Chinhamora told the court.
The accused were remanded out of
custody to August 29 by Harare
Magistrate, Morgen Nemadire.
By
Lucia Makamure
Zim Independent
Local
Friday, 11 July 2008 11:19
THREE South African nationals
employed by the British Sky News channel
who were arrested in Zimbabwe
carrying broadcasting equipment and were later
sentenced to six months in
prison have been freed after a High Court judge
reviewed the sentence and
commuted it to a fine.
The three South Africans, Bernet
Hasani Sono (34), Resemate Chauke
(46) and Simon Musimani (38) were freed
last week after High Court judge,
Justice Maphios Cheda, ordered that they
pay fines of $50 billion each.
The three were intercepted and
arrested in Mbalabala, 60 kilometres
south of Bulawayo, while transporting
broadcast equipment belonging to Sky
News to South Africa. They were charged
with "possessing equipment believed
to be used for broadcasting without a
licence".
After the South Africans were convicted and sentenced by
a local
magistrate, the lawyers representing the three filed an urgent Hugh
Court
application seeking a review of the matter after they argued that the
sentence passed on the three was excessive.
In his review,
Justice Cheda said the presiding magistrate in the
matter had misdirected
himself by imposing a custodial sentence and said the
matter under
review called for a non-custodial sentence.
"I have perused the
record of proceedings in this matter and note that
indeed the learned trial
magistrate misdirected himself by imposing a
custodial sentence in
circumstances where justice called for a non-custodial
sentence," Justice
Cheda said in his judgement.
"Judicial offices have been advised by
both this court and the Supreme
Court that custodial sentences should only
be imposed in very serious
offences, of which this one is not. I agree with
both counsels that the
sentences passed are unduly harsh in the
circumstances where justice called
for non-custodial sentence."
Justice Cheda in commuting the sentence said each of the accused
should pay
a fine of $50 billion but maintained that they should forfeit the
broadcasting equipment and the motor vehicle that was transporting the
equipment to the state.
The three South Africans had pleaded
guilty to contravening Section 33
(1) of the Postal and Telecommunications
Act, Chapter 12.03.
One of the two lawyers representing the three,
Tavengwa Hara, said his
clients were deported immediately after paying the
fines.
"My clients were deported the same day they paid the fines
after the
review by Justice Cheda and we are happy that the High Court saw
the initial
judgement as excessive," Hara said.
By Loughty
Dube
Zim Independent
Local
Friday, 11 July 2008 11:16
PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe is
battling for political legitimacy after
most Sadc African countries and the
wider international community did not
endorse his presidency after winning
the June 27 run-off.
Morgan Tsvangirai of the MDC withdrew
from the run-off citing
escalating violence against his supporters, but the
Zimbabwe Electoral
Commission went ahead with the poll arguing that the
pull-out had no legal
effect.
Many African leaders have refused
to endorse Mugabe's "victory", while
world leaders this week questioned his
legitimacy and have called for both
Zanu PF and the MDC to work for a prompt
and peaceful resolution to the
political crisis.
Sadc, the
Pan-African Parliament, and the African Union (AU) observer
missions in the
run-off said the election was not in line with regional and
international
standards. The United Nations also condemned the polls.
African
leaders, diplomatic sources said, admit that Mugabe was
legally in power
after his inauguration on June 29, but lacked legitimacy.
But key
world leaders argued that the 84-year-old president lacked
both legal and
political legitimacy, with some of them saying he should
leave office for
Tsvangirai who won the first round of the presidential
election in
March.
However, there is consensus between African and world
leaders on the
need for a negotiated political settlement in Zimbabwe, but
they differ on
how to achieve it.
Some world leaders wanted
talks to proceed and at the same time impose
sanctions on Zimbabwe, while
African countries oppose the move saying it
would worsen the
crisis.
Talks between Zanu PF and the MDC to resolve the crisis are
already
underway and were initiated by Sadc and mediated by South Africa
President
Thabo Mbeki. The AU, the UN and this week's G8 summit in Japan
endorsed the
talks.
Botswana, Zambia, Kenya, Nigeria, Liberia,
Uganda and Tanzania were
some of the African countries to slam Zimbabwe's
presidential election
outcome.
Zambia and Botswana have been
key allies of Zimbabwe but both have
spoken out against the
outcome.
Botswana was the first country in Sadc to say it did not
recognise
Mugabe's "victory" and requested the regional bloc to bar the
country from
participating in its meetings.
"As a country that
practises democracy and the rule of law, Botswana
does not, therefore,
recognise the outcome of the presidential run-off
election, and would expect
other Sadc member states to do the same,"
Botswana's Foreign minister Phandu
Skelemani said last week. "It is against
this backdrop that Botswana urges
Sadc to assume its responsibility by
taking proactive steps that are
consistent with its principles and
objectives. It is, therefore, Botswana's
position that Zimbabwe should not
be allowed to participate in Sadc meetings
until such a time that they
demonstrate their commitment to strictly adhere
to the organisation's
principles."
Mozambique, another key ally
of Zimbabwe during the liberation
struggle, has remained mum on the crisis,
but its central bank this week
said the political and economic turmoil has
the potential to put the brakes
on economic growth throughout the whole of
the southern African region.
During the AU summit, Nigerian Foreign
minister Ojo Maduekwe said his
country did not recognise Mugabe's
legitimacy.
"It is our view that enduring peace could only be
achieved in Zimbabwe
if the country returned to the status quo before the
presidential run-off,"
Maduekwe said.
While many African
leaders did not publicly speak out on the
legitimacy of Mugabe during the
summit, the continent's longest serving
president Omar Bongo of Gabon
endorsed the former guerilla leader.
"He was elected, he took an
oath, and he is here with us, so he is
president and we cannot ask him
more," Bongo said. "He conducted elections
and I think he won."
Asked about calls by the international community to condemn Mugabe,
Bongo
who has been in power for over 40 years said: "Africans are able to
decide
for themselves. We have even received Mugabe as a hero."
Lesotho
Prime Minister Pakalitha Mosisili, Venezuelan President Hugo
Chavez and his
Iranian counterpart Mahmoud Ahmadinejad also endorsed Mugabe's
presidency.
Mosisili on Wednesday said: "It is high time
countries and states
respect the sovereignty of other countries. Whoever is
saying it does not
confer legitimacy on the government of Robert Mugabe, who
is he or she to do
that?"
Mosisili said that any government in
Zimbabwe had to have the support
of the armed forces.
"I don't
care who rules Zimbabwe but he must be acceptable to the
armed forces
because he needs their support, but even they must respect the
will of the
people," he said.
But Mbeki, long seen as Mugabe's closest ally,
this week reportedly
told Japanese Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda during the G8
summit that there
was no legitimate government in Zimbabwe, and that was why
a government of
national unity was needed.
On Monday, the
Zimbabwe crisis dominated a meeting between G8 leaders
and the presidents of
Algeria, Ethiopia, Ghana, Nigeria, Senegal and
Tanzania.
After
the meeting, Tanzanian President Jakaya Kikwete said the AU was
concerned by
the Zimbabwe situation. He said although "many leaders" in
Africa had
"expressed their dissatisfaction at the way things happened in
Zimbabwe",
they differed with G8 leaders on the way forward.
The G8 leaders
this week said they would take financial measures
against
Zimbabwe.
Britain, France and the US were last night expected to
push for the UN
Security Council to adopt a sanctions resolution on
Zimbabwe. But the
Russian delegation is reportedly not comfortable with such
a resolution.
The three countries have since said they do not
recognise Mugabe as a
legitimate president and wanted Tsvangirai to takeover
on the basis of the
March 29 presidential election result.
Other permanent Security Council members - Russia and China - were
likely to
veto the proposed resolution.
The UN deputy Secretary-General
Asha-Rose Migiro on Tuesday said
Mugabe's government was elected
illegitimately and as such there was need
for dialogue.
"It is
clear that Zimbabwe will have to go through a political
transition bringing
together its people around a common project," she told
the UN Security
Council. "It will also need a process of national healing
and reconciliation
that should include wide-ranging and participatory
national
consultations."
By Constantine Chimakure
Zim Independent
Local
Friday, 11 July 2008 11:14
MDC refugees who claim to be
victims of political violence and were
taken to Ruwa Rehabilitation Centre
after being moved from the South African
embassy in Harare were this week
victimised a second time while in camp by
unidentified armed men, some of
whom wore masks, opposition party officials
have said.
The MDC said the hundreds of refugees who comprise men, women and
children
who had fled mainly from Epworth, were allegedly attacked by seven
armed men
dressed in army uniform, some in masks, last Sunday midnight.
Police spokesperson Assistant Commissioner Wayne Bvudzijena declined
to
comment on the alleged attack. Instead, he referred the reporter to
comments
made by Labour minister Nicholas Goche in the state media.
Goche in
the Herald on Wednesday dismissed the allegations raised by
the MDC saying a
"stampede" was stage-managed so as to put Zimbabwe in the
spotlight at the
G8 summit in Japan earlier this week and push the British
agenda to effect a
regime change in Zimbabwe.
MDC spokesperson Nelson Chamisa
confirming the incident said the party
was worried about the safety of the
refugees and that it was unrealistic for
them to stage-manage the attack as
claimed by the government.
"How can we honestly beat up our own
people? We are talking of people
who have serious scars," Chamisa said.
"What would we want to prove to the
extent of us beating our own people? It
is very unfortunate and sad that a
minister chooses to say that such a thing
did not happen. Mr Goche is aware
of the facts. We neither have the stage
nor management to do that," Chamisa
said.
Acting head of the
International Federation of Red Cross and Red
Crescent Societies Zoran
Filipovic said though he had heard stories about
the incident he could not
comment on the case and referred questions to the
Zimbabwe Red
Cross.
Efforts to get a comment from the Zimbabwe Red Cross were
fruitless as
its information officer was said to be doing field work while
the head and
his deputy were said to be out of the office.
An
official at the South African embassy said they regretted the
incident that
occurred to the refugees at the Ruwa Rehabilitation Centre.
"We
obviously regret the incident that happened to the refugees," he
said. "When
these people came to our embassy we negotiated the best safe
haven with the
Zimbabwean government, different UN organisations, Red Cross
and churches.
Subsequently we regret, as an embassy we cannot guarantee
their safety," he
said.
According to an escapee who wanted to be identified as
William
Madanhire, the refugees were attacked on Sunday night after days of
living
in a suspicious environment.
Narrating how they got
their way to the South African embassy,
Madanhire said they sought refuge at
the embassy after their houses had been
destroyed in Epworth by suspected
Zanu PF militia.
"Harvest House (MDC headquarters) was not a safe
place to go following
the raids so we decided to go to the South African
embassy and seek
protection since their president (Thabo) Mbeki had said
that there was no
crisis. Nobody took us there, we went there on foot all
the way from
Epworth," said Madanhire.
He said after being
reassured by the South African embassy, the
government, different UN
organisations and Red Cross, they were taken to
Ruwa Rehabilitation Centre
on June 27.
By Wongai Zhangazha
Zim Independent
Local
Friday, 11 July 2008 11:12
THE Movement for Democratic
Change has accused the police of launching
a "massive crackdown" that has
seen over 1 500 activists including MPs and
parliamentary candidates either
arrested for inciting political violence or
in hiding fearing for their
lives.
MDC spokesperson Nelson Chamisa in a statement this
week said that the
alleged crackdown aims to "decimate" the party and its
structures and that
the continued violence against its supporters and
members would hinder any
meaningful dialogue with Zanu PF.
"The
continued onslaught of our structures shows that Zanu PF is not
sincere in
the so-called dialogue it says it wants with the MDC. The regime
cannot talk
dialogue when it is acting war across the length and breadth of
the
country," Chamisa said, adding that the government could not be allowed
to
pretend that it wants peace when it is acting violently on the
ground.
"Thousands of our supporters are still in the mountains,
fearing for
their lives while others are still in hospital nursing serious
injuries
sustained from Zanu PF and state security agents."
Chamisa said the arrests came at a time when 103 supporters have been
allegedly murdered by Zanu PF supporters but without anything said on Zanu
PF members being arrested over the murders and violence.
However, police spokesperson Assistant Commissioner Wayne Bvudzijena
denied
that there was a crackdown on MDC officials. He made it a point that
the
police would not hesitate to arrest anyone who committed crimes
regardless
of which political party they are aligned to.
"When a person
commits a criminal offence that invites the police, he
or she will be
arrested," said Bvudzijena. "The MDC can claim anything or
say anything but
the police only follow someone or people who would have
done something
against the law. No matter them being MDC or Zanu PF
supporters, if they
commit criminal offences the police will arrest them."
According to
MDC records, the MPs who have been arrested since the
March 29 elections
include Tendai Biti, the party's secretary-general and
MP-elect for Harare
East, Misheck Shoko, MP-elect for Chitungwiza South who
was arrested in
Mberengwa for campaigning for MDC during the run-off period,
Trevor
Saruwaka, MP-elect for Mutasa Central who was arrested on political
violence
charges, MP-elect for Mutare West, and Shuwa Mudiwa who was
arrested on
charges of kidnapping a 13-year old.
MP-elect for Mkoba Amos
Chibaya was arrested on allegations of
inciting the police to revolt against
the government during a rally, Heya
Shoko, MP-elect for Bikita West, Ian Kay
MP-elect for Marondera central and
senator elect for Kariba John Masaba were
all arrested on charges of
inciting political violence.
The
opposition party said those in hiding included Naison Nemadziwa,
MP-elect
for Buhera South who was abducted last week and later found at a
police
station and released on a $100 billion bail after police charged him
with
inciting violence in his constituency, Pearson Mungofa, MP-elect for
Highfield East who is wanted for causing discontent among security officers,
Edmore Marima, MP-elect for Bikita East who is wanted for inciting political
violence and attempted murder, Shepherd Mushonga, MP elect for Mazowe
Central, and Broadwin Nyaude, MP elect for Bindura South who are wanted for
inciting political violence.
Eric Matinenga, MP elect for
Buhera West who was earlier arrested on
charges of political violence, Elton
Mangoma, MP-elect for Makoni North, and
Pineal Denga, MP-elect for Mbare are
wanted for inciting political violence.
Candidate MPs Godfrey
Chimombe from Shamva North and Biggie Haurovi
from Hurungwe East who lost in
the parliamentary elections were arrested on
charges of inciting political
violence.
The MDC fears that parliament might be sworn in with some
of the MPs
still in hiding.
The MDC said in Mashonaland Central
145 of their supporters were in
prison or police custody while Masvingo has
356, Midlands North has 57,
Mashonaland West 114 and 476 in
Manicaland.
In Harare MDC said 31 of its supporters were arrested
while
Matabeleland South had 63, Matabeleland North 59, Mashonaland East
184,
Chitungwiza 11, Midlands South 69 and Bulawayo nine.
By
Wongai Zhangazha
Zim Independent
Local
Friday, 11 July 2008 11:10
THE state has amended charges
against six men who were arrested last
year for allegedly plotting to
overthrow President Robert Mugabe's
government and replace him with Rural
Housing minister, Emmerson Mnangagwa.
The six, Albert
Matapo, Nyasha Zivuku, Oncemore Mudzurahona, Emmanuel
Marara, Patson
Mupfure, Shingirai Mutemachani and Rangarirai Mazivofa, who
are due to
appear in court on Monday, are now being charged with instigating
members of
the security forces to overthrow Mugabe's government.
In a court
record made available to the Zimbabwe Independent, the six
accused
approached members of the Zimbabwe National Army and the Airforce of
Zimbabwe to oust Mugabe's government.
The record reads: "Albert
Matapo, Nyasha Zivuku, Oncemore Mudzurahona,
Emmanuel Marara,Patson
Mupfure,Shingirai Mutemachani and Rangarirai
Mazivofa.in concert with a
common purpose unlawfully and with the intention
of overthrowing the
Government of Zimbabwe instigated Captain Shepherd
Maromo, Captain Olivine
Maroala, Corporal Elias Gapare, Charles Nyashadzashe
Mufudze, Sergeant Owen
Bafana and Ronald Matanga, members of the Zimbabwe
National Army and the
Airforce of Zimbabwe, to cause the armed forces to
overthrow the
constitutionally elected Government of Zimbabwe by staging a
coup
d'état."
In May last year when the six were arrested, the state
charged them
with conspiring to plot a coup against the
government.
"Albert Matapo who is a former member of the army
conspired with his
co-accused and recruited members of the security forces,
that is members
from the Zimbabwe National Army, the Airforce of Zimbabwe
and the Zimbabwe
Republic Police whom he gave some tasks in preparation of a
coup," reads the
initial charge sheet.
Investigations into
Mnangagwa's involvement in the alleged coup last
year hit a brickwall after
it emerged that the police were not able to
substantiate the
claims.
Superintendent Simon Mundondwa, the officer commanding Law
and Order
in Harare who is the investigating officer in the case, told a
court while
under cross examination that suggestions that Mnangagwa was
linked to the
coup had proved false as no evidence was found to support the
claim.
The trial of the six men failed to start on Monday when the
lawyer
representing them, Charles Warara of Warara & Associates, asked
the court
for more time to interview witnesses in the case.
Matapo and his co-accused have been in custody since their arrest in
May
last year.
By Lucia Makamure
Zim Independent
Local
Friday, 11 July 2008 11:05
LACK of
political will to help Zimbabwe's economy onto the recovery
path on the part
of politicians is likely to see the nation suffering from
economic stress
for the next 10 years, economists have noted.
The
economists say there was need for all stakeholders to ensure the
economy
regains its strength to pre-1996 levels where inflation was in
single
digits.
With inflation at 9 000 000%, unemployment estimated at
80%, industry
utilisation at less than 10%, and the Zimbabwe dollar trading
at $38 billion
to the United States dollar on Tuesday, the country's long
and uninterrupted
period of economic decline will require more resources to
get the economy on
a growth path again.
The next government is
thus faced with the daunting task of coming up
with an economic blueprint
that is developed beyond any party or political
lines.
They
noted that reversing the legacy of destruction largely blamed on
the Zanu PF
government will need a complete restructuring of state apparatus
and
replacing institutions to ensure better forms of governance and economic
policies.
Economic analysts said the economic vision blueprint
to be adopted by
the new government should act as guideline to mobilise
financial, human and
other resources necessary to get Zimbabwe's economy to
work at full throttle
to create jobs and produce basic commodities currently
in short supply.
Lance Mambondiani, an investment executive at
Coronation Financial
Services, said there was need for a climb-down from the
prescriptive
"we-know it all" policies, the command monetary and fiscal
policies and the
megaphone conspiracy theories of yesterday, to embracing
the contribution of
various economic agents in a "functionally symbiotic
nexus of contracts" if
the next blueprint is to bear any
fruits.
He said tension rising from economic frustration had the
capacity to
foment intolerable dissent which cannot be redressed by a mere
election.
Zanu PF's economic manifesto encourages government to
concentrate on
an effective and systematic coordination of polices and
programmes for
sustainable economic growth.
A government
official told the Independent this week that haphazard
implementation of
economic policies had slowed down the pace of economic
recovery in the past,
hence the need for a roadmap which is drawn up outside
political
lines.
"The next government should lay down a national policy and
identify
key national programmes and projects across all sectors of the
economy for
implementation," he said.
The official said apart
from political decision prevailing ahead of
technical facts, previously
government had been hamstrung by inadequate
monitoring and accountability
mechanisms - a situation that has created a
huge gap between policy
decisions and their implementation.
"This year, the economy is
forecast to decline further due to
inconsistent economic polices. It is now
critical that government exercises
extreme fiscal discipline and ensure
policy initiatives are instituted as
reflected by the blueprint that
government plans to adopt," the official
said.
The government
has so far adopted nine economic plans over the past 10
years - a situation
that some analysts said had worsened the situation
because of inconsistency
and confusion at implementation stage.
The government touted the
blueprints as ultimate solutions to the
economic crisis.
Critics say government has never seriously sought to implement any of
the
economic plans.
Some of the previous blueprints include the
Zimbabwe Economic
Development Strategy (ZEDS), Zimbabwe Economic
Stabilisation and
Transformation (Zimprest), the Millennium Economic
Recovery Plan (Merp), the
10-Point economic plan, the National Economic
Recovery Plan (Nerp), Vision
2020, Economic Structural Adjustment Programme
(Esap) and the National
Economic Development Priority Plan (NEDPP) in
reverse order.
The economy has over the past 10 years been riddled
with distortions
and encumbrances, which provide a fertile breeding ground
for corruption.
Ultimately all these inauspicious developments have
conspired to make
Zimbabwe an uncompetitive investment destination to many
foreign investors.
Labour Economic and Development Research
Institute director Godfrey
Kanyenze said the improvement of the economy
regardless of the blueprint to
be adopted will depend on the country's
political environment.
"The economic prospects remain fragile and
the sustainability of
current efforts is dependent on the extent to which
the political
environment improves," he said.
Commenting on the
inconsistency of economic policies adopted by
Zimbabwe in a paper entitled:
The Zimbabwean economy in 10 years of
regression, economist Peter Robinson
said recovery would not be achievable
by government's unwillingness and
incapability to formulate policies and
programmes that address the issue of
boosting production and building
confidence in the people.
"Our
current position is like falling into the bottom of a well and
trying to get
out with little prospects of success because we keep falling
back.Politics
and governance are our major problems not technical
economics," said
Robinson. With the shrinking of the formal economy, it is
the informal
economy that has taken over as the mainstream economy. Jobs in
the formal
economy are insecure, unrepresented, unregistered and generally
suffer from
decent work deficits as companies can simply close down without
any relief
for the worker.
Gilbert Muponda, an entrepreneur, last week said:
"There was need to
involve more stakeholders in developing a national
economic vision which
will have their support since it will be a result of
wider consultation."
He said whilst land was important, there was
need to look beyond it
(the land) and exploit other advantages that the
country has including the
well-developed education sector and communications
infrastructure.
"A national economic vision will then act as the
leading vehicle to
mobilise international resources not only in donor form
but investment
commitments from various sources including Sovereign Wealth
Funds which are
currently awash with funds seeking suitable investment
destinations,"
Muponda said.
By Paul Nyakazeya
Zim Independent
Business
Friday, 11 July 2008 11:00
FAMILIES in Zimbabwe have to spend almost
$500 billion extra every
week on food and transport because of high
inflation and depressed
production.
The increases in
the price of basket essentials is surging by an
average of 55% every week
according to the businessdigest Cost of Living
Index.
The
weekly rate of increase has jumped alarmingly from 9,5% in January
to 55%
during the first week of July, a 45,5 percentage point rise inside
six
months.
There is now a countrywide crisis over supplies of basic
commodities
and affordability of the few that are available in
shops.
A family of five which spent $400 billion a week on
food last week now needs $627 billion for the same products this week.
The
same family will need about $960 billion next week.
Two litres of
cooking oil cost above $300 billion this week from $245
billion last week. A
loaf of bread - if available - costs $45 billion from
$30 billion last week.
Two litres of Mazoe, which is no longer affordable
for most households, this
week cost above $130 billion from $90 billion last
week.
The Consumers Council of Zimbabwe said it was no longer publishing the
monthly consumer basket as it did not make sense to come up with one at the
rate prices were rising.
Government's Central Statistical
Office has also stopped compiling
poverty datum line figures in what critics
said was an attempt to hide "an
open secret".
Most consumers
are performing what appears to be carefully
choreographed dance routine:
pick up, sigh, put down and move out of the
shop.
With banks
restricting withdrawals for individual to $100 billion a
day, shopping has
become something Zimbabweans dread as prices continue to
rise.
Figures from Caltex show that the cost of fuel had risen by from $35
billion
a litre last week to $60 billion.
Motorists are a victim of
international oil speculators and a weak
currency.
The higher
fuel prices are dragging up the cost of basic commodities
and
services.
The rise in the prices of most basic commodities has been
blamed
largely on speculative tendencies in the country's frail economy now
in its
ninth year of recession.
But economists said the
dwindling production levels on the back of
increased money supply growth and
a weak currency has resulted in too much
money chasing too few goods, and
this has been worsen by acute foreign
currency shortages which have
triggered a run on the Zimbabwe dollar.
Business lost confidence
and trust in government following its
decision to direct retailers to reduce
the price of goods by 50% last year.
By Paul Nyakazeya
Zim Independent
Business
Friday, 11 July 2008 10:58
THE
recently announced interest rates regime and a halt in government's
ballooning expenditure could soon force banks into serious cash shortages, a
leading bank has warned.
Reserve Bank governor, Gideon
Gono last week revised secured
accommodation rates to 8 500% from 6 500% in
an effort to mop up excess
liquidity on the money market. Unsecured rates
were adjusted from 7 000% to
9 500%.
In a market report Kingdom
Financial Holdings Limited described the
new interests rates as "out of
synch" with inflationary trends.
"The rates are too ghastly to
contemplate if one takes into account
their effect on bank survival in the
event of a money market liquidity
crunch which will force banks to go to the
central bank for accommodation,"
the bank said.
"The high
policy rates have created a situation whereby banks are now
dangerously
vulnerable to the continued existence of high expenditures by
the
authorities because any slow down in their fiscal and quasi-fiscal
activities will cause weeping and gnashing of teeth by banks and their
clients."
When contacted for comment the Bankers Association of
Zimbabwe (BAZ),
however said the new interest rates would not affect the
financial position
of banks.
"There is no bank that will be
affected by these new interest rates,"
said BAZ president John
Mangudya.
"These interest rates only discourage people from
speculative and
consumption borrowing."
He said the long queues
at banks resulted from "frequent transactions
for daily purposes" adding
that the association had brought this issue to
the attention of the Reserve
Bank.
This week businessdigest observed long queues of customers
seeking
cash withdrawals from various banks around the central business
district.
Customers said these queues were a result of an inadequate maximum
daily
cash withdrawal.
The central bank recently reviewed the
daily limits to $100 billion
from $25 billion in response to runaway
year-on-year inflation now estimated
to be over 10 000 000%. Since the
announcements of the interest rates,
foreign exchange interbank rates have
momentarily stabilised closing just
below the $20 billion mark
yesterday.
"We are fast heading towards the pre-Christmas problems
we faced last
year," complained one customer at Barclays bank branch along
First Street.
"This money (maximum withdrawal) can only pay my bus
fare for two
days."
Other financial analysts who spoke to this
paper on condition of
anonymity said the recurrent cash shortages were
attributed to a decision by
a German money printing company to cease
business with President Robert
Mugabe's administration amid calls by
European Union to impose stiffer
economic sanctions on
Zimbabwe.
With one of the largest cabinet in the world, the
government meets
daily debts that include tobacco and gold purchases, civil
service salaries
and concessionary funds. Five years ago, the country's
financial sector was
hit by a liquidity crunch that resulted in the closure
of more than 10-asset
management companies and about six building and
commercial banks.
By Bernard Mpofu
Zim Independent
Business
Friday, 11 July 2008 10:53
THE cost of living for
consumers in Bulawayo has become more expensive
as most businesses are now
charging for their goods and services in foreign
currency, as the fragile
Zimbabwean dollar continues to tumble against major
currencies.
However, it has emerged that the government
and the Consumer Council
of Zimbabwe (CCZ) have set up a taskforce to bring
businesses and
individuals charging for services and goods in foreign
currency to book.
A survey by businessdigest this week revealed
that most shops in the
city centre have priced their goods in South African
rands and are refusing
to sell their goods and services in the local
currency claiming they would
make losses if they traded in the local
currency.
Basic commodities such as mealie meal, sugar, cooking oil
and salt are
being sold in South African rands. Landlords have also been
renting out
their properties for R1 000 or more a month for a house in the
low density
suburbs of Bulawayo although government has threatened to take
stern
measures against those charging rentals in foreign
currency.
A 20kg bag of mealie meal at the local bus terminals is
being sold for
R100, cooking oil is being sold for R50 per one litre bottle.
A two
kilogramme bag of sugar is going for between R30-R50. The sales
persons say
the prices are negotiable.
The official gazetted
price for 20kg of mealie meal is $2 billion and
750ml of cooking oil is $3
billion.
Comfort Machekeza, the regional manager for the Consumer
Council of
Zimbabwe, said that the local currency is still legal tender
despite its
depreciation in value and also added that it is illegal for
business to
charge in foreign currency without the necessary permission from
the
monetary authority. He added that a special taskforce, which is already
operational, has been set up together with members from the Zimbabwe
Republic Police with the sole purpose of bringing "sanity" back into the
economy and warned businesses that they will face steep penalties if
convicted.
"The Zimbabwe dollar is still legal tender in this
country and it is
illegal for business to charge for their goods and
services in foreign
currency without the permission and clearance from
monetary authorities,"
said Machekeza. "We have already set up a taskforce
which is already
operational in order to bring those unscrupulous traders to
book."
In Zimbabwe business owners who are convicted of
contravening the
Foreign Exchange Act risk having their operating licences
revoked or may
face incarceration.
Zim Independent
Business
Friday, 11 July 2008 10:51
WHEN a local retail shop
increased the price of a 500g of beef for the
third time inside one week,
David Murambiwa and his family knew they would
invest more in soya
chunks.
Now, as everything from sugar, milk and bread drive
up their cost of
living, David and his family are planning their most
radical lifestyle
change.
"I never thought I could be in this
position counting every dollar.
Common-sense has unfortunately become an
endangered commodity in Zimbabwe's
hyperinflationary atmosphere," Murambiwa
said.
Across Zimbabwe, people from high income earners, indigenous
and low
income earners are coping with a growing sense that they are being
pushed to
the margins like never before, as a combination of rising costs
and stagnant
wages and high inflation erode their purchasing
power.
"Prices have by far outpaced my salary which is linked to
official
rates in this hyperinflationary environment. I have been cycling
against the
wind since January. I have to pedal faster so we do not slow
further," he
said. But pedalling faster with an inflation rate of 9 030 000%
does not
mean necessarily mean he will go faster.
Families that
once maintained pleasant lifestyles afforded by one
income find the rise in
cost not affordable by even ten salaries earned in
Zimbabwean
dollars
More worrisome a generation of Zimbabwean youths and the
middle aged
is grappling with a rising sense of injustice as they face the
reality that
they have become worse off, not better than their
parent.
Economists Tony Hawkins described the price increases as
"very sad for
every one" adding that nobody wants to hold Zimbabwe dollars
because it was
increasingly worthless as a result of the very high rates of
inflation.
"Clearly nobody wants to hold the currency like that
which is losing
its value by the hour and in that situation there has been a
scramble for
anything else," he said.
Even holding two masters
degrees, has become less of a guarantee
against economic hardship. That in
turn is igniting concerns of an even more
uncertain future for their
children.
By Paul Nyakazeya
Zim Independent
Opinion
Friday, 11 July 2008 11:02
AFTER recently storming
back to power in a discredited one-man
election, President Robert Mugabe is
finding out that things are harder than
he thought. He has suddenly become
amenable to talks.
Mugabe is faced with fundamental
questions he cannot resolve even
after claiming a "landslide" victory in the
poll. He has to deal with his
now glaring lack of legitimacy and an economic
crisis. He also has to deal
with mounting pressure for him to reform or go.
Besides, Mugabe needs to use
his pyrrhic victory to resolve his succession
crisis and a renewal of his
fossilised party.
This has put him
in a position in which he has no choice but to talk
to the opposition, even
though his motives remain how to retain the levers
of power.
Terrified by his disastrous leadership failures and the looming
prospect of
rejection at the polls, Mugabe cited some bizarre reasons why he
would never
allow his bitter rival, Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
leader Morgan
Tsvangirai, to rule even if he won. Zanu PF then unleashed a
campaign of
terror to stop him. At least 100 people were reportedly killed,
while
thousands of others were displaced and injured in the brutal campaign
of
violence.
However, the stark realities of lack of legitimacy and
economic
meltdown are now haunting Mugabe, making him open to dialogue,
including
with Tsvangirai - the man he often describes as a "front" and
"stooge" for
Western powers bent on regime change in Harare.
Tsvangirai last Saturday actually stood up Mugabe at Zimbabwe House,
showing
things have changed, although the move by the MDC leader is seen in
some
circles as evidence of his chronic lack of strategic thinking.
Negotiations are a very useful tool in resolving conflicts and should
be
pursued when appropriate. In situations where no fundamentalist issues
are
at stake like in the case of Zimbabwe today, and therefore a compromise
is
plausible and acceptable, negotiations are a relatively better way
out.
Tsvangirai's supporters claim it was a good move to boycott
the
meeting with Mugabe at Zimbabwe House - the president's official
residence -
because he denied South African President Thabo Mbeki a
propaganda coup
ahead of a crucial G8 summit in Japan this week. Mbeki was
grilled by
sceptical G8 leaders who questioned his mediation record after he
reportedly
claimed the talks were proceeding well.
It was also
reported he said Mugabe was not legitimate and the whole
point of his push
for a government of national unity was to address that
problem. It was
further reported that he had said that Mugabe would be
leaving anyway in a
"few years" and is prepared for a ceremonial role in the
new set
up.
While some of these claims sound far-fetched, Mbeki appears to
have
been put under pressure to justify his role. However, he succeeded in
the
end in keeping the mediation under his control as shown by the G8
leaders'
support despite threats of "further steps and measures" against
Harare with
United Nations approval.
The African Union also
backs the initiative although it wants to be
involved. Mbeki has stymied
attempts by some AU leaders to challenge his
role.
There is
growing consensus in Zimbabwe, the region, Africa and at the
UN that a
government of national unity is the most viable way out for this
country.
This is what Mbeki has been pushing for despite his failure so far.
Only the
United States and European Union - admittedly the real powers
although their
influence on the issue is limited - seem to be taking a
hardline
position.
Mbeki's critics say his attempt to secure a meeting
between Mugabe and
Tsvangirai was designed to stall international efforts to
isolate Mugabe's
regime. They also claim it was meant to dupe the MDC into
unwittingly giving
Mugabe tacit recognition.
However, this is
not entirely true because Tsvangirai, as it now
transpires, actually asked
Mbeki in a telephone conversation on July 2 for
the meeting which was
confirmed on July 4. It has also now come out
Tsvangirai was also very much
aware the meeting would be at Zimbabwe House.
This effectively scotches the
widely held claim, among others, that he
boycotted the meeting because did
not want to enter the venue fearing he
would legitimise Mugabe.
The meeting was organised by Mbeki after consultations between Zanu PF
and
the two MDC factions on June 30 and July 2. The point is that Tsvangirai
boycotted the meeting not because of all these assumptions but for reasons
best known to himself.
This has tended to cloud issues and lead
to mystifying speculation,
although a clear picture is emerging
again.
Zanu PF and MDC negotiators resumed talks for a possible
government of
national unity in Pretoria yesterday amid fast growing
pressure for a
resolution of Zimbabwe's drawn-out political
impasse.
The resumption of talks in the midst of mounting pressure
and a
worsening economic meltdown is likely to accelerate the search for a
breakthrough which has been hard to pin down.
Informed sources
said Zanu PF and MDC negotiators are discussing
urgent ways of a
power-sharing agreement to end the country's problems. The
talks seem to be
serious now because of the deteriorating situation on the
ground and
exhaustion of battling parties after nearly 10 years of non-stop
political
combat.
The Zanu PF politburo met on Wednesday reportedly to
approve the talks
and discuss looming international sanctions against
Harare. This came a day
after Mugabe's old cabinet met to tackle the same
issues. The MDC factions
have also been holding consultations.
Zanu PF and the MDC negotiators have been talking informally about the
negotiations after the failure of last weekend's meeting organised by Mbeki
between President Mugabe and Tsvangirai.
Mugabe says he would
not talk unless recognised as the legitimate
leader. Tsvangirai has also
threatened the same, creating a potentially
explosive engagement between
Zanu PF and the MDC. However, the gravity of
the crisis and international
pressure is slowly forcing them to soften their
positions.
The
UN deputy Secretary-General Asha-Rose Migiro told the Security
Council in
New York on Tuesday the creation of a government of national
unity enjoys
broad support in the region. The UN secretary-general Ban
Ki-moon strongly
supports the plan and has called for the intensification of
negotiations.
This has put Mbeki, despite widespread criticism
of his role, in a
firm position to push for a resolution of Zimbabwe's
crisis. The irony is
that Mbeki still stands a better chance of finding a
breakthrough to the
deadlock than anybody else regardless of understandable
anger and criticism
of his approach.
Although the power
relations still favour Mugabe in this conflict and
it should not be
surprising that the outcome of the talks would leave him
with larger
material power in the end, he is in a tight spot and with
strategic thinking
Tsvangirai could wring critical concessions and some
substance of power from
his embattled and weakened rival after his
widely-rejected
"victory".
By Dumisani Muleya
Zim Independent
Comment
Friday, 11 July 2008 09:56
THE
government's irrationality on economic issues is intensifying
exponentially,
with cataclysmic consequences.
It is so myopically
oblivious of the realities of Zimbabwe's
catastrophic economic circumstances
that it not only fails abysmally to
address them, but through its
dogmatically paranoid beliefs that all of
Zimbabwe's economic ills are
attributable to the machiavellian machinations
of others, it compounds those
issues unendingly. Moreover, it has such
deep-seated convictions of its
absolute and total omnipotence that it is
determinedly deaf to all
representations targetted at motivating the
critically essential changes to
policies as would reverse the appallingly
deteriorating economic
circumstances which are devastatingly afflicting all
Zimbabweans (other than
the political hierarchy, their families and cronies,
who thrive from the
economic morass that government has created).
The harsh economic
facts are:
*Year-on-Year inflation now exceeds 9 000 000%, with it
rising by
geometric progressions on a daily, or even more rapid, basis.
Current
escalation trends are such that inflation is likely to exceed 100
million%
by September, 2008, being the second highest rate of inflation in
recorded
history. Already, monthly inflation is in the region of 1
000%.
*Actual inflation impacting upon most of the populace is
markedly
greater than indicated by official rates, for virtually all shops
are barren
of almost all essential commodities. If at all available, the
basic
necessities of life can only be sourced in the Black Market, at prices
considerably greater than the notional prices applied in the determination
of the Consumer Price Index (CPI) and therefrom of the Inflation Rates.
Maize meal, flour, bread, sugar, salt, cooking oil, soaps and detergents,
candles, meat, poultry and eggs, and petroleum products, are but a few of
life essentials which, if at all obtainable, are only available within the
Black Market.
*So great is inflation that all Zimbabwean
currency is devoid of any
meaningful substance. Any monetary transactions
are denominated in billions
and trillions, with neither the financial or
commercial sectors able to cope
with the necessary plethora of zeros. The
banks are unable to produce
meaningful statements of accounts, no computer
programmes, desk calculators
and cash registers are operating effectively,
and housewives and other
shoppers are unable meaningfully to quantify prices
and their movements. To
an ever increasing extent, with total disregard for
law, economic
transactions are being (unofficially) denominated in foreign
currencies,
suppliers of goods and services declining to transact unless
payment is
effected in such currencies. Concurrently, because of the rampant
pace of
inflation, ever fewer enterprises are willing to accept payments by
cheque,
or even by interbank transfers, demanding to receive cash before the
value
thereof falls yet further. In the rare instances when cheques are
accepted,
a massive premium is generally demanded over the cash
price.
*The infrastructure is collapsing increasingly, with many
industries
losing 20 or more hours of production each week as a result of
non-availability of electricity, and in some instances exacerbated by
erratic supplies of water. Roads have become pot-holed obstacle courses,
inflicting endless damage to motor vehicles, and telecommunication services
have become unreliable in the extreme, be they land-line or mobile
services.
*The productivity of the manufacturing sector is not only
suffering as
a result of the deteriorating infrastructure, but also due to a
combination
of irregular availability of essential manufacturing inputs,
occasioned
primarily by inadequacies of foreign exchange availability, and
the
immensely rapid decline in worker motivation and morale, with all
employees
endlessly despondent as a result of the horrendous impacts of
inflation, of
fast falling employment security, of constrained domestic
circumstances due
to the economic and political environments, and much
else.
*More than a third of Zimbabwe's population has departed the
country
in desperate endeavours to generate livelihoods to support
themselves and
their families. The magnitude of the "brain drain" is
collapsing all sectors
of the Zimbabwean economy, and of society. Not only
is the gargantuan loss
of skills destroying the operational ability of
industry, mining, tourism,
financial services, commerce, and agriculture,
but it has reduced to the
point of near-total destruction Zimbabwe's health
and education services.
*The aforegoing, and many other, factors
are causing ever-greater
numbers of businesses to discontinue operations or,
at best, to downsize
their operations, thereby intensifying the pronounced
unemployment,
weakening further the economy, and aggravating yet further the
hardships of
the population in general.
To such limited extent
as government is even prepared to recognise
these, and innumerable other
economic ills, it ascribes them to
non-existent, or minimal, international
sanctions and other actions of the
European Union in general, and the United
Kingdom in particular, allegedly
aided and abetted by the USA, and various
Commonwealth countries, and to
conspiratorial interaction with them by the
business sector (which
Government claims is deliberately raising prices in
pursuit of profiteering
and to motivate the populace to enforce a regime
change. Presumably that is
why the State-controlled newspapers last week
increased their prices from
$200 million to $8 billion!).
Concurrently, the Zimbabwean government embarked upon more than a
decade of
profligacy, spending vastly beyond its means, accumulating
ever-greater
levels of debt, which it could not service, whilst vigorously
fuelling
inflation. It progressively reduced the already inadequate autonomy
and
independence of the Central Bank, shifting much of its funding burdens
to it
by forcing it to engage in quasi-fiscal operations.
And, at the
same time it increasingly distanced itself from the
international community,
taking extreme exception to even the most muffled
of criticisms, and
responding with vitriolic, vituperative insults. As a
result, international
funding support progressively declined, and Foreign
Direct Investment (FDI)
became ever less. In the last week government has
done even more to
discourage FDI by its petulant reaction to voices in the
UK calling for
economic sanctions against Zimbabwe, inclusive of investment
barriers.
Government's reaction has been childish outpourings that Britain
is welcome
to withdraw its investments, disregarding that FDI is one of the
prerequisites for Zimbabwean economic recovery.
The harsh fact
is that, as unacceptable as it is to government, it is
almost totally
culpable for Zimbabwe's economic woes, and those woes will
become ever
greater until government is prepared to face up to realities,
climb down
from its high horse of self-edification, be willing to accept
guidance from
others, interact constructively with the world at large, and
restore genuine
democracy and respect for law, justice, and human and
property
rights.
Zim Independent
Comment
Friday, 11 July 2008 09:53
Have you noticed how an
increasing number of columnists in the state
media are based
abroad?
They are obviously not prepared to share the
sacrifices of their
compatriots back home. But Muckraker would be keen to
know if people like
Peter Mavunga and Reason Wafawarova returned home to
vote in the
presidential run-off. We would hate to think these
super-patriots were
hiding in the comfort of their imperialist
refuges!
Mavunga was the subject of an investigation by the Daily
Telegraph
this week. Its article was headed "A Robert Mugabe supporter who
is said to
use a newspaper column to attack Britain and the West is
receiving tens of
thousands of pounds a year of taxpayers'
money."
"The Ministry of Justice said it was investigating the
affair as a
'matter of urgency'," the Telegraph reported.
"Peter Mavunga, 54, allegedly uses his column in the pro-Mugabe Harare
Herald newspaper to attack the Zimbabwean dictator's opponents and rant
against the UK and the West.
"Yet it was reported (on Tuesday)
that Mavunga earns £25 000 from
British taxpayers as a court probation
officer for the Ministry of Justice.
"One UK-based opposition
activist said: 'It's rich that he criticises
the British government yet is
happy to make a living working for them'.
"Anti-Mugabe campaigner
Dumi Tutani, 38, who fled to London in 2001,
added: 'Mavunga is putting down
the country that offered him sanctuary. He
knows he can say what he likes
because this is a democracy. If he's such a
big fan of Mugabe's, why doesn't
he return to Zimbabwe to live?'
"Mavunga is thought to have come to
Britain to study journalism in the
1970s," the Telegraph reported. "In his
column he is said to have claimed
this year's rigged polls - in which
government mobs killed dozens of
opposition workers - were 'held in an
atmosphere of peace and tranquillity'.
"Last week, Mavunga, who
lives in Newham, East London, allegedly
accused one woman of lying about her
torture to win UK asylum.
"In April he reportedly branded
opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai's
MDC 'liars and hypocrites' and added:
'They've become so used to lying that
it's part of their
vocabulary'.
"A spokesman for the Probation Service said: 'These
views have been
expressed in an individual capacity; these are not the views
of London
Probation. We are looking into this as a matter of
urgency'."
Zim can solve its own problems", the Herald reported
Patrick Chinamasa
as saying last weekend. If Britain, the United States and
the European Union
stopped "interfering" in Zimbabwe's affairs, "Zimbabweans
would soon find
solutions to the country's problems"
So why
haven't they done so to date? Has Zimbabwe solved the problem
of inflation?
Has it solved the problem of growing unemployment? Has it
solved the problem
of political violence?
All these problems persist precisely because
we have in office a
government that refuses to solve them. It is not the
British and Americans
who are fuelling inflation by printing money and
squandering resources. It
is not the British and Americans who are making
conditions impossible for
business. And they are certainly not unleashing
retribution against the
opposition because it had the temerity to win an
election in March.
These are all home-made "problems" that can be
squarely laid at the
door of the party Chinamasa represents.
President Mugabe was the president of Zimbabwe because he won the
second
round with a "resounding majority" in an election that was held in
accordance with Zimbabwe's laws, Chinamasa claimed.
Does he
really believe that? What laws permit abduction, assault, and
torture?
Mugabe won the second round because his party embarked
upon a campaign
of systematic violence when it became evident he would
lose.
This is what Botswana's observer team had to
say:
"Under postal voting ZEC informed the observers that in the
March 29
elections 8 000 people had applied for postal voting, but that in
the
presidential run-off elections this number had increased to 64 000. The
observer teams were however not able to observe the postal voting process
because information about it was not forthcoming from ZEC. Even where the
observer teams got information about postal voting taking place they were
denied access to the polling stations by the commanders at the police
stations where most of this postal voting was taking place. When the
observer teams enquired about this with ZEC we were informed that it was
within the discretion of the commanding officers to either grant or refuse
such authority.
"Worth noting however was that the observer
teams received reports
that postal voting took place in the presence, and
under the directions, of
commanding officers who instructed their juniors to
vote for the Zanu-PF
candidate or risk losing their jobs.
"The
team observed that the holding of rallies was a preserve of the
ruling
Zanu-PF, whilst the MDC-T's political rallies were systematically
disrupted
by the Zanu-PF militia and youth.
"For instance, on Sunday June 22,
the team witnessed first hand how a
planned "star rally" organised by Mr
Morgan Tsvangirai was prevented from
taking place by a group of youths
wearing Zanu-PF regalia armed with sticks,
stones and sjamboks. They chased
and indiscriminately beat all the people in
the vicinity of the venue where
the rally was taking place. All this was
done in full view of Sadc
observers. Riot police passively witnessed these
attacks making no attempts
whatsoever to intervene. After completing their
task, these youth retreated
to the Zanu-PF headquarters where they were
treated to food.
"Other incidents of politically motivated violence by the team
included the
following:
"People believed to be associated with the MDC-T party
were subjected
to severe beatings, harassment, torture, killings and general
threats of
violence. The police also appeared not to be enforcing law and
order, and
the Zanu-PF youth and militia mounted illegal road blocks,
forcing people to
attend Zanu-PF rallies and had bases where they tortured
perceived opponents
under the guise of re-educating them. In contrast
Zanu-PF supporters
received the full protection of the police as their
rallies were never
disrupted nor did they report any incidents of harassment
to the observer
teams."
Because of this blatant breach of
the Sadc electoral principles and
Zimbabwe's own laws, the international
community has drawn a line in the
sand and will now tighten
sanctions.
That is a disaster for Zimbabwe. But it is one that has
been invited
by lawless behaviour.
As for the role of the
British and Americans, the MDC is entitled to
cultivate friendships with
those countries that will provide investment and
the means of recovery once
a settlement is agreed.
Zanu PF has China and Cuba. Why can't the
MDC befriend Britain, the US
and EU states? Every other African country
understands the benefits of good
relations with the EU under the Cotonou
convention.
And let's not forget those African countries who have
refused to
swallow Mugabe's claims to legitimacy. Botswana, Zambia, Kenya,
Nigeria,
Sierra Leone, Senegal and Liberia have agreed with Sadc observers
that the
June election was not free and fair.
Mugabe used to
celebrate how Africa invariably lined up behind
Zimbabwe in confronting the
US and EU. Now all he can do is hurl insults at
the growing number of
African states who have "betrayed" him. Appeals to
revolutionary solidarity
have fallen on deaf ears.
We are informed that in the AU closed
session Mugabe's attempts to
point to the beam in the eye of his accusers
made no impression on African
leaders. Africa is being discredited by a
stolen election, he was told.
Botswana's vice-president made a significant
intervention pointing out
Zimbabwe's electoral shortcomings.
Relieved that African leaders didn't put their straight-talking into a
resolution, Mugabe returned to a "heroic" welcome from a crowd rounded up in
Mbare and driven to the airport on Saturday morning.
But, as a
Zanu PF advert nicely put it, "the writing is on the wall".
Evidently, the party's publicity department doesn't understand that
usage.
But we do. The writing is indeed on the wall.
Many people will
have been unimpressed with Arthur Mutambara's
accommodating grin when
greeting Mugabe, carried on the front page of the
Sunday Mail. How many MDC
supporters have been killed? How many seriously
injured? How many people
have lost their homes?
Come on Arthur. We want to see a principled
stand if you must talk.
And that doesn't include beaming from ear to ear.
Has anybody noticed, by
the way, that all those meeting at Zimbabwe House
last Saturday were March
29 losers: Arthur Mutambara went down to defeat in
Zengeza West; Priscillah
Misihairabwi Mushonga was a notable casualty in
Glen Norah; so was Welshman
Ncube in Makokoba; Patrick Chinamasa lost his
bid for a seat in Makoni; and
most notably President Mugabe was defeated by
Morgan Tsvangirai in the first
round.
Perhaps we should mention
Thabo Mbeki's defeat in Polokwane a few
months earlier.
The odd
man out - Nicholas Goche who kept his seat.
Which brings us to
the role of the press in covering talks between the
parties, assuming they
get off the ground. We cannot have a situation in
which Zanu PF ministers
use the state media to attack the very people they
are negotiating with.
Some of those ministers have an axe to grind because
they lost their seats
to the MDC and are now bitter.
The public media needs to be
reminded of its duty to serve the public
by professional and non-partisan
reporting. That means providing space for
other voices. And let's see an end
to the dishonest nonsense about sanctions
being responsible for Zimbabwe's
problems.
So long as Zanu PF continues to misrule this country
there will be
sanctions imposed upon it. That is the sad reality. Killing
and maiming
political opponents is not acceptable to the rest of the world.
It is Zanu
PF that must lift sanctions by putting an end to the violence and
toxic
business climate. The MDC cannot do that for them.
The Sunday Mail published a cartoon last weekend depicting Raila
Odinga
brandishing a bow and arrow, claiming "1 500 die in post-election
violence".
His arrow was dripping with blood.
The only problem with this is
that Odinga was not prime minister or
indeed in any other position of
responsibility when the Kenya violence took
place in January. Why don't we
ever see a Sunday Mail cartoon telling us who
was prime minister of Zimbabwe
when over 20 000 people lost their lives in
the 1980s? That might put things
in perspective.
Readers may be interested in recent remarks by
Zambian Information
Minister Mike Mulongoti who said last weekend that
Mugabe risks going down
in history as a leader who refused to give up power
and oppressed his
people.
In an interview with AFP TV,
Mulongoti first paid tribute to Mugabe
for "standing up against colonialism"
and winning Independence for the
former Rhodesia in 1980. "But now you
cannot transplant colonialism for
oppression," he said. "If you oppress
people, what's the difference between
you and the colonialists? So, I do not
know whether - when we write history
books - he shall go down in the history
books as our hero or we should begin
to cast doubt as to whether the
services he's supposed to have rendered he
took away himself by overstaying
and doing certain things that were
unacceptable in a civilised
world."
Those "certain things" received some exposure last
Thursday when
Matabeleland North governor Sithokozile Mathuthu addressed a
meeting of
Joint Operations Command members and civil servants in
Lupane.
"We are very happy," she said. "For most of us the campaign
was very
personal because we were not campaigning for Cde Mugabe but for our
father.
As you know you can kill for your father, but I'm glad that we
campaigned
peacefully and not a single soul lost his or her life in
Matabeleland
North." So that's OK then.
Muckraker was
intrigued to note from the Sunday News that you can be
arrested and
prosecuted for saying President Mugabe is old and should step
down from
power.
A headmaster from Tsholotsho, Hlozamandla Moyo, expressed
this view
while travelling on a bus. He was unaware that a security agent
was sitting
behind him.
He was subsequently arrested and
charged under the Criminal Law
(Codification and Reform) Act with
undermining the authority and office of
the president.
Public
Prosecutor Fritz Madida said Moyo was alleged to have
said that
President Mugabe was "now old and medieval in outlook and
should step down
from power".
Moyo is also alleged to have said the president was "a
central striker
in the destruction of the Zimbabwe economy because of his
policies". Moyo
claimed Mugabe was using people's shops as an electoral
gimmick.
This case should be followed with interest by human rights
lawyers to
test exactly what you can or can't say about a candidate in a
presidential
election campaign.
And by the way, are state
newspapers not pursuing a regime-change
agenda when they increase their
cover price from $200 million to $8 billion?
Zim Independent
Comment
Friday, 11 July 2008 09:46
WHAT
should be the cost of a newspaper? US$2? A penny? The same as a
cup of
coffee? Others believe different amounts for different
people.
All answers are applicable today depending on the
cost structure at
play; at least in normal economies where it is still
possible to predict
what tomorrow holds.
Forces at play in
Zimbabwe over the past five years have however been
such that pricing models
for newspapers have gone out of kilter with
generally accepted international
norms mainly premised on affordability.
There is a strong case for
concluding that newspapers in Zimbabwe have
become very expensive both in
real terms and in hard currency terms.
Last week the cover price of
the Zimbabwe Independent went up to $70
billion and the reaction from the
readership was predictable. A regular
reader confronted me with facts and
figures on Saturday.
He said the Independent now cost R20 or
US$2,50 at the parallel rate
conversion! He pointed out that the Star in
South Africa cost R4,50, the
Mail & Guardian R16,50 and the Sunday Times
R12,50. I can as well add that
the Washington Post cost US50c and USAToday
US75c.
The situation obtaining in the pricing of our newspapers
resonates
throughout the economy. There are fundamental problems in this
economy which
have worsened since the last election. Prices of goods and
services have
gone up; not just in sync with the Zimbabwe dollar's daily
rollercoaster
drop but in real terms.
The problems in the
newspaper sector are dire and worsening by the
day. Advertisers and readers
have no doubt been concerned at the movements
in the cover prices and
advertising rates of our newspapers. The Zimbabwe
Independent does not own a
printing press where we can control the costs of
production . All our
printing is subcontracted to commercial printers who
charge for this
service.
It is the movement of printing charges which has been the
major driver
of the steep rise of the cover price. The printing charge as at
the end of
May was $454 billion to print one section (eight pages). At the
end of the
first week of July this charge had risen to $61,5 trillion, an
increase of
13 426%.
The high printing costs are despite the
fact that we supply the
printer with consumables like plates and film which
are all imported.
Comparatively, in the same period the cover price went up
from $800 000 to
$70 billion. This has necessitated a weekly increase in
cover prices and
advertising rates in order to cover these escalations in
printing costs.
Similarly most of our newsprint is imported and we
pay huge amounts in
customs duty that is calculated at the inter bank rate.
In a period of just
six weeks between May 27 and July 8 the inter bank rate
moved by 3 128%.
However, over the same period both the Old Mutual implied
rate and the
parallel rate in which goods and services are priced in the
country have
moved more than five times this rate. Huge increases in costs
of printing
plates, fuel and other consumables have further compounded the
problem.
These movements in prices are having a devastating impact
on the
viability of our publications as the cost of producing a newspaper
literally
doubles each week. However, we are often unable to increase our
cover prices
and advertising rates immediately in response to this. In the
case of
magazines and supplements this is further worsened by the time lag
between
the sale of advertising space and actual production that at times
runs into
months. A case in point is the Quoted Companies Survey Magazine,
where
selling for adverts was completed in May for the launch in June, which
has
had to be postponed due to the election run-off. Meanwhile the cost of
printing the magazine continues to escalate exponentially.
But
there is no hiding the fact that the newspaper industry in
Zimbabwe is at
the mercy of exogenous factors which have raised the premium
on information
to become a luxury commodity. This is a worrying phenomenon
in a world
environment where newspapers are under pressure from free sheets
and the
internet. Publishers and editors today believe readers should not
pay more
for news. In fact others are throwing freebies at readers in the
form of
free sheet and online news.
Two years ago - Rupert Murdoch, who
instigated the price battles of
the 1990s by slashing The Times to 10p -
introduced a new free newspaper
thelondonpaper, while Associated Newspapers
responded with its free version
of the Evening Standard - London Lite.
London commuters suddenly found
themselves with two free papers thrust at
them on their way home, all
without putting their hand in their
pocket.
This was the culmination of a media price war which Murdoch
made and
subsequently ended. The introduction of free sheets could be a
brilliant
marketing ploy in the cutthroat competition of the UK market but
definitely
a suicide note for the local industry where the price of inputs
has
conspired to make news expensive.
Mugabe Wants GNU For Selfish Reasons
Letters
Friday, 11 July
2008 10:35
THIS government of national unity (GNU) is a charade that
anyone with
common sense should be able to see through.
Mugabe is seeking to use the GNU to achieve legitimacy which he failed
to
get through the sham poll. A GNU is not about a few cabinet posts for the
opposition. It has to do with government objectives and strategies on how to
achieve those objectives.
There is no indication whatsoever
that Mugabe has the economy in mind.
There is no doubt that the welfare of
the Zimbabwean people is of little
concern to Mugabe.
All he is
interested in is gaining legitimacy and ensuring that he
will not be
court-martialled for crimes against humanity. These are the
priorities for
Mugabe. Let no one be fooled.
The whole concept of a GNU with Zanu
PF is not feasible.
Farai D Majuru,
fmu@cde.int
------------
MDC
Should Unite Before Negotiating
Letters
Friday, 11 July 2008
10:34
FOR any progress to be made in Zimbabwe, the MDC factions should
unite
and speak with one voice. Mugabe will use the divide and rule game. It
has
served him well in the past.
Carrots will be dangled
before the Mutambara faction leaders who will
then be absorbed and
paralysed. Diversity in all respects is good as it
ensures
progress.
Homogeneity is dangerous. But at this time entering the
negotiations
as a divided front for the opposition is not
helpful.
The Mutambara faction should be behind Morgan Tsvangirai.
They should
refuse to recognise Mugabe as president after his "sham"
election and join
Tsvangirai in negotiations to ensure restoration of
democracy.
Every capable Zimbabwean will have an opportunity to
lead under free
and fair conditions.
Augustine Wafuka,
awafuka@gmail.com
-------------
Come To Kenya And Get The Truth
Letters
Friday, 11 July 2008
10:33
I HAVE been an ardent reader of your Candid Comment column over
the
last year and a half. It really has some candid comments on a host of
topics.
I refer to last week's Candid Comment (Zimbabwe
Independent, July
4-10) headlined "Bloody idiots and a good Bongoman"'
However, with respect
to what used to be the "White Highlands" in Kenya
(equivalent to the Eastern
Highlands of Zimbabwe but almost "doubly"
beautiful), you were guilty of
vertical exaggeration if not irresponsibly
dishonest.
The white "Bwana" of yore is a relic of the days before
1978. The poor
Kenyans you saw butchered in the political thuggery of early
this year were
beneficiaries of small plots on what used to be the white
farms. In Kenya
the white man was not given a 20-year moratorium after
Independence.
Kenyans had a very clear view of what they wanted and
it was land. If
you seriously want to be helpful to Zimbabweans on the issue
of land, you
should travel around Kenya's highlands for a week - and then
write a
masterpiece. I believe Zimbabwe's newly settled small-scale farmers
would
thank you for it.
As for Mwai Kibaki, please remember the
man has been elected to the
Kenyan parliament successively ever since 1963.
He left a teaching job
(Economics) at Makerere University, Uganda in 1962 to
become the National
Executive Officer of the Kenya African National Union
(Kanu), and won his
seat in the 1963 Independence elections.
He
served in the Jomo Kenyatta administration as assistant Finance
minister and
later Finance minister for 15 years. He was Vice-President of
Kenya under
President Moi for 10 years. That is not exactly what one could
seriously
"sell" as a "foreign creation".
That is not to say that I condone
the post-election violence that
ensued.
I do not think that in
this day and age you can condemn all Siamese
twins the way you seem to
think. Thanks to science, several have been saved
and I hope many more will
survive in the future.
If you care so much about the truth, please
publish this rejoinder.
Givemore Tendai,
By
e-mail.
-------------
We Are Now Waiting For The Promised
'Good Things'
Letters
Friday, 11 July 2008 10:31
THERE is no doubt now that the situation in Zimbabwe is no longer
tenable.
Even the so-called resilience attributed to
the people of Zimbabwe is
fast wearing thin. What with transport costing
close to $60 billion to and
from the city per day, beef at $600 billion per
kg, a pint of beer at $75
billion, two litres of cooking oil at $200 billion
. . . the list is
endless.
What I would like to state is yes
there was a run-off presidential
election last month, albeit a one- man
race. Yes President Mugabe was
"re-elected" for a further five year term and
duly sworn in hours after the
result annoncement.
It is highly
likely that a new cabinet will shortly be announced.
Given the above
scenario where prices of every conceivable thing is
sky-rocketing beyond the
reach of almost all Zimbabweans, what plan is there
to arrest this monstrous
stagflation? We are being asked to believe that all
good things are
possible. Yes, but when are they going to be possible?
Is it really
possible to empower 100% a starving man? In the last
run-off Zanu PF used
every trick in and out of the book to get re-elected.
Their candidate was
"duly elected". So now why the stampede to get MDC-T
into nter-party talks?
I thought they had ready solutions to our economic
mess.
Masawi Munyanyi,
Greendale, Harare.
FROM THE
Archbishop of
The Archbishop
Chipo Chaya
Luka Phiri Crossing
to
Archbishop with Vigil Supporters Kate
Hoey
On way to present petition
Vigil members
took a leading role today in a service at Parliament’s own parish church, St
Margaret’s, next to Westminster Abbey, addressed by the Archbishop of York, Dr
John Sentamu. The occasion was a service
of prayer for the people of
The Archbishop
said he hoped the international community would wake up to what was happening in
The church was full to capacity for the service and the congregation
afterwards gathered in Parliament Square where they heard Kate Hoey, Chair of
the All-Party Parliamentary Committee on Zimbabwe, say she hoped they would soon
be back in St. Margaret’s to celebrate change in Zimbabwe. About a thousand
Zimbabweans and supporters then formed a procession to deliver a petition to the
British Government calling for the right to work.
Vigil
co-ordinators
The Vigil, outside the
Zimbabwe Embassy, 429