Zim Online
by Jameson Mombe Friday 18 July
2008
HARARE - Zimbabwe's opposition said on Thursday it would
decide whether to
sign an agreement for talks with the government after
seeing the outcome of
today's meeting between South African President Thabo
Mbeki and African
Union (AU) Commission chairman Jean Ping.
Mbeki is
the Southern African Development Community (SADC)'s chief mediator
on
Zimbabwe. But the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party
has
accused the South African leader of bias in favour of President Robert
Mugabe.
The MDC refused on Wednesday to sign a memorandum of
understanding (MOU) on
future talks with Mugabe's ruling ZANU PF party,
demanding that the
Zimbabwean leader acts to end political violence against
the opposition
party's supporters and that the AU appoints an envoy to work
with Mbeki.
An MDC spokesman Nqobizita Mlilo told the media: "We want to
see the outcome
of the meeting between Mr Ping and President Mbeki tomorrow
and then we will
take it from there."
The opposition party defeated
ZANU PF in March parliamentary elections while
its leader Morgan Tsvangirai
defeated Mugabe in a parallel presidential
ballot although he failed to
secure the margin required to takeover power.
"We won't have people
putting it on our heads that we have to sign an
agreement when our demands
have not been met," Mlilo said.
Part of the MDC's demands is that
Tsvangirai's victory in the first round
presidential election on March 29 be
recognised, a demand unlikely to be
accepted by Mugabe who insists he is the
legitimate leader after winning a
second round of voting on June
27.
Mugabe was sole candidate in the June ballot after Tsvangirai pulled
out
saying a free and fair vote was impossible after at least 113 MDC
supporters
were killed and about 200 000 others displaced in political
violence during
the run-up to the poll.
Several African observers
including those from the AU condemned the run-off
election as undemocratic,
while Western nations and a handful of African
countries have said they will
not recognise Mugabe's government.
However, the AU has resisted calls by
Western nations for sanctions against
Harare. Instead, an AU summit in Egypt
last month to urged Mugabe to open
negotiations with the opposition for a
government of national unity that
many on the continent say is the best way
to resolve Zimbabwe's political
and economic crisis.
Zimbabwe, once a
regional breadbasket, is in the grip of a severe political
and economic
crisis which critics blame on repression and wrong polices by
Mugabe such as
his haphazard fast-track land reform exercise that displaced
established
white commercial farmers and replaced them with either
incompetent or
inadequately funded black farmers.
The economic crisis that the World
Bank has described as the worst in the
world outside a war zone is seen in
the world's highest inflation rate of
more than two million, severe
shortages of food and every basic survival
commodity. -
ZimOnline
Zim Online
by Own Correspondent Friday 18 July
2008
JOHANNESBURG - The European Union (EU) will on
Tuesday impose tougher
sanctions on Zimbabwe that will for the first time
also target companies
deemed to be propping up President Robert Mugabe, EU
diplomats said on
Thursday.
One diplomat said, "There is an
agreement in principle on reinforcing
the sanctions. Ministers will approve
it soon. The aim is to avoid anything
which would harm the
population."
Another diplomat added that the measures would include
for the first
time freezing the assets and banning the activities in Europe
of companies
with links to Mugabe's leadership, adding that EU foreign
ministers would
rubber-stamp the moves next Tuesday.
The EU has
refused to recognise Mugabe's re-election in a June 27
presidential run-off
vote that was boycotted by opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC)
party leader Morgan Tsvangirai who said a
state-orchestrated campaign of
violence and terror against his supporters
made it impossible to hold a free
and fair election.
Mugabe went on to score a landslide victory in
the single-candidate
election that received worldwide condemnation even from
observers from the
Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the
African Union.
The EU as well as the United States (US),
Switzerland, Australia and
New Zealand have since 2002 maintained visa and
financial sanctions on more
than 130 top officials of Mugabe's government as
well as an arms embargo
against Zimbabwe.
The idea now, one
diplomat said, would be to add "around 40 people" to
that list, some "from
the security apparatus" of the regime identified as
being involved in the
political violence and businesspersons helping prop it
up.
As
many as five companies could also be caught in the net, the
diplomats
said.
Washington and close ally Britain suffered a diplomatic
setback last
week when Russia and China vetoed a resolution to impose
financial and
travel restrictions on Mugabe and 13 of his top officials as
punishment for
committing political violence and their decision to go ahead
with the June
election despite international calls not to do
so.
The resolution that was also opposed by South Africa, Libya and
Vietnam sought to impose an UN-backed arms embargo on Zimbabwe.
Following the Security Council setback, Britain said it was going to
ask the
EU to impose tougher sanctions while US President George Bush said
on
Wednesday that Washington was considering more bilateral sanctions
against
Mugabe's administration.
A spokesman for Prime Minister Gordon
Brown said earlier this week
that Britain would also consider approaching
the Security Council once more
if there was no progress in talks between
Mugabe's government and the
opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
party that are being
mediated by neighbouring South Africa.
The
talks are meant to reach a negotiated settlement that could pave
way for the
formation of a government of national unity seen by many as the
best way to
resolve Zimbabwe's political and economic crisis.
However
uncertainty surrounds the future of the talks after the MDC
refused this
week to sign a memorandum of understanding on future engagement
with
Mugabe's ruling ZANU PF party.
The MDC says it will decide whether
to sign the agreement after seeing
the outcome of today's meeting between
talks mediator, South Africa's
President Thabo Mbeki and African Union
Commission chairman Jean Ping. The
MDC accuses Mbeki of favouring Mugabe and
wants Ping to appoint an envoy to
work with the South African leader -
ZimOnline
Yahoo News
By
RODRICK MUKUMBIRA, Associated Press Writer 16 minutes ago
WINDHOEK,
Namibia - White farmers asked a regional court Thursday to hold
the
Zimbabwean government in contempt, saying government supporters were
beating
and harassing plaintiffs in a suit challenging Zimbabwe's farm
evictions.
Lawyers for Zimbabwe's government walked out of the
hearing in response to
the contempt request.
The lawsuit filed with
the Southern African Development Community's tribunal
by 78 white farmers
asks that Zimbabwe's farm eviction laws be overturned.
The chaotic and often
violent land reform program launched in 2000 forced
many white commercial
farmers from prime farming land.
Critics say the program helped turn the
country from a regional breadbasket
into a begging bowl. But the government
says it was meant to benefit the
country's black majority.
The
10-person tribunal, based in Namibia, opened hearings in the case
Wednesday.
It had ordered Zimbabwe in December not to expropriate farms
belonging to
the applicants pending the outcome.
But farmers' lawyer Jeremy Gauntlett
argued Thursday the order was broken
when ruling party militants attacked
three of the farmers who filed the
suit.
He asked the court to refer
the issue of contempt of court to a regional
summit in August in South
Africa.
The court did not immediately rule on the contempt request or set
a date for
a ruling on the larger issues in the case. The tribunal hears
legal appeals
from citizens of the regional bloc's 14 members nations.
http://zimbabwemetro.com
By Staff ⋅ © zimbabwemetro.com ⋅ July 17, 2008
⋅
Former UN Secretary general Kofi Annan has implied that Morgan Tsvangirai
was right not to sign the memorandum of understanding yesterday in
Harare.
“Robert Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai must be able to enter into a
dialogue
on an equal footing, as two leaders,” the former UN
Secretary-General said
during a speech last night at the University of South
Africa, in Pretoria.
‘Progress can only be made when the conditions are
right’, Annan told the
gathering.
VOA
By Lisa Schlein
Geneva
17 July
2008
The Inter-Parliamentary Union condemns the imprisonment of
several members
of Parliament in Zimbabwe who, it says, have suffered
violence and
harassment and seen their basic rights violated. The cases of
these
legislators are among hundreds examined by the IPUs Human Rights
Committee,
which has just wrapped up a week-long session in Geneva from
where Lisa
Schlein reports for VOA.
The IPU says another member of
parliament, Oscar Lizcano is still being held
by the FARC. And, hundreds of
other legislators around the world also have
been imprisoned, disappeared or
threatened.
The IPU Human Rights Committee has spent a week reviewing the
files of 282
imperiled legislators in 32 countries. It says the situation of
parliamentarians in Zimbabwe is among the most disturbing.
IPU is an
organization aimed at fostering cooperation among the parliaments
of its 150
member countries.
Canadian Senator, Sharon Carstairs is President of the
Committee. She
highlights the cases of two parliamentarians who she fears
may be in
particular danger from the government of President Robert
Mugabe.
One is that of Tendai Biti who belongs to the Movement for
Democratic
Change. She says he was badly beaten in 2007 and has again been
taken into
custody.
"As far as we know, he is being held without any
contact whatsoever. The
other upon whom we have lost contact is Nelson
Chamisa. Both of these were
reelected....in the most recent elections in
Zimbabwe. We know that both of
them have been ill treated in the past. We
know that the IPU has led the
denunciation of both the recent presidential
election and the most recent
swearing in of the president, which we believe
took place under totally
illegal situations," she said.
The
opposition MDC won a majority of seats in parliament in the March
election.
So far, President Mugabe has not called parliament into session.
And his
Zanu PF party is questioning a number of election results.
Carstairs says
she is afraid that Zanu PF will fiddle with the results and
Mugabe's Party
will eventually end up with a majority of seats in
Parliament.
She
says it is critically important that countries keep up the pressure on
Zimbabwe. It is particularly important, she says, that Zimbabwe's African
neighbors condemn Mugabe's actions. "It has always been our hope that South
Africa would be more aggressive in its condemnation of the activities in
Zimbabwe. But, as you know, that has not been the case. Mr. Mbeke has not
chosen to play that role. He has chosen to play a role which he believes is
more conciliatory," she said.
http://zimbabwemetro.com
By Robert Tshuma-Financial Editor ⋅ ©
zimbabwemetro.com ⋅ July 17, 2008
Simba Makoni, the former finance and
econmic development minister has said
the current economic and political
crises facing the country are due to the
failure of the ZANU-PF government
leadership and said the ZANU PF has no
clue how to fix the
economy.
Speaking to VOA’s stuio 7 Makoni said Zimbabwe has the capacity
to be the
breadbasket not only to the Southern African region, but also to
the entire
African continent and beyond. He added that the failure of
leadership has
obliterated the country’s agricultural sector.
Makoni’s
comments came after President Robert Mugabe unveiled a plan to give
“cheap
food hampers” which the government claimed would be affordable to
poor
households around the country.
“Firstly, that has been his (Mugabe’s)
point for a long time that he views
the northwestern hemisphere are in for a
regime change. I remain clear that
the problem confronting our country and
the people primarily arise from
failure of leadership at the highest level
in this country,” Makoni said.
He said the government’s new plan to
provide cheap food for the poor would
not solve Zimbabwe’s
problems.
“No, it will not help anything. Firstly, these goodies are all
imported.
This country has the capacity to produce enough for itself and
surplus. This
country does not need to be importing bars of soap and bottles
of cooking
oil and baked beans. It is not the solution, it is for the only
connected
who are in the patronage system,” he said.
Makoni said the
ongoing economic crisis could force the country’s economy to
collapse after
some economists said demand for food and basic amenities far
outweigh what
the government can afford to provide.
“Yeah! I agree. Quite clearly what
they have been able to import is a drop
in the ocean compared to the
national demand. And that is why I’m saying
that the policy seems to appease
those who are connected to the patronage
system. The large majority of
ordinary Zimbabweans will not access any of
this so-called goodies,” Makoni
pointed out.
He said Robert Mugabe knows that the only way out of the
current economic
and political crisis facing the country is a complete
change in Zimbabwe’s
leadership.
“The solution to our problems is
quite well known by all Zimbabweans,
including Robert Mugabe. It is that we
need a change in leadership; we need
a change in policies; we need a
commitment to working for the people rather
than working for self, and
self-enrichment. We need to capacitate our own
institutions, industrial,
agricultural, services institutions, which a short
five seven years ago were
delivering not only full capacity, but also
world-class quality. That’s what
will solve our problems,” he noted.
Additional reporting from VOA’s
Studio 7
IOL
July 17 2008 at
07:21PM
Fiona Forde and Hans Pienaar
Pressure is
mounting on Thabo Mbeki to negotiate a speedy settlement
in Zimbabwe with
Kofi Annan calling on him to accept the Zanu-PF chief and
his MDC
counterpart as equals, while church leaders from southern African
call for
immediate sanctions.
"Robert Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai must be
able to enter into a
dialogue on an equal footing, as two leaders," the
former UN
Secretary-General said during a speech last night at the
University of South
Africa (Unisa), in Pretoria, where he was conferred with
an honorary
doctorate in Literature and Philosophy. Progress can only be
made when the
conditions are right, Annan told the
gathering.
He said he was speaking on behalf of the Elders,
the group that
comprises Nelson Mandela, Desmond Tutu and Jimmy Carter, in
calling "for a
speedy and robust mediation to resolve the political crisis"
to put an end
to "this crisis of governance, for human lives and livelihoods
are at
stake."
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Thursday, 17 July 2008
14:59
Workers urged to boycott Zimbabwe bound goods
16
July 2008
Workers from around the world have been urged to refuse
to handle
goods
destined for Zimbabwe, as part of a policy of
solidarity put forward
by
South Africa's trade union federation,
COSATU.COSATU leaders, as well
as leaders from the Zimbabwe Congress of
Trade.
Unions and the Swaziland Federation of Labour, met in South
Africa on
Tuesday to prepare for an international conference to be held
in
Johannesburg next month. The conference is set to mobilise
solidarity
with
the people of both Zimbabwe and Swaziland in their
struggle for
democracy
and human rights.According to a COSATU
statement, Tuesday's meeting
"agreed on the need to
build the
capacity of the trade union movement into a neatly weaved
programme of
action" and as such "the Southern African Trade Union
Co-ordinating
Council and individual affiliates in the region need
deeper
engagement to institutionalise solidarity as a permanent feature of
the
regional trade union movement".COSATU's Patrick Craven told
Newsreel
on Wednesday that the meeting
"supported calls for an
interim government to be set up in Zimbabwe
until
such a time that
free and fair elections can be held". Craven added
that the
meeting
agreed to oppose "Western powers initiated sanctions" in
favour of
a
"united workers movement in forms of demonstrations at Zimbabwe's
borders".
Craven said this move is "preferable to Western imposed
sanctions
because we
suspect they have their own agenda that will
not benefit the people of
Zimbabwe".Craven said the federation would
rather see a "grassroots
movement of
solidarity" and in this
regard, it has called on workers in the region
and
world wide to
refuse to handle goods destined for Zimbabwe, for an
initial
period
of one week. Craven said this week of action is merely an
attempt
to
"accelerate progress towards democratic change" and added that
COSATU
"has
no interest in bringing the people of Zimbabwe into
more abject
poverty than
they already find themselves in".Craven
said the plan for a world wide
workers' boycott will be approved at
next month's solidarity conference in Johannesburg. He added that
COSATU
and
other regional trade unions already follow a policy "to refuse to
assist the
leaders of Zimbabwe's illegitimate government" to
continue putting
pressure
on the Robert Mugabe regime. He said
workers in South Africa, SADC,
Africa
and the world over, as well
as all progressive citizens, have been
urged to
work towards a
total isolation of Mugabe and his government by
ensuring
Mugabe and
his "government" is not served at airports, restaurants,
and
shops.Tuesday's meeting also agreed to work with the rest of civil
society
to
stage a mass protest and rally when the SADC heads of states summit
is
convened in South Africa next month. COSATU has also called on
its
affiliates and civil society organisations, to commit to a human
rights
programme and to organise rallies during July.
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
JOHANNESBURG , 17 July 2008 (IRIN) - Police
stormed a refugee camp today in southern Johannesburg to release four security
guards held hostage by foreign nationals displaced by the recent xenophobic
violence in South Africa.
Photo:
Guy Oliver/IRIN
Uneasy
calm
The tented "safety camp" in Johannesburg's
Glenanda suburb houses about 2,000 people from 16 African countries and was
established in the wake of widespread xenophobic attacks that killed more than
60 people, injured hundreds more and displaced tens of thousands in May this
year.
The residents have voluntarily divided the camp into sections
according to nationality; people from the Democratic Republic of Congo,
numbering about 700 people, are the dominant group.
Police spokesman
Superintendent Lungelo Dlamini told IRIN that at about 9 a.m. on 17 July, police
entered the camp to rescue four guards working for a private security company,
contracted by local government to provide security, and fired rubber bullets in
response to stones being thrown at them. Three women and seven men were arrested
for public violence.
Thabo Masebe, spokesman for Gauteng local
government, told IRIN that tensions rose on 16 July after "a group of people
refused to be registered on a Home Affairs data base".
On the following
day, those refusing registration "disrupted the process" and then took four
security guards hostage. The guards were subsequently released by the police
action, Masebe said, and the camp was sealed off by police.
The Home
Affairs department has begun issuing victims of xenophobic violence with special
identity documents, regardless of their status, to lessen their vulnerability as
foreign nationals. The identity documents are valid for six months.
Camp
residents told IRIN through the two-metre high chain-link perimeter fence that
they believed the registration process was part of a strategy to forcibly
reintegrate them back into South African society.
Hussein Niyibigira, who fled Burundi in
1994, said South African nationals walking past the camp, which is close to a
busy intersection, constantly taunted them, saying such things as: "If you leave
here, it will be your last day, we will kill you."
If you leave here, it will be
your last day, we will kill you
Richard Assante, who
arrived illegally in South Africa from Ghana in 2006, said he had received a
special identity document but was afraid to return to the camp as "people want
to kill me because I got a card [identity document]."
He said most
people in the camp were hoping to be resettled in either Canada or Australia, so
they were rejecting both reintegration in South Africa and repatriation to their
country of origin.
The shelters established for victims of xenophobia
have a two-month timeframe, and if foreign nationals refuse either reintegration
into South African society or repatriation to their home countries, "we could
have a dilemma" Masebe said. "We cannot force people to go back to their home
countries and we cannot establish permanent shelters for foreign nationals."
Masebe said resettlement of the foreign nationals in the camps to a
third country was not within the South African government's ambit.
Deeper causes for the violence
South African
President Thabo Mbeki told a rally in Pretoria on 3 July, held to
commemorate those who died in the xenophobic violence: "I heard it said
insistently that my people have turned, or become xenophobic ... I wondered what
the accusers knew about my people which I did not know.
"And this I must
also say, none in our society has any right to encourage or incite xenophobia by
trying to explain naked criminal activity by cloaking it in the garb of
xenophobia."
The Centre for Development and Enterprise, a South African policy
think-tank, on 17 July called for a commission of inquiry into the xenophobic
violence to answer numerous questions, such as the impact of corruption, the
effects of the crisis in neighbouring Zimbabwe, the role of the media, and the
government response to the attacks.
"The May violence was almost
certainly much more complicated that it initially seemed," the statement said.
"Causes of the violence run deeper than an alleged extraordinary South African
hatred of foreigners."
Institute for War & Peace Reporting
Morgan Tsvangirai insists he must head any transitional
administration, but
opposition-aligned pressure groups say they want a more
neutral figure.
By Jabu Shoko in Harare (ZCR No. 155,
17-Jul-08)
The announcement by several influential non-government groups
in Zimbabwe
that they wanted a transitional administration headed by a
neutral figure
has dealt a severe blow to opposition leader Morgan
Tsvangirai, who has been
seeking support to take on the job
himself.
In a surprise move, a group of civil society organisations said
on July 15
they would reject a transitional government led by either
Tsvangirai or
President Robert Mugabe. They included the Zimbabwe Congress
of Trade
Unions - which gave birth to Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic
Change,
MDC, in 1999, the Zimbabwe National Students' Union, Women of
Zimbabwe
Arise, Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights, and Christian
groups.
As preliminary discussions take place in Pretoria to lay the
groundwork for
talks on a power-sharing arrangement, the MDC has made it a
precondition
that Tsvangirai should head any "government of national
unity".
South African president Thabo Mbeki, appointed by the Southern
African
Development Community, SADC, as negotiator in the Zimbabwe crisis,
is
thought to be putting the final touches to a negotiated settlement
between
ZANU-PF and the MDC. Those privy to the Pretoria talks say the deal
would
see the establishment of a presidency with scaled-down powers and an
executive prime minister, and both factions of the MDC, of which
Tsvangirai's
is the larger, would be awarded senior posts.
Following
consultative meeting on July 15, Lovemore Madhuku said the
non-government
organisations, NGOs, had agreed that a transitional
government would provide
an appropriate vehicle for ushering in democratic
reform, but that "such an
arrangement must not be headed by a person from
ZANU-PF or the
MDC".
"We want a neutral person," said Madhuku, who heads the National
Constitutional Assembly, an influential body that presses for constitutional
reform.
The NGOs, he said, envisaged a transitional authority with a
specific,
limited mandate to oversee the drafting of a new democratic
constitution and
the installation of a legitimate government, leading to a
fair presidential
election.
"We wholeheartedly reject the suggestion
of a power-sharing agreement that
fails to immediately address the
inadequacy of the current constitutional
regime," he
added.
Tsvangirai beat Mugabe in the first round of the presidential
election on
March 29, although election officials said he failed to win the
required
absolute majority. He boycotted the June 27 run-off vote, citing
violence
against his supporters.
His demand to take charge of a
caretaker government has been backed by the
European Union. the United
States. Britain and several members of the
African Union and Southern
African Development Community, SADC.
Outraged MDC officials said the
civil society groups' plan to ditch
Tsvangirai, their ally of the past eight
years, was tantamount to stabbing
him in the back.
"The problem with
civic society is that they are not being realistic," said
MDC spokesman
Nelson Chamisa. "Tsvangirai won the presidential elections,
based on the
[March 29 poll] results. For all intents and purposes, he
should lead any
transitional arrangement or whatever government you choose
to call
it.
"Why would they need a neutral person, who was not voted for by the
people,
to be in charge, when facts are that the people of Zimbabwe made a
choice on
March 29 in a legitimate election?"
Useni Sibanda,
coordinator of the Christian Alliance, a coalition of church
groups,
accepted that the NGOs' announcement might be interpreted as meaning
Tsvangirai's allies had ditched him.
"Mugabe might use it for
propaganda purposes to mean that Tsvangirai has
been abandoned by his
allies," he explained.
At the same time, he said, "Tsvangirai must
understand it's time to put
national interests first before personal
interests".
Eldred Masunungure, a politics lecturer at the University of
Zimbabwe, said
the opposition leader should come to terms with his allies'
decision.
"Tsvangirai might see it as a political blow that his allies
want him out of
the transitional arrangement so that he concentrates on
solving the
political crisis.. I think he must not feel ditched. It will
give him time
to re-strategise," he said.
Masunungure noted that
given the degree of political polarisation in
Zimbabwe, it would be very
difficult to identify a neutral figure.
According to Madhuku, Zimbabwean
NGOs believe a transitional government
should represent a wider segment of
the population than just the political
parties.
"Individuals from a
broad sector of Zimbabwean society should be
incorporated into the
transitional government. This should include
representatives from labour
organisations, women's and children's rights
groups, churches and various
interests groups," he said.
He insisted that the NGOs' support for a
power-sharing deal was conditional
on an end to political violence, the
restoration of law and order, and the
resumption of humanitarian relief
operations.
Jabu Shoko is the pseudonym of a reporter in Harare.
Fahamu
(Oxford)
PRESS RELEASE
17 July 2008
Posted to the web 17 July
2008
We, civil society organizations acting on behalf of the people
of Zimbabwe,
today reassert our commitment to the struggle for a transition
to democracy.
In doing so, we stand firmly by the principles of democratic
constitutionalism that are embodied in the People's Charter and which
represent the birthright of every Zimbabwean.
Given the present
environment of fear and oppression, we declare that
democratic reform must
be preceded by the cessation of violence, restoration
of law and order, and
facilitation of humanitarian relief. If such
conditions are met, we are
prepared to support the installation of a
transitional government created
after consultation with all stakeholders.
We believe that a
transitional government would provide an appropriate
vehicle for ushering
democratic reform. The transitional authority would
have a specific, limited
mandate to oversee the drafting of a new,
democratic and people-driven
constitution and the installation of a
legitimate government. We
wholeheartedly reject the suggestion of a
power-sharing agreement that fails
to immediately address the inadequacy of
the current constitutional
regime.
The transitional government must be established in line with the
following:
1. Leadership by a neutral body. The transitional government
should be
headed by an individual who is not a member of ZANU-PF or
MDC.
2. Broad representation. Individuals from a broad sector of
Zimbabwean
society should be incorporated into the transitional government.
This should
include representatives from labor organizations, women's and
children's
rights groups, churches, and various other interest
groups.
3. Specific, limited mandate. The transitional government should
be tasked
with facilitating the drafting and adoption of a new constitution
and then
holding elections under the new constitutional framework. It should
only
govern the country until such time as the government elected under the
new
constitution is installed. The negotiating parties should provide a very
clear timeframe for this process, with no more than 18 months of rule by the
transitional government.
4. People-driven constitutional development.
The process of drafting a new
constitution must include broad-based
consultation with the public. Interest
groups such as women, labor,
churches, and media should be given special
opportunities to provide input.
The draft constitution should not be enacted
until it has been ratified by
the public in a national referendum.
5. Restoration of good governance.
State institutions such as the judiciary,
police, security services, and
state welfare agencies should be
depoliticized and reformed. Steps should be
taken to fight corruption and
promote accountability for public officials.
Restrictions on press freedom
should be lifted and access to state media
outlets should be opened.
6. Transitional justice initiatives. The
transitional government should
design and implement a system to bring to
justice the perpetrators of gross
human rights violations. This framework
for transitional justice should be
embedded in the new constitution. In the
event of the above conditions not
being met, civil society commits itself to
continue in actions that increase
pressure on whosoever will be holding
state power to embrace people-centered
democratic process.
*This
press statement was issued by civil society following the national
civil
society consultative meeting.
The Weekly Observer
(Kampala)
EDITORIAL
16 July 2008
Posted to the web 17 July
2008
The once thick blanket of immunity for dictators and leaders who
commit or
abet crimes against humanity and genocide is beginning to become
threadbare.
The guilty must now be afraid and panicky.
The
International Criminal Court prosecutor has asked for the arrest of
President Omar Al Bashir of Sudan for crimes against humanity and genocide
targeting the mainly black population of Darfur region.
About 300,000
have been killed by the Janjaweed militia that is allied to
Bashir's
government. Women and girls have been raped and some 2 million
people
rendered homeless.
As this goes on for about five years now, Khartoum is
in denial, resisting
the United Nations entry and restricting humanitarian
activities, as well as
media. Why has this been necessary if there is
nothing to hide in Darfur?
While it is difficult to enforce the arrest of
a sitting president, Bashir's
indictment is symbolically important as it
sends a strong warning to
dictators who preside over atrocities against
their own citizens, or even
fail to stop such when it is in their power to
do so, that being head of
state will not offer them enough
protection.
There are strong arguments about the impact this will have on
the already
suffering people of Darfur and the general political situation
in Sudan. But
this amounts to blackmail and holding the international
community hostage.
It's similar to the Zimbabwean government pleading that
sanctions that will
cause civil war in the country in a bid to fend off a
blockade!
Closer to home, Lord's Resistance Army leader, Joseph Kony, is
now a
fugitive thanks to the ICC's arrest warrant for him and his senior
commanders.
Other war lords such as Jean Pierre Bemba of the DR Congo
and Charles Taylor
of Liberia are also facing ICC charges at The
Hague.
The message is very clear: Crimes against humanity are risky
business
regardless of who you are, where you are. The only lingering
problem is
selfish international interest that often rears its ugly head
through double
standards and unprincipled positions.
Take Zimbabwe's
Robert Mugabe, who in the 1980s supervised the slaughter of
his own people
in Matebeleland because they were opposed to his rule.
Because he was still
a darling of the West, he got away with it! Or the
absurd positions taken by
China and Russia on Zimbabwe in the UN Security
Council last week; were
these powers acting in the interest of the
Zimbabwean people, or in their
own interest?
For international justice to be just, it must apply to all
evenly, without
fear or favour.
The Weekly Observer
(Kampala)
OPINION
16 July 2008
Posted to the web 17 July
2008
Vincent Kiwanuka Kalimire
Before his flight to Egypt for
the AU Summit, Zimbabwe President Robert
Gabriel Mugabe told journalists
that he was prepared for any challenge to
his election and would tell
whoever criticised him that they had no moral
authority to condemn his
administration, since most of them had done worse
things.
His
response sounded like the Biblical story where the teachers of the Law
and
the Pharisees brought to Jesus a woman they caught committing adultery.
Ostensibly, they were seeking Jesus' opinion on what to do with her since
the old Law of Moses provided that such a person should be stoned to
death.
Jesus represented a new covenant between God and His people.
Looking at the
group which had arrested her, he told them that anyone
without sin should be
the first person to cast the stone at the adulterous
woman. Embarrassed,
they all vanished and the woman was left with no
accuser.
Obviously, the teachers of the Law and the Pharisees were not
without sin
and Jesus knew it. Probably, some of them were more evil than
the poor woman
who, perhaps could have succumbed to temptation for the first
time.
At the AU Summit, Mugabe presented himself as the Biblical
adulterous woman
amongst the more sinful teachers of the Law and
Pharisees.
It is not surprising therefore that the Summit declined to
condemn President
Mugabe and instead passed a redundant resolution calling
on both sides to
talk and establish a government of national
unity.
This is a dangerous trend that is slowly but steadily frustrating
Africa's
democratisation process.
The incumbents rig elections well
knowing that nothing would be done against
them other than being advised to
share power.
That is why I disagree with a number of commentators on
Africa who think
that Africa is on a steady path to meaningful
democratisation.
It is true that the number of coups d'etats has
drastically reduced but this
does not mean that there has been a
corresponding match with the promotion
of democratic values.
In
short, Africa's politics has changed in form but not content. That is
why;
instead of declaring themselves presidents for life, the way one of
Uganda's
former presidents, the late Idi Amin did, Africa's presidents are
essentially creating conditions that effectively make them life presidents.
Elections are organised only if they are sure of victory and when this is
threatened, the process must be rigged in their favour.
This explains
why only a handful of African delegates to the AU summit were
confident
enough to criticise Mugabe for fixing his election.
For "how can you say
to your brother, 'Brother, let me take the speck out of
your eye,' when you
don't see the beam in your own eye? You hypocrite! First
remove the beam
from your own eye, and then you'll see clearly enough to
remove the speck
from your brother's eye," Luke 6:42, International Standard
Version,
2008.
For those who closely followed the electoral process in Zimbabwe,
some of
the violence was a replica of what happened on the streets of
Kampala two
years ago. Remember the kiboko squads from Kampala Central
Police Station
(CPS)? The same hoodlums were on Harare streets and other
townships causing
mayhem and the security agencies were looking on the same
way District
Police Commanders and senior military officers looked on in
comfort as the
squads beat up people on the streets of Kampala.
For
those who think these were isolated incidents, 2011 is not far to prove
that
2006 was just a dress rehearsal, for then, the stakes will be much
higher as
the incumbent increasingly loses support.
Similar forms of violence will
be meted against members of the opposition as
the levels of impunity
intensify from one country to another. The call for
the establishment of
governments of national unity is now a cushion for
leaders who rig
elections. As long as violence is meted against members of
the opposition
and results are upheld as legitimate, many other governments
in Africa would
do the same.
No one is safe.
What happened in Zimbabwe and the
failure by many African leaders to condemn
the violence reflects badly on
Africa and was a betrayal of the African
people. Africa had the opportunity
to redeem its image during the AU Summit
in Egypt but because the whole
continent is composed of only the teachers of
the Law and the Pharisees, the
adulterer walked away scot-free as there was
no one to cast the first stone.
In Africa, there are no surprises.
Vincent Kiwanuka Kalimire, The author
is an MA Student of Globalisation,
Development and Transition at the
University of Westminster, London.
VOA
By Jonga Kandemiiri
Washington
17 July 2008
Senior officials and hundreds of
members of Zimbabwe's opposition Movement
for Democratic Change gathered
Thursday in Warren Hills Cemetery, Harare, to
bury slain party polling agent
Gift Mutsvungunu, reported missing on July 5
and found murdered five days
later.
Opposition sources said Mutsvungunu's body showed signs of extreme
torture:
his eyes were gouged out and his backside was badly burned. MDC
officials
charge that he was murdered by state agents as his injuries were
consistent
with those sustained by other victims who were abducted and later
killed by
members of the state security apparatus.
Secretary General
Tendai Biti of the MDC formation led by Morgan Tsvangirai
told mourners that
continued killings and violence by alleged state
operatives obstruct the
path to peace in the country. The dominant MDC
formation buried another
activist, party driver Joshua Bakacheza in Banket,
Mashonaland West, on
Tuesday.
Harare correspondent Thomas Chiripasi, at Mutsvungunu's burial,
said the
post-mortem conducted on the slain activist showed that he met with
a cruel
death.
MDC officials meanwhile said they extracted four party
members from Gokwe
General Hospital in Midlands province where they were
being denied medical
attention despite severe injuries from post-runoff
political violence, and
rushed them to the Avenues Clinic in
Harare.
MDC sources said state security agents and police thwarted two
previous
efforts to move the patients, seizing ambulances sent to remove
them.
Opposition sources charged that the activists were tortured by
suspected
ZANU-PF militia members following the presidential run-off
election June 27
in which President Robert Mugabe claimed to have been
re-elected amid
international condemnation of the
process.
Sources familiar with the situation in Gokwe said violence
continued there,
with a new torture base established in the local District
Development Fund
office.
MDC activist Jonah Muzira, who helped
rescue the party members from the
Gokwe hospital, told reporter Jonga
Kandemiiri of VOA's Studio 7 for
Zimbabwe that he and other activists moved
the 12 injured opposition
supporters under the cover of
night.
Elsewhere, Manicaland provincial spokesman Pishai Muchauraya
of the
Tsvangirai MDC said abducted activist Reuben Muteke died Saturday
from
injuries inflicted by ZANU-PF militia who abducted him from his home on
June
30 in Muteve village, Buhera Central constituency, then set upon him
with
machetes, axes and iron bars, eventually leaving him for
dead.
Muteke was rushed to Murambinda hospital but died five days
later.
Muchauraya said Buhera police took Muteke's body to Mutare
General Hospital
where a post mortem found that he died from loss of blood,
blood clots and
punctured lungs. Muteke's body was still being held at the
Murambinda
hospital mortuary, Muchauraya said.
http://www.mediainzimbabwe.com
16th July, 2008
The
seizing of foreign newspapers, including The Zimbabwean, the Economist,
and
the Weekly Telegraph, just before the run-off election on June 27 on
instructions from the military junta has cost the National Association of
Independent Newspaper Distributors eye-watering trillions in hard
currency.
The battle by the distributors to get the newspapers released,
or to get the
duty paid in forex refunded, continues. On July 10 Customs
released the
documents for The Zimbabwean newspaper consignment of issue 24,
June 19,
2008 - three weeks from the day we paid customs duty of more than
SAR42,000
in foreign currency to satisfy the requirements of the punitive
laws.
Earlier this week, the National Handling Services, in whose
warehouse
customs hold consignments, demanded storage charges amounting to
Z$10
trillion. Munn Marketing has not sought release of their consignments
but
have now demanded their "duty" forex back.
The Economist
magazines have been released but two issues of the Weekly
Telegraph and
Sunday Times and other publications remain held by customs.
"After stealing
our money, depriving our readers of the information and
depriving us of any
revenue from the sale of our newspapers, they now want
to further cripple us
with the type of storage charges meant to push us out
of
business.
Our vendors were routinely harassed during the run up to the
election
run-off of June 27. A number of
them were subjected to beatings
and intimidation. Those newspapers which
managed to come through were not
allowed to be freely distributed and sold.
This is illegal, cruel,
vindictive and a desperate measure as well as being
unashamed daylight
robbery," said the distributors in a statement this week.
"We strongly
urge that this "luxury tax" be seen in the context of it being
an illegal
amendment to the amended AIPPA which goes against the agreed
positions of
the SA-brokered talks before the holding of the March 29
elections. It
further illustrates how the Mugabe government cannot be
trusted.
Information as a basic right and freedom of expression as a
right enshrined
in country's constitution should both not be denied to the
people of
Zimbabweans whether inside or outside the country," says the
statement.
The distributors urged the SA mediators to demand that such
legislation be
repealed as part of the initial demands for the talks,
otherwise Zimbabwe
government will be negotiating in seriously bad faith.
The illegal duties
levied from distributors under the pretext of this
illegal "luxury tax"
should be returned in full in the currency of payment
and full compensation
be granted for the loss of business.
They are
urging MISA, ZLHR and other civic groups to take up this strong
position.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com
July 17, 2008
By Tobias
Mhashu
I CURRENTLY live in Zimbabwe and have chosen, unlike the rest of
my family,
to remain here.
So going to the Diaspora was always a
choice open to me but which I
declined. Needless to say I have paid the
price economically as at present I
cannot even afford to buy a second hand
car despite holding down a senior
role in the financial sector. I write
because some of the madness I see in
these Diaspora forums where I read
militant tones coming from people
criticizing and even calling for the death
of individuals who differ with
them.
Jonathan Moyo is no saint; that
we all know, but at least he chose to stay
here. A lot of you people in the
Diaspora shout, curse and wish death from
the comfort of adopted homes. You
can blame Mugabe and his cronies for
forcing you into exile, but I don't
think anyone can argue that our best
resources had they remained would have
found a solution a long time ago.
It is the Diaspora people who is the
most militant and views the unfolding
events in Zimbabwe from the prism of a
fairy tale, where good and evil are
distinct. In life my friends there are
few places where virtue shines
clearly. The problem with Zimbabweans is a
failure to elucidate events and
competently isolate the problem and hence
arrive at a solution. I dare say
that Mugabe is not the problem. Moyo
unwittingly inferred to the problem in
his write up about the Quill club
events.
Mugabe's tyranny has been allowed to flourish because of a flawed
constitution. We in 1980 failed to again isolate the problem, as we thought
that the white man was the problem and so by removing the white man, problem
was supposed to be solved. It was the white man oppression through
repressive laws that was the agony of the majority. This has nothing to do
with Mugabe, Tsvangirai or any other notable figure. This is about power and
how as a society we manage it.
A robust constitution would ensure
none of the excesses that we have endured
should ever come back to haunt us.
An inordinate amount of power can corrupt
even the most good natured of
people. Mahatma Gandhi's choice to live among
his people was in as much
about the people as it was about managing the
demons inside him once he had
the power. It's amazing how people become high
priests when judging other
people's contributions to society.
Those outside who furiously and
emotionally type away aluta continua
messages what have you done lately for
the Zimbabwean people outside
expending energy on the computer and reaching
for a dictionary. I have a
cousin of mine who always ends his calls
emotionally with " Ah bvisei mhondi
iyo mhani" (Please remove this tyrant.),
blind to the irony and
contradiction of being so strongly moved by his
conviction and yet finding
no problem sitting and working in the
UK.
It is only those who either have a simplistic outlook on life or have
an
ulterior motive who can call for the removal of Mugabe at all costs
strategy. Sadly, I fear for most Zimbabweans, it is the former.
Those
who care about the suffering masses would want a swift conclusion to
this
matter so Zimbabweans can try to live normally once again. That's why I
am
extremely saddened by those who dismiss Moyo's frank and brilliant
contribution by merely shooting the messenger. His cerebral contributions
have always been of a very high quality. It's his moral compass that seems
to have suffered from severe malfunctioning.
The fact that he raises
so much emotion is testament to his effectiveness.
History informs quite
clearly and with no contradiction that a people only
thrives when a
institutional conflict resolution mechanism works for all
concerned and as a
collective pursue common goals. This embrace of
foreigners interfering in
our affairs is akin to getting rid of the fox in
the hen house by letting
loose a hyena.
Only those who are uninformed by history can clamour for
the interference of
foreigners in our affairs. Countries are guided by
self-interest and not
some universal moral code. What a lot Zimbabweans do
is akin to a farmer who
feeling too lazy to till his land allows a
neighbouring farmer access in the
hope that the neighbouring farmer from the
goodness of his heart will give
him some of the harvest.
Gentleman it
is no accident that we belong to the animal kingdom. Beneath
the civilities
of all mankind lies a vicious fight that has no moral
framework. In the
context of history the Mugabe rein is too small a matter
to sell our
heritage for temporary relief.
FinGaz
Clemence Manyukwe Senior Political
Reporter
Mujuru, Msika exclusion sparks tensions
A UNITED NATIONS
sanctions list forming part of a draft resolution on
Zimbabwe, which was
vetoed during the world body's Security Council meeting
in Japan last week,
has sparked conflict within ZANU-PF because of the
omission of key members
of one of the party's factions, The Financial
Gazette can exclusively
reveal.
The draft resolution that was vetoed by Zimbabwe's allies - China
and
Russia - featured a sanctions list that includes President Robert
Mugabe,
his spokesperson George Charamba, Rural Housing Minister Emmerson
Mnangagwa,
Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa, Labour Minister Nicholas
Goche,
Agriculture Mechanisation Minister Joseph Made, Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe
Governor Gideon Gono and State Security Minister Didymus Mutasa,
among
others, leaving out other key individuals in the Politburo, Presidium
and
Cabinet.
Interestingly, the draft targeted ZANU-PF officials and
technocrats linked
to a faction headed by Mnangagwa and omits those aligned
to retired army
general Solomon Mujuru's camp.
ZANU-PF insiders this week
said there were strong suspicions within the
party that the exclusion from
the list of influential members such as Vice
President Joice Mujuru, wife of
retired army general Solomon Mujuru, Vice
President Joseph Msika as well as
army general Phillip Valerio Sibanda was a
"sly attempt by Western powers to
influence the party's internal dynamics
and incite further
divisions".
Some of the faction's members now stand accused of working hand
in hand with
Western countries and passing information on to them.
Worse
still, it is suggested the anomaly will give the excluded faction a
chance
to regain lost ground and eclipse the faction led by Mnangagwa that
was at
the forefront of President Mugabe's re-election.
"The exclusion of
high-ranking ZANU-PF cadres immediately draws suspicions
that the United
States and Britain are clandestinely working with some
members in the ruling
party to effect regime change within the party. There
are examples of this -
the Makoni project," said a ruling party source.
"There is a view that the
Western countries are hoping to set an example
that if you distance yourself
from (President) Mugabe you stand a chance of
acceptability. That faction is
bound to feel grateful for their exclusion
and continue to pursue a regime
change agenda from ZANU-PF."
Former finance minister Simba Makoni was
expelled from the party this year
after challenging President Mugabe in the
March 29 poll, in which he came
third. Makoni was later joined by another
politburo member, Dumiso Dabengwa.
Retired general Mujuru was said to have
been backing Makoni but President
Mugabe told the state media in the run up
to the first round of voting that
the former army commander had distanced
himself from Makoni, a former member
of the politburo.
Mujuru has never
commented publicly over the claims.
Asked for a comment on the sanctions
issue, a US embassy spokesperson said:
"The US is continually reviewing its
list of sanctioned individuals. Because
of privacy laws we cannot comment on
who is and who is not on our sanctions
list."
It is also suspected within
ZANU-PF that those pushing for tougher sanctions
are being fed with
information by the Movement for Democratic Change and a
faction within
ZANU-PF bent on destroying those whose stars were rising.
A source yesterday
told The Financial Gazette that because of the exclusion
from the list of
people from the Mujuru camp, the sanctions controversy had
all but settled
the succession question in President Mugabe's eyes.
"According to President
Mugabe, inclusion on the sanctions list is a badge
of honour. It
distinguishes one as a true revolutionary fighting against
imperialism. The
sanctions issue has all but settled the succession issue,"
a source
said.
"There is a good reason for that. The President will want a successor
who
will be protective of him rather than one who will be eager to please
those
who wish to deal with him on the international stage."
These
sentiments have gained currency in the wake of reports in the
international
media.
This week a spokesperson for British Prime Minister Gordon Brown was
quoted
saying London would seek to add 36 individuals linked to President
Mugabe
and two state-owned companies, to the blacklist.
British Foreign
secretary David Miliband could not confirm that more
individuals would be
blacklisted, saying: "There are lists circulating,"
which inevitably sparked
more suspicions within ZANU-PF.
"Who is compiling the list? One would have
understood it if they had put the
entire Cabinet, Presidium or Politburo on
the sanctions list. But how does
one explain the fact that the list includes
only those purportedly linked to
the Mnangagwa faction. An attempt to cause
confusion within the defence
forces was also made by leaving out Phillip
Valerio Sibanda," said a source.
Sibanda is the Commander of the Zimbabwe
National Army. His colleagues,
Paradzai Zimondi, Commissioner of Prisons;
Constantine Chiwenga, Commander
of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces; Perence
Shiri, Commander of the Air Force of
Zimbabwe; Happyton Bonyo-ngwe, Director
General of the Central Intelligence
Organisation and Augustine Chihuri,
Commissioner General of the Zimbabwe
Republic Police, were among the 13
officials targeted for more punitive
sanctions.
The list omits Home
Affairs Minister, Kembo Mohadi.
"In a way, it is an attempt to get them out
of the race," said a ZANU-PF
source.
"The thinking is basically that if
it took the ANC (African National
Congress) and Nelson Mandela 18 years to
be removed from the blacklist as
terrorists then those who would have been
targeted by the UN this time would
technically be excluded from the
succession race and from being considered
for any future appointments since
they would be more like wanted persons,"
said this paper's sources.
They
said an element of duplicity in the application of sanctions against
President Mugabe's associates was quite evident when the children of some
ZANU-PF and government officials were deported from Australia while the
offspring of other party officials were allowed to stay.
Mutasa, who
doubles up as the ZANU-PF secretary for administration, first
admitted that
factions existed within the party last year, but said they had
"closed
ranks", following President Mugabe's decision to stand in the March
29
elections.
Revelations by Makoni that the veteran politician's endorsement at
the party's
special congress in Harare in December last year did not enjoy
the support
of some ZANU-PF members destroyed the veneer of unity the
party's leadership
had presented to the public.
FinGaz
Clemence Manyukwe Senior
Political Reporter
FORMER Attorney General Sobusa Gula-Ndebele has lashed
out at a tribunal
that recommended his axing from the top legal job and has
filed an
application in the High Court to have the decision set
aside.
In the application in which he cited Justice Chinembiri Bhunu, the
head of
the tribunal that recommended his dismissal to President Robert
Mugabe as
repondent, Gula-Ndebele said the panel's decision defied
logic.
President Mugabe announced in a notice in the Government Gazette of
May 16
this year that Gula- Ndebele was no longer the attorney general
following
the tribunal's finding that he had failed in his duties as a
public officer
after he allegedly met banker James Mushore and assured him
that he would
not be prosecuted even though he had a case to answer.
"I
hereby bring this application for review of the report or decision of the
tribunal recommending that I be removed from office on the grounds that the
decision and recommendation of the tribunal was irrational, unreasonable and
utterly perverse in its defiance of logic and reason," the former AG said in
an affidavit.
Besides Justice Bhunu, other members of the tribunal were
High Court judge
Samuel Kudya and lawyer Lloyd Mhishi of Harare law firm
Dube, Manikai and
Hwacha. The tribunal held that Gula-Ndebele had favoured
Mushore because
they were friends.
The tribunal said because of "the
manner in which the former AG greeted
James Mushore and after the initial
exchange of pleasantries they had a
second conversation, one cannot help but
conclude that there was a strong
bond of friendship between the two."
But
Gula-Ndebele described the tribunal's notion that Mushore was his friend
as
fiction and argued that the panel had arrived at that conclusion because
it
was biased and prejudiced against him.
He argued that opinion on the Mushore
saga had been arrived at after perusal
of a court judgment dealing with a
similar case involving Econet Wireless
bosses who had been found
innocent.
The ex- AG submitted that contrary to claims that he had assured
Mushore
that he would not be prosecuted there was communication from the
AG's Office
that indicated that the matter could proceed by way of summons,
if need be.
He said the law was not like mathematics where everyone reaches
the same
conclusion, but what was important was that his conclusion had been
reached
honestly.
"My opinion was and remains an honest one. I held it
then, I still hold it
now. There was never evidence led suggesting that my
opinion was wrong. My
advocate argued forcefully that the opinion was
correct," Gula-Ndebele said.
He further argued that the tribunal was wrong
to say witnesses had
corroborated the state's case and that no evidence was
provided to the
judges to the effect that Mushore had "bragged" to the
police that he would
not be prosecuted.
In his evidence before the panel,
Gula-Ndebele said the police posed a
threat to the independence of law
officers in the AG's office.
He said officers were reluctant to make some
decisions because they feared
they would be arrested.
He cited the
example of a prosecutor who was assaulted by the police and
added that the
Director of Public Prosecutions at the time, Florence
Ziyambi, had told him
that she was afraid of the police.
FinGaz
Staff
Reporter
A HARARE lawyer sustained serious injuries more than a week ago
when he was
kidnapped and assaulted by suspected ZANU-PF members at the
party's Harare
provincial offices as violence spilled into the post election
period.
Three of the suspected ZANU-PF members have appeared in court
this week and
were remanded in custody, their lawyer Garikai Chadyiwa
said.
Stewart Nyamushaya of Harare law firm Madanhi and Associates was
kidnapped
and assaulted for instructing a Messenger of Court to serve a
court order
evicting tenants at number 23 Chinhoyi Street.
A medical
report says Nyamushaya suffered a fractured rib, swollen buttocks
and feet
when tenants tried to block the court action by enlisting the help
of ruling
party members.
In an interview with The Financial Gazette Chadyiwa said: "My
clients said
they admitted the crime to the police because they did not
understand the
charges. They are saying it was a mob but unfortunately
politics was
smuggled into the matter."
The lawyer said when the trial
begins, the accused persons would deny
kidnapping Nyamushaya.
"One is
saying it was common assault, another is saying he was not there
while the
third denies the charges," Chadyiwa said. Nyamushaya was kidnapped
and
assaulted on July 1 and when some of his colleagues including Patrick
Chiremba went to the ruling party's offices to negotiate his release, they
were also threatened with assault.
Last year lawyers staged a
demonstration to protest against state harassment
while carrying out their
duties.
Police dispersed the demonstrators and assaulted some of the lawyers,
including Law Society of Zimbabwe president Beatrice Mtetwa and Chris
Mhike.
Attorneys that have been either attacked or threatened while carrying
out
their duties include Aleck Muchadehama, Andrew Makoni and Otto
Saki.
Last year, Richard Chikosha, a prosecutor who was representing police
in a
case brought against them by Muchade-hama and Makoni, partners in
Harare law
firm, Mbidzo, Muchadehama and Makoni Legal Practitioners, was
assaulted by
the law enforcement agents.
In Gutu, the resident magistrate
Shortgame Musaiona fled his station after
his car was torched by party
youths who accused him of passing inappropriate
sentences against their
members.
FinGaz
Nelson Chenga Senior
Reporter
ZIMBABWEANS are now scrambling for foreign currencies for
survival as
hyperinflation continues to shred Zimbabwe's economy.
The
queues at money transfer agencies are getting longer by the day.
The queues
start forming as early as 3am everyday except on Sunday when
money transfer
agencies are not open.
This follows hard on the heels of a move by the
Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe at
the end of April to liberalise the foreign
currency market.
The International Fund for Agricultural Development has
indicated that
foreign currency remittances from Zimbabweans in the Diaspora
are set to
double this year on last year's US$361 million.
But with a
reduced foreign currency generation capacity owing to a slump in
industrial
production and depressed volumes of exports, the remittances fall
far short
of the country's requirements to shore up demand in hard currency
for raw
materials, fuel and drug imports. Industrial capacity has slumped to
30
percent, wobbling efforts to boost hard currency coffers.
"We are virtually
surviving on the generosity of our relatives and friends
abroad. What can
you do my brother?
"This is the only way one can survive in this country
because our own
currency is scarce and now so worthless that there is very
little meaningful
you can do with it," said a Harare resident at the back of
a 50-metre-long
queue at Western Union, Fourth Street branch.
Demand at
this branch is now high that it is limiting the amount one can
receive from
abroad to US$500 per day.
However, the increased demand seems to have exposed
the hard currencies to
the vagaries of the country's runaway inflation with
the US dollar and South
African rand, most common on the streets, taking
nasty knocks.
The situation is now so crazy that, for instance, R100, which
can buy at
least five chickens in South Africa, can only buy one bird in
Zimbabwe.
Though illegal, transactions using foreign currency are on the
increase.
While landlords were the first to demand rent payments in foreign
currency
everyone else seems to have caught on with peddlers of scarce
commodities
such as sugar, maize meal, chicken, rice and flour also
demanding payment in
foreign currency.
FinGaz
Nelson Chenga Senior Reporter
. . .
as rural livelihoods unravel
"ZIMBABWE has no place for sell-outs," proclaims
a double-door size sign in
the veranda of a shop at Jembere Business Centre
in rural Mutoko South in
Mashonaland East Province.
Several other
post-ers wrapped round nearby trees echo the same theme: "This
is the final
battle for total control"; "We did it in 1980. Let's do it
again"; "100%
Empo-werment: Total Inde-pendence."
A number of men wearing ZANU-PF T-shirts,
scarves and bandanas lazily hang
around the largely deserted business centre
staring suspiciously at a
passing bus, ready to sniff out Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC)
supporters they invariably label
sell-outs.
Satisfied that none of the passengers bears the mark of the
"beast", the men
return to the veranda for more idle chatter.
With the
patience of anglers waiting for the fish to bite, they mark their
time,
waiting for the next bus or vehicle that goes by. But the waiting may
take a
day or two depending on the availability of fuel, but that does not
seem to
bother them.
Almost a month after the one-man presidential run-off election,
the
atmosphere remains tense in many of the country's rural areas, which
were
thought to be ZANU-PF strongholds until March 29.
The outcome of the
March 29 polls changed that long-held perception.
In its place came a fresh
concept prem-ised on a crude form of "guided
democracy" manifesting itself
in rampant incidents of brutal beatings,
abdu-ctions and murders during the
run-up to the presidential run-off so
that villagers could "correct" their
mistake of voting for the MDC in March.
The gruesome beatings, abductions and
murders have now eased but ZANU-PF
militias still cock their ears vigilantly
to listen out for any dissenting
voices.
Once in a while impromptu
gatherings are called just to re-assert that the
party is still in total
control of the situation.
Despite the ongoing talks between ZANU-PF and the
MDC on the future of the
country whose economy has been battered by an
nine-year recession; the
picture in rural Zimbabwe is not one of dialogue
being underway.
There is still "total intolerance" to any opposing views to
the ZANU-PF
gospel.
Having invested so much in the campaign, ZANU-PF
militias and supporters
seem confused about the talks since the MDC was
"routed" in the presidential
election re-run.
And if words could kill,
MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai would have died a
trillion times during the
June 27 election campaign period.
But, as one villager from Mudzi put it,
there is more apprehension,
dejection and despair than
confusion.
Speaking in guarded tones from his dimly lit hut, the villager
lamen-ted:
"These people still clearly remember what they did to
us.
"They ate our chic-kens, goats and cows. They ."
As the fire in the
hearth crackled, he stopped briefly to listen out for any
sounds of movement
in the shadows outside.
Satisfied that all was fine, he continued: "They
extorted money and food
from us. They force-marched us to their meetings,
beat us if we resisted and
forced us to vote for (President Robert)
Mugabe.
"We clearly remember and we are all waiting to see what happens
now."
Since President Mugabe romped home to victory, the situation has
continued
to deteriorate.
The effects of the crumbling economy are now
more pronounced than ever
before, making, life much more nettling for the
rural dwellers.
Many in the rural areas had hoped that the hardships would
ease after the
run-off.
But hope seems to be fast fading as the economic
meltdown nudges them closer
to "total impoverishment".
Bus fares for
rural folk to visit friends and relatives are no longer
affordable even in
the event of bereavement and high charges at grinding
mills have forced a
return to the primitive age of the mortar and pestle.
Villagers also spit
hard and loud in frustration over their misfortunes when
they have to walk
long distances to alternative grinding mills when those
nearest their homes
run out of diesel or experience power outages.
Basic commodities such as soap
and salt are scarce and too expensive when
they are available.
"We only
hear about people's stores on the radio. You just cannot understand
it.
Things could not be worse," villagers say.
Crop yields were poor but a
majority of villagers still sold part of their
produce to pay school fees
and buy basic commodities. Any remaining cash has
lost value because of
hyperinflation.
The 10, 25 and 50 million dollar notes are the latest victims
of note
redundancy.
Rural shop owners no longer accept these notes
because wheelbarrows of them
are needed to buy anything.
One shop owner
said: "It is quite sad to turn away old people who come here
to buy goods
with wards of notes that are now useless.
"These old people and even the
young cannot believe that all their heaps of
notes are now
worthless."
During the run-up to the elections the ZANU-PF message to the
people was
loud and clear: "Tsvangirai is responsible for the country's
economic
problems.
"If he wins there will be war."
Tsvangirai did not
contest the run-off. Targeted sanctions are still in
place and new ones are
on the horizon. Economic anguish persists.
For the majority of the rural
folk, one thing is now certain - without
government food handouts or donor
funded humanitarian assistance, they are
game for the vultures.
FinGaz
Comment
RUSSIA and
China flexed their muscles at the United Nations Security Council
Summit in
Japan last week when they used their veto power to shut out
prospects of
Zimbabwe going through a battery of tougher sanctions that
could have
compounded the country's economic crisis.
A draft of the United
States-sponsored sanctions consummated after it became
apparent that ZANU-PF
was not going to stop at anything in its bid to
frustrate the Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) from dislodging it from
power, had called for an
assets freeze, an arms embargo and travel
restrictions on the incumbent and
13 of his associates.
The United States and Britain, which prior to the vote
believed they had
Moscow on their side, were devastated by the sudden turn
of events.
Beijing and Moscow's veto has not only shuttered their grand plan,
but has
also caused a huge diplomatic embarrassment for the two countries
that have
"distinguished" themselves as the most vocal critics of President
Robert
Mugabe's administration.
Of course, ZANU-PF has emerged the
biggest beneficiary of Russia and China's
"benevolence". But the victory
might not last.
In voting against stiffer sanctions, Beijing says it wants to
give more time
to dialogue before resorting to punitive measures against
Harare. Russia,
says the UN Security Council would have overstepped its
mandate had the
resolution been approved.
While the powers-that-be
survived to see another day, they should desist
from making it a habit to
push their luck.
It is extremely dangerous for the country to throw caution
to the wind,
banking on the camaraderie of friendly states to fight in its
corner.
It is bad politics to relinquish control of a country's destination
to third
parties, as was the case last Friday. It should firmly be in
Zimbabwe's
control. After all the camaraderie that existed during the cold
war is long
gone, it has since been replaced with friendship bound by
economic
interests.
As the world's fastest growing economy, China is
taking Africa's resources
by storm, and its entrepreneurs - like vultures -
are circling Zimbabwe's
skies, waiting for an opportunity to pounce on its
cheaply priced assets. It
is pay back time.
South Africa is also
benefiting from the Zimbabwe crisis given the influx
into that country of
skilled personnel and trade, which is now heavily
tilted in its
favour.
For the long-term sustainability of the country's politics, the
powers-that-be need to be advised that there is no substitute for good
governance that can guarantee the country's freedom of association and
freedom to trade without having to look over the shoulders for potential
aggressors.
By throwing caution to the wind, the country is at the
threshold of losing
all these fundamental freedoms and getting addicted to
dependence on the
misplaced goodwill of its "allies".
Britain, the US and
their allies are likely to stop at nothing to ensure
their plan succeeds.
What happened at the just-ended elections has given
them justification to
push their cause, and unfortunately Zimbabwe has been
caught
flat-footed.
As hosts of this year's Olympics and the 2010 World Cup, China
and South
Africa might eventually yield to pressure.
Instead of pouring
into the corridors of power to celebrate the fluke
victory in Japan last
Friday, the powers-that-be need to move with speed to
take charge of their
destiny, collectively and in their individual
capacities, by seizing
opportunities that come their way.
From the events of last week, failure to
reform either by way of buying into
a government of national unity or
subscribing to a transitional arrangement,
will see the noose getting
tighter around the neck.
In our opinion, the failure by the United States and
its allies to push for
tougher sanctions at the UN Security Council is yet
another gilt-edged
opportunity for President Mugabe and his administration
to reform. It should
also awaken the MDC, which all along, had been under
the impression that
support from Britain and the United States was enough to
thrust it into
government.
A platform to show to the world that Zimbabwe
is willing to reform has
presented itself through the President Thabo Mbeki
mediated dialogue. The
onus is now on both ZANU-PF and the MDC to negotiate
in good faith.
What we have seen so far however, suggests that ZANU-PF might
again miss the
boat. The rabid criticism of the MDC in government
mouthpieces, notably The
Herald, Chronicle, The Sunday Mail and on radio and
television exposes
ZANU-PF's hypocrisy.
Violence against supporters of
the opposition has also continued unabated.
As the party in government,
ZANU-PF should transmit unambiguous messages to
show its total commitment to
dialogue.
With inflation at 9 million percent and unemployment touching 90
percent,
the economic genocide in Zimbabwe is bad enough. Sanctions alone,
however
tight, will not help the country's situation.
Allowing the
situation to slide beyond this point would be akin to pushing
God's patience
beyond the limits. Mark 3 verse 24: "If a kingdom is divided
against itself,
that kingdom cannot stand."
FinGaz
Staff
Reporter
BULAWAYO - Zimbabwe's troubled bakers have resorted to flour
imports to
remain afloat after supplies from the Grain Marketing Board (GMB)
stopped
due to acute wheat shortages that have wreaked havoc on the
country.
This comes after more than 80 percent of the bakers were last
week reported
to have temporarily stopped operating due to the
unavailability of flour.
National Bakers Association executive member and
former chairman, Vincent
Mangoma told The Financial Gazette this week that
most bakers in the country
had resorted to importing flour because of the
critical wheat shortages.
"Our members have now started importing flour to
stay in business as the GMB
has stopped supplying millers with wheat because
of the critical shortages
in the country. At the same time importation is
very expensive as a tonne of
imported flour can cost more than US$1 000, but
we have no option because we
have to stay in business," said
Mangoma.
Instead of baking bread from the flour, the bakers have resorted to
making
confectionery so that they could earn reasonable profit. Bread making
would
result in losses due to the controlled price imposed by
government.
"Those importing flour are now specialising in baking
confectionery as this
does not require a lot compared to bread. They also do
that so that they can
at least make some little profit to enable them to
continue importing and
stay in business," he said. The government controlled
retail price of bread
is $440 million per loaf.
"Our products are used
daily by most of the people and we have to keep the
baking industry running.
Other industries can operate at their own pace
since they won't be under
pressure," Mangoma said.
FinGaz
Shame Makoshori Staff
Reporter
CHINESE mining giant China Jiangxi Corpo-ration for
International Economic
and Techni-cal Cooperation (CJIC) has taken a keen
interest in exploiting
Zimbabwe's rich but largely underutilised chrome
resources.
The Financial Gazette this week obtained a "Confident-iality
Agreement
Mem-orandum" in which CJIC undertook to develop two chrome mines
in
partnership with a local company.
Government sources said the deal,
which might see CJIC investing up to
U$$200 million, was concluded last
month.
The chrome claims include the 1,002-hectare RA666 in the Midlands and
another one measuring 1,325 hectares in the Zambezi Valley.
The state-run
Zimbabwe Mining Development Corpo-ration (ZMDC) owns both
claims.
"CJIC
desires to have access to the chrome claims and enter into discussions
with
the ZMDC regarding mining investment and development concerning the
said
claims and any possible subsequent arrangements or transactions or
agreements that may be entered into by and between the parties
hereto.
"The agreement shall be governed by the laws of the Republic of
Zimba-bwe,"
read part of the document obtained by The Financial
Gazette.
ZMDC and CJIC undertook to develop, exploit and export the chrome
jointly.
Sources close to the deal said CJIC would use its leverage on the
international markets to fetch favourable prices for the chrome particularly
in China and other Asian countries where it commands considerable
influence.
An inflow of foreign currency could also boost the country's
fortunes, which
is going through chronic foreign currency
shortages.
China has registered a robust demand for most minerals such as
nickel,
copper, platinum and chrome to feed into its growing industrial base
especially the automotive industry.
High demand for copper in the Chinese
market has resuscitated Zambia's
copper mining industry that was once the
backbone of the southern African
country's economy but was killed by a slump
in international prices in the
late 1990s.
In 2005, Chinese companies
pledged to invest in excess of US$400 million in
Zimbabwe's mining industry
in a short space of time.
Much of the investment has not been made, except
for a few flea markets
selling cheap clothes.
http://www.engineeringnews.co.za
By:
Barnabas Thondhlana
Published: 18 Jul 08 - 0:00
ZIMBABWE has resumed
ethanol production from sugar cane to help ease an
acute short-age of fuel
products, which has been worsened by a biting
shortage of foreign
currency.
Triangle Limited, based in Zimbabwe's Lowveld region, has
refurbishd its
plant, which had been lying idle for years - ethanol
production ceased in
1992, when unblended petrol became cheaper than blended
fuel. A ban on the
use of ben- zene in the extraction of ethanol from sugar
cane also
contributed to the closure of the plant.
The resumption of
ethanol production followed an agree-ment between the
Zimbabwe government,
the State-owned National Oil Company of Zimbabw, Indian
technology company
Praj Industries and Triangle - part of South Africa's
Tongaat-Hulett Sugar -
to install a dehydration plant to kick-start ethanol
production. Praj
Industries is providing technical assistance.
Installation of the
dehydra-tion plant is said to have cost over
US$3-million.
"Production started some weeks ago but the levels are
still low, as we are
only producing ethanol on a trial basis. If the trials
succeed, we will
increase production," says an official at Triangle. But we
are optimistic
that the project will see the light of day."
The
ethanol will be blended with petrol.
Zimbabwe revisited the idea of
blending petrol with ethanol three years ago,
in line with the country's
import-substitution and forex-saving strategy.
But commentators say
government and other players should prioritise growing
the sugar-cane
production base to ensure uninterrupted feedstocks.
"Cane production has
gone down drastically in recent years," says one
commentator, speaking on
condition of anonymity, adding that the reduction
in cane production is a
result of the land reform programme that government
embarked on in
2000.
The ethanol processing plant was built by Anglo at the height of
international sanctions on the then white supremacist gov-ernment of Ian
Smith, the Prime Minister of Rhodesia before it became independent Zimbabwe.
The plant produced ethanol from sugar cane grown on vast estates owned by
Anglo and other firms in Zimbabwe's hot south-eastern region.
Edited
by: Martin Zhuwakinyu
http://www.engineeringnews.co.za
By: Terence
Creamer
Published: 18 Jul 08 - 0:00
Expressions of interests for the
$70-million Kazungula Bridge, development
of which would provide a
much-needed alternative to ferry transport over the
natural boundary between
Botswana, Zambia and Zimbabwe, could be issued by
November or October. But
the Nepad Business Foundation (NBF), which was a
keen supporter of the
projects, given its potential economic benefits,
warned last week that
efforts would have to be made to ensure that politics
did not stand in the
way of progress.
Both Zambia and Botswana, which would be the main
beneficiaries of the new
transport link, had openly criticised both the
recently one-person election
as well as Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe's
handling of the political
and economic crisis in that country.
In
fact, earlier in the week, Botswana put out a statement describing the
June
27, 2008, run-off election as a violation of the core principles of the
Southern African Development Community (SADC), the African Union and the
United Nations. Botswana urged SADC to take proactive steps to disallow
Zimbabwe's participation in SADC meetings "until such time that they
demonstrate their commitment to strictly adhere to the organisation's
principles".
Speaking at the Infrastructure Project Finance
Conference, NBF senior
project manager John Rocha said that, while the
African Development Bank was
funding the feasibility study, Zimbabwe, which
had not initially
participated in the process, now wanted to make its own
assessment.
"A small portion of the bridge actually goes past Zimbabwean
territorial
waters, so they [the Zimbabwean authorities] have now requested
that they do
their own feasibilities," Rocha reported, suggesting that this
could present
a challenge to the schedule.
"I'm not too sure as to
what the reasons are for the political bottleneck
that we are now seeing.
What is clear is that to reduce the cost of business
in that region and in
the rest of Africa, it is imperative that people have
options in order to
trade," he added.
The NBF had been set up to facilitate dialogue between
the private and
public sectors in Africa, with the objective of partnering
with governments
to realise the objectives of the New Partnership for
Africa's Development,
or Nepad. It was also in the process of establishing a
project management
office to ensure better dissemination of information on
priority
infrastructure projects, such as the Kazungula Bridge, so as to
assist in
moving some of these through to a "bankable phase".
Roche
indicated that much might now hinge on how the project was presented
to
Zimbabwe. "I think it should be presented in such as way as to show that
by
improving on one particular route, you will not necessarily lose
business,
because, by doing so, we will be increasing economic activity.
He
referred to a recent World Bank report, which showed that there would be
an
overwhelmingly positive impact on trade volumes if certain key trade
routes
were strengthened in Africa.
"From the Botswana and Zambian government
there is absolute commitment to
move ahead with this. And I think this is a
project that offers tremendous
opportunities for the private
sector."
In fact, the governments of Botswana and Zambia had agreed to
promote free
and unobstructed movement of both cargo and people between the
two
countries, and had argued that the Kazungula Bridge was key to meeting
that
objective.
Rocha noted, too, that with the Walvis Bay expansion,
the bridge could also
be used extensively for the transport of goods to and
from that Namibian
port.
The bridge was seen as particularly
important to facilitate an expansion of
copper mining in the region, owing
to the fact that ferries, which currently
transport people and vehicles
cross the river, are battling to cope with the
increased
volumes.
Should it proceed, the bridge would be constructed immediately
downstream of
the confluence of the Zambezi and Chobe rivers, some 65 km
upstream of the
Victoria Falls.
The project length of the bridge and
approach roads would be 3 700 m,
comprising 720 m for the main bridge and 2
980 m for approach roads.
A prestressed concrete extra-dosed bridge had
been recommended, with a
seven-metre carriageway, and one-metre-wide
shoulders and sidewalks on each
side.
A further $30,5-million would
be needed for border-control facilities,
raising the estimated total cost to
over $100-million.
Sent: Thursday, July 17, 2008 10:39
PM
Subject: Re: Will foreign companies stay the course in Zimbabwe?
>
Mail and Guardian
>
> Will foreign companies stay the course
in Zimbabwe?
> PERCY ZVOMUYA - Jul 16 2008 11:01
>
>
British companies doing business in Zimbabwe must find the noise
from
their
> government and the international community disconcerting.
etc....
----
Investing in zimbabwe considering the present political
enviroment,
is a definate no - no, because companies will be funding
this
illigitimate goverments brutality towards innocent people. We
can
clearly see that, top of the list on the agenda of Zanu PF right
now
is, to stamp out any opposition to thier dictatorship.
Where do
they get this money? as none of thier ministers have foreign
investments. of
course the answer is through corruption and
redirection of international
investments.
The message is simple. To stop fueling the rape,
violence,
intimidation, hunger ,displancement and assasination from
being
unleashed on innocent people. Do not invest in Zimbabwe. This
has
been tried and tested it works thats what influenced
arpathieds
surrender. Mugade must go.
elj
----
Another
correspondent has put his views here -
http://www.yourpage.talktalk.net/zimbabwe/intro/introsummary.html