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HARARE (AFP) - The leadership of Zimbabwe's opposition Movement for
Democratic Change is meeting to discuss whether to enter fully-fledged talks
with President Robert Mugabe's ZANU-PF, party sources said
Tuesday.
A special negotiations task force was locked in a meeting
with the party's
top brass, including its leader Morgan Tsvangirai, a day
after MDC
representatives met their ZANU-PF counterparts in Harare to
discuss a
framework agreement to allow the start of substantive
negotiations, the
sources said.
"The standing council is meeting for
its regular briefing and obviously the
MOU (memorandum of understanding)
will be high on the agenda," said one
source.
Negotiators from the
rival political parties met in Pretoria last week under
the mediation of
South Africa to cut a deal on how to proceed with talks on
the Zimbabwean
political crisis.
While South African media has suggested the
fully-fledged talks could begin
in Harare as early as Thursday, Tsvangirai
has said such a timetable is
unrealistic.
"We will not sign until the
conditions are met," he told The Star newspaper
in Johannesburg. "And
Wednesday is too early."
The MDC has laid down a series of conditions
before it enters the talks,
including a complete cessation of violence and
the release of hundreds of
its supporters who are in prison.
Another
opposition source said there was pressure from the South African
mediators
to sign the MOU and start the substantive talks before Jean Ping,
the head
of the African Union Commission, visits Pretoria later this week.
A
recent AU summit in Egypt ended with a call for dialogue between political
parties in Zimbabwe and a national unity government.
There have also
been calls for the appointment of another mediator to
bolster efforts by
South African President Thabo Mbeki who has come under
heavy criticism over
his refusal to publicly criticise Mugabe.
The crisis in Zimbabwe
intensified after the 84-year-old Mugabe defied
international criticism and
pushed ahead with a one-man run-off election
late last month that handed him
a sixth term.
Tsvangirai pulled out of the vote five days to the poll,
citing rising
violence against his supporters that left dozens dead and
thousands injured.
The opposition leader finished ahead of Mugabe in the
March 29 first round
of the election, but officially fell just short of an
outright majority.
IOL
July
15 2008 at 10:18AM
By Fiona Forde and Peta Thornycroft
Zimbabwe's rival parties were locked in talks in Harare on Monday
night,
putting the finishing touches to a draft document intended to pave
the way
for power-sharing negotiations to begin later this week.
Even in
its draft form, however, the so-called memo of understanding
is already
dividing the three parties it aims to unite.
Scheduled to be signed
on Wednesday, the document was to lay the
ground rules for a two-week round
of intensive negotiations during which
Zanu-PF and both factions of the
Movement for Democratic Change would
discuss the formation of an inclusive
government to put an end to the
crisis.
However, Morgan
Tsvangirai's wing of the MDC insist they won't sign
the draft until their
demands are met. They are calling for the appointment
of an African Union
envoy to the Southern African Development Community-led
talks, the release
of all political prisoners, cessation of violence and
disbandment of all
militias before they join the negotiating table.
With just 24 hours
to go until the scheduled signing ceremony,
Tsvangirai suggested time was
not on the negotiators' side.
"We will not sign until the
conditions are met," he said on Monday
night.
"And Wednesday is
too early" to get those conditions in place, he
added.
Even if
the MDC conditions are met, the MDC's chief negotiator, Tendai
Biti,
believes "Zanu-PF will not budge on real issues of governance".
However, a member of President Robert Mugabe's party, who spoke on
condition
of anonymity, suggested otherwise. He said finding a solution was
in
everybody's interest.
What Zanu-PF is likely to do next if the MDC
refuses to sign the memo
of understanding is unclear.
Under
Zimbabwe's constitution, the new parliament should be convened
on Thursday,
when a new cabinet should also be appointed.
However, if the MDC
refuses to agree to talks on Wednesday, Mugabe
could well constitute a
cabinet of his own picking a day later - something
the other parties would
hope to avoid.
This article was originally published on page 1 of
The Star on July
15, 2008
IOL
July 15 2008 at 12:20PM
South African President Thabo Mbeki and the
African Union's top
diplomat will meet on Friday to discuss the political
crisis in Zimbabwe.
Officials from Zimbabwe's ruling Zanu-PF and
the opposition Movement
for Democratic Change met last week for the first
time since President
Robert Mugabe's June 27 re-election, which was
boycotted by the opposition
and condemned by the West.
South
Africa's government is mediating the talks in Pretoria.
"The
president called the meeting in order to brief (Jean) Ping on
developments
in the Zimbabwe facilitation process," Mbeki's spokesperson
Mukoni
Ratshitanga said. Ping is the most senior permanent AU official.
The MDC has downplayed the importance of talks with the Zanu-PF and
demanded
that Mugabe's government halt violence against opposition
supporters and
recognise MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai's victory in a March
poll.
Tsvangirai won a March 29 election but failed to win the
absolute
majority required to avoid a second ballot.
The MDC
leader withdrew from the run-off citing a wave of attacks by
pro-Mugabe
militia.
The MDC said 113 of its activists have been killed in
election-related
violence.
Mugabe, in power since independence
from Britain in 1980, has blamed
the opposition for the
bloodshed.
The AU has urged both sides to negotiate a power-sharing
deal that
would pave the way for a unity government, which is seen by many
African
leaders as the only way to avert further violence and total economic
collapse in Zimbabwe.
The once prosperous African nation has
the world's highest inflation
rate, estimated to be at least two million
percent, and unemployment hovers
around 80 percent.
Millions of
its people have fled abroad in search of food and work.
Tsvangirai
has come under African pressure to enter into full-blown
negotiations with
Mugabe, who has branded the MDC puppets of the West and
vowed to never let
them take power.
Mugabe, 84, says the opposition must recognise his
landslide victory
in the election last month. - Reuters
This
article was originally published on page 2 of Daily News on July
15,
2008
Forbes
Marian L. Tupy 04.10.08, 6:00 AM
ET
Close to two weeks after the ballots were cast in Zimbabwe's pivotal
elections, two points appear to be clear. First, the opposition won. Second,
the Mugabe regime has no intention of relinquishing power.
Blatant
disregard for democracy that flies in the face of numerous
pan-African and
regional conventions would, in an ideal world, spur African
leaders into
action. They are, alas, silent and so free nations are once
again forced to
turn to South Africa, the regional superpower, urging it to
do "something."
Unfortunately, South Africa's President Thabo Mbeki has not
only tolerated
the Zimbabwean regime. He has actively helped Mugabe to
maintain his grip on
power.
Speaking in London over the weekend, Mbeki said, "I must say that
we have
been very pleased with the manner in which the elections have gone.
For the
first time, the opposition parties had access to everywhere in the
country,
including the urban areas."
Of course, implicit in the
admission that the victorious opposition Movement
for Democratic Change
(MDC) was allowed to campaign throughout the country
"for the first time,"
is Mbeki's acknowledgment that the MDC was not allowed
to campaign freely on
previous occasions. That begs a question: If the MDC
was not allowed to
campaign freely previously, why did Mbeki's election
observers proclaim
previous elections in Zimbabwe as free and fair?
In the past, Mbeki was
criticized for not doing enough with regard to the
deteriorating economic
and political situation in Zimbabwe. That puzzled
those who feared the
negative consequences of Zimbabwe's collapse on the
regional economy in
general and South African economy in particular. Mbeki
claimed that his
"quiet diplomacy" would prevent Zimbabwe from descending
into chaos. Today,
chaos in Zimbabwe is, if anything, more likely. But Mbeki
has not only
tolerated Mugabe's dictatorship. He has actively promoted it.
For
example, Mbeki has attempted to legitimize the Zimbabwean regime
internationally. It was on Mbeki's watch, after all, that the Mugabe regime
stole the 2000 and 2005 parliamentary poll and the 2002 presidential poll.
In all three cases, the Zimbabwean government's handling of the elections
was excoriated by the international community--except the Southern African
Development Community dominated by South Africa. Similarly, Mbeki's envoy to
the U.N. Security Council sidelined a debate on Mugabe's human rights
abuses.
Moreover, far from pulling the proverbial plug on Mugabe,
South Africa
continues to sell electricity to Zimbabwe at a price that is
36% lower than
the price that the state-run ESKOM charges South African
consumers. In fact,
according to South African press reports, South Africa
increased its
electricity supplies to Zimbabwe earlier this year--just as
South Africa was
being plunged into darkness by economically devastating
power shortages.
When, in 2003, President George W. Bush chose Mbeki as
his "point-man" on
Zimbabwe, he could not have chosen a worse individual for
the job. As Mark
Gevisser, author of Thabo Mbeki's biography The Dream
Deferred, notes,
"Because of the history of their relationship ... [Mugabe
is] not just a
father but a father whom he [Mbeki] sees some allegiance to
... Mbeki is
unable to bring enough pressure to bear on Mugabe to force him
to some sort
of resolution. The opposition [MDC] doesn't have any trust in
him and the
[Zimbabwean] government doesn't fear him enough to listen to his
hard
words."
As his presidency enters its last year, it is useful to
contrast Mbeki's
performance with that of his predecessor. After 27 years in
jail, Mandela
emerged as a man of forgiveness and compassion, and set about
to forge a
nation in which his former jailors had an important role to play.
Mbeki
never overcame his past and never grew in his post. His views remain
that of
a Soviet-schooled Marxist ideologue who sees the world in black and
white.
That world is split into the oppressor and the oppressed--the West
and the
rest. Obsessed with race and colonialism, Mbeki ignored the HIV/AIDS
pandemic in South Africa at the cost of millions of lives of his countrymen.
To him, orthodox science "portrayed black people ... [as] victims of a slave
mentality." Rejection of the HIV/AIDS orthodoxy was necessary in order to
confront "centuries-old white racist beliefs and concepts about
Africans."
Similarly, Mbeki refused to confront Mugabe as long as the
latter man
skillfully couched his devastating economic policies in terms of
his fight
against British plots and other delusions.
Zimbabwe's
future hangs in the balance. Few people dare to predict the
outcome of this
latest crisis and few doubt that the potential for violence
is very high. If
a peaceful transfer of power somehow comes about, it will
not be because of
South Africa's Mbeki, but in spite of him.
Marian L. Tupy is a policy
analyst at the Cato Institute's Center for Global
Liberty and Prosperity,
which has followed events in Zimbabwe closely.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Tuesday, 15 July 2008
13:22
By Staff Reporter
LUPANE - War veterans and other
ZANU (PF) supporters here have
launched a crackdown on children whose
parents they suspect to be supporters
of Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC), whom they are forcing out of
government schools.
According to villagers from Lupane, a vast rural district in
Matabeleland
North, the crackdown began at the beginning of this month.
"The war
vets say that our children cannot be allowed to attend ZANU
(PF) schools
because their parents are sellouts. They tell us that we should
build our
own MDC schools that we should send our children to," said
Mloyiswa Nyoni of
Mathambo area, whose three children doing Grades seven,
five and two were
chased away from Mathambo primary school by the former
freedom fighters, who
have caused a lot of harm while pushing Robert
Mugabe's bid to cling on to
power since 2000.
Teachers at nearby schools also confirmed the
crackdown and said that
they could not do anything against the war veterans,
who they say, have
always threatened to turn on them anytime they are
prevented from punishing
the MDC.
"Last week a parent came here
to complain to us, after his children
had been sent back home, despite him
having no fees arrears. While we were
still explaining to him, a group of
about five war veterans stormed the
headmaster's office and sent the man
packing with sticks. They accused him
of trying to run the school yet his
party had nothing to do with it," said a
teacher at Siziphile primary school
in the same district.
The war veterans are said to have vowed that
they will not rest until
all children whose parents are MDC supporters stop
attending school.At some
of the schools, they are alleged to have even
threatened to deal with
teachers for allowing those children they would have
chased to return.
"We have no choice but to follow their orders
because they are a law
unto themselves and the education ministry is doing
nothing about that
despite us having reported the matter to them," said a
headmaster at one of
the schools.
Education officials in the
province said that their hands were also
tied on the matter."They claim that
they are carrying out orders from the
ZANU (PF) officials and who are we to
challenge that. This is no longer an
issue of working for one's family, but
keeping one's life as well. You know
what these people can do and teachers
are always on the firing line on this
issue," said an official.
However, ZANU (PF) denies any knowledge of the intimidation.
"We
know nothing about that. Why do those people report to you instead
of the
police if such things are happening?" fumed party national chairman,
John
Nkomo.
The Times, SA
Sapa Published:Jul
15,
2008
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Approaching
the International Criminal Court (ICC) for assistance in the
Zimbabwean
crisis is the way to resolve the climate of violence in the
country, a civil
rights group said today.
"No doubt, it is the only way to go," said
spokesman for the Zimbabwean
Exiles Forum Gabriel Shumba, after a round
table discussion in Pretoria on
the situation in Zimbabwe.
a..
He
said he believed this was the only way to stop the violence that had
taken
place since the presidential election in March.
Zimbabwe Lawyers for
Human Rights spokesman Otto Saki said he was also
concerned about the
violence and he called for those in power to stop it
from
happening.
He voiced concern that the public knew very little about
the mediation
process.
Meanwhile director for the Southern
African Litigation Centre, Nicole Fritz
said she was confident that she
would receive a response from the National
Prosecuting Authority following a
dossier handed to it requesting that
several Zimbabwean nationals be
prosecuted for cases relating to torture.
http://cnews.canoe.ca
July
15, 2008
By THE ASSOCIATED
PRESS
JOHANNESBURG, South Africa - Zimbabwe's
opposition says 14 of its
members have been freed after being cleared of
charges of committing
political violence.
The Movement for
Democratic Change says the activists were acquitted
Monday after the state
failed to produce its key witness - a police officer
who died early that
day.
The party says more than 1,000 activists and officials are in
police
custody on "trumped up" charges of political violence.
The party insists on their release as a condition for negotiations
between
the opposition and the government to resolve the economic and
political
crisis in Zimbabwe.
Reuters
Tue 15 Jul 2008,
13:47 GMT
By Sue Pleming
WASHINGTON, July 15 (Reuters) - U.S.
Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice
told African nations on Tuesday they
must do more to make Zimbabwean
President Robert Mugabe accountable for his
actions, saying the political
and economic crisis there was "Africa's
challenge."
Addressing African leaders at a conference in Washington
aimed at boosting
trade with the continent, Rice referred to the
"heartbreaking plight" of the
Zimbabwean people due to Mugabe's actions and
his disputed re-election last
month.
"In the Mugabe regime we see the
page of history that Africa must turn. A
leader for independence which
inherited a nation full of promise, but which
has devolved into a tyranny
that values nothing but power," she said of
Mugabe.
Mugabe won a
landslide victory last month in a vote that was ultimately
boycotted by
opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai and denounced by Western
nations.
Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change says pro-Mugabe militia
have
killed at least 113 of its supporters in a systematic campaign of
violence.
The 84-year-old Zimbabwean leader, in power since the 1970s
after the end of
British rule, blames the opposition for the
bloodshed.
The United States has made clear African neighbors such as
South Africa
should take the lead in putting pressure on Mugabe, and Rice
repeated this
appeal in her address to the forum, bringing together
sub-Saharan African
countries that have a trade arrangement with Washington,
including South
Africa.
"It is hard to imagine how Africa will ever
reach its full potential until
all of its leaders are accountable too and
respectful of the will of its
people," Rice said.
"Southern Africa
will face perennial instability until the peaceful
aspirations of all
Zimbabweans are respected and reflected in their
government. This is
Africa's challenge and Africa must succeed," she added.
South Africa and
other African Union members are pressing Mugabe and
Tsvangirai to accept a
power-sharing deal. African leaders see a unity
government as the way to
avert a spread of violence and total economic
collapse in Zimbabwe, which
has the world's highest inflation rate and
chronic food and fuel
shortages.
U.S. and British attempts to further isolate Mugabe failed in
the U.N.
Security Council last Friday when a resolution to impose sanctions
against
Zimbabwe was torpedoed after Russia and China vetoed the
move.
The proposed sanctions would have imposed an arms embargo on
Zimbabwe as
well as financial and travel restrictions on Mugabe and 13 other
officials.
The U.S. State Department said on Monday it was consulting
with allies such
as Britain to come up with new ideas to put pressure on
Mugabe and said
nations such as China and Russia were on the "wrong side of
history" by
vetoing the U.N. action. (Reporting by Sue Pleming, editing by
Philip
Barbara)
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Tuesday, 15 July 2008 11:45
Terror continues in Manicaland
Robert Mugabe's bloodthirsty regime is continuing brutalizing the
defenseless, poor and hungry people of Zimbabwe in rural Manicaland amid
reports of more abductions, torture and displacement of MDC supporters from
their homes.
Jefter Mangezi (50) from Chimombe Vilage,Chief
Nenyashanu in Buhera
South was abducted and severely assaulted and tortured
on 29/06/08 two days
after Mugabe claimed to have won the one man historical
election. Mangezi
said that Mugabe's brutal ruffians led by Charles Mukanwa
forced the whole
village to go and attend a 'victory meeting' at Pamuuyu
torture base at
around 9:00hrs on 29/06/08.It was at this meeting that they
were beaten up
severely one after the other for allowing "Mugabe to lose the
March
elections". Mangezi said, "We were all force marched to Pamuuyu base
where
after individual interrogation, we were made to lie down and beaten up
on
the buttocks. Our crime was allowing Tsvangirai to win the March
elections."
Mangezi and other defenseless villagers were
beaten throughout the
day and made to pay a goat,four chickens and a tin of
mealie-meal each as a
form of punishment and a sign of repentance, showing
that they have joined
ZANU PF. Pamuuyu Torture Base was established after
the March 29 elections
and is being used as a place where kidnapped MDC
supporters are tortured and
assaulted.The so called "base" ,is an open place
without any tent or form of
protecton especially in the current winter
season and is a few meters away
from Mutiusinazita Police Station where
police officers observe the brutal
on goings and fail to take any action to
protect unarmed and defenseless
civilians. Mangezi was detained at the base
for two weeks and in between the
torture and assault sessions both abducted
men and women were forced to sing
Zanu PF songs sung during the Liberation
Struggle (Rhodesian bush war) and
chant ZANU PF slogans throughout the night
and on a daily basis. They where
also forced to beat up fellow kidnapped
MDC supporters and accompanied the
militias to their daily terror
expeditions. "I was only fortunate to be
released on 12/07/08 because my
arm had been broken during one of the
torture sessions, "said
Mangezi.
Part of the Zanu PF thugs manning Pamuuyu torture base are
Wilson
Mangezi,Newton Mupamhadzi,Abias Mabvira,Taape Tutsirai,Amos
Madziturira and
Dhanda Mupamhadzi.
In a related incident Steven
Mavhiza (26) and Eliot Muradzikwa (31)
all from Ngoma Village, Chief Marange
in Bazel Bridge were abducted on
07/07/08 from their hiding place in Runyani
mountain by militias and war
vets led by Howard Chadambuka. Mavhiza said
they were force marched to
Dhongire Torture Base where they were severely
beaten on allegations that
they had made senior citizens / villagers in the
area vote for MDC during
the March 29 election. "They tortured and assaulted
us for more than four
hours and forced us to chant Zanu PF slogans," said
Mavhiza. The
perpetrators included Dereck Mupikata , Martin Karumbidza and
Charles
Katumbe.
Other torture bases established in Manicaland
after March 29 are
Samaringa ,Ishe Chidavanika and the one at Oppah
Muchinguri's home (Zanu PF
Minister of Women Affairs, Gender and Community
Development). These bases
are being led by Colonel Masamvu, a serving
soldier in the Zimbabwe National
Army .In Makoni south Chakuma ,Chitenderano
and Nzvimbe Torture Bases are
being led by losing Mp Shadreck Chipanga and
Nathaniel Mhiripiri and in
Buhera Mutiusinazita,Nutero,Bhegedhe and
Baravara Torture Basesare being
led by Joseph Chinotimba, a notorious
militant Zanu PF cadre and Colonel
Muzilikazi Masvingo Province Situation
Report (14th of July 2008) .
Zaka East Constituency
Militia still very active and taking cattle and goats from MDC
supporters to
feed their camps, this is making life impossible for the MDC
supporters who
have already been forced to proclaim their allegiance to the
ZANU PF party.
Many have been beaten since the farce elections held on the
27th June, and
they have not been able to get maize meal when it was
distributed in the
area, these people are now broke and have very little
livestock to slaughter
for food or sale.
Proverbs Ngirivana who's brother Jacob was shot
in a execution style
killing just after the March election, has had his
property raided again
loosing most of what was left of his belongings, from
the last time the
Militia with army personal burnt his store
down.
Chiredzi Constituencies
ZANU PF officials backed by
Militia are threatening and beating MDC
officials and supporters who have
laid charges against them for the
atrocities committed during and after the
March / June elections, they are
forcing the MDC officials and supporters to
withdraw these charges. These
areas are affected much the same as the ZAKA
areas, regarding the stealing
of stock and the food
distribution.
15th July 2008
Bikita
Constituencies
ZANU PF officials are traveling around Bikita telling
the people that
there will be another Parliamentary Election in August,
because the
elections of the 29th of March has not been recognized by the
ZANU PF
Government.The children are back at school but there are no
teachers,
because most of them voted for the MDC party and are afraid of
returning,
many have been dismissed also for backing the opposition
party.
Maize meal in these areas has become unobtainable and the poor
who
cannot afford to travel to Masvingo some 100km to the west are suffering
badly.
It seems that the majority of the people who won the
March 29
elections have lost out badly; they were beaten and many were
killed,
hundreds still missing and they are still getting
persecuted.
(CNN) -- It was a frigid June night at Pickstone Mine in Zimbabwe when 67-year-old Angela Campbell -- soaking wet, her arm broken and a gun to her head -- signed a document vowing to give up the fight for her family's farm.
Angela Campbell, 67, was beaten and kidnapped days after Zimbabwe's runoff election.
Though Campbell signed the document, her son-in-law said she has no intention of giving up her battle; Campbell's family will be in Windhoek, Namibia, on Wednesday to present arguments to a Southern African Development Community tribunal.
In pursuing the case, the Campbells and 77 fellow Zimbabwean farmers are risking theft, torture and death for what may be their only remaining chance to save the homes and farms so coveted by Mugabe and his loyalists. Watch a report from the time of the Campbell attack »
Mugabe blames the West for his nation's soaring inflation and poverty. But analysts say Mugabe's 2000 "resettlement" policy, in which property was snatched from white farmers and redistributed to landless blacks, is more to blame for the country's turmoil.
"All I want to see is justice," said Richard Etheredge, 72, a white farmer who was evicted from his farm last month. "The world cannot carry on with criminals."
On June 15, Etheredge, who has joined the SADC case, and his family received word that a Zimbabwean senator planned to take over his Chegutu farm -- a process known as "jambanja."
"We're going to murder you if we catch you," Etheredge recalls an assailant yelling from outside his son's house two days later.
The senator bused "criminals" to his property, Etheredge said. Etheredge, his wife and one of his twin sons escaped, but the other twin and Etheredge's daughter-in-law were later beaten, he said.
Looters stole his computers, farm equipment, antiques, custom gun collection and a safe with billions in Zimbabwean currency (hundreds of thousands in U.S. dollars). Etheredge said he watched the thieves abscond with his possessions in vehicles belonging to the senator.
The looters also caused about $1 million in damage to his property, which includes three houses and a fruit-packing plant that was once among the most sophisticated in southern Africa. The Etheredges have been farming for 17 years, and before the attack, were producing 400,000 cartons of navel oranges and kumquats a year, he said.
"The destruction is absolutely incredible," Etheredge said.
Mugabe's cronies visited the adjacent Mount Carmel farm about two weeks later, just days after Mugabe won a majority of votes in a runoff election denounced as a "sham" by the international community. Watch how violence persists after the election »
Like the Etheredges, Mike and Angela Campbell were warned that Mugabe loyalists, members of his Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front, were planning to invade their farm. The government had given the 1,200-hectare (2,965-acre) tract to a ZANU-PF spokesman who also served as Mugabe's biographer, according to the Campbells' son-in-law, Ben Freeth.
Two nuns went to Mount Carmel on June 26, the day before the runoff, wanting to buy sweet potatoes, Freeth said. But their quest for tubers was a ruse; they actually wanted to tell Freeth that ZANU-PF members were planning to raid the Campbell land, where the Campbells and Freeth and his wife, Laura, live.
On June 29, Freeth received a phone call: "War veterans," as the clans of pro-Mugabe thugs call themselves, were heading to his in-laws' house. Laura and her brother, Bruce, gathered their children. Laura fled with the children through a fence on the northern boundary of Mount Carmel farm, Freeth said.
Freeth jumped in his car and sped 1½ kilometers to the Campbell house.
"These guys had already arrived and they started shooting at me as soon as I drove through the gate," he said.
The bullets missed, but one of the war veterans hurled a rock through the driver's side window, smashing Freeth's right eye shut.
"They dragged me out of the vehicle and began beating me over the head with rifle butts," Freeth said.
The men tied up Freeth, he said, and took him to where his in-laws were lying bound on the gravel outside their home.
Angela Campbell was still conscious. The men had caught her on her way to feed a calf. They had beaten her and broken her upper arm in two places, Freeth said. Mike Campbell was in bad shape, "just groaning on the ground; in fact, he remembers nothing."
The heavily armed men threw the three in the back of Mike Campbell's Toyota Prado truck, and "the next nine hours were quite a nightmare," Freeth said.
Freeth and the Campbells were driven about 50 kilometers (31 miles) to Pickstone Mine. Their captors stopped at a dairy farm on the way and killed a white farmer's dogs, Freeth said. Night had fallen by the time they arrived at the mine to find about 60 men in ZANU-PF regalia waiting for them.
"They were pointing guns at us the whole time, telling us they were going to kill us," Freeth said.
Freeth and the Campbells were doused with cold water and left "shivering in the dust on the ground," Freeth said. They received more beatings, and Freeth said one of their captors thrashed the bottom of his feet with a shambock, a whip made of hippopotamus hide.
It was during this time that their captors made Angela sign a document promising to drop the case scheduled this week before the SADC tribunal.
Mike Campbell moved in and out of consciousness, as Ben and Angela prayed -- not for their lives, but for their captors. Freeth said he had never understood Luke 6:28 -- "Bless those who curse you" -- until that moment, and a "supernatural" peace came over him.
Freeth told God, "If I'm going to be with you today, then I'm ready."
It was almost midnight when Freeth and the Campbells -- still bound -- were tossed in the back of the Prado. They bounced around the sports-utility vehicle as their captors drove 30 kilometers down a craggy dirt road to Kadoma, where they were dumped in the streets.
"I managed to walk toward a light and knocked on the door of a house and used the phone to phone my wife," Freeth said.
The Campbells were released from the hospital last week. Both remain weak and still bear considerable scrapes and bruises. Angela has a pin in her arm. Mike, 75, suffered four broken ribs, a broken collarbone and a dislocated finger.
Mike is recovering just enough to sit up, and "he can walk a few paces," Freeth said Monday, complaining his hands were "still tingly" from being bound so tightly.
The hospital released Freeth at the weekend after neurosurgeons had to drill a 4-centimeter (1½-inch) hole in his skull to relieve pressure from a hematoma stemming from the rock and rifle-butt blows to the head.
One thing not battered is the farmers' resolve to remain on the land that the Campbells have owned for 34 years.
"We intend to be there on Wednesday, and we just hope for an outcome that is good for everyone, an outcome for justice," Freeth said of the SADC hearing, which is slated to last through Friday.
"I think it means a lot to him whether SADC is going to isolate him or continue to support him," Freeth said. "Once we get to the SADC tribunal and we get a judgment and it's basically binding in black and white, it's going to be difficult for Mugabe to say, 'We're abiding by our own law.' It's going to be very difficult for him to defend what he's doing."
Monsters and Critics
By Jan Raath Jul 15, 2008, 12:16 GMT
Harare - An elderly
white Zimbabwean farmer severely tortured with his wife
and son-in-law a
fortnight ago to force him to withdraw an international
legal challenge to
President Robert Mugabe's violent farm seizures is
pressing ahead with his
case, a relative said Tuesday.
The 10-person tribunal of the Southern
African Development Community (SADC),
the regional bloc, is set to sit in
the Namibian capital Windhoek on
Wednesday to hear a petition by Mike
Campbell, 73, and 77 other white
farmers to have Zimbabwe's controversial
eviction laws overturned.
On June 29, a group of militiamen loyal to
Mugabe abducted Campbell, his
wife, Angela, 66, and son-in-law Ben Freeth,
38, from their farm in Chegutu
about 100 kilometres west of the capital
Harare and subjected them nine
hours of assault and torture in an attempt to
force them to ditch their
case.
Campbell, a large-scale fruit
exporter, suffered severe concussion, smashed
fingers, a broken collarbone
and extensive lacerations and bruising. His
wife's arm was broken in two
places and a burning stick thrust in her mouth,
while Freeth nearly lost an
eye and was lashed at length on the soles of his
feet.
During the
assaults, Angela Campbell was forced to sign an 'agreement' that
they would
withdraw their case from the Windhoek tribunal. But, lawyers
said, there was
no obligation to honour the signing because it was done
under 'severe
duress.'
'No, my dad has no intention of withdrawing the case,' said
their son Bruce.
'Ben has gone to Windhoek with our lawyer, but my dad
hasn't gone, he still
cannot walk around. He's alright, he's recovering
slowly, but he's going to
be bedridden for another three
weeks.'
President Mugabe is a signatory to the treaty setting up the SADC
tribunal,
which has the right to hear appeals from any of SADC's 14 members
on the
provisions of the bloc's founding treaty, including the rule of
law.
Campbell has already lodged an appeal against his threatened
eviction from
his farm with the Zimbabwe supreme court, but 16 months later
his case has
yet to be heard.
Only about 300 of around 4,500 white
farmers that were working the land in
Zimbabwe in 2000 are still in
agriculture following a violent campaign of
lawless land invasions by Mugabe
party members, cronies and youth militia.
Campbell and the other 77
farmers are challenging a law introduced last year
that denies farmers
threatened with eviction the right to appeal. They also
insist that the
evictions are 'fundamentally racist.'
'It's an open and shut case,' said
John Worsley-Worswick, spokesman for the
Justice for Agriculture lobby group
that campaigns for the rights of white
farmers.
'I don't believe
there is a single farmer that has been legally evicted.'
The SADC
tribunal has ordered the Zimbabwe government not to evict the
Campbells or
the other farmers pending their hearing but state- backed
militia have
defied the injunction by invading a number of the farms in
recent
weeks.
Bruce Campbell said police had arrested two senior Zanu-PF war
veterans in
connection with the attack on his parents' farm.
Title: Of blind scribes, blinkered scholars and smart politicians
Author:
Hope Dzavashumairi
Category: Zimbabwe
Date: 7/14/2008
Source:
AfricaFiles
Source Website: www.africafiles.org
<http://www.africafiles.org/database/www.africafiles.org>
African
Charter Article# 9: Every individual shall have the right to receive
information and express their opinions.
Summary & Comment: This
analysis was done by a senior lecturer from a
university in Zimbabwe.
FG
Of blind scribes, blinkered scholars and smart
politicians
www.africafiles.org/article.asp?ID=18472
<http://www.africafiles.org/article.asp?ID=18472>
Although
the current election campaign in Zimbabwe offers a unique study in
unconventional or smart politics, both media and academic analysts have
largely remained amazingly uninformed, complacent and ignorant about what
they are witnessing and pontificating on. Tied hand and foot to the
positivist tenets of liberal journalism and scholarship, blind scribes and
blinkered scholars routinely saturate media space with simplistic
misrepresentations of the unfolding disaster. We may never awaken to reality
until it confronts us like death. Yet, the signals of deceit have been
abundantly communicated for seasoned scribes and sentient scholars to
deconstruct the current political spectacle of a ruling party nominating and
sponsoring three candidates to gang up on [kukutsirana] a formidable
opposition leader and win by default.
A Background of Unconventional
Politics
To begin with, the conventional liberal view of multiparty
democracy
surprisingly remains predominant despite unmistakable indications
that the
ruling party will do literally anything to prevent any serious
challenge to
its political monopoly. Subverting electoral institutions and
processes is a
well known practice of ZANU PF and is now almost the rule.
Security chiefs
boldly threatening voters should they dare elect anyone but
the incumbent
party is business as usual. Blatantly biased reporting against
the
opposition party has now spilled over from public to private media,
leaving
voters without any reliable basis for rationally assessing their
options
except silent gossip. Outright violence against opposition members
is not
only condoned but officially organized, encouraged, expected and
protected.
All these are familiar features of Zimbabwean multiparty
democracy.
A lesser known but crucial part of ZANU PF's political ethic
insidiously
pervades the campaign, namely unconventional or smart politics.
This
unconventional ingredient was adopted at ZANU's formation in 1963 and
quietly inscribed in the office of Secretary for Public [Subversive] Affairs
to ensure that the struggle would continue should the party be banned like
its three predecessors, the ANC, NDP and ZAPU. ZANU's mastery of subversive
"martial arts" was duly acknowledged one evening in December 1973 in an
hour-long radio address to his Rhodesians by none other than Ian Smith
himself. Ironically, Smith eventually converted to unconventional tactics in
later phases of the war as he came to rely more on the Selous Scouts than on
his own conventional soldiers. In the process, the two adversaries, RF and
ZANU, literally educated each other in the smart politics of daring to
deceive. The rest of that bloody war is now archival material.
More
recently, with all the financial and human capital at its disposal,
ZANU PF
has spared no dime in sponsoring subterranean subversion against the
MDC and
civil society opponents. The scribes and academics have apparently
forgotten
the incredibly fabricated and orchestrated president-assassination
plots and
subsequent treason trials and acquittals of opposition leaders.
They have
forgotten the abduction and mischievously practiced exhumation of
a missing
war veteran followed by the spectacular state media trial and
conviction of
MDC members, only for the High Court judge to dismiss police
evidence with a
damning reproach and acquit the alleged "self-confessed
murderers and
terrorists".
During the 2005 parliamentary election campaign, after
warning urban voters
against rejecting it again as they had done in 2002,
the ZANU PF leadership
went on to destroy poor people's homes and
livelihoods in the so-called
Operation Murambatsvina. The scribes and
intellectuals matter-of- factly
reported the horrendous suffering of
millions of Africans rendered homeless
and jobless and exposed to the biting
winter without ever touching on the
political agenda and strategies
involved. They decried and denounced the
cruelty of the operation. The
United Nations sent a commission of enquiry
headed by a habitat expert. Back
in New York, Anna Tibaijuka routinely
reported the horrors and recommended
assistance in re-housing the victims.
All was seen as a housing crisis. Not
a hint of the politics behind the
so-called "Operation Restore
Order".
Another habitat fixer, UN Under-Secretary Egeland, followed that
up with an
offer to provide tents and ameliorate the suffering. Mugabe
simply told him
"tents are for Arabs". [Good lobbying for his own Bedouin
bosom friend,
Gaddafi]. For their part, official scribes filled media space
with images of
Operation Garikai [Prosper] which cynically pretended that
the same
government that had destroyed people's homes was suddenly providing
its
victims with improved houses. No one questioned the credibility of such
blatant hypocrisy.
The misrepresentation of those operations and
interventions as a "housing"
issue requiring habitat experts and
reconstruction funds is a perfect
example of the skills of smart politics at
work. In all these moves, the
process of punitive purging of the urban
electorate was totally obscured by
the simulation of a housing and
humanitarian crisis. Serious political
analysts would recognize this as a
case of issue suppression.
With blind scribes, illiterate intellectual
commentators and all other
global notables transfixed on the theatre of
fictitious treason trials,
macabre exhumations, cruel home demolitions and
damning reports, as well as
television images of fictive urban
reconstruction, virtually no-one noticed
the connection between such
punitive purging of urban voters and the
long-term strategy of liquidating
the MDC opposition.
The vicious systematic removal of opposition
supporters from those rural
areas that had once been known as commercial
farms had been the first phase
in ZANU PF's overall plan to purge and punish
the electorate. The scribes
and intellectuals saw and reported it all as
"land reform", completely
missing the political substance of the misnamed
"Third Chimurenga".
Operation Murambatsvina and other subsequent punitive
purges of the urban
electorate were systematically sanitized, reported and
explained as slum
clearance, urban renewal, price control and monetary
policy implementation.
Purging and reconfiguring the electorate as part of
unconventional political
practice remained beyond the horizons of global and
local media and
intellectual imagination. The masters of smart politics
could not be more
amused as the community of "political analysts" routinely
swallowed their
mythologies bait, hook, line, sinker, and
fisheman.
Smart Politics and the Current Election Campaign in
Zimbabwe
So how does such a background illuminate the secrets of the
current
electoral campaign? Zimbabwe's long experience with smart politics
notwithstanding, today's global Scribes and Pharisees have continued to view
the current campaign in terms of the routine assumptions of conventional
liberal scholarship. They have focused on the usual intimidation, violence,
arrests, partial administration, unequal coverage in public media, vote
buying, gerrymandering, all pointing towards a rigged outcome. Since all
this would not be monitored and exposed by international observers and
media, early predictions of the outcome invariably dismissed the opposition
as hopelessly divided. The election would be a non-event. That ZANU PF would
prefer a victory that looked more legitimate was totally
overlooked.
Then suddenly, the masters of smart politics threw what
looked like a wild
card into the works. Having prepared the ground by
orchestrating a
succession battle and split that never was, ZANU PF created
the illusion of
an internal rebellion centred on the "independent"
presidential candidacy of
ZANU PF stalwart Simba Makoni. Partisans privy to
the strategy could not
have anticipated a better response. The gallery of
global and local Scribes
and Pharisees came alive and ensured that the
issues in this election would
never be addressed, precisely what the party
strategists had hoped for.
Peta Thorneycroft led the chorus with an
operatic soprano portraying Makoni's
nomination as the rousing arrival of a
"roaring lion". As an instant expert
in Swahili, she euphorically revealed
the surprise finding that his first
name means "lion", completely
mistranslating [and mispronouncing] the Shona
word for power to give it the
same meaning as the Swahili word for lion. The
word for a lion in Shona is
"shumba". Makoni's buffalo clan would be shocked
to read that he had
defected to the lion clan. Peta went completely off the
rails! Forgive the
digression.
After that, the Scribes and Pharisees had a field day in
scenario writing.
While any outcome was now allowed to be conceivable, "the
Makoni issue" had
to be factored into every analysis. Makoni, the medium of
ZANU PF deceit,
not his message, had become the election issue for 2008. To
that effect, the
conventional wisdom of the Pharisees stabilized on the
inevitability of a
presidential run-off because the "Makoni factor" would
allegedly certainly
prevent an outright victory for anyone. No-one bothered
to specify the
nature of "the factor", explain its modus operandi, or even
explore it.
Occasional warnings against reading the "Makoni factor" too
literally
appeared in the press but were routinely dismissed as "conspiracy
theories",
as if such theories self refute. Makoni himself revealed that he
was a ZANU
PF member out to rescue his party through a leadership renewal
which would
help it avoid regime change, that is an MDC victory. Dumiso
Dabengwa
confirmed that intention. Munangagwa played the dummy that Makoni
had
"expelled himself", to which the latter curtly answered "nonsense" and
that
was the end of intra party hostilities. Earlier noises from the likes
of
Joseph Chinotimba to "deal with Makoni the ZANU way" were soon silenced.
ZANU PF violence was never to be visited on Makoni's Mavambo outfit. They
were 2 sides of the same coin.
The Scribes and Pharisees were left to
read these manouvres in their own
conventional language of splits,
expulsions, and defections. A few well
known ZANU PF apparatchiks and
had-beens came onto the stage and gave off as
much of their party identity
as the script permitted them to do. But the
press gallery still insisted on
mistaking them for real defectors. So the
game of suspense took over the
mediasphere. With every scribe anticipating a
scoop on the next "defection",
and every [invariably "respectable"] analyst
impatiently waiting to complete
their next treatise, the spaghetti yarn just
unfolded endlessly. To those in
the gallery, the ZANU PF split was for real
and it was only time before John
Nkomo, Joseph Msika, Joice and Solomon
Mujuru, Dzikamai Mavhaire and Sheba
Gava Zvinavashe followed and left poor
Bob for dead. The clock ticked. The
train of defectors did not arrive. The
drama continued with no evidence of
further defections.
In time, the "Makoni factor" grew into a cryptic
puzzle. On short-wave radio
and South African television, Makoni was
politely asked to present his
programme. Here was a democratic leader who
claimed to "share your pain" but
would not tell viewers and listeners what
he stood for. "The people know me.
I am Simba Makoni. I don't have a
programme, Violet. Having a programme
would make me a dictator. Just elect
me because you know me. When [not if]
you elect me, I shall form a "National
Authority" of any elected people.
They will then, after you have already
elected me, proceed to define what I,
your inevitably elected president,
will then stand for". Voters must just
elect this "war cabinet" casualty
without scrutinizing his record, his
connections and his intentions and hope
that he will deliver them from the
current crisis. My foot! What enemies was
he fighting in the "war cabinet"
and politburo? And he has the gall to
insist that he will, not may, be
elected! What does all this mean in terms
of smart politics?
Makoni took all precautions to hide his identity.
Having clearly stated that
he was not alone, the gallery could be excused
for anticipating a stream of
defections to his "project". Note the emerging
vocabulary of smart politics.
It's no longer multiparty democracy but
flexible politics with aspiring
leaders creating factions, formations, and
projects to hide or stretch their
identities. Gone are the rigid identities
of mass parties and mass rallies
of the age of African nationalism. With the
same passengers in a single
spectacular road-show, and with television
cameras repeatedly zooming in and
out of a small and enthusiastic rented
crowed, all the fringe political
formations can now be misrepresented as
great political events. Old parties
can present themselves in any new
clothes, utter different slogans and offer
ingredients in the name of "power
to the people". Unsuspecting voters may be
excused for failing to
distinguish between competing candidates, their
respective political
associations and the political choices between them.
Makoni is clearly an
essential part of the ZANU PF election 2008 strategy.
One does not need a
conspiracy theory to see that. He is the mid-field
playmaker venturing into
the opposition, winning loose balls and supplying
opposition-splitting
passes to his number 9 striker Bob. He is all the more
effective having
been, like a Selous scout, redressed and manicured like the
political
"other". He may be ritually reviled like ZANU PF's real "enemies",
called an
opportunist, "a Prostitute from Mbare" or worse. Yet these are
purely
harmless barbs calculated to render him less suspect among the voters
and in
the press gallery. [By the way the prostitutes in Harare do not hang
out in
Mbare. There are, on the other hand, lots of them in the Avenues
area,
around State House!]. To his credit, Simba has played very well,
concealed
his identity, picked up a few votes from the Mutambara MDC fiction's
[ yes
fiction, don't edit] leadership.
Langton Towungana is also part of it. By
simply playing God's candidate with
a cross symbol, he can pick up loose
votes from religious zealots. With a
long name beginning with T, he may also
pick up a few votes meant for
Tsvangirai. On the whole, it's been the
smartest political spectacle ever
witnessed anywhere on Earth. But smart
politicians, please give us a break.
If only you could use your skills for
developing Zimbabwe rather than
cheating the people! To the scribes and
Pharisees, please wake up and try a
little investigative journalism and
smart scholarship in your practice. You
have had a good sleep throughout
this campaign.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Tuesday, 15 July 2008
12:30
Preparing for the likely consequences
As
increasingly inappropriate and unhelpful business conditions have
evolved
from the severely corrupted election process and as the authorities
became
increasingly contemptuous of the needs of suppliers and their
customers, we
in the business sector have had to become extremely defensive
and shrewd to
survive.
Many stayed the course by remaining a jump or two ahead of
the
political challenges, others were obliged to take a conciliatory route
to
remain in operation, but very nearly all surviving companies have
suffered
severe shrinkage. Very few now have the stamina to withstand yet
more
abuse.However, the severely flawed electoral process has thrust upon
Zimbabwe's long-suffering population a result that seems certain to impose
even more damaging conditions. As the ruling party's blatantly displayed
posture proved conclusively during the election re-run, its claimed right is
to demand obedience from the whole population, the business sector
included.
In this regard, the business sector has always been seen
as a
particularly irritating problem, but as compliance has been more
successfully pressed from Zimbabwean companies, the ruling party has
convinced itself that it is the extent of foreign ownership of local
companies that constitutes a threat to its absolute power.This has already
generated legislation designed to ensure that indigenous Zimbabweans will
gain controlling interests in every company, but the higher-profile
companies should now be considering pre-emptive measures to deflect what
might happen next.
In response to the almost universal
rejection of the election results,
proposals from abroad are claiming that
economic sanctions must be imposed
to ensure that foreign-owned companies
cannot support the Mugabe regime.
Although such ideas might be well
intentioned, they are unlikely to prompt
any change in political direction.
More seriously, the party could all too
easily turn them into political
capital for use against the whole business
sector.
As business
activity is already severely inhibited and very few
companies are
profitable, these sanctions proposals, however vague or
oblique, could
become threats to any susceptible company's financial
survival. But whether
or not any given business is on the edge, the ruling
party is likely to
respond to this threat of real sanctions by imposing on
them even more
controls, or possibly by nationalising those companies of
more strategic
importance.
From the business standpoint, the argument is clear:
such sanctions
will damage the interests of the affected companies'
employees and clients,
most of whom are Zimbabweans who do not deserve to be
caught in the
crossfire of clumsily directed penalties, and they will
prejudice each
company's equally blameless shareholders, whether they are
Zimbabwean or
foreign.Getting to the core of the matter, it seems that it is
the absence
of acceptable alternatives that has brought economic sanctions
back into the
debate, even though all virtually agree they will have little
effect on the
intended target, Zimbabwe's ruling party rather than
Zimbabwe's general
population. If that is the fact, then much more effort
has to be put into
formulating the needed alternatives.
While
the business sector works on, or waits for a breakthrough, it
remains with
the pressing challenges of finding ways to fend off sanctions.
Exemptions
for some companies might be won by preparing detailed accounts of
activities
that prove sanctions would be inappropriate. Whether or not a
specific
company succeeds, its directors would also be able to use such
documents to
argue that they have tried hard to remain in business, that
their commitment
to Zimbabwe cannot be questioned and that in no way were
they in support of
sanctions.
Similar exercises can be carried out to persuade local
officials that
further interference in the company's affairs from any
source, local or
foreign, will cause unhelpful repercussions. Existing
evidence can be used
to show that skills shortages will be worsened,
efficiency will decline,
employment and training will fall, deliveries of
goods to local and export
markets will drop, competitive edges previously
enjoyed will dissipate
rapidly and shrinking tax revenues from profits,
employment and customs duty
will aggravate the government's difficulties as
well as those suffered by
companies.
If, despite these
problems, government decides it can continue
imposing controls, but keep any
business afloat by making it dependent upon
subsidies, low-cost loans or
other less obvious forms of patronage, the
authorities should be advised
that they will be guaranteeing the
continuation of high inflation.The
reasons why some effort will have to be
put into spelling out all these
issues is that, having regained its dubious
ascendancy after its humiliating
performance in the parliamentary as well as
the presidential elections, Zanu
PF can be expected to put considerable
effort into consolidating its
authority to prevent the re-occurrence of any
such challenge.
As pressures mount from the many countries that have declared the
elections
illegitimate, the party is likely to increase its campaign to
suppress all
possible sources of internal dissent. Far from readily
accepting the need to
change unpopular or damaging policies, the party
appears determined to renew
its efforts to enforce them and to suppress
dissent and dissenters by every
means possible. However, the problems are
certain to become more severe
because not one of the policy choices is
making a helpful
difference.
Scarcities of foreign earnings stem from the loss of
exports after the
closure of the commercial farming sector, but this policy
decision is still
being defended. It and its many secondary effects continue
to impact on
manufacturing, commerce and the financial services sector, and
because of
government's efforts to impose controls on exchange rate
movements, the did
considerable damage to mining and tourism as
well.
It was falling capacity to service debts, not sanctions, that
disqualified the country from access to credit and it was increasingly
restrictive business conditions, not sanctions, which brought investment
inflows almost to an end.
The sum total of all these meant that
thousands of skilled people left
the country to find more secure work. The
problems experienced in the
disabled productive and service sectors were
soon being mirrored in the
declining deliveries of service from the power,
water and communications
infrastructure as well as the social services led
by health and education.
All of these made the country even less
attractive to investors, and
because they led directly to the shortages of
goods, jobs and foreign
exchange, and to the damage to social services and
the formerly efficient
infrastructure, all of these issues that need to be
carefully described to
employees to prevent their being misled by Zanu PF
propaganda.
With Zanu PF now hoping that the elections are out of the
way, it
appears to have nothing to offer that will have any prospect of
alleviating
any of these profound difficulties. No support will be
forthcoming before a
legitimate government has been elected and shown an
eagerness to accept
reasonable policies. Meanwhile, the ruling party might
be expected to try
repackaging its image and rearranging its personalities
in an effort to give
the appearance of having made at least some of the
needed changes.
A possible early development could be an announcement
that Robert
Mugabe is to retire and his appointed - not elected - successor
will approve
extensive policy revisions after claiming to have held
extensive
consultations with businesses, foreign governments, international
development agencies and all other concerned bodies.
However,
its first efforts seem likely to be to extract from all local
entities the
compliance and obedience it believes it was due, but did not
receive during
these past elections. Many of these are certain to impact
upon business, as
producers and retailers will be the most suitable target
for accusations of
economic sabotage and exploitation of the masses through
rising prices.The
businesses that best survive what might become the most
unpleasant onslaught
yet will be those that are best prepared with detailed
production and
procurement costings and that have fully supportive
workforces whose
understanding of the challenges prevents them from making
unfair accusations
against their employers.
Those companies that are well prepared
will have written evidence of
every advice of price changes, every
application for foreign exchange to
purchase capital goods or raw materials,
every response to supply or pricing
queries, whether from other businesses
or government, and comprehensive
details of labour costings, welfare
commitments and interactions with labour
unions.In circumstances such as
those that now confront the Zimbabwean
business sector, most of the private
sector will find itself on the
defensive most of the time, mainly because
government will be trying to
deflect blame from itself. But some caution
will have to be exercised in the
efforts to prove to clients and staff, to
suppliers and shareholders, where
the blame really lies.
The
ruling party's recent behaviour has recently invited and received
many
adverse international reactions, some of which have gathered momentum
because of the sheer absurdity and the arrogant defence of unworkable ideas
that can now be seen to have served only to make a few people prosperous at
the expense of millions of people who have been plunged into poverty.The
business sector's efforts to deflect sanctions must capitalise on this
change by making more serious efforts to press for alternatives now that
external Ministries of Foreign Affairs are under pressure to show that their
countries are becoming more than just passive critics.
Perhaps
the strongest argument is that the business sector should not
be expected to
shoulder the full weight of costly, but largely ineffective
economic
sanctions when the problems relate to human rights and political
legitimacy.
The distinctly legal and political dimensions of the issues call
for legal
and political answers, and these should not be permitted to
threaten the
livelihoods of employees or employers.
However, this approach calls for
the establishment of powerful and
universally supported legal institutions
that can successfully challenge the
conduct of any government and bring to
account any individuals who can be
shown to have disregarded the rights of
their own citizens.
Zimbabwe is not alone in suffering from the
fact that certain people
can abuse their power without running the risk of
becoming answerable to
anyone. It is this fact that has to change, and the
business sectors of any
affected country should not be forced to carry the
burden of damaging
sanctions for lack of the needed legal procedures that
could overcome the
real problems.Hopefully, protests couched in these terms
will help
vulnerable companies in Zimbabwe to avoid even more ominous
threats. As the
country moves into the third quarter of the year, it remains
trapped in
rapidly deteriorating business conditions that are likely to
translate into
very much more serious shortages of all basic requirements
and an even more
rapidly declining capacity to sustain production,
distribution or employment
levels.
As the repercussions of
these worsening conditions are likely to lead
to social unrest and to even
more violent repression, it must be hoped that
the challenges will receive
urgent attention from those countries that can
bring their influence to bear
on those claiming the right to govern the
country. And as sanctions will do
nothing to alleviate the difficulties,
every effort must be made to ensure
that they are not imposed.
In the table shown in the Excel attachment,
an attempt has been made
to illustrate the pace at which the momentum behind
the current inflation
rate will carry the country into totally unmanageable
territory. The very
much faster rate of decline in the Zimbabwe dollar
exchange rate during June
is allowed for and the assumption is that, with
nothing to slow this down, a
similar rate will be maintained through
July.
However, the annual inflation forecasts for the next few
months are
shown to move up very sharply and this is because the price
freeze imposed a
year ago held the Consumer Price Index almost static for
these months in
2007. I have left in place my earlier assumption that
increasingly desperate
attempts will be made by the end of the third
quarter, and this is in the
belief that the rates of inflation will cause
most economic activity to
grind to a halt. Government might be expected to
remove nine zeros from the
currency before much longer, but that will not
overcome any basic problems.
The only help that could make a quick
difference would be a
substantial foreign currency loan that would reduce
the scarcity premium on
hard currency purchases and lower the costs of
imports, but the achievement
of the falling monthly inflation figures shown
will depend upon the adoption
of much more penetrating policy changes and
more generous assistance. By
then, it will hopefully be fully
deserved.
From: Veritas <veritas@mango.zw>
Date: Tue, 15 Jul 2008
BILL WATCH 28/2008
[14th July 2008]
Opening of Parliament delayed
No dates have been announced for:
§ the swearing-in of MPs and Senators
§ the election of the Speaker and Deputy Speaker of the House of Assembly and the President and Deputy President of the Senate
§ the Ceremonial Opening of Parliament
This means that it is now too late for the ceremonial opening of Parliament to take place before the constitutional deadline of Tuesday 15th July. The consequences of non-compliance with the deadline are not spelled out in the Constitution.
Veritas makes every effort to ensure reliable information, but cannot take legal responsibility for information supplied.
Africa News, Netherlands
.. Posted on
Tuesday 15 July 2008 - 09:00
Conrad Dube Mwanawashe, AfricaNews reporter in
Harare, Zimbabwe
A Harare magistrate on Monday removed from remand
freelance journalist
Frank Chikowore who had been charged with public
violence as the state
stepped up a crackdown on journalists and other
dissenting voices since the
country's disputed March 29 elections.
Chikowore was arrested together with 26 opposition Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) party activists on April 15 and charged with public
violence.
Former Zimbabwe Union of Journalists (ZUJ) secretary-general
Luke
Tamborinyoka, now director of information for the MDC, was among those
detained with Chikowore.
His lawyer Alec Muchadehama said the
defence lawyers had successfully
applied for refusal of further remand after
the state failed to provide a
trial date for the fourth time.
"The
state has failed to come up with a trial date for the fourth time so
we
successfully applied for them to be removed from remand," said
Muchadehama.
africasia
PRETORIA, July 15 (AFP)
South Africa on Tuesday labelled as "unacceptable"
suggestions by a US
ambassador at the United Nations that President Thabo
Mbeki was "out of
touch" regarding Zimbabwe's political crisis.
"The
extraordinary and unacceptable statements made will be taken up through
diplomatic channels," South African deputy foreign minister Aziz Pahad
said.
"A British representative said South African mediation efforts had
come to
nought and we have achieved nothing," he added.
"The US
representative made remarks about Russia not being a worthy member
of the G8
and suggested that President Thabo Mbeki is out of touch with his
own
country.
"These are not acceptable statements and we will take it up with
those
governments."
The United States on Friday launched a scathing
attack on Mbeki after
Pretoria's UN envoy voted against targeted sanctions
against Zimbabwe
President Robert Mugabe's regime at the United Nations
Security Council.
"We are surprised by what appears as Mbeki appearing to
protect Mugabe while
Mugabe uses violent means to fragment the opposition,"
US Ambassador Zalmay
Khalilzad said.
"I think he (Mbeki) is out of
touch with the trends inside his own country."
China and Russia vetoed
the sanctions that would have imposed a travel ban
and an assets freeze on
Mugabe and 13 of his cronies as well an arms embargo
on the Harare
regime.
The United States also sharply criticised Russia over its
stance.
Mbeki has served as mediator between Zimbabwe's rival political
parties, but
has faced heavy criticism over his quiet diplomacy
approach.
Zimbabwe opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai had previously
called for him
to be stripped of his role as mediator, while Mugabe's regime
has praised
the South African leader's efforts.
The crisis in
neighbouring Zimbabwe intensified when Mugabe pushed ahead
with a one-man
presidential run-off on June 27, defying international and
regional calls to
postpone the poll.
Tsvangirai pulled out of the election five days ahead
of the vote, citing
rising violence against his supporters that left dozens
dead and thousands
injured.
Pahad described the South African
president's relationship with Tsvangirai
as "very good" and said suggestions
that the Mbeki-led mediation team should
be expanded were a "fake issue,
diverting from other more important issues."
Opponents of the sanctions
argued mediation efforts should be supported, and
that such measures would
set them back.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com
July 15, 2008
BEIJING (AFP) - A
BBC report alleging that China is breaking a United
Nations arms embargo on
Sudan is biased, the Chinese special envoy to Darfur
said in comments
published here on Tuesday.
Envoy Liu Guijin said China's arms sales to
Sudan were only small scale and
that the trade in military equipment was not
fuelling the conflict in
Darfur, according to the China Daily
newspaper.
"The programme is strongly biased," Liu said, according to the
English-language daily, which is often used by the government to deliver
messages to a foreign audience.
"China's arms sales were very small
scale and never made to non-sovereign
entities. We have strict end-user
certificates."
The BBC broadcast a programme on Monday alleging that
China was breaking the
UN arms embargo by providing military equipment and
training pilots to fly
Chinese jets.
Citing two confidential sources,
the broadcaster said China was training
pilots to fly Chinese Fantan fighter
jets, and that Sudan had imported
several fighter trainers called K8s two
years ago.
The BBC said it had also found one Dong Feng Chinese army
lorry in the hands
of a rebel group in Darfur.
It cited independent
eyewitness testimony saying the lorry had been captured
from Sudanese
government forces in December.
"A few shots of Chinese trucks in Darfur
cannot be used to accuse China of
fuelling the conflict in Darfur," Liu was
quoted as saying in the China
Daily.
Liu, citing an unnamed African
politician, said the Darfur conflict was
continuing because Western
countries were providing arms to rebel groups.
The Darfur conflict began
in 2003 when ethnic minority rebels took up arms
against the Arab-dominated
regime and state-backed militias, fighting for
resources and power in one of
the most remote and deprived places on earth.
The UN has said that
300,000 people have died in Darfur and more than 2.2
million have been
displaced since 2003. The Sudanese government puts the
number of fatalities
at 10 000.
China is the main buyer of Sudan's oil and a key investor in
its economy.
New Zimbabwe
By Dr Last Moyo
Last updated: 07/16/2008
14:28:41
THE recent veto against the UN targeted sanctions on the key people
in
Robert Mugabe's regime by China and Russia despite a deluge of
international
condemnation of Zimbabwe's human rights violations before and
after the run
off, must certainly be a cause of worry for all those who are
working for
substantive political change in Zimbabwe and other troubled
spots in Africa.
While China played a critical role in supporting African
decolonisation
struggles such as in Zimbabwe, its current laissez-faire
policy in Africa's
post- independence struggles for democracy certainly
raises more questions
than answers about the country's moral and ethical
commitment to Africa's
sustainable socio-economic and political
development.
China's Africa policy -- a document that describes the
framework of its
trade with Africa espoused by the communist government in
January 2006 -
shows that China's relationship with Africa in general and
Zimbabwe in
particular, is fraught with not only some head swaying
contradictions, but
also a serious ethical and moral vacuum that exposes
China to be shrewd,
selfish, calculating, greedy and primitive because it
prioritises its
economic and political interests over ordinary people's
human rights in its
dealings with African countries.
For example,
regardless of Zimbabwe's international isolation due to its
human rights
abuses, China continues to be Zimbabwe's biggest investor
strategically
positioning itself to exploit our valuable natural resources
to develop its
ever burgeoning economy at the expense of the basic freedoms
and
entitlements of the ordinary citizens of Zimbabwe.
According to the
Jamestown Foundation, a leading source of information about
the inner
workings of closed totalitarian societies, since the Zimbabwean
crisis began
in 2000, Chinese firms such as China International Water and
Electric,
National Aero-Technology Import and Export Corporation (CATIC) and
North
Industries Corporation (NORINCO) have clinched mouth watering deals in
mining, aviation, agriculture, defence and other sectors in an avowed all
weather friendship with Mugabe's regime.
While some critics argue
that China's relentless support for Zimbabwe in the
Security Council is
based on the close historical ties dating back to the
struggle for
independence, it is now crystal clear to everybody that China
has always
pursued self-serving policies that are solely based on its
economic and
political considerations. It is all due to China's ascendancy
to be a global
super power.
If indeed -- as the available evidence seems to suggest --
China's current
policy position in Zimbabwe is primarily motivated by its
economic greed,
then Zimbabweans will have no reason not to believe the
growing suspicion
that the support for the liberation struggle in the
seventies was simply
based on China's need to spread communism and create
geopolitical alliances
in the cold war and halt the spread of free market
and liberal principles
across Africa.
The fact that ethics may have
played no part, presents China as an
opportunistic power whose development
can be directly linked to the tears,
pain and in some cases, blood of
African children and women.
China's cold war geopolitical manoeuvres in
Africa would certainly not only
explain why, for example, Mugabe pursued a
one party state policy
immediately after independence, but also why China
itself continues to
ignore pertinent issues of human rights, good governance
and accountability
which it fallaciously believes to be a property of the
West -- a logic that
unwittingly condescends on the struggles for
independence and justice by
Africans in general and Zimbabweans in
particular.
China must know that the quest for human rights and democracy
in Africa did
not start with the spread of neo-liberal values in the
nineties, but that
human rights, no matter how differently articulated by
Africans, have always
informed African struggles for justice since the
cradle of African
resistance.
While Wang Guangya, the Chinese UN
ambassador, used a seemingly plausible
excuse that it was improper to slap
sanctions on Mugabe and his aristocratic
clique in Harare while SADC
negotiations were still going on in South
Africa, this position does not
explain why China has always supported
autocratic regimes in Africa whose
legitimacy is based on nothing but rivers
of blood of innocent
citizens.
For example, China's non-interference policy in Darfur, where
according to
the UN and Amnesty International reports, more than 200 000
people have been
killed, countless numbers raped and tortured, and 2.5
million displaced does
not only expose China's insensitivity to the plight
of the black people
living in the Southern parts of Sudan, but also smacks
of a downright racist
attitude. China's Africa policy, therefore, falsely
pledges support for
peace and development for the African
continent.
In the midst of a what others have dubbed a genocide in
Darfur, China
continues to be not only the biggest importer of Sudan's oil,
importing
about 80% of the precious liquid, but also to illegally deliver
weapons that
include ammunition, tanks, helicopters and fighter aircraft
that according
to the UN, the Sudanese government has allegedly used to bomb
and massacre
poor and defenceless black people living in grass
huts.
True African democrats would surely wonder how on earth China
thinks it can
support and bring about development, peace and stability in
Africa when it
works tirelessly to defend pariah states and blood sucking
regimes such as
the Sudanese and Zimbabwean regime in the UN Security
Council.
Given the shaky SADC negotiations and China's selfish and
unconditional
support for Zimbabwe, it is not surprising that the words of
the British UN
Ambassador John Sawers that the Chinese and Russian vote on
Friday was
"deeply damaging to the long-term interests of Zimbabwe's
people... (and to)
prospects for bringing to an early end to. the oppression
in Zimbabwe"
captured the imagination of most Zimbabweans who yearn for the
restoration
of the political and economic rights.
Yet it's not about
whether UN sanctions would work in Zimbabwe or have
worked in Sudan, but
it's about that China's African trade must be
predicated on ethical and
moral principles that motivate African governments
to open up and
democratise because history attests to the fact that
democracy is a basis of
all sustainable and enduring development all over
the world.
The
Darfur example and the recent daring attempt by China to deliver weapons
and
ammunition to the Zimbabwean government in the midst of an election
crisis
in March, show that, if no quick measures are taken, the Chinese
would
certainly give a helping hand to Mugabe to plunge Zimbabwe into a
civil war
regardless of the moral responsibility implied in China's status
as a voting
member of the Security Council.
As long as the Chinese state companies
continue to harvest profits in Harare
and Khartoum and sell their shares in
the New York stock markets, then the
fight for democracy by the ordinary
people in Zimbabwe and Sudan continues
to be peripheral for the Chinese.
Given this uncritical and immoral stance
on the violation of human rights by
China, perhaps time has come for
Zimbabweans and all conscientious Africans
to see China as part of the
problem.
African civic groups need to start
mobilising people to confront the Chinese
government by demonstrating on the
door steps of its diplomatic missions in
different parts of the world to
protest against its activities in Zimbabwe
and Darfur. The people of Africa
must not allow China to claim that it will
always maintain a policy of non
interference and the respect for sovereignty
of African countries, yet be
more than ready not only to illegally export
weapons to African
dictatorships, but also use its veto powers in the
Security Council to block
any punishment intended for those who commit
crimes against humanity in the
continent.
Ordinary people's hopes in Zimbabwe and Darfur must now lie with
international civil society and their national NGOs and pressure groups to
force China to review its Africa policy and stop viewing Africa as an
unoccupied continent in space run by wealth dispensing vampires, but a
continent with people that also have blood flowing in their veins like its
majority Han ethnic people that it defended from the attack by the Tibetans.
It must be impressed on China that Africans are not less deserving of the
human rights enjoyed by its own citizens. China's Africa policy must be put
on the agenda and Africans must press for its reform that is well
overdue.
While China has always pledged to improve its human rights record
inside and
outside its borders, its actions on the ground show that it uses
African
people's rights as political football to amass strategic economic
and
political advantage out of the poignant situations of deprivation and
oppression of Africans. China must be forced to seriously take its pledge
that winning the Olympics would "benefit its further development of the
human rights cause."
Otherwise the actions by the Beijing's communist
government in Africa show
that China has no true respect for the ordinary
men and women in Africa
except for the ruling elite who offer it lucrative
deals to plunder and loot
African resources while it, in turn, facilitates
the murder of African
civilians whose protection from the UN it blocks with
reckless abandon.
Considering that China's trade with Africa increased
manifold from about $10
billion in 2000 to $50 billion this year, Africans
must use this strategic
advantage to force China to change its Africa
policy.
Dr Last Moyo writes from Wales, UK. He can be contacted at
lastmoyo@yahoo.com
Worldwide Faith News
Tue, 15 Jul 2008
Concern over the deteriorating situation
in Zimbabwe:
Message from the Heads of Christian Denominations in
Zimbabwe
As the shepherds of the people, we, Church leaders of the
Evangelical
Fellowship of Zimbabwe (EFZ), the Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops'
Conference
(ZCBC) and the Zimbabwe Council of Churches (ZCC), express our
deep concern
over the deteriorating political, security, economic and human
rights
situation in Zimbabwe following the March 29, 2008 national
elections.
Before the elections, we issued statements urging Zimbabweans to
conduct
themselves peacefully and with tolerance towards those who held
different
views and political affiliation from one's own. After the
elections, we
issued statements commending Zimbabweans for the generally
peaceful and
politically mature manner in which they conducted themselves
before, during
and soon after the elections.
Reports that are coming
through to us from our Churches and members
throughout the country indicate
that the peaceful environment has,
regrettably, changed:
Given the
political uncertainty, anxiety and frustration created by the
Zimbabwe
Electoral Commission (ZEC's) failure to release the results of the
presidential poll 4 weeks after polling day:
Organized violence
perpetrated against individuals, families and communities
who are accused of
campaigning or voting for the "wrong" political party in
the March 29, 2008
elections has been unleashed throughout the country,
particularly in the
countryside and in some high density urban areas. People
are being abducted,
tortured, humiliated by being asked to repeat slogans of
the political party
they are alleged not to support, ordered to attend mass
meetings where they
are told they voted for the "wrong" candidate and should
never repeat it in
the run-off election for President, and, in some cases,
people are
murdered.
The deterioration in the humanitarian situation is plummeting at a
frightful
pace. The cost of living has gone beyond the reach of the majority
of our
people. There is widespread famine in most parts of the countryside
on
account of poor harvests and delays in the process of importing maize
from
neighbouring countries. The shops are empty and basic foodstuffs are
unavailable. Victims of organized torture who are ferried to hospital find
little solace as the hospitals have no drugs or medicines to treat
them.
As the shepherds of the people, we appeal:
1. To the Southern
African Development Community (SADC), the African Union
(AU) and the United
Nations (UN) to work towards arresting the deteriorating
political and
security situation in Zimbabwe. We warn the world that if
nothing is done to
help the people of Zimbabwe from their predicament, we
shall soon be
witnessing genocide similar to that experienced in Kenya,
Rwanda, Burundi
and other hot spots in Africa and elsewhere.
2. For the immediate end to
political intimidation and retribution arising
from how people are perceived
to have voted in the March 29, 2008 elections
and arising from the desire to
influence how people will vote in the
anticipated run-off in the
presidential poll. Youth militia and war
veteran/military base camps that
have been set up in different parts of the
country should be closed as a
step towards restoring the peace and freedom
of people's movement that was
witnessed before and during the March 29, 2008
elections.
3. To ZEC to
release the true results of the presidential poll of March 29,
2008 without
further delay. The unprecedented delay in the publication of
these results
has caused anxiety, frustration, depression, suspicion and in
some cases
illness among people of Zimbabwe both at home and abroad. A pall
of
despondency hangs over the nation which finds itself in a crisis of
expectations and governance. The nation is in a crisis, in limbo and no real
business is taking place anywhere as the nation waits.
4. To, finally,
the people of Zimbabwe themselves. You played your part when
you turned out
to vote on 29 March 2008. We, again, commend you for
exercising your
democratic right peacefully. At this difficult time in our
nation, we urge
you to maintain and protect your dignity and your vote. We
urge you to
refuse to be used for a political party or other people's
selfish end
especially where it concerns violence against other people,
including those
who hold different views from your own. It was the Lord
Jesus who said,
"Whatever you do to one of these little ones, you do it unto
me (Matthew
25:45).
We call on all Zimbabweans and on all friends of Zimbabwe to continue
to
pray for our beautiful nation. As the shepherds of God's flock, we shall
continue to speak on behalf of Zimbabwe's suffering masses and we pray that
God's will be done.
We remain God's humble servants:
The Evangelical
Fellowship of Zimbabwe (EFZ)
The Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops' Conference
(ZCBC)
The Zimbabwe Council of Churches (ZCC)
Heads of Christian
denominations in Zimbabwe
P O Box CY 738
Causeway,
Harare
Telephone:
705368
Fax: 704001
I know the UN consistently lets down ordinary people when they need them most. I hoped a strong message would be sent to Robert Mugabe’s regime by the Security Council but I didn’t really expect much to come of it.
Vitaly Churkin, the Russian Ambassador to the UN, justified their veto of the recent UN Resolution on these grounds: “This draft is nothing but the council’s attempt to interfere in the internal affairs of a member state.”
I guess it depends how you look at it.
Ordinary Zimbabweans who believe in democracy and their right to participate in free and fair elections feel that they have been subjected to interference and meddling by other states in Zimbabwe’s internal affairs for years now.
Robert Mugabe and Zanu PF do not make up Zimbabwe: Zimbabwe belongs to its people.
The people have been meddled with and messed about consistently.
We queue to vote all day, choose our leaders, see our votes overturned and the fraud is upheld by states outside Zimbabwe. We are beaten and tortured and then subjected to the shock of hearing leaders outside Zimbabwe say, ‘No crisis’. Our rights are eroded before our eyes but certain states outside Zimbabwe refuse to speak the truth and acknowledge what is going on. If you ask me, supplying a country with arms that can be used to murder civilians is the ultimate act of meddling with the people of a county, and Zimbabweans have seen this too.
If Mugabe invaded a neighbouring country, the UN would consider this an act of interference worth responding too; but if soldiers from other countries are sent to Zimbabwe - controlled by a regime that the whole world recognises is illegitimate - this is not a problem. It is not ‘interference’, and it is not an act which could potentially destablise a region?
Tell an ordinary Zimbabwean how this makes any sense at all?
We know that Chinese soldiers were seen in Zimbabwe a couple of weeks after the March 29th elections:
The Chinese, together with about 70 Zimbabwean senior army officers are staying at the Holiday Inn, in the city’s central business district.
There are about 10 Chinese soldiers. “We were shocked to see Chinese soldiers in their full military regalia and armed with pistols checking at the hotel,” said one worker.
“When they signed checking-in forms they did not indicate the nature of the business that they are doing and even their addresses.”
But this article published in the The Independent (UK) really chills me because it points to foreign mercenaries - possibly Hutus - being recruited and involved in Mugabe’s war against his people.
Eyewitnesses say the men are more vicious than their Zimbabwean counterparts, with the marauding gangs attacking suspected members of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), forcing them to renounce the party.
They dress in army fatigues, carry Russian-made guns and are accompanied by interpreters when out with the militias. [...]
“We have observed that some of the people leading the violence are foreigners because they speak a different language and they do not understand our local languages.
“Also the tactics they are using are not peculiar with Zimbabweans because they are cutting out the tongue, removing eyes and genital parts. We are not sure where they come from.” [...]
Local people claim the irregular forces are Hutus from Rwanda, but the human rights representative said he could not be definitive. There are an estimated 4,000 Hutu refugees living in Zimbabwe, some of whom took part in the genocide of Tutsis and moderate Hutus in 1994.
Does the need for mercenaries show that Mugabe can’t find enough ordinary Zimbabweans to do his evil deeds?
How many other nations and people will be drawn into Robert Mugabe’s fight to hold on to power against the will of his people? When does this involvement hit a tipping point where the world recognises this type of behaviour could threaten to destablise a region?
The worlds values are all upside down if it is OK for an illegitimately elected state leader to pay foreigners and recruit foreign support to help him go out and kill and torture innocent non-violent civilian people.
July 15, 2008
By Simomo Mdluli
THANK you all for your comments on Jonathan Moyo’s utterances.
Kindly read Moyo’s speech and debate facts, do not make assumptions nor misinform Zimbabweans. Let us be serious as Zimbabweans, our country has gone to the dogs. I do not like Moyo as a person; I hate him with a passion. I come from Tsholotsho too and I mean it when I say I dislike the man.
Some of the issues he is raising make a lot of sense even though we do not like him for his past connection with Zanu-PF. I do not think Moyo wants to go back to Zanu- PF but I believe that he is talking reality and it is unfortunate that most of us are just dismissing him because he is telling us what we do not want to hear.
If we like Tsvangirai to be our next President, let us help him by pointing out the mistakes he is making and indeed some of them have cost us our independence from Mugabe. Let us not create another Mugabe out of Tsvangirai because he has become untouchable. It would be unfair and inhumane for all those who experienced Gukurahundi to stand by now and say to most of the Zimbabweans we told you so that the man is a killer.
When Mugabe unleashed a brigade in Matabeleland to look for ten dissidents, most of the people that were not affected did not believe that the killings were taking place. If at that time we had stood together as a nation and condemned the killings in Matabeleland, would we be experience this same kind of violence?
We stood and watched and criticised those that dared to label Mugabe a killer. It is too late now to talk about this but I am reminding you Zimbabweans that there is no one who is going to come to our aid to free Zimbabwe. There is one thing that we do not try to work on as a nation, to unite. Let us unite against the enemy and stop being petty and demonizing characters like Jonathan Moyo.
All Zimbabweans matter. Zimbabwe is our country. Mugabe destroyed our country whilst we were all watching because we gave him the mandate to. What destroyed us was a one party state and we are now advocating for a one party state by trying to recognize one faction of the MDC and dismissing the other. We are fighting for democracy. Are we being democratic ourselves in the process? Support whatever party or leader you want and let other have that right to choose too.
Please, Zimbabweans think about your parents, cousins and friends that are starving in Zimbabwe. Discuss issues that will bring about change. We are all free to voice our opinions and that is our right. Let us focus on how we will defeat Mugabe and bring about a new government. If we are fighting for Tsvangirai to be president and also against those that point out his mistakes and dislike those that differ from him, then we are as good as Zanu-PF that we are trying to remove from power now. We need a leader who is different from Mugabe and we as advocates from change we need to be different from Zanu-PF supporters.
Our enemy at hand is Zanu-PF. it is not Makoni, Mutambara, Welshman and many others. Leave the people to exercise their right too and let them contribute to Zimbabwean politics as well. Do you think demonizing them is going to bring Mugabe down? I doubt very much and I can tell you that we are losing focus on the people that have caused us so much suffering and spend time focusing on trivial issues.
Zimbabweans, what is the way forward now that we are in this situation? I would be interested in debates that focus on how we can pressure the international community, AU, SADC and Mbeki especially to take the Zimbabwean situation serious.
You may hate all these people that you waste your time trying to bring down but this will never bring bread into the stomachs of all the starving Zimbabweans. You might think they are irrelevant in today’s politics, but they are and we all need them at this stage. They are playing their part. What are you doing for your country? The anger that you have against your own brothers and sisters and the propaganda that you spin in these papers will not liberate us or will these things make us better people. Please Zimbabweans work towards liberating yourselves from Mugabe and stop focusing on individuals and insulting each other.
I read most of the comments but this is the first time I have responded. Your comments have made Jonathan Moyo relevant to the current situation. He was almost forgotten but you have propped him up. Leave him alone and let him haul or buck. We do not need him, neither does Zanu-PF.
Related Articles
The Zimbabwean
Tuesday, 15 July
2008 08:14
In a welcome step, today the Prosecutor of the
International Criminal
Court requested an arrest warrant for Sudanese
President Omar Al-Bashir on
charges of genocide, crimes against humanity,
and war crimes in Darfur.
In a report released today, ENOUGH
Executive Director John Norris,
Co-Chair John Prendergast, and Research
Associate David Sullivan argue that
the call to arrest Bashir is not only
based on sound evidence, but that it
can be a step forward in the path to
secure peace. "The status quo in Sudan
is one of the deadliest in the
world. Until there is a consequence for the
commission of genocide, it will
continue. This action introduces a cost,
finally, into the equation," says
Prendergast. Using examples of past
indictments of war criminals Slobodan
Milosevic during the 1999 Kosovo
conflict, and of Charles Taylor in 2003 in
Liberia, the report argues that
introducing accountability for crimes
against humanity can break the cycle
of impunity and improve prospects for
peace in seemingly intractable
conflicts. Norris notes "with more than
300,000 dead and millions displaced
in Darfur, it is shocking that these
charges are even remotely
controversial. President Bashir has orchestrated
the Darfur tragedy from day
one, and any efforts to sweep his actions under
the rug are both shameful
and counterproductive."
In a separate
release, ENOUGH provides a rundown of some of Bashir's
past comments and
behavior. From hosting Osama bin Laden to engineering a
famine in southern
Sudan that killed hundreds of thousands, Bashir's
criminal track record
extends well beyond Darfur, and leaves little question
as to why
the
prosecutor is moving forward with charges.
Read
"Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir: The Record Speaks for Itself"
ENOUGH Project | 1225 Eye Street NW, Suite 307 | Washington, DC 20005
ENOUGH is a project to end genocide and crimes against humanity. For
more
information, go to www.enoughproject.org.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Tuesday, 15 July 2008 13:51
Former Chairman
Commissioner for Mutare City Council,Fungai Chayeruka
has been awarded an
illegal exit package encompassing of a commercial stand
and purchase of
100litres of fuel per month among others by MP elect for
Zvimba North and
former Minister of Local Government, Public Works and Urban
Development, Hon
Ignatius Chombo.
In his approval letter dated June 19 2008 which
the MDC office has in
possession, Chombo addressed Chayeruka as 'Executive
Mayor of Mutare City
Council'-a post he never held.Chayeruka only served as
an appointed Chairman
Commissioner for the council since March
2007.
The other benefits that Chayeruka was illegally awarded
include;1-four
months salary for every year he served ,2-non payment of
rates for
8months,3-free cell phone and line,4-a car at book value,5-siiting
allowances for Pungwe Brewery meeting held from July 2007 till June
2007.
Besides the 'illegally' awarded benefits of an Executive
Mayor that
Chayeruka benefited, he is also in possession of two residential
stands and
a Nissan scefero.
The illegally issuing of the exit
package to Chayeruka comes at a time
when the government is delaying in
swearing the legally elected councilors
for Mutare City Council.MDC
Manicaland Spokesman and MP elect for Makoni
South ,Hon Pishai Muchauraya
described this move as an attempt by the Mugabe
regime to pay their outgoing
members by misusing council property and make
MDC inherit an empty
City.
IOL
July 15
2008 at 12:53PM
An additional mediator to facilitate discussions
around the Zimbabwean
crisis was a "fake issue", deputy foreign affairs
minister Aziz Pahad said
on Tuesday.
"It is a fake issue..... I
don't know of any formal position on this,
except in the media," he told a
press briefing in Pretoria.
He said talks between Zanu PF and the
two Movement for Democratic
Change factions were continuing and there had
been no indication, to his
knowledge, that an additional mediator was
needed.
An additional mediator was diverting from the fundamental
issue that
talks were ongoing.
"I don't believe that any new
body.... simply to be sitting there is
what is required."
Pahad
said he had been given no proof to substantiate claims that an
additional
mediator was needed, allegedly because President Thabo Mbeki was
taking
sides.
He said earlier reports that African Union Commission
chairman Jean
Ping was arriving in South Africa for an "urgent meeting" were
not true.
"There is no emergency. If there was an emergency Ping
would have been
here last week."
Mbeki would meet with Ping.
However this was part of a constant
briefing to liaise on any progress made
in talks to resolve the Zimbabwe
crisis, said Pahad. - Sapa
The Herald
(Harare) Published by the government of Zimbabwe
15 July 2008
Posted
to the web 15 July 2008
Harare
THE failure of Zimswitch system at
point of sale terminals is causing
inconvenience to consumers in light of
the low cash withdrawal limits.
With the current cash withdrawal limit
falling below most of the basic
grocery items, for instance a multi purpose
cleaner costs between $150-250
billion, most consumers were relying on
Zimswitch POS terminals to purchase
goods as there is no restrictions on the
amount used.
Zimswitch services were suspended, including some banks'
ATM services, to
enable the system to be reconfigured to facilitate easier
withdrawal of the
higher denominations.
Zimswitch is an inter-bank
system that allows the banking public to use ATM
and POS terminals of other
banks besides their own.
At the present moment the POS terminals are only
restricted to specific
account holders of the banks that would have
installed them.
CABS, Kingdom and ZB Bank have widespread POS terminals
while Standard
Chartered has the highest number of Visa machines. Other
banks such as CFX
only have one terminal (at Farm & City
supermarket).
CFX managing director Mr Onesimo Mukumba said there were
plans to increase
POS terminals in order to provide convenience to account
holders.
At current limits, provided that prices are stagnant, one needs
to make
eight trips to the bank to raise money for a 2-litre bottle of
cooking oil
while the daily limit covers only two days of
transport.
The average weekly grocery bill for a family of six is
estimated to be
around $6 trillion.
Towards the end of last year, the
daily withdrawal limit stood at $50
million, enough to buy two litres of
cooking oil at between $15 million and
$20 million, two litres Mazoe ($10
million) and a family size toothpaste.
The last two increases in cash
withdrawal limits ($25 billion and $100
billion) have easily been eroded by
inflation and have fallen way below the
rate of price increases.
In
South Africa, a bank account holder is allowed to withdraw a daily
maximum
of R3 000, enough to buy six-months grocery for an average family.
Most
businesses are only accepting cheques in instances where although prior
arrangement is required owing to the cash squeeze.
Central bank
governor Dr Gideon Gono last week removed the limits on cheque
payments
Photo:
IRIN
Gifts
from the government
HARARE, 15 July 2008 (IRIN) - "It was like the Biblical manna from heaven," a
villager in Murombedzi, a rural district about 110km northwest of the Zimbabwean
capital, Harare, recounted to IRIN after a truck with basic commodities at
knock-down prices arrived at the almost abandoned shopping centre.
"Imagine, I managed to buy two litres of cooking oil for Z$1.5 billion
[US$0.02 at an exchange rate of Z$65 billion to US$1], a bar of soap for Z$1
billion [US$0.01) and two kg of sugar for Z$800 million [US$0.008], when I would
need at least Z$600 billion [US$9.25] to purchase the same items in a shop or
the black [parallel] market," said Tariro Musanhi, 32.
Word spread fast
that items like cooking oil, washing soap, sugar and salt were being sold at
"give away prices", and a long queue quickly formed. A government official
accompanying the truck told the gathering the delivery of basic goods at
affordable prices was part of the government's new programme called "People's
Shops".
After an eight-year recession, Zimbabwe's annual inflation rate
- estimated by independent economists to be between one million and 10 million
percent - means basic commodities are increasingly being sold on the parallel
market for foreign currency, such as South African rands and Botswana's pula,
and few items are available in shops.
"We were told that every week the
truck would do the rounds in our villages, selling the items at very low prices
to cushion us against rising costs caused by selfish manufacturers and
wholesalers," Musanhi said, but after three weeks the people's shop has failed
to return.
Pilot project
Gideon Gono, governor
of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ), told the official The Herald newspaper
that the concept of people's shops — some mobile and others to be based at
existing retail outlets - was designed to cater for vulnerable communities in
rural and poor urban areas.
Gono was one of those cited by Britain and
the US in a recent failed UN Security Council resolution to freeze the assets of
14 people among the elite of the ZANU-PF party, which ruled Zimbabwe for 28
years, for anti-democratic practices.
Among ordinary people, especially the vulnerable elements, the availability of basic commodities at affordable prices is the key to the revival of our national economy |
"Among ordinary people, especially the vulnerable elements, the availability
of basic commodities at affordable prices is the key to the revival of our
national economy," Gono said.
The "Basic Goods Accessibility Programme",
of which People's Shops were the crucial element, had started "nationwide on a
pilot basis" and was "going on very well", and Gono had "no doubt about the
sustainability of the programme, because it is based on good business sense".
However, in the same edition of The Herald, he said: "The economy and
politics are inextricably intertwined, such that it does not make sense for
anyone to expect the RBZ to fix the national economy somehow and turn it around
for the better, when political players continue to play bickering games over the
way forward.
"Therefore, I cannot imagine, let alone proffer, any way
forward in terms of reviving the economy, given the current situation that is
not based on, and informed by, a political economy of national unity," Gono
said.
Unsustainable
Others were less confident
about the success of the "People's Shops" initiative. Economist Erich Bloch,
based in Zimbabwe's second city, Bulawayo, and a former reserve bank consultant,
expected the concept to be short-lived. "The government has no resources to fund
the so called People's Shops and I don't see the programme lasting a long time,"
he commented.
"It is a political ploy to give the people the impression
that the government is concerned about their welfare, and I get disturbed by
reports that those benefiting are being asked to produce [ZANU-PF] party cards,"
Bloch told IRIN.
Its a political ploy to give the people the impression that the government is concerned about their welfare, and I get disturbed by reports that those benefiting are being asked to produce [ZANU-PF] party cards |
"In real terms, there are no benefits to the ordinary people, whether in the
short term or long run. There is no capacity to supply to needy consumers
adequately, and even if the reserve bank governor is saying it's a pilot
project, there is no evidence that many people are benefiting."
Bloch
said by buying the goods to stock the "People's Shops" from local manufacturers
and the Grain Marketing Board (GMB), a parastatal company that holds a monopoly
for purchasing cereals, the government would deprive other shops of commodities,
thereby forcing them to either scale down or close.
Because President
Robert Mugabe's government was buying commodities for resale at "below cost",
the programme would create an imperative for the government to borrow more
money, thereby increasing its debts, Bloch said.
Innocent Makwiramiti,
another economist and former chief executive of the Zimbabwe National Chamber of
Commerce (ZNCC), said the "People's Shops" programme was an "economically
suicidal exercise meant to appease voters who the government promised a lot of
things" before the recent elections, in which ZANU-PF lost it parliamentary
majority for the first time since independence from Britain in 1980.
"Currently, even the manufacturers to whom the government is turning for
supplies are operating well below capacity, with some of them showing signs of
folding at any time. It would therefore take nothing less than a miracle for the
shops to go on," Makwiramiti told IRIN. The Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries
believes that industrial production has shrunk to less than a third of pre-2000
levels.
There is suspicion among informal traders that goods confiscated
from them by the police were among the commodities being sold at the people's
shops. "I guess it is like robbing from Peter to give to Jane," John Chinyani, a
trader who sources rice from Mozambique for resale in Harare, told IRIN.
"The police have increased their raids on us and we don't know where the
goods they take from us are going, and with this talk about People's Shops it is
possible that we are being used as a source of free items for resale."
[This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United
Nations]
http://www.alpha-2.info - France
Sunday was a soporific affair on the streets of Harare, except for the
government's Chinese-made Mig jets zig-zagging across the cloudless sky in a
show of power. All shops closed; nobody out on a Sunday stroll. Even some of
the boisterous evangelical churches thought it best to postpone choir
practice until next week
It would have been hard to know that it was
the President's inauguration day
if it wasn't for the assorted 4x4s and
Mercedes speeding through Harare's
central business district on the way to
the ceremony. MDC leader Morgan
Tsvangirai was invited to attend from his
temporary abode in the Dutch
embassy - was it political politesse or a bad
joke? Anyway he refused,
predictably enough.
By early afternoon the
Zimbabwe Electoral Commission declared Robert Gabriel
Mugabe the winner. The
results showed a high number of spoiled ballots -
9,166 out of 43,584 in
Bulawayo alone. The ZEC's pace of work this time
stood in sharp contrast to
the March 29 results, which took some six weeks
of counting and recounting
before the results were announced.
Mugabe's victory: was there ever any
doubt?
A mood of intimidation still hangs in the air. One youth sporting
a Zanu-PF
t-shirt close to Harare's dilapidated polytechnic college said
that he would
be joining in the victory celebrations 'for security'. There
is fear of
Central Intelligence Organisation informers almost everywhere you
go in
Harare. Resignation sets in once more, particularly within the rank
and file
of the MDC, many of whom are dissatisfied at what they see as
yet-another
ill-judged Tsvangirai decision. "He left it too late; in other
elections
he's been undecided and then he contests in the end. This time a
lot of his
supporters were disappointed," said one journalist on Harare's
excellent
weekly Financial Gazette, covering his mouth whilst he spoke at a
local
chicken restaurant.
Mugabe has said he'll negotiate with the
opposition but this could be a
diversionary tactic purely to please SADC
leaders. Tsvangirai still appears
to have little domestic leverage or
incapable of using what he does have.
However, one can sense the mood is
different. No one believes that another
ZANU-PF regime can pretend it's
business as usual. Inflation is estimated by
some to have reached 9,000,000
percent as Zimbabweans go into July.
Increasingly everyday transactions are
taking place in US dollars. After
previous elections, a feeling of relief
prevailed in the capital's wealthier
districts of Borrowdale and Gunhill:
"Another electoral cycle over - now we
can get back to planning our holiday
to Kariba".
But for most Zimbabweans such a return to normalcy or even
predictability is
long gone. President Robert Mugabe has won his most
blatantly rigged
election election yet, denounced by African monitors for
the first time. He
is fast losing his most valued political asset - the
approbation of Africa.
As he jets off to meet his peers at the African Union
summit in Egypt, he
leaves behind a deeply troubled country.
By
Aardvark
From africa-confidential.com
Mardi 15 Juillet 2008
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