International Herald Tribune
By Alan Cowell Published: July 25, 2008
PARIS:
When Zimbabwe's political rivals posed for the cameras in a
remarkable
handshake in Harare a few days ago, the message resonated far
beyond
Africa.
After months of bloodletting in the deeply flawed Zimbabwean
elections,
after the killings, beatings and uprooting of opposition
supporters, Robert
Mugabe clasped the outstretched hand of Morgan
Tsvangirai, the man who would
replace him as president and whom he had
reviled as a puppet of the West.
It was a moment that, only days before,
would have seemed utterly
improbable, but now the two politicians stood at
the threshold of what
Mugabe called a "new way of political interaction."
Whether they will cross
it is another matter altogether. But what exactly
brought them this far?
Was it the culmination of Western and African
pressures on Mugabe and
threats of deeper sanctions in a land so beset with
hyperinflation that a
newly introduced 100 billion Zimbabwe dollar bill was
not enough to buy a
loaf of bread? Or was it, as some Africans and their
supporters preferred to
see it, a result of the cautious, painstaking
backroom negotiations
conducted for more than a year by Thabo Mbeki, the
president of South
Africa?
On a wider canvas, the handshake seemed to
reinforce a lesson in diplomacy
that bound a strife-bound nation in Africa
to a onetime war zone in Europe.
On the same day that Mugabe and
Tsvangirai shook hands, the Serbian secret
police finally arrested Radovan
Karadzic, the former leader of the Bosnian
Serbs wanted on war crimes
charges.
In both cases, proponents of what is called soft power claimed
victory.
While Western nations had threatened Mugabe, it was Mbeki who
presided over
the first face-to-face meeting in a decade between Harare's
foes as they
signed an agreement to open negotiations. And, in Serbia, the
force that
overcame the region's bloodstained nationalism was the lure of
integration
with the European Union, which had made clear that Belgrade's
future
relationship with Brussels hinged on the capture of suspected war
criminals.
In a world where U.S. diplomacy is currently associated with
"hard" power in
Iraq and a threat of the same in Iran, "soft power" claimed
an unusual
twinning of victories. The carrot triumphed over the stick. Or so
it seemed.
Of course, such iconic moments - a handshake, an arrest - are
heavy with
symbolism that does not always translate into substance. Few of
those who
have followed events in Zimbabwe would lay money that Mugabe and
the
military cabal around him are ready to cede real power in the creation
of
the unity government sought by South Africa.
But some conclusions
seem worth underlining.
If Mugabe and Tsvangirai do indeed reach an
agreement on power-sharing,
Mbeki will almost certainly claim kudos, not
only within Africa, but also on
the broader stage where he stood firm
against the United States and Britain,
with China and Russia at his side, to
resist the imposition of broader
United Nations sanctions on
Zimbabwe.
And if the Harare handshake is vindicated by political change,
then Mbeki
will be in a position to assert that African diplomacy succeeded
where
Western diplomacy failed. That would be no small
achievement.
Many Africans feel that for centuries they have been
demeaned, exploited and
trivialized by outsiders from the earliest
Portuguese and Arab slavers
onwards. Generations of traders, missionaries
and colonial administrators
roamed Africa, eroding or denying the identities
and manners they found
there. In 1884-85, at the Conference of Berlin, the
European powers carved
up Africa for decades to come.
The underlying
message was that Africa's own ways were inadequate - a notion
reinforced in
the post-colonial era by the aid agencies and global financial
institutions
whose representatives rode into town to rewrite the economic
rule book
according to the precepts of markets dominated by the West.
Throughout the
Cold War, sponsors in Moscow, Beijing and Washington offered
rival
prescriptions in return for guns or butter.
Only in 2001 did African
governments come together to create what was
ambitiously called the New
Partnership for Africa's Development, or Nepad,
which Mbeki embraced and
sponsored enthusiastically as a means of regaining
African self-respect and
asserting its right to a place in a globalized
world.
Most
significantly, the arrangement included what was called a peer-review
mechanism permitting African leaders to assess their lands' shortcomings in
the pursuit of "democracy and good, political, economic and corporate
governance."
But how could African governments claim any kind of
collective standards in
governance or renewal as long as they countenanced
Zimbabwe's viral
disarray? What purpose was there in "peer review" if the
peer in question
simply ignored it? In Mbeki's view, an "African solution"
became imperative,
not just for Zimbabwe, but for the continent's
redemption. As the exclusive
mediator appointed by Zimbabwe's neighbors, he
was in a unique position.
But the cost of the diplomacy is clear. For
months, Mbeki insisted that he
could mediate only if he maintained his
neutrality. But that neutrality
effectively shielded Mugabe from reproach or
pressure as his supporters
rampaged bloodily against the opposition. While
Mbeki maneuvered, Zimbabwe's
economic ruin and political oppression sent
ever more of its citizens
fleeing into neighboring countries, his own in
particular.
As so often in the continent's history, Africans themselves
paid the price
of their leaders' hubris. An African solution, it seemed,
required African
pain.
Of course, "soft power" rarely works without
the threat of an alternative.
The carrot requires at least the implicit
threat of the stick. In Serbia's
case, the alternative was continued
exclusion from Europe's economic and
political mainstream. In Zimbabwe, it
was the threat of ever greater
isolation and restrictions on its wealthy
elite that laid the groundwork for
the Harare handshake.
That is
probably where the parallel ends.
Much of the history of both Zimbabwe
and the Balkans has been written in
blood - from the ethnic slaughter of
Matabeleland in the early 1980s to the
massacre of Bosnian Muslims in
Srbrenica in 1995. With his arrest, Karadzic
now faces trial and
accountability. But if negotiations in Zimbabwe lead to
a unity government
offering some protection for Mugabe, the survivors of his
repression will
have no prospect of commensurate justice.
Any hope of moral equivalence
between the victims of Srbrenica and those of
Matabeleland, in other words,
will be lost. But then, Africa is no stranger
to double standards - either
from outsiders or from its own.
IOL
July 25
2008 at 09:41AM
By Peta Thornycroft and Fiona Forde
Zimbabwe's crisis talks enter their second day with the Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) warning that the negotiations will fail if Robert
Mugabe does not concede power.
The talks, facilitated by Thabo
Mbeki and his team of three, began on
Thursday under a media blackout at a
venue outside Pretoria.
Under the memorandum of understanding
signed on Monday, the two MDC
factions and Zanu-PF have two weeks to hammer
out a settlement.
A talks insider said it was imperative that the
parties discuss early
on the kind of settlement they were working
towards.
"What kind of a government we are looking at has to be top
of this
agenda," he said.
"The first decision has to be whether
this will be a transitional
authority, or a unity or inclusive government.
They have to put the horse
before the cart otherwise the talks will
collapse."
Although the memorandum of understanding called on all
parties to
enter into talks around an "inclusive government", some MDC
members are
pushing for a transitional authority.
They say this
would produce more of a power-sharing model than an
inclusive government,
which presupposes Mugabe will be at the helm.
Equally important is
the issue of governance and who will lead a
future formation, an issue so
sensitive it could potentially break the talks
early on.
"The
question of executive power is what it is about, anything less
would be
against what people voted for, split the party, and betray all
those who
have sacrificed so much," the insider said.
But it is understood
Mu-gabe's negotiators - Nicholas Goche and
Patrick Chinamasa - have a
mandate to secure the presidency for their leader
and offer Morgan
Tsvangirai, leader of the main MDC faction, a senior
ministerial role, with
responsibility for some ministries and diplomatic
offices.
Tsvangirai has mandated his chief negotiators to accept nothing short
of
executive control of any future government, in which the MDC would offer
some key positions to Zanu-PF and a largely ceremonial role to
Mugabe.
Should the MDC fail to secure a strong settlement, Cosatu
chief
Zwelinzima Vavi says he will call on union members to boycott the
summit of
the Southern African Development Community in Johannesburg in
August that
Mugabe would be expected to attend.
This
article was originally published on page 5 of Cape Times on July
25,
2008
africasia
HARARE, July 25 (AFP)
Zimbabwe's ruling party has resolved that President Robert
Mugabe's
controversial re-election is a "non-negotiable" issue in ongoing
talks with
the opposition in South Africa, state media said
Friday.
Citing unnamed party insiders, The Herald said ZANU-PF's
politburo decided
at a meeting in Harare on Wednesday that the outcome of
the June 27 ballot
which was boycotted by opposition leader Morgan
Tsvangirai had to be
respected.
"The meeting noted that there has to
be a figure who appoints the
all-inclusive government envisaged in the
memorandum of understanding signed
on Monday," said the report.
"And
that figure is President Mugabe who won the run-off," the government
mouthpiece added.
An unnamed source was quoted by the paper as saying
that "there has to be a
figure who creates the all-inclusive
government".
Mugabe and Tsvangirai inked a memorandum of understanding
earlier this week
to pave way for the fully-fledged talks that opened in
Pretoria on Thursday
aimed at ending the country's months-long political and
economic woes.
Tsvangirai pushed Mugabe into second place in the first
round of voting in
March but he pulled out of the run-off presidential
election after a wave of
deadly attacks against his supporters.
The
MDC leader believes the outcome of the March ballot should be the
starting
point for any negotiations on power-sharing, while Mugabe has
previously
insisted that his re-election must be respected.
Amnesty International
25 July 2008
As the Zimbabwean government and the opposition
Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) prepare to enter power-sharing talks,
Amnesty International
called on both parties to ensure there are no pardons
for those who
committed human rights violations in the post-election
period.
"There can be no lasting political solution to the crisis in
Zimbabwe
without addressing past human rights violations. While human rights
violations must end immediately, investigations must be carried out and
alleged perpetrators brought to justice," said Amnesty
International.
Amnesty International continues to receive reports of
ongoing political
violence and harassment, particularly in rural areas. Even
since the signing
of Monday's 'memorandum of understanding' by the ruling
party and
opposition, victims of political violence have had to seek medical
treatment
for injuries sustained in attacks.
On 22 July, an MDC
official from a rural constituency south of Harare who
had been in hiding
was allegedly attacked while he walked to work with a
youth in the early
hours of the morning. They were both abducted by
suspected supporters of the
ruling party and thoroughly beaten on the
buttocks, arms, legs and feet.
According to reports, their abductors said
they had been looking for the MDC
official, and that nowhere was safe. Both
the MDC official and the youth had
to seek medical treatment as a result of
injuries sustained.
Though
some bases from which 'war veterans' and other ZANU-PF supporters
launched
attacks against opposition supporters have been dismantled, some in
rural
areas including in Mashonaland West, Central and East provinces, still
remain.
"The attacks that have killed as many as 150, injured
thousands and
displaced tens of thousands over the last several months --
and which
continue to take place - must not be swept under the carpet in the
interest
of finding a short-term political solution," said Amnesty
International.
"This would store up problems for further down the
road."
While attempts are being made by all Zimbabwean political parties
-- and the
Southern African Development Community, African Union and United
Nations --
to address the political and economic crisis, Amnesty
International said
that important questions of justice and impunity were not
explicitly tackled
in the 'memorandum of understanding' signed on
Monday.
"Any future deal between the parties should not include
amnesties, pardons
or any other measures that would prevent the emergence of
the truth, a final
judicial determination of guilt or non-guilt, and full
reparations to
victims and their families."
In signing the
memorandum, the ruling party and opposition committed
themselves to
condemning the promotion and use of violence and to taking all
measures
necessary to ensure that the structures and institutions it
controls are not
engaged in acts of violence.
Despite the latest political developments,
Amnesty International remains
concerned that Zimbabwe is still blanketed in
a climate of fear. The
government must put an immediate end to all acts of
intimidation, arbitrary
arrest and torture perpetrated state and non-state
actors against human
rights defenders and political activists, particularly
in rural areas. All
bases from which torture and ill-treatment is being
carried out must be
closed immediately and alleged perpetrators of human
rights violations must
be brought to justice.
IOL
July
25 2008 at 10:54AM
Half of adults living in South Africa's
metropolitan areas do not feel
that "quiet diplomacy" was the correct way to
handle the crisis in Zimbabwe,
according to a survey released on
Friday.
Taylor Nelson Sofres' (TNS) research, conducted in
mid-June, showed
that while 30 percent felt that the policy had been the
correct way to
handle the problem, 21 percent gave a "don't know"
response.
"One of the criticisms levelled at government is that
this policy has
taken a great length of time to bear fruit, leading to an
economic meltdown
(inflation is at 2,3-million percent) and increased
violence towards
opposition MDC supporters."
These factors
were widely attributed to the influx of Zimbabwean
refugees into South
Africa.
Competition for services, jobs, houses and other social
factors were
amongst those that led to the recent xenophobic violence in
South Africa,
the survey showed.
Three in 10 people agreed with
the statement "The government's policy
of quiet diplomacy towards Zimbabwe
has been the right way to handle this
issue".
Exactly 50
percent disagreed, while 21 percent said "Don't know".
The main
differentiator was race (38 percent of blacks agreed, 14
percent of whites,
19 percent of coloureds and 17 percent of Indian/Asians).
Age was
also a factor, with a third of those under 50 agreeing with
the statement,
compared with only 21 percent of those aged 50 to 59 and 12
percent of those
aged 60 and more.
Differences by area were also notable with people
in Johannesburg and
Bloemfontein being the most likely to agree (just over a
half in each case).
People in Pretoria, Cape Town, Port Elizabeth and Durban
were much less
likely to agree.
The same study also asked
people about their perceptions on refugees
from Zimbabwe. Only 29 percent of
metropolitan adults in South Africa felt
that refugees from Zimbabwe should
be allowed to stay. Only 65 percent felt
that people from other countries,
who were here legally, should be allowed
to stay.
That meant
that 71 percent of people felt refugees should be returned
to Zimbabwe. A
third of people wanted even those here legally to leave.
"This
illustrates the extreme sensitivity that people have towards
other Africans
living here in South Africa.
"The sham Zimbabwe elections, widely
unrecognised by the rest of the
world, have the potential to result in a
flood of new refugees as Zimbabwe
spirals ever downward - unless something
new comes of the [Memorandum of
Understanding] and these new
talks."
The surveys were conducted among a sample of 2 000 South
African
adults from the seven major metropolitan areas of South Africa,
interviewing
them face-to-face in their homes, with a margin of error of
under 2,5
percent. - Sapa
IOL
July 25 2008 at
09:23AM
By Peta Thornycroft and Fiona Forde
Cosatu
general secretary Zwelinzima Vavi has vowed to make life
"difficult" for
Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe if he does not concede
power.
Zimbabwe's crisis talks enter their second day on
Friday.
The talks, which are facilitated by Present Thabo Mbeki and
his
three-person team, began on Thursday afternoon under a media blackout at
a
secret venue outside Pretoria.
Both Movement for Democratic
Change factions and the Zanu-PF are
expected to hammer out a negotiated
settlement within the next fortnight.
Little is known at this stage about
the day-to-day agenda.
However, an insider to the talks said: "What
kind of a government we
are looking at has to be top of this
agenda.
"The first decision has to be whether this will be a
transitional
authority, unity or inclusive government. They have to put the
horse before
the cart, and then everything else will follow. Otherwise the
talks will
collapse."
Although Monday's Memorandum of
Understanding called on all parties to
enter into talks around an "inclusive
government," some MDC members are
still pushing for a transitional
authority, which they believe would produce
more of a power-sharing model
than an inclusive government would, Mugabe
would likely be at the helm of
the latter.
Equally important is the issue of governance and who
will lead a
future formation, an issue so sensitive that it could
potentially break the
talks early on.
Although the MDC have
entered the talks on the back foot, having
signed up to Monday's MoU without
their demands being met, party insiders
feel confident they have sufficient
support from a number of African
countries to secure a strong
settlement.
Should they fail to do so, Vavi says he will call on
his members to
boycott the Southern African Development Community (SADC)
summit that is
scheduled to take place in Johannesburg next month, which
Mugabe would be
expected to attend as an incumbent regional
leader.
Since the disputed run-off elections of June 27, which
returned Mugabe
to power with 85 percent of the vote in a one-man race,
Cosatu has refused
to recognise him as the president of
Zimbabwe.
Although the union would be unable to prevent him
travelling to South
Africa, "we will make it very difficult for him to be
here," Vavi warned.
"If they don't reach a solution (in the next
two weeks), we must
continue to put on pressure and we will stage a protest
on August 16," Vavi
said on Thursday.
This article was
originally published on page 2 of Pretoria News on
July 25,
2008
http://zimbabwemetro.com
By Philip Mangena ⋅ © zimbabwemetro.com ⋅ July
25, 2008 ⋅
Accommodation of losing candidates from both ZANU PF and the MDC
faction led
by Arther Mutambara in all inclusive government could complicate
talks and
delay reaching a settlement.
State media reported on Friday
that the real practical challenge that has
already emerged is how losing
candidates will be accommodated.
The negotiators will have to tackle how
the Mutambara leadership will be
accommodated in the all-inclusive
government given that the President no
longer has the privilege to appoint
non-constituency Members of Parliament
beyond five senators.
“That is
a real practical challenge the negotiators will have to grapple
with. How do
you come up with an all-inclusive government against an
electoral result
that excludes the defeated?” said a source.
Currently Mugabe can only
appoint five senators and this room is not enough
to accommodate losing Zanu
PF candidates and unelected MDC Mutambara
officials.
No one can be a
minister without being in parliament.
The entire Executive Council of the
MDC faction led by Arthur Mutambara lost
their seats in the last election.
All seats were lost to the MDC led by
Morgan Tsvangirai including a bulk
from its stronghold of Matebeland.
The Executive Council is comprised of
Arthur Mutambara,President lost
Zengeza West, Gibson Sibanda,Vice President
lost Nkulumane,Welshman Ncube
Secretary General lost in Makokoba, Priscilla
Misihairabwi-Mushonga Deputy
Secretary General lost Glen Norah,Miriam
Mushayi Deputy Treasurer General
lost Harare West,Jobert Mudzumwe,National
Chairperson lost Masvingo
Urban,Fletcher Dulini- Ncube Treasurer-General
lost Lobengula-Magwegwe.
All its portfolio secretaries who contested also
failed to make it to
parliament except David Coltart,MDC-Khumalo(Legal)
Moses Mzila
Ndlovu,MDC-Bulilima(Foreign Affairs),Edward Mkhosi,
MDC-Mangwe(Lands) and
Njabuliso Mguni,MDC-Lupane(Education)
Already
friction in the camp has emerged among the losing leadership and the
MPs who
retained their seats. Most of the MPs who retained their seats were
moderates and had always pushed for co-operation with mainstream MDC led by
Tsvangirai.
Last month deputy spokesman Abednico Bhebhe who retained
his Nkayi’s seat
paid heavily for co-operating with the MDC and was relieved
of his duties as
spokesman,however he was adamant that he is still the
spokesman.
“The talk about me being expelled as party deputy spokesperson
is nonsense,”
he said. “I heard about my dismissal on the radio, newspapers
and
television. Nothing was communicated to me and as far as I am concerned
I am
still the party’s deputy spokesperson until the national council sits
and
officially passes such a decision.” he fumed.
Nomalanga
Khumalo,MDC-Umzingwane was also chided by Welshman Ncube for
accompanying
Tsvangirai at his tour of her constituency.Despite official
denial Ncube had
instructed his party structures not to assist Tsvangirai
and his campaign
team when they visit their constituencies.
Sources have since revealed
that in private meetings,Mugabe and Tsvangirai
have already agreed on how to
share positions in the new cabinet and other
government
departments.
The sources said the MDC led by Tsvangirai would have 10
cabinet posts,
while a similar number would go to Zanu PF and two to the MDC
led by Arther
Mutambara. Mutambara and Ncube are eyeing taking up the 2
posts.
Mugabe is likely to appoint Patrick Chinamasa who is also one of
the
negotiators as a senator and other four ZANU PF ministers who lost. Nine
ZANU PF ministers lost their seats.
A Political analyst questioned
the legitimacy of the losing negotiators.
“On whose behalf are they
negotiating when they do not have the mandate from
their constituencies?We
are approaching a situation where they would
negotiate for their personal
benefit and not for the benefit of the country
which could complicate
matters.”
Already it has emerged that the Mutambara MDC faction is
pushing for an
amendment of No. 19 so as increase appointed senators from
five to 11.
The Sowetan
25 July
2008
Bill Saidi
You can imagine someone in Soweto, Harare,
Lilongwe or Lusaka asking you, in
genuine bafflement: "Who is Radovan
Karadzic? And where the hell is
Bosnia-Herzegovina? And why should I care
about any of this, anyway?"
Your lesson of enlightenment
could start with an extremist example of why
Karadzic could be of relevance
in African history.
You could compare him with Charles Taylor, formerly
the leader of Liberia
and a man, like Karadzic, now facing an international
panel of judges on
charges of crimes against humanity or genocide - anyway,
crimes related to
his responsibility for the deaths of thousands of unarmed
and mostly
innocent people.
If any of the people in your snap survey
asks you: "You mean like Idi Amin,
Mobutu Sese Seko, Macias Nguema,
Jean-Bedel Bokassa and ." don't be alarmed.
But if someone then chips in
with "And Robert Mugabe?" you are bound, for
your own sake, to pause before
replying. If the questioner is a Zimbabwean
in exile, you have to be very
careful. He could be a confirmed political
refugee, out to besmirch the
wholesome name of an African leader who - some
tend to believe - was once
regarded as one of the titans of the struggle
against colonialism, but is
now regarded with loathing.
Karadzic was arrested a few days ago after
evading his pursuers for more
than 10 years. He was accused of ordering the
killing of nearly 100000
people during the war that followed the break-up of
Yugoslavia, a socialist
country whose existence owed much to one man, Josip
Tito.
Yugoslavia helped many Africans struggling against colonialism in
the 50s
and 60s. So, among some African leaders, its break-up after Tito's
death and
the demise of communism had a cataclysmic effect on world
geopolitics. Of
course, to many others, a man who, under any circumstances,
kills thousands
of people strictly on the basis of their ethnic origins is
to be treated
with a particular brand of loathing.
At the end of
apartheid, South Africa went through a very dangerous period
of ethnic
killings, which ended only after the leaders agreed on the Truth
and
Reconciliation Commission, headed by Desmond Tutu, and the total support
of
the new government.
I was in Nigeria shortly before the then president,
Olusegun Obasanjo, was
forced to let the world decide Charles Taylor's fate
over his collusion with
the rebels in Sierra Leone during their bloody civil
war which featured the
"blood diamonds".
Though Obasanjo had soiled
himself politically by seeking, in vain, a third
term of office, it is not
improbable that his attempt to shelter Taylor may
also have contributed to
his notoriety and his failure to earn his people's
sympathy, even after he
had left the presidency.
Amin, Sese Seko and the others were fortunate to
die in exile, probably
because the international community had not yet
instituted the legal
machinery to pursue such brigands to the ends of the
earth, literally.
For Zimbabwe, where calls for Mugabe to be similarly
treated have become
more and more vocal since the recent violence against
the opposition, there
will probably be much debate on the
issue.
While some believe that in the spirit of reconciliation, all must
be
forgiven, others hold that a "softly, softly" approach to such atrocities
could set a terrible precedent.
What, in the end, must be decided is
whether, in pursuit of stability and
peace, wanton disregard for human life
should be forgiven, or punished with
the ultimate sanction.
a..
Bill Saidi is deputy editor of The Standard in Zimbabwe.
FinGaz
Clemence Manyukwe Senior
Political Reporter
Fear of job losses triggers panic
TOP government
officials are scrambling to loot state resources as
uncertainty over their
careers in the face of the possibility of the
formation of a Government of
National Unity (GNU) sends jitters among
ZANU-PF's political elite, The
Financial Gazette can reveal.
Sources this week said in some government
ministries and parastatals luxury
vehicles were being offloaded to
individuals at book value in an
unprecedented asset stripping
exercise.
The phenomenon has spilled into the judiciary, where some judges
last week
received luxury vehicles with the option of purchasing those they
received
last year at way below market rates.
The development comes amid
allegations that senior ZANU-PF officials in
Mashonaland West province have
been implicated in the looting of farm
equipment as uncertainty grips the
rank and file of the ruling party over a
possible power sharing deal with
the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).
The Financial Gazette is reliably
informed that nine suspected ruling party
supporters and war veterans led by
one Gilbert Moyo, and currently detained
in Chegutu for looting farm
equipment in the province, divulged out of court
the involvement of ruling
party MPs and management at parastatals in the
case.
"The looting is
indicative of the realisation by a number of individuals
that the game is
up. They now know that they will have to look for other
sources for
sustenance," a ruling party source said.
Last week, The Financial Gazette
reported on how former Mutare Commission
chairperson Fungai Chayeruka had
been awarded a lucrative package that
includes a commercial stand and the
purchase of 100 litres of fuel per month
for three months at concessionary
rates.
Chayeruka, who chaired the commission for 14 months, will receive four
months' salary for every year served, a free cellphone and a line, a car at
book value and sitting allowances for Pungwe Brewery meetings held between
July last year and last month. He will be exempted from paying rates for
eight months.
However, Chombo stated in a letter that the car to be sold
to Chayeruka at
book value should not be the official Mercedes
Benz.
Mutare City Council insiders claimed council would most likely sell
Chayeruka a Nissan Hardbody (Wolf) he has been using during his one-year
reign as chairperson of the city.
The vehicle would be sold at a book
value of $30 billion, which is not
enough to buy a half-litre sachet of
milk.
Pishai Muchauraya, the MDC Manicaland spokesman, who is also the
MP-elect
for Makoni South, alleged that the government was bent on
bankrupting the
City of Mutare before the take-over of the local authority
by his party.
Ruling party sources said not everyone in ZANU-PF welcomed the
idea of a
government of national unity as it meant loss of privileges,
resulting from
accommodation of MDC members.
Commercial farmers Union
president Trevor Gifford yesterday said following
the June 27 poll: "There
has been a lot of looting. There has been a lot of
stock theft on the
farms."
Gifford said more and more people were coming up to occupy farms
still
remaining in white hands, apparently afraid that the opportunity to
take
over the properties might be lost with the coming in of a government of
national unity (GNU).
Ruling party sources yesterday said some party
members were fearful that a
GNU would result in them losing political
leverage that has seen them
accumulating wealth, while others were afraid of
the possibility of being
called to account for their misdeeds that have gone
unpunished.
"Some are not happy about the GNU, but President Mugabe has such
a firm hand
on his party, the rest will follow what he says even if they are
reluctant.
The same goes with the army, he has got such a firm hand," a
source said.
An analyst who spoke on condition of anonymity said Tsvangirai's
climbdown
over the talks is informed by the realisation that ZANU-PF's
desperation to
engage in talks presents him with the best opportunity to
pull off a better
deal for his party, but remains with the problem of
alienating his
traditional backers, thereby leaving him politically
vulnerable to ZANU-PF.
"He now realises that he can win elections from the
people but power has to
be negotiated from those who presently hold it. That
is encapsulated by
Tsvangirai's owns words at the signing ceremony on
Monday. He described
President Mugabe as the leader of the ruling party and
himself as the leader
of the winning party," the analyst said.
FinGaz
Staff
Reporter
SIMBA Makoni, founder of the Mavambo/Kusile/Dawn Project, who
came third in
the March 29 presidential race, could become irrelevant in the
new political
configuration following his exclusion from the preliminary
inter-party
talks.
But Makoni's movement has dismissed the suggestion
that he is finished,
insisting last Sunday's signing of the Memorandum of
Under-standing (MoU) by
President Robert Mugabe of ZANU-PF and the two
Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) formation leaders, Morgan Tsvangirai
and Arthur Mutambara, was
an event that would not cause any sleepless
nights.
Mavambo spokesperson Godfrey Chanetsa said the movement was very much
alive
and it was a matter of time before it was invited to join the other
parties
in resolving the national crisis.
"For one to think that the
absence of Dr Makoni from the signing ceremony
marks doomsday for his
political career is a very short-sighted approach to
politics.
"More
elections will come and our presence will be felt," Chanetsa said.
"This was
just an event and the process is still continuing. The political
space is
still there for anyone interested in seeing our country recover and
develop
to come on board.
"Our policy is that this is a long haul event in which
everyone who matters
will eventually be consulted on the way forward," he
added.
Analysts told The Financial Gazette yesterday that Makoni's snubbing
could
spell disaster for him considering his tireless efforts in the last
few
months to help break the political stalemate.
They said Makoni was
effectively out of the picture because his
Mavambo/Kusile/Dawn movement,
soon to be converted into a fully-fledged
political party - the National
Alliance for Democracy (NAD) - was not
represented in parliament.
"His
absence (from the talks) is insignificant. It is a non-event because
who
does he represent in the first place? He has been left by the wayside
and is
now out of the equation," said University of Zimba-bwe political
science
lecturer and commentator John Makumbe.
"He must act fast to save face and his
political career. It is only fair
that any party, which fails to win
parliamentary representation is not
recognised. So it's logical that his
group should be left out of
proceedings."
Makumbe said Makoni committed a
fatal political blunder by opting to form a
new party when there were
already enough players - ZANU-PF and the MDC.
He said the former finance
minister dug his own grave after defecting from
ZANU-PF and he was now
reaping the bitter rewards of spurning overtures by
both parties to woo him
into their fold.
"He is probably being penalised for defecting from ZANU-PF
or refusing to
join the MDC. It has finally dawned on him that outside the
two major
political parties he is a political nonentity," Makumbe
said.
Makoni reportedly told SABC that his party would in future make its
contribution to the country.
He was quoted saying: "I cannot explain my
absence from that signing
ceremony.
"Many Zimbabweans feel as I do that
it is sad we are not involved at this
stage.
"But this is only the
beginning, there is more to come and we will make our
contribution."
Daniel Shumba, leader of another small party, the United
People's Party, is
also seething over being ignored.
Shumba said all
parties should be included in the talks even if they have no
representation
in parliament.
FinGaz
Staff
Reporter
THE European Union (EU) this week
included two
journalists from State-owned newspapers on its targeted
sanctions list as it
widened the restrictions to cover 37 more individuals
and four companies.
The political editor of
The Sunday Mail
Munyaradzi Huni and Caesar Zvayi, who held the same position
at The Herald
before leaving the newspaper last month, are the first
journalists to be
included on the list since the EU began imposing travel
bans on local
individuals with links to the ruling party following the
disputed 2002
presidential poll.
Unconfirmed reports said Zvayi had left
Zimbabwe to take up a lecturing post
at a university in Botswana.
Also included on
the new list are Joyce
Kazembe, the vice-chairperson of the Zimbabwe
Electoral Commi-ssion and
Peter Chingoka, the head of Cricket
Zimbabwe.
One-hundred-and thirty government and
ruling
party officials were already on the EU's targeted sanctions list
before the
latest development.
Ruling party
companies Zidco Holdings and
Jongwe Printing and Publishing Company
(Private) Lim-ited and one with links
to the ZANU-PF Cold Comfort Farm Trust
Cooperative as well as the Zimbabwe
Defence Industries also feature on the
new EU list.
The sanctions were extended on
Tuesday, a day
after ZANU-PF signed a pact to begin talks on a power sharing
deal as
recommended by the African Union following President Robert Mugabe's
controversial re-election on June 27.
The
lifting of targeted sanctions is one of
the items on the talks
agenda.
Last week, the British embassy
political
affairs first secretary Keith Scott told The Financial Gazette
that his
country was investigating the number of people leaving in the
United Kingdom
who are related to officials that are on the EU
list.
"The Mugabe regime is illegitimate. It
has
sponsored a campaign of violence and shown complete disregard for the
democratic process," said Scott.
"While
there are no plans to deport students
whose parents are in the regime, we
are investigating how many family
members of those on the EU's visa ban and
asset freeze are present in the
UK."
The
sanctions issue sparked a diplomatic
standoff between Zimbabwe and Zambia
after Justice Minister Patrick
Chinamasa accused President Levy Mwanawasa,
of not acting on a SADC
resolution to call for the lifting of sanctions in
his capacity as the
regional bloc's
chairperson.
When Zimbabwe was engulfed in
political
violence blamed on ruling party militias, Zambia said the
government should
first resolve the political crisis to pave the way for the
lifting of
sanctions.
Analysts said growing
international pressure
coupled with Zimbabwe's economic meltdown left
President Mugabe little
choice but to sign the agreement with the
opposition.
The central bank issued a $100
billion note
this week in the face of the world's worst inflation - which
officials
estimate at 2.2 million percent annually but independent finance
houses say
is closer to 12.5 million
percent.
"When you start to hit these kinds of
figures,
you know the wheels have come off in a big way," said Richard
Cornwell,
researcher at the Pretoria-based Institute for Security Studies in
South
Africa.
Zimbabwe's latest political
crisis began in
March with a presidential election where Tsvangirai garnered
the most
votes - but not enough to win
outright.
Tsvangirai pulled out of the June 27
run-off
against Mugabe, citing escalating state-sponsored violence against
his
supporters.
His party says more than
120 of its activists
have been killed by ZANU-PF militia since the March
vote. Thousands have
been injured and tens of thousands have had their homes
torched or been
forced to leave areas where opposition legislators were
elected.
African election monitors said the
June runoff
was not free and fair and several African leaders broke ranks to
declare
they did not recognize him as president of
Zimbabwe.
"It is impossible to accept the
second round
of elections in Zimbabwe, with children being tortured, with
barbarous acts
being committed, with violation of basic democratic rules,"
French Foreign
Minister Bernard Kouchner told reporters Tuesday after the EU
decided to
expand sanctions against President
Mugabe.
British Foreign Secretary David
Miliband said
EU nations were expecting more proof that President Mugabe was
willing to
sign on to a transitional government with the
opposition.
"It requires an end to the
violence, it
requires an end to the ban on humanitarian NGO's getting around
Zimbabwe.
Those are the first steps toward a resolution of the Zimbabwean
crisis,"
Miliband told reporters.
Analyst
Brian Raftopolous argues that Mbeki
may have been able to convince President
Mugabe that Monday's deal was the
"last opportunity" to try and solve
Zimbabwe's problems at a regional level.
"There
may also be a sense that Mugabe feels
it is best to deal with Mbeki, who has
shown him a degree of tolerance," he
said.
- additional reporting by AFP
FinGaz
Shame Makoshori
Senior Business Reporter
THE manufacturing sector's contribution to the
country's exports has
declined by nearly 30 percent over the past 27 years
to 17 percent last year
due to the biting foreign currency shortages and the
escalating production
costs among other things.
A survey commissioned
by the Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries (CZI) and
sponsored by CBZ Bank
Limited also revealed a frightening decline in the
sector's contribution to
the gross domestic product (GDP).
Agriculture, which used to lag behind the
manufacturing industry, has since
overtaken the sector in terms of its
contribution to GDP.
At 22 percent, the manufacturing sector was the biggest
contributor to GDP
between 1980 and 1990 followed by agriculture at 14
percent.
However, due to challenges relating to low capacity utilisation,
foreign
currency shortages and rising inflation, the sector's contribution
has
declined to about 17 percent with agriculture having taken over at 19
percent.
Export shipments under the manufacturing sector for last year
totalled about
US$283 million, representing a nearly 2,8 percent decline
from about US$291
million in 2006.
The report said in the first quarter
of 2007, the manufacturing industry
contributed 12 percent to
exports.
CZI report, which was undertaken by KM Financial Solutions also hit
out at
the establishment by government of the National Incomes and Pricing
Commission (NIPC), which the industrial representative body said had
resulted in goods vanishing from the supermarkets shelves.
"At the start
of inspections by NIPC the national prices were being set
based on an
exchange rate, which was significantly lower than the price
money had been
picked up from those with free funds," the CZI said.
"The result was a
decimation of working capital of producers. The
uncoordinated move was also
a serious disincentive to continued production.
On the back of rapid
inflation and rising global energy prices coupled with
international food
inflation, there was need for realisation that the sector
needed more
pricing flexibility than less," the body added.
The CZI said, on the local
market, decreasing output of the agricultural
sector had accelerated the
food inflation in the local environment resulting
in general cost-push
inflation.
Now estimated at about 2.2 million percent, inflation has remained
uncontrollable in Zimbabwe.
"NIPC needs to be responsive and pragmatic so
as to guarantee viability of
companies. In a number of instances, failure by
the sector to adjust prices
has contributed to decreasing capacity as firms
fail to replace stock. This
has also contributed to depletion of working
capital and hence becoming a
constraint to improved production capacity
utilisations," the report said.
FinGaz
Staff
Reporter
ZIMBABWE'S struggling economy could turn around if stakeholders
capitalise
on the vast infrastructure network and human resource skills it
is endowed
with, a prominent businessman said this week.
Muchadeyi
Masunda, chairman and facilitator of an economic forum, the
American
Business Association of Zimbabwe (ABAZ), whose theme this year is
'Just
Business', told a Harare news conference that brave decisions would
help
bring the country back on track.
Masunda observed that the current economic
sanctions were much more severe
than those imposed on the country in 1965
when Ian Smith made the Unilateral
Declaration of Independence (UDI).
He
said rather than moan over the current crisis, business should continue
to
invest in the country and become innovative in order to find a solution
to
the country's ailing economy.
"We call on the local business community to
soldier on in the face of the
huge challenges affecting the country. We are
blessed with a competitive
edge, boasting a developed infrastructure in
addition to a skilled workforce
and highly educated technocrats."
He said
the brain drain currently afflicting the country would stop once the
economy
stabilised.
"We have to resolve the crisis to give our country
respectability," Masunda
said.
Masunda who gave a comparison between the
UDI-era sanctions and the current
so-called targeted sanctions against
President Robert Mugabe's government,
said: "Those (UDI sanctions) were
mickey-mouse type of sanctions. Some
industrialists would come together and
import substitutes to keep the system
running."
"That's why at
independence in 1980 we had a robust economy with our
currency at par with
the US dollar and 1-to-2 with the pound sterling. But
these ones called
targeted sanctions are something else..."
The grand objective of the ABAZ
economic forum set for August 21 in Harare
is to ensure the resuscitation of
the Zimbabwe economy, once the pride of
the region.
Masunda said Zimbabwe
has a well developed infrastructure, skilled workforce
and technocrats in
the Diaspora whom he implored to return home to help in
the country's
economic turnaround.
He said, as one way of helping Zimbabwe tackle its
problems, ABAZ had
invited qualified speakers from Chile and Brazil, which
suffered recessions
before.
"As business people we are under pressure to
continue in business because of
long-term measures. Sometimes doing business
means you have to soldier on
even in difficult conditions like
these."
"We should be happy because we still have the fortune of being able
to
listen, share ideas, network and exchange notes with international
business
experts from South American states like Brazil and Chile and even
Ireland
that experienced similar situations before," Masunda
said.
Masunda, who is Harare's ceremonial mayor, is a board member with
various
reputable firms.
FinGaz
Njabulo Ncube Political
Editor
NEGOTIATIONS on a power-sharing arrangement to end Zimbabwe's
eight-year old
political crisis begin in South Africa today between
President Robert Mugabe's
ZANU-PF and the Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) amid indications the
ruling party might already have an advantage over
its rivals after it
managed to get into the top of agenda of the Memorandum
of Under-standing
(MoU) its priorities.
ZANU-PF, which narrowly
lost the control of the Lower House of the now
expanded parliament to Morgan
Tsvangirai's MDC, has listed as its top
priorities the issues of sanctions
and the land question before
deliberations on the framework of a new
government.
President Mugabe has maintained that the root cause of Zimbabwe's
political
and economic crisis, is his seizure of former white-owned land for
redistribution to land-short blacks under his controversial agrarian reforms
initiated in 2000 after he lost a referendum on a new constitution.
The
sanctions and land issues could however, bog down the talks and force
the
talks to drag on past the two-week timeframe that has been set for
negotiators to reach a settlement.
British Prime Minister, Gordon Brown
has since cautioned that: "We'll
continue with the policy of sanctions to
maintain the necessary pressure so
there is a fair outcome."
But ZANU-PF
insiders were adamant yesterday that the party would eclipse the
MDC in the
negotiations.
"We (ZANU-PF) and President Mugabe have an edge in the talks in
that the
issues we have been complaining about are at the top."
"If the
sanctions are lifted and Britain provides the money for land reform
all our
problems will be a thing of the past.
"The issue of a new constitution is not
a problem at all. We have convinced
the MDC that there is no problem with
re-calling the people-driven
constitution they rejected in 2000," added the
ZANU-PF insider.
The West has been at pains to explain that the sanctions,
which include a
travel ban and arms embargo, were targeted at President
Mugabe and his
associates. ZANU-PF however, claims these were hurting the
ordinary person
in the streets more.
"There is no way we can go beyond
the item on the economy on the agenda
unless and until the sanctions and
land issues are successfully dealt with,"
added the insider.
"This is
what we want and we believe this would be the panacea to the
country's
economic problems. In this way, we believe we will have dealt with
the
restoration of economic stability and growth. To us, other things such
as
the political, security and communication are peripheral. These other
items
are at our discretion."
But Eldred Masunungure, a professor of political
science at the University
of Zimbabwe, differed with the ZANU-PF politburo
member, insisting the MDC,
which forced President Thabo Mbeki to expand his
mediation effort to include
representatives from the African Union and the
United Nations, had an upper
hand in the negotiations. It had the leverage
to cause the West to soften or
entirely remove the sanctions.
"The MDC
enters into the negotiations with an upper hand. It is in a
position of
strength in that it holds the elusive keys to unlock the
sanctions. All
other issues are marginal," said Masunungure.
"ZANU-PF is desperate to have
the MDC in government as it firmly believes it
is a client of the West. In
the ZANU-PF scheme of things, the MDC masters
imposed the sanctions, so if
the MDC are brought into the government, it
will have the task of persuading
the West to soften or remove the sanctions
outright. ZANU-PF believes the
West can listen to the MDC if it is part of
the government," he
said.
There is speculation the MDC would be offered economic, financial and
agricultural portfolios in the GNU to allow the opposition to interact with
the West.
Sources privy to the talks claimed the ZANU-PF delegation
failed to make it
to Pretoria on Tuesday because they had to attend a
"cabinet" meeting for
the better part of the day. Information obtained by
The Financial Gazette
indicates the ZANU-PF delegation only left yesterday
morning for Pretoria
while MDC negotiators left on Tuesday evening.
The
MDC and its allies in civil society have demanded the cessation of
violence,
the restoration of the rule of law, the de-politicisation of state
organs
and institutions, especially the state security agents, and the
release of
all political prisoners.
According to the MDC, about 1 500 of its supporters
and activists are
languishing in prisons countrywide while over 100 have
been murdered by
ZANU-PF militias, a charge the ruling party has
denied.
Those privy to the thinking of the MDC negotiators say they want all
repressive laws amended or entirely repealed to allow freedom of expression
and the opening of the airwaves to end the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation
(ZBC)'s monopoly.
They point out that the ZBC and the closure of four
newspapers since the
inception of the Access to Information and Protection
of Privacy Act in 2001
had resulted in the proliferation of foreign based
radio stations that beam
into the country mostly news favourable to the
MDC.
External radio stations have been included under communication item on
the
agenda.
It is envisaged that the dialogue will be completed within a
period of two
weeks from the signing of the MoU on Monday this week.
FinGaz
Njabulo Ncube
Political Editor
ZIMBABWEAN civil society organisations that are allies
of the opposition
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), are insisting on a
transitional
authority despite South African President Thabo Mbeki pushing
for a
government of national unity (GNU) including President Robert
Mugabe.
Mbeki was in Harare on Monday for the signing of a Memorandum of
Understanding (MoU) between President Mugabe and MDC leaders Morgan
Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara, which paved the way for negotiations about
the formation a GNU featuring a titular president and an executive prime
minister.
However, civic society organisations, which played a pivotal
role in the
formation of the MDC in 1999, in separate statements to The
Financial
Gazette yesterday said while the signing of the MoU marked a new
political
chapter in Zimbabwe, they still called for a transitional
government headed
by a neutral person not from ZANU-PF or the MDC.
"MISA
Zimbabwe cautiously welcomes the signing of a Memorandum of
Understanding
between ZANU-PF and the two formations of the Movement for
Democratic Change
as the three main political parties in Zimbabwe on July
21, 2008," reads
part of a statement from the media watchdog.
"Our cautious optimism is
premised on the understating that while there is
an urgent need for dialogue
in Zimbabwe - the dialogue in question should
not be the exclusive preserve
and prerogative of political parties alone but
an inclusive process that
embraces civil society organisations as opposed to
the exclusionary nature
of the MoU.
"We reaffirm civil society's position on the need for a new
people driven
constitution that expressly guarantees media freedom as
outlined in the
Zimbabwe People's Charter," it said.
MISA Zimbabwe
implored the negotiating parties as well as the mediators not
to lose sight
of the need for a transitional process that enjoys the people's
confidence.
"This can only be achieved in an environment that immediately
allows
citizens to enjoy their fundamental right to freedom of expression,
association and assembly, access to information and media freedom."
The
Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition, representing more than 350 civic society
organisations, said any meaningful transformation in the country must take
place under a transitional arrangement. "The Coalition is utterly opposed to
a pact agreed between the political elite, which does not adequately address
the socio-economic and political crisis, which is, by and large, a crisis of
governance and legitimacy," the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition statement
said.
While the spirit of accommodation was one to solve the nine-year
crisis,
which has had repercussions for the entire southern African region,
the
framework of the on-going national dialogue "must be aimed at renewal,
national healing and economic prosperity."
"The Coalition specifically
demands that the on-going talks must be held in
a framework of respect for
the people who overwhelmingly voted on March 29.
"A framework for dialogue
should have guarantees that human lives should
cease to be tormented through
state-organised violence and killings."
MISA Zimbabwe said it noted that two
of the agenda items outlined in the MoU
related to the 'media' and
'external' radio stations.
"While we are not privy to the actual contents of
the agenda items, we are
of the view that the two-week negotiation period
should be preceded by an
unequivocal and explicit guarantee to the right of
freedom of expression,
access to information and freedom of the media
through the immediate
cessation of the arrests, harassment and torture of
journalists and media
houses reporting on Zimbabwe."
MISA also demanded
the immediate overhaul of the Zimbabwe Broadcasting
Corpo-ration from a
state broadcaster into a truly independent public
broadcaster as mandated
under the guidelines of the African Charter on
Broadcasting. This should be
accompanied by the freeing of the airwaves to
allow for commercial and
community broadcasting and the granting of access
to all media houses (both
foreign and local) to cover the political
situation as it unfolds.
It
called for the suspension and subsequent repealing of all repressive
legislation that targets the media and in particular, the Access to
Information and Protections of Privacy Act, Public Order and Security Act,
Broadcasting Services Act and the Interception of Commu- nications
Act.
Crisis Coalition added: "Quick fixes to the national crisis do not
address
the constitutional and democratic deficits that our country has had
to
grapple with for the past 10 years.
"We reiterate our calls for a
transitional authority with the specific
mandate of taking Zimbabwe to a
lasting democracy as opposed to a
power-sharing government of national
unity."
The civil society organisations were adamant a GNU was a stop-gap
measure,
which would give President Mugabe and ZANU-PF breathing space
"before
reverting to the war path" against
FinGaz
Njabulo Ncube Political
Editor
THE signing of a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) by President
Robert
Mugabe and both leaders of the Movement for Democratic Change
formations,
Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara has been greeted with
guarded
optimism as South African President Thabo Mbeki continues to push
for an
accord to resolve the country's nine-year political
impasse.
At the signing ceremony held at Rainbow Towers in Harare on
Monday,
President Mugabe came face-to-face with Tsvangirai, the MDC leader
who has
been a thorn in the political flesh of the founding Zimbabwean
leader.
For nearly a decade since Tsvangirai, a former trade union secretary
general, formed the MDC in 1999, he and President Mugabe had not met until
Monday afternoon at the former Sheraton Hotel.
Mbeki, the Southern
African Development Community (SADC)- appointed mediator
in the Zimbabwean
crisis who is regularly criticised for his "quiet
diplomacy" approach, was
on hand to witness what the parties hailed as a
historic
occasion.
Speaking after the signing ceremony, President Mugabe said he and
ZANU-PF
were committed to the talks, but stressed that the three parties
should
engage as Zimbabweans without alleged Western interference. Only the
assistance of South Africa and Africa was acceptable, said President
Mugabe.
"We sit here in order to chart a new way, a new way of political
interaction
and this out of the decision that we made, we of southern
Africa, sometime
ago, that we assist each other and in this particular case,
we assist
Zimbabwe to overcome the political and economic situation, which
requires
support. Our having signed this MoU is a serious matter on my part
and my
party ZANU-PF, we take it seriously. The signatures we have appended
there,
I hope, reflect the sincerity of all of us," said President
Mugabe.
Tsvangirai concurred. "I know that in signing this Memorandum of
Understanding, I represent the hopes and aspirations of millions of
Zimbabweans to end this crisis as soon as possible. Honest, hardworking
Zimbabweans want nothing more than a life that offers peace, security,
economic opportunity, democracy and social and personal development. This is
a responsibility that the Movement for Democratic Change and I take with the
utmost seriousness," said Tsvangirai.
"This Memorandum offers the most
tangible opportunity in the past 10 years
to improve the lives of our fellow
citizens...We are Zimbabweans who want
only what is best for our country and
our citizens...," he said.
Mutambara, the leader of the smaller faction of
the MDC, stressed that
Zimbabweans needed a shared vision to resolve the
political and economic
impasse.
"We must put national interests before
personal interests. National
interests must drive us as we negotiate in the
next two weeks. The people's
will must be supreme and sovereign. Let's have
a shared national economic
vision," said Mutambara.
Echoing the same
theme, President Mugabe said: "We must act as Zimbabweans,
think as
Zimbabweans, be masters of our own destiny. If we do that, there
will be no
need to suffer under sanctions, no need for us to call for Europe
to impose
sanctions. There will be no need for a European hand, we don't
want
it."
Tsvangirai said it should be acknowledged that these negotiations could
only
proceed and succeed if the rule of law was restored and the public
media
refrained from using hate speech to polarize society.
However,
analysts who spoke to The Financial Gazette, while acknowledging
that the
words of all the parties were well-meaning, expressed guarded
optimism on
the agreement and the talks, which begin in earnest in South
Africa
today.
"Celebrations are premature," said John Makumbe, a fiery government
critic
who teaches political science at the University of Zimbabwe.
"This
is the first step in a very long and arduous journey as the Chinese
say. The
lions, dragons, cheetahs and leopards are still out there. The
coming two
weeks of negotiations will be the most difficult as issues that
need to be
discussed are equally difficult," said Makumbe.
"With the polarisation
between ZANU-PF and the MDC, it would be a protracted
struggle for the
negotiators to reach a compromise on issues such as
sanctions and
international interference; which President Robert Mugabe has
cited as
non-negotiable priorities.
"President Mbeki will require much more superior
mediation skills than he
has acquired in his entire mediation efforts
including in the DRC and
Burundi to crack this one," Makumbe said.
"The
polarity on sanctions, international interference, recognition of
(President) Mugabe as the legitimate leader, the cessation of violence,
including the dismantling of terror base stations, the polarity on the
constitution, these are very heavy duty issues, which make the deliberations
in the next two weeks not a stroll in the park. I repeat, it is premature to
start celebrating and saying the country has arrived at a break-through," he
said.
Gorden Moyo, the executive director of Bulawayo Agenda, a civic
society
organisation involved in governance issues, said he was cautiously
optimistic.
Moyo said judging from past intra-party negotiations between
ZANU-PF and the
MDC, it would be foolhardy to take the three leaders at
their word.
"I am cautiously optimistic about the MoU," said Moyo. "It is not
immediately clear if ZANU-PF this time around is genuine about the
negotiations. I am also worried that most of the issues on the agenda were
part of the agenda the last time. Most of these things were discussed, save
for a new government. My question is: Are the three parties going to
renegotiate what they failed to agree on the last time around?"
However,
despite his reservations, Moyo acknowledged that there were
positives in the
MoU such as the fact that the document was made public and
has been
extensively circulated on the internet.
"There are things that we appreciate.
The MoU has been made public. We have
had the previous process where
agreements were shrouded in secrecy. This
time around ZANU-PF and the MDC
have let the people of Zimbabwe and the
world know what they are up to,"
said Moyo.
Moyo also welcomed the fact that the mediation process had been
expanded to
include envoys from the African Union and the United
Nations.
A primary school headmaster, who requested anonymity, said of the
talks: "I
am cautiously optimistic considering what is involved. We had the
same
delicate process in the late 1980s. We have to learn from history and
take
into perspective what happened to old Joshua Nkomo and PF ZAPU," he
said in
reference to the Unity Accord signed by ZANU-PF and PF ZAPU in 1987.
FinGaz
Shame Makoshori
Senior Reporter
CAPTAINS of industry this week sought clarification from
government over the
planned seizure of foreign-owned firms, as state media
reports indicated a
government survey had linked 499 companies to British
ownership.
The companies would be targeted for expropriation under the
country's tough
indigenisation law, reports said.
Confederation of
Zim-babwe Industries (CZI) president Callisto Jokonya told
journalists in
Harare on Tuesday that industry had met Indigenisation and
Empowerment
Min-ister Paul Mangwana to discuss the issue.
He said Mangwana had assured
the industrialists that any takeovers would be
implemented in accordance
with the law.
"We had the Minister of Indigenisation here in this boardroom
and he assured
us there would be nothing like jambanja (forced takeovers),"
Jokonya told
the press conference.
"Our understanding of the Act is that
there will be a willing-buyer
willing-seller (arrangement)," he said.
The
Sunday Mail reported this week that preliminary results of a survey
conducted by the government had indicated that British investors had
interests in at least 499 local companies, with 309 of them having
shareholders from other European countries.
The report said 97 of these
companies were 100 percent owned by British
shareholders, adding these would
be targeted for the takeovers under the
Indi-genisation and Empower-ment
Act.
This week, President Robert Mugabe and leaders of the two Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) factions sealed an agreement expected to culminate
in talks to heal the ailing economy, which has experienced a recession over
the past nine years.
Jokonya said the CZI had thrown its full support to
the new developments in
Zimbabwe's complex politics.
"The CZI and the
entire business community welcome this agreement to start
the dialogue
process that will lead to the resolution of our problems, which
have serious
political, economic, social, as well as humanitarian
dimensions.
"Business hopes that the constructive spirit of selflessness
and national
harmony that was witnessed at the signing will prevail, and we
wish the
negotiations speedy finalisation," he said in a statement.
The
immediate past president of CZI Pattison Sithole said industry remained
ready to undertake the reconstruction process.
"What we are looking for
as business is an environment for us and the nation
to prosper," Sithole
said.
"Business will stand ready to participate in the national
reconstruction
process that will follow. We will play our part.
"What is
now needed is continued restraint until the objectives of the
Memorandum of
Under-standing (MoU) are achieved", added Sithole
Yesterday, CZI launched the
2007 manufacturing sector survey where Jokonya
emphasised ind-ustry's
optimism following the signing of the MoU but
attacked price controls,
corruption and the continued printing of money as
some of the policies
government had to drop.
"The survey brings the same issues every year (but
nobody heeds its
advice)," Jokonya said.
"We have ears but we do not
listen, we have good advice but we do not take
it," the CZI chief
added.
Jokonya said the confederation was fully behind the talks between
ZANU-PF
and the two MDC formations
"We do not want to go back, but we are
not sure about the policies," Jokonya
said.
"They make us have no
confidence in the economy. Just as we came out of the
launch of the 2006
manufacturing sector survey last year, there was a price
blitz. And since
then business has not recovered.
"We must act on corruption, particularly on
the farms where it is
disheartening to say the least.
"Fuel given to
farmers is sold and fertilisers end up on the black market.
"We still have
the question of distortions in the pricing system," said
Jokonya
"We
produce coal but there is no coal, we have water but there is no water
in
Harare, we are well networked with the National Railways of Zimbabwe
infrastructure but there is no service," he said
He added; "The skilled
people have left because we are paying peanuts.
"Everyone is receiving less
than US$2 per month. The region is paying much
more than that.
"So why
should they stay? This (the poor salaries) is all caused by price
controls.
"They are not necessary and we do not need them.
"We do not
want crisis management that we have been going through. We must
move away
from crisis management and bring order.
"We have what I call manufacturing
inflation.
"We are manufacturing inflation by continuing to print money,"
said Jokonya.
But Industry and International Trade Deputy Minister Phineas
Chihota
defen-ded the printing of money arguing that under the
circumstances, the
government had to find ways of cushioning the
people.
"It is not exciting that people are printing money.
"They are not
happy with it.
"How many African countries have operated without foreign
support?
"How many, how many, how many? We must be sincere with
ourselves.
"Ninety-eight percent of African countries operate on borrowed
money in
their budgets. But we have gone this far funding our own budget,"
said
Chihota.
FinGaz
Clemence Manyukwe Senior
Political Reporter
HIGH Court judge Justice Chinembiri Bhunu has stated,
in a revelation that
exposes the chaotic manner in which offer letters are
issued, that the
government offered him three separate farms from which to
choose one but
eventually settled for a fourth.
The judge made the
disclosures in an affidavit filed with the High Court in
a case in which he
is contesting attempts by University of Zimbabwe medical
lecturer Lovemore
Gwan-zura to have the issuance of an offer letter for
Daskop farm in
Marondera to Justice Bhunu declared as having been irregular.
Justice Bhunu
said he was offered Illing Farm but could not settle there
because it had
been "double allocated".
He could not move into Rockland Farm in Marondera
because it was subdivided
into A1 plots, even though it had been initially
allocated to him.
"As a third option I was offered Aldington Farm in Seke. My
offer was
withdrawn as the farm lay amongst certain problematic properties
subject to
bilateral state agreements," the judge said.
The fourth
property he was offered in March this year, Daskop Farm, has
precipitated
the ownership wrangle that is before the High Court.
Justice Bhunu says he
was issued with an offer letter for Daskop farm after
the permanent
secretary in the Ministry of Justice and Parliamentary
Affairs, David
Mangota, who was initially allocated the property, left it
after being
offered another farm in the Midlands province.
The judge wants the court
action against him thrown out on the grounds that
Gwanzura did not take
leave of the court to institute proceedings against a
member of the
judiciary.
Justice Bhunu described Gwan-zura as an "illegal land invader" on
the basis
that even though the Mashonaland East provincial lands committee
had
recommended that the UZ lecturer be given the farm, the recommendation
was
not an offer letter, but "a mere invitation to a treaty".
Last month
Judge President Justice Rita Makarau ruled in favour of Justice
Bhunu
following an emergency motion, but Gwanzura has now taken up the
matter via
a court application.
However, Gwanzura has said after the lands committee
ruled that he could be
offered the farm he was surprised at how the judge
could "jump the queue"
and get the property ahead of him.
He also accused
the judge of lying and trying to eject him from the property
because he was
"well connected".
Gwanzura said he had been told that the judge was allocated
the farm after
performing special duties for the state.
The accusation,
which the judge denied, could not be substantiated.
FinGaz
Morgan Tsvangirai
The world
stands ready to join us in rebuilding our nation
ON Monday, July 21, I signed
a Memorandum of Understanding with President
Robert Mugabe and Arthur
Mutambara. This document commits our three parties
to a framework of
negotiations that will take place over the next two weeks.
I know that in
signing this Memorandum of Understanding, I represent the
hopes and
aspirations of millions of Zimbabweans to end this crisis as soon
as
possible.
Honest, hardworking Zimbabweans who want nothing more than a life
that
offers peace, security, economic opportunity, democracy and social and
personal development. This is a responsibility that the Movement for
Democratic Change and I take with the utmost seriousness.
This Memorandum
offers the most tangible opportunity in the past ten years
to improve the
lives of our fellow citizens. But, our signatures alone do
not guarantee
that we will be able to make the most of this opportunity.
Our signatures on
this document must be accompanied by acknowledging some
very basic truths:
We are Zimbabweans who want only what is best for our
country and our
citizens. Our shared goal is best achieved in a climate of
tolerance and
stability, not divisiveness and anger. We believe that wanting
a more
democratic future or expressing an alternate political opinion should
be
viewed as a right and not as a declaration of war.
We believe that the will
of the people is the fundamental basis on which to
ground our
negotiations.
We acknowledge that these negotiations can only proceed and
succeed if the
rule of law is restored, if people are able to go about their
business in
safety, if the public media refrain from using hate speech to
polarise the
community, if the persecution of MDC MPs, members and
supporters ceases, and
if humanitarian organisations are allowed once again
to provide aid to the
millions of Zimbabweans in need of assistance.
For
my part, I call on all Zimbabweans who believe in the ideals of
democracy as
espoused by the MDC, to continue to abide by the rule of law,
to live in a
spirit of tolerance and inclusiveness in the knowledge that if
we work
together in this spirit, a better future lies ahead and justice will
prevail.
We have committed ourselves to a process that presents the
framework in
which we can strive to find a solution to the Zimbabwe crisis.
This is just
the first step on a journey whose duration and success is
dependent on the
sincerity and good faith of all parties involved.
In the
spirit of a shared vision to heal our nation, I call upon my fellow
signatories to join me in putting aside our differences and acknowledging
that we have a responsibility to the people of Zimbabwe to show true
leadership and to find agreement that will bring an end to the violence,
polarisation, poverty and fear in which we have all been living for too
long. Our fellow countrymen and women look to us to find common ground that
will allow us, as a nation, to chart a democratic path forward.
We must
acknowledge that the outcome of these negotiations will not be
acceptable
until it has been endorsed by Zimbabwean civil society, the trade
unions and
the people themselves.
We are not here to form an elitist pact, but rather to
represent the hopes
and aspirations of each citizen and every stakeholder.
This is my commitment
to our partners who have struggled with us for a more
democratic form of
government.
To the people of Zimbabwe I say, have
courage, be strong, better days lie
ahead.
The heart of the entire world
is broken by what has happened in our country,
and your bravery is praised
among all peoples everywhere. The world stands
ready to join us in
rebuilding our nation and restoring what has been lost,
once our peace and
freedom are re-established.
May God bless Zimbabwe.
lMorgan Tsvangirai
is President of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
FinGaz
Comment
THE signing
of a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) by the protagonists in
the Zimbabwe
crisis on Monday was indeed as momentous as it was historic.
Historic in
the sense that for the first time in many years President Robert
Mugabe and
his political archenemy Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of the Movement
for
Democratic Change (MDC), met face-to-face to endorse delicate
discussions on
issues that had kept them poles apart for the past decade.
Monday's signing
of the MoU after a false start the previous week, was a
major climbdown on
both sides, particularly for President Mugabe, who had to
leave the comfort
of his Munhumutapa Offices to meet Tsvangirai and Arthur
Mutambara - leader
of the other formation of the MDC - at a Harare hotel.
In a way, the sight of
the three leaders seated side by side after 10 years
of avoiding each other,
demonstrated the seriousness of the crisis in
Zimbabwe and the intensity of
diplomatic pressure - regionally and beyond -
on the country's political
leadership.
Before South African President Thabo Mbeki's involvement as
mediator in the
Zimbabwe crisis, Tsvangirai and his nemesis in ZANU-PF had
mercilessly
turned each other into verbal punch bags, be it at political
rallies or in
news bulletins.
And this has been at the expense of the
country's economy and the ordinary
men and women, who have been the biggest
casualties of the self-inflicted
meltdown.
Yet before the MDC leader's
switch from trade unionism into mainstream
politics in the late 1990s,
President Mugabe and Tsvangirai had very little
that separated them and used
to share the platform at May Day celebrations.
With Tsvangirai, President
Mugabe and Mutambara appending their signatures
on the MoU, a new page has
been opened. There is renewed optimism that the
country's bruised economy
could well be on the road to recovery after nine
years of a painful
recession epitomised by a skidding exchange rate, high
inflation of 2,2
million percent and unemployment in the region of 80
percent.
While the
three leaders have agreed on the basic rules to be followed in the
talks,
the taste of the pudding will be in the eating. Their commitment to
the
process should go beyond the diplomatic niceties widely reported in the
media following the signing of the MoU and should stand the test as the
talks gain momentum.
By signing the MoU, Mutambara, Tsvangirai and
President Mugabe have taken
the first step of a long, gruelling journey and
the immediate challenge is
for the trio to walk the talk.
It is
encouraging that on top of the agenda are issues related to the
economy i.e.
its revival, the debatable sanctions and the emotive land
issue.
Interestingly, the talks coincide with the release of the
Confederation of
Zimbabwe Industries (CZI) Manufacturing Sector Survey,
whose findings are
sobering.
According to the latest CZI survey findings,
the manufacturing sector's
contribution to the gross domestic product
plunged from 21 percent in the
1990s to 17 percent. Output in the
manufacturing sector declined by a
massive 28 percent in 2007 compared to a
decline of 18 percent the previous
year.
President Mugabe, Mutambara and
Tsvangirai have a tough task cut out for
them, they can only ignore these
sobering statistics at their own peril.
Granted, ZANU-PF and the two MDC
factions have very little in common in
terms of their ideologies and to many
bringing them together, as is being
suggested by pessimists, is like mixing
oil and water - it just doesn't
work.
ZANU-PF, boasts of its
revolutionary background, claims to be the sole
custodian of the country's
sovereignty and patriotism while the MDC's
campaign cry has been premised
around democratic change that people can
trust.
We implore both parties
to realise that they are Zimbabwean formations first
and foremost, and that
they both have a role to play in bringing back the
country's lost
glory.
In as much as none of them has a monopoly over the people's will, none
is
indispensable either.
For the MoU to give birth to something
beneficial to the people of Zimbabwe,
ZANU-PF and the two MDCs must
negotiate in good faith, casting aside the
individualistic tendencies that
have weighed down the economy.
While we have our doubts regarding the
effectiveness of ZANU-PF's
representatives in the talks, namely Patrick
Chinamasa and Nicholas Goche,
in fully representing President Mugabe in
these delicate talks given their
lightweight status in the party, it is our
fervent hope all the same that
their principals gave them the carte blanche
to execute the mandate at hand.
The parties in the negotiations should
exhibit a high degree of
statesmanship and should be prepared to bend
backwards without breaking
their backs to accommodate either side with the
theme "Zimbabwe first" being
their rallying point.
A winner takes all
formula will scuttle the negotiations resulting in the
continuation of the
Zimbabwe crisis that is hurting the majority of the
people.
The key thing
would be for President Mugabe, Tsvangirai and Mutambara to
compromise along
the way. For ZANU-PF, the biggest challenge is for the
party's bigwigs to
accept that whatever arrangement to emerge out of the
talks can only
accommodate a few people from both sides. The majority of the
bigwigs should
brace for ordinary life.
The chief negotiator in the talks, President Thabo
Mbeki, who should be
commended for nudging the protagonists this far, should
be realistic on the
timeframe within which the negotiations should be
concluded. We believe two
weeks is too conservative given the complexity of
the issues at stake.
How Mbeki would deal with the disputed June 27 victory
claimed by President
Mugabe will also guarantee the success of his
initiative.
FinGaz
Vote Muza
THE
parliamentary plebiscite of March 29 2008 elections had one very
interesting
feature that many might have noted, and this is the
unprecedented number of
lawyers who participated in it.
Lawyers of all ages, from both genders
and black and white races showed no
hesitation in offering themselves to the
electorate for a chance to prove
their leadership mantles.
Close to 20
lawyers took part in the elections, and out of this unusually
huge number,
only a minority failed to get elected.
The following is a list of some of
those who participated from both ZANU-PF
and the MDC; Innocent Gonese,
Douglas Mwonzora, Eric Matinenga, Obert Gutu,
Jessie Majome, Welshman Ncube,
Shepherd Mushonga, David Coltart, Tendai
Biti, Brian Tshuma, Jabulani
Ndlovu, Job Sibanda, Emerson Mnangagwa, Patrick
Chinamasa, Paul Mangwana and
Sheila Mahere.
A few are not included in this list because I could not
ascertain their
names in time for publication.
Interesting to note is
that the MDC provided the largest number of
participants while ZANU-PF had a
tiny number taking part. Although I stand
to be corrected, it would appear
that the MDC had 12 lawyers elected into
both houses of assembly, while
ZANU-PF had only one elected. Prominent
causalities on both sides are
Chinamasa and Ncube, both men being key
representatives of their parties in
the ongoing political dialogue.
The joke doing the rounds in legal circles is
that the humiliating failure
by these otherwise very prominent lawyers to
get into parliament has brought
the profession into serious disrepute.
Therefore, if some had their way,
these two should face gross misconduct
charges before the Law Society
disciplinary tribunal.
While the loss by
Professor Ncube is pardonable, simply because of it being
a result of vote
splitting between candidates from the two MDC factions that
of Chinamasa is
treasonous! The man, in his wisdom, and political hindsight
chose to compete
in what he felt was a safe rural constituency where votes
would be amassed
without any sweat.
But lo and behold; despite being a seasoned, tried and
tested campaigner in
the game, the man was heavily trounced, and without the
accommodation of the
State President, he might never see the inside of
parliament again in his
lifetime.
One other statistic is worth
mentioning. Jessie Majome, MP elect for Harare
West became the first female
lawyer to be elected.
Before, others of her gender had lacked the courage to
directly seek the
mandate from the electorate and those who easily come to
mind are our Judge
President, Rita Makarau and Sheila Mahere.
These went
into parliament through direct appointment by the President. The
$64
trillion question to ask in view of this huge turnout, is why lawyers,
and
not other professions?
Apparently, despite being popular with the public,
medical doctors developed
cold feet and are represented by only two
physicians, David Parirenyatwa and
Sydney Sekeramayi.
Engineers, pilots,
teachers, carpenters, electricians, and many other
professions imaginable
failed to provide a huge number of political
candidates, hence the scope of
this article is to investigate why this is
the case.
One American
Philosopher is reported to have remarked that "lawyers take to
politics, the
way bees take to honey".
This indeed rings true especially if one undertakes
a survey of leadership
trends, in Africa and beyond that confirms the
dominance of lawyers in
positions of power at many levels.
The
internat-ional icon, Nelson Mandela is a lawyer.
The same goes for the great
Indian leader, Mahatma Gandi. Levy Mwanawasa,
Tony Blair, Barack Obama and
dozens more who have held positions of
leadership in the past all take pride
in having law as their profession.
The appetite 0f local lawyers to take part
in politics was not as pronounced
in 1980 as it has been in recent years. A
quick look at professional
demographics at all our past election periods
will show a gradual increase
in the number of lawyers that culminated in the
2000 - 2005 parliament
having a sizeable number of lawyers, who included
Mun-yaradzi Gwisai who has
now taken leave from politics and is now
concentrating on academic work.
It can be argued, and without any debate that
lawyers' participation in
politics locally was concomitant with the rise of
violence, state
repression, torture, murder and various other human rights
violations,
particularly in recent years.
Thus, lawyers' jump onto the
political bandwagon was not merely out of a
quest for power, but was a
response to the need to let law change politics
rather than politics
changing law as has been the case under ZANU-PF
leadership.
In the 1980's
Zimbabwe was relatively peaceful, prosperous, and our State
institutions
were the envy of many.
Lawyers were contend with cocooning in their chambers
to dispense legal
advice and shy away from politics.
However, after 1997,
when the ZANU-PF leadership began to be gripped with
paranoia and relied
more on coercion than persuasion to maintain political
power, many lawyers
began to see the need to take charge of our politics in
order for the
country to change course.
As a matter fact, the large number of active legal
practitioners contesting
with some of them being elected on the opposition
ticket renders weight to
this argument.
Lately legal practitioners have
through their daily interactions with
clients witnessed atrocious human
rights violations perpetrated by State
security agents, and other renegade
groups owing allegiance to ZANU-PF.
As human rights defenders, some of my
colleagues and I have watched the rule
of law, and principles enshrined in
our constitution trampled upon and
trashed by State officials, and the pain
of these experiences has pricked
our consciences and caused some of us to
react, hence the large numbers
presently involved in politics.
Through
our training, and ethical demands, a majority of lawyers feel
injustices
faster than other people.
Our consciences cannot bear to watch, arms akimbo,
when principles of
fairness, justice and truth are being flouted for
whatever reason by those
wielding political power. Lawyers are usually
molded during training to be
assertive, courageous and dominant
people.
It is these instincts for assertiveness, coupled with the great
desire to
sustain genuine freedom, justice, equality and prosperity that
spurred a
good number of my colleagues to take the bull by the horns and
challenge for
political positions.
The forthcoming parliament is
extremely blessed to have such a large array
of lawyers to scrutinise
legislation before its promulgation, and
ultimately, the justice-starved
Zimbabweans should be the major
beneficiaries of such a bumper harvest of
lawyers.
lmuzalaw@yahoo.co.uk
FinGaz
Mavis Makuni
IN
May 2005, the British newspaper, the Weekly Telegraph, carried a story
with
the headline: "Zimbabwe placed on red alert for famine after harvest
failure."
The paper reported most Zimbabweans were no longer able to
buy enough food.
This was after the Famine Early Warning Systems Network had
warned that the
year's harvest was "insufficient to satisfy consumption
needs".
I cannot recall the official reaction to this report, but the
newspaper
would most likely have raised the hackles of some in government,
who were
doing their best to paint a picture that concerns about food
shortages in
the country were exaggerated and were an attempt by detractors
to tarnish
the country's image.
In the same year, the head of state,
President Robert Mugabe, told
international donor agencies: "We do not need
your food." It turned out the
bumper 2004/2005 harvest upon which he based
his rosy outlook, was a figment
of the imagination of then Agriculture
Minister, Joseph Made.
But despite this, the government was still dismissive
when the director of
the World Food Programme arrived in Zimbabwe for talks
on the food crisis at
the request of then United Nations secretary general,
Kofi Annan.
Information and Publicity Secretary, George Charamba, insisted
that Zimbabwe's
stance on food handouts had not changed.
"The president
is very clear that while Zimbabwe welcomes drought mitigating
assistance
from other countries of goodwil, it is firmly opposed to any food
handouts
that are predicated on political conditionalities."
The government, he
stressed, was responsible for ensuring that no one went
without food. In an
interview with Skynews, President Mugabe said
international agencies should
not try to foist food on Zimbabwe because it
had enough.
"Why does the
Food World Programme want to feed us when we say we are not
hungry? It
should go to hungrier countries than ourselves. They need the
food and we
urge it to do good work there."
Three years after these declarations were
made, Zimbabweans are not just
unable to buy "enough" food, many can no
longer access any food at all, and
this includes urban dwellers. If any in
the establishment doubt this, they
should undertake a survey of shops and
supermarkets.
If they are honest, they will admit that these are virtually
empty and
whatever meagre stocks they have are so stratospherically priced
that few
can afford them.
This is affecting even those who have
quadrillions in the bank. How does one
take care of a day's basic needs on
the $100 billion that one is allowed to
withdraw per day?
From this
amount, which for most people can no longer cover a day's
transport fares,
one must buy food, pay bills, pay school fees and meet
routine daily
expenses.
The authorities seriously need to stop pretending that things are
alright
and address these problems. The role of a democratic government is
to take
care of the needs of all citizens regardless of political
affiliation,
especially when the hardships being endured are a result of its
populist
policies.
Zimbabwe has become a basket case plagued by pervasive
hunger in both urban
and rural areas because of the way the land reform
exercise was implemented.
No one questions the imperative need that existed
to redress past imbalances
and injustices by redistributing land. No one
quarrels with the government's
often-repeated declaration that the programme
is irreversible.
What should be reversed is the corruption, cronyism and lack
of
accountability that has resulted in multiple farm hoarding by top
government
officials and the allocation of land to people with no intention
to
undertake the hard work necessary to make the land
productive.
Agriculture is a fast result-yielding undertaking. No lead time
is necessary
from the first planting to the first harvest. But eight years
after the
seizure of land, the empowered farmers can still not get it right.
Sanctions
and Western interference can surely not be blamed for this dismal
performance.
The people are starving mainly because of lack of production
on the farms .
instead of squandering available resources on propaganda
campaigns about
sanctions and the machinations of the West, funds should be
used to ease the
plight of all Zimbabweans. But alas, the National Basic
Commodities Supply
Enhancement Programme (Baccossi), shows the that the
government has not
adopted an inclusive approach to address the hardships
being endured by all
Zimbabweans.
In addition to all its other
shortcomings, this programme discriminates
against urbanites, who are as
economically hard-pressed as rural folk.
Taxation without presentation is one
thing, but limiting welfare programmes
to rural areas in the hyper-inflation
ravaged Zimbabwe of today represents
taxation with deprivation and
victimization for those living in towns and
cities.
Urban dwellers cannot
be blamed for concluding that the taxes they pay are
being used to spite and
slap them in the face. It is incumbent on the
government to take care of all
Zimbabweans who have been impoverished over
the last decade of economic and
political upheaval. One hopes the
considerations resulting in this
segregation are not the same as those
articulated by State Security
Minister, Didymus Mutasa in 2005.
After the government had blocked the South
African Council of Churches from
delivering a donation of food and clothing
to the victims of Operation
Muramba-tsvina, Mutasa declared: "This (aid) is
really not intended for what
they say it is supposed to be, that's not true.
They are doing it to help
the MDC."
On the basis of this convoluted
reasoning, two trucks bearing a consignment
of foodstuffs and blankets to
families that were then living in the open
after the demolition of their
abodes, were barred from entering the country.
Earlier, United Nations
Special Envoy, Anna Tibaijuka had deplored what she
termed the "hands off
our victims" approach after the government had spurned
assistance from the
world body and issued an order that non-governmental
organisations should
concentrate on other programmes and should not become
involved in helping
those who had been rendered homeless by the demolition
spree.
One
fervently hopes that similar tenuous arguments and considerations are
not
being used against urbanites, who were once denounced for being
totem-less
and too fond of sugar.
There is also the small matter that urbanites have
consistently voted for
the opposition in elections since 2000. But this is
their democratic right
and they should not be penalized for it. It would be
preposterous for a
national government to resort to such
pettiness.
Feedback: mmakuni@fingaz.co.zw
FinGaz
Staff Reporter
Survey
portrays grim picture as . . .
THE manufacturing industry suffered a 28
percent decline in output last year
compared to an 18 percent slump in 2006,
in yet another clear sign of the
impact of the deepening economic crisis in
Zimbabwe.
The grim statistics were captured in the Confederation of
Zimbabwe
Industries (CZI) Manufacturing Sector Survey launched in Harare
yesterday.
The report, the seventh such survey by the CZI, signifies the
depth of the
country's growing level of unutilised capacity.
"The country
therefore continues to forge ahead under increasingly
under-utilised
capacity, given a weighted average capacity utilisation of
18.9 percent in
2007 compared to 33.8 percent in the 2006-surveyed sample,"
the report
noted.
Emphasising that the country faced "an increasing need for strong
implementation of anti-inflation policies", the survey said inflation
continued to pose serious threat to the conduct of business.
The survey,
however, noted that despite grave foreign currency shortages,
companies
still managed exports, with South Africa becoming the new leading
manufacturing export destination ahead of Zambia, which has been the top
destination for the two previous years.
"However, the industry still
laments over foreign currency shortages,
controlled foreign exchange and raw
material shortages having negatively
affected business performance," the
survey said.
It pointed out that declining capacity utilisation levels had
naturally
resulted in employment levels falling.
"Based on the sample
surveyed, employment numbers declined by 12.2 percent
in 2007 from the 2006
sampled numbers. However, further analysis shows that
the workforce is not
being paid a living wage.
"Transport costs in a number of instances were
higher than the actual
salaries earned by the staff. Continued decline in
disposable income for the
local market has resulted in low demand for
manufactured products," the
survey revealed.
It said given that the
manufacturing sector had dropped by 28 percent
against a decline of 12.2
percent in employment levels, it could be deduced
that idle time at work had
increased significantly.
"Unfortunately the combination of idleness and a
wage lower than a living
wage can lead to higher levels of pilferage and
crime at work places," it
warned.
The survey noted that while the
recently introduced interbank exchange rate
policy was still too nascent to
allow for an impact assessment, about 52
percent of the interviewed
companies however considered the inter-bank
exchange rate policy as a
positive move in the right direction.
The report said this had helped provide
a common cost platform for all
players and also allow for realistic costs to
be assumed.
More than 90 percent of the respondents said they had been
negatively
affected by the cash shortages that prevailed over the period
under review.
In most cases daily cash withdrawal limits inhibited
operations in light of
the skyrocketing inflationary pressure. This had
accelerated the
dollarisation of the economy.
"We have noted that the
cash shortages and the rapid depreciation of the
local currency have fuelled
the un-official dollarisation of the economy.
"Salaries, a key input into the
sector, are being pushed aggressively as the
labour force tries to contend
with dollarised rentals and transport costs
which are linked to imported and
rising fuel costs," the report's authors
said.
The survey said latest
findings showed that the sector welcomed regional
integration, with 29.8
percent preferring the Common Market for East and
Southern Africa (COMESA)
and 23.4 percent preferring the Southern African
Development Community as
they highlighted that it would mean a wider market
for them as well as more
and better opportunities.
"COMESA, for example, is a market for 420 million
people, with a GDP of
US$267 billion. There is a risk of the manufacturing
sector missing out on
this opportunity.
"Moreover, the issue of proximity
comes into play when doing business in
Africa. Coupled with lack of
international credit to the local
manufacturers, the impact of the sanctions
is negatively extending onto the
industry's export performance as products
are turned down on the basis of
their source," the report noted.
The
survey also noted that business confidence levels over the years had
declined to the current 2 percent (5 percent in 2006).
This, the report
said, made it urgent for closer cooperation between
stakeholders and the
policy makers in order to curb the problems on the
ground.
"The economy
is closer to a solution than it is to its problems. The country
is fortunate
in the sense that it remains endowed with serious potential
embedded in its
natural resources and its highly educated and skilled labour
force.
"A
lot of non Zimbabweans have asked, 'Why is Africa (Zimbabwe included)
poor
and yet so rich?'. Going forward clarity, consistency and cooperation
are
key."
FinGaz
Staff
Reporter
ZIMBABWE'S troubled sugar industry has opened negotiations with
the European
Union (EU) for a 60 million Euro financial lifeline that would
enhance the
capacity of hundreds of new sugarcane growers thrust into the
volatile
sector under haphazard government-sponsored agrarian
reforms.
The Financial Gazette heard this week that the bulk of these
farmers could
face a major financial crisis if sugar export quarters granted
by the EU are
removed later in the year, opening the industry up to greater
competition.
A reduction in sugar production in Zimbabwe has been blamed on
the new
farmers who settled on sugar estates with hectarage ranging between
20 and
60 without the financial wherewithal and the requisite skills.
It
is estimated that there are 180 new farmers settled on sugar estates.
Sources
said the industry is negotiating with the EU for funding to save
largely
small-scale sugar producers from collapse in the face of mounting
competition coming with the removal of export quotas later in the
year.
Zimbabwe has an export quota of between 10 000 and 20 000 metric tonnes
of
sugar to the South American market per annum, and unspecified export
quotas
to the EU.
"The sugar subsidies are going to fall away," said the
source in Harare this
week. There won't be any quotas; it is going to be a
free for all. But we
have been able to negotiate with the EU for 60 million
euros to assist cane
growers. What we need to do is to come up with
sustainable arrangements to
get the farmers grow (sugarcane)," the source
said. A source said while
irrigation infrastructure was still intact, the
farmers were failing to
utilise it.
"We have the best irrigation set up
in southern Africa but we have not been
able to exploit its potential. We
need to get everybody to produce,
especially the newer farmers that were
introduced around 2000," he said.
However, with the diplomatic stand off
between Zimbabwe and the EU
worsening, it could be impossible for the sugar
industry to access the
funding should the powerful regional economic bloc
press ahead with plans to
slap further sanctions on Zimba-bwe.
The EU
roundly condemned President Robert Mugabe's re-election last month
and has
mobilised other international bodies to cut ties with the country.
EU member
states were expected to agree on Tuesday to impose tougher
sanctions on
Harare, according to media reports.
The BBC reported at the weekend that the
EU was to increase the number of
officials and business people associated
with President Mugabe targetted for
a visa ban and financial sanctions.
FinGaz
Synodia Bhasera Staff
Reporter
CASH-STARVED Zimbabweans are crafting ingenious ways to sidestep
bank rules
that limit the amount individuals can withdraw from their
accounts. Zimbabwe's
central bank has imposed strict cash withdrawal limits
in an effort to stem
a tidal wave of demand by depositors driven by
escalating costs of basic and
other necessities each day.
The Reserve
Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) has limited daily withdrawals to $100
billion despite
the run-away inflation.
Eleanor Taruzei (35) is one of the many Zimbabweans
affected by this
situation. She stoops as she walks to accommodate a bulging
shoulder bag
often weighed down by a variety of toiletries that any woman
would carry.
But nestled among the items are a number of automated cash
dispenser (ACD)
cards that allows her to get the money she wants.
"I find
it convenient, because having a number of these cards from different
banks
allows me to withdrawal more than the stipulated amount."
She could be one
among a number of Zimbabweans who are coming up with new
ways to beat the
central bank's control measures.
RBZ governor Gideon Gono says these controls
are meant to forestall
speculative practices that could worsen stagflation
in the battered economy.
Information obtained by The Financial Gazette this
week indicates that some
affluent Zimbabweans, mainly foreign currency and
commodity dealers, now
operate multiple bank accounts with several banks and
other financial
institutions.
In fact, some dealers are reportedly to be
single-handedly holding up to 21
bank accounts, enabling the person to
withdraw a total of $2.1 trillion a
day to transact and cater for daily
expenses such as food, fuel, and other
daily needs.
For ordinary workers,
a daily limit of $100 billion can no longer buy or
transact anything. One
needs $120 billion for transport to and from work,
which means one, has to
go to a bank daily for transport only.
"It is uncomfortable to stand in a
long and winding queue just to be given
an amount not enough to buy your
child a yoghurt. Why should I forfeit my
right to get back the money that I
entrusted to a bank?" said an enraged
municipal worker, who was in a queue
at a commercial bank to withdraw part
of her salary.
"Small wonder people
no longer deposit their money with banks these days,"
she fumed.
A decent
lunch costs no less than $600 billion. A pint of beer is going for
$450
billion. Doctors now charge $600 billion for consultation.
To have a
fashionable hairdo at a saloon, a woman needs at least $1.5
trillion. A
simple dress for a small child is going for $1,4 trillion at
Edgars.
One
can go on and on but the issue is that the daily maximum cash withdrawal
has
become insignificant.
What is compounding the problem is that all visa cards
and Zimswitch are not
working.
Hoteliers and supermarkets approached by
The Financial Gazette claimed that
banks have not updated swipe machines to
deal with the high figures being
charged for goods and services, amid
revelations some swipe machines can
only accept $7 billion per
transaction.
It therefore means that for a product of $350 billion, one needs
to swipe 50
times, in addition to paying commission of about $2 billion per
transaction.
Enterprising restaurants and bottle stores now charge between 20
and 50
percent more for clients paying in personal or company cheques.