The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.

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Telegraph

      'Quiet diplomacy' won't get rid of Mugabe: free elections will
      By Kate Hoey
      (Filed: 29/07/2003)


      It is the moment I dreaded. "They are after us," shouts David, sitting
behind me in the car. I look back and hard on our tail, headlights flashing,
is a truckload of Robert Mugabe's heavies. Having been warned by the Foreign
Office of the dangers awaiting any British MP caught sneaking around
Zimbabwe, we have been spotted filming while driving past the Grain
Marketing Boards depot in Mvurwi.

      In other police states, it is a crime to film military bases. The
state secret here is that the grain silos are empty. The truck gets past,
but immediately our skilful driver leaves the narrow tar strip and, throwing
up clouds of dust, we succeed in overtaking. He continues to block the
pursuers, zig-zagging from side to side. I quickly take the cassette from
the camera and hide it in my sock. The chase continues for 10 minutes, then
suddenly stops, probably because of lack of fuel, a rare commodity in this
country.

      It was as I handed out black armbands outside Lord's in solidarity
with victims of Robert Mugabe's brutal regime during the England-Zimbabwe
match that I decided to see for myself. Since my last visit 10 years ago,
the hunger, poverty and terror resulting from the 79-year-old dictator's
determination to cling to power have relegated Zimbabwe from a respected
nation to a rogue state.

      Desperate to quell opposition to his inept and corrupt government, he
has tried to resurrect the anti-colonial mindset of the 1960s and turn the
British into bogeymen. There was no chance that I would be granted a visa
had I applied through the usual channels. I resolved to enter by the back
door.

      Shredding paper into the waste bins at the transit lounge at
Johannesburg airport, I recall the FCO official's stern reminder only 24
hours earlier when I let him in on my plan to enter Zimbabwe secretly.

      "Always remember, Miss Hoey, that you were a minister in Her Majesty's
Government." I must lose my persona as a British MP and become a sports
teacher visiting Victoria Falls. At Bulawayo airport, pulling my safari hat
down and hiding behind my dark glasses, I hand over the fee of $55. I wait
anxiously as immigration officials behind a half-closed door decide my fate.
Then, relief as I hear the thud of the stamp.

      Waiting unobtrusively to meet me is Jenni Williams. Repeatedly
arrested and harassed, Jenni is an activist who has spearheaded the
increasingly influential Women of Zimbabwe Arise (Woza). Whether in the
urban squatter camp of Killarney or the remote and hungry district of
Tsholotsho, she works to endow communities with a spirit of resistance. Two
days after I leave Bulawayo, she is arrested again.

      Women bear the brunt of the crisis. Spiralling food prices are putting
the staples of mealie meal and bread beyond the reach of most people. A loaf
of bread that last year cost Z$100 now costs Z$1,000. The weekly wage of an
unskilled worker is Z$6,000. With 85 per cent unemployment, most families
never taste bread.

      People queue for hours at banks to receive huge wads of rationed
banknotes worth a pound or two, with a face value less than the cost of
printing. Half the population of 12 million is fed through food aid,
provided mainly by America and Britain. Grain is shipped halfway round the
world and paid for by the taxes of my constituents in Vauxhall.

      In this country, once the bread-basket of Africa, I drive for miles
past uncultivated fields. Where wheat and maize once grew, irrigated from
the well-filled dams, only weeds flourish. Mugabe's "land reform" has seen
his cronies installed in agricultural properties, and even small-scale plots
are allocated to members of the ruling party. Most have jobs. The unemployed
farm workers with agricultural skills who have always worked those fields
are prevented, by force, from growing a few crops for their families.

      The food distribution network is controlled by Zanu-PF. Party
officials have hoodwinked aid agencies and get rich on scams while entire
districts that oppose Mugabe are denied food.

      Everywhere, I hear terrible accounts of state terrorism against
individuals suspected of being Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
supporters. One man tells me how he was blindfolded for three days with
electrodes attached to his body, badly beaten, then left for dead by the
roadside. His small farm, leased from a commercial farmer, had been
ransacked and taken from him when the owner had his land stolen by "war
veterans".

      While much of the violence is targeted at the black population, the
white farming community has also suffered brutality and murder. Farmers who
have seen their lifetime's work destroyed, and their displaced workers
alike, with no home other than Zimbabwe, await the day when they can begin
to rebuild the agricultural industry that was the mainstay of the economy.

      It is impossible to describe the fear. The Public Order and Security
Act is used to harass those who protest against the state-sponsored
repression. You break the law when you meet more than one other person to
discuss the crisis. You can be arrested for sitting down with a group of
pastors to hear of their plans to involve the church in the struggle for
freedom.

      Despite facing trial on two trumped-up charges of treason, Morgan
Tsvangirai, the leader of the MDC, finds time to talk to me in his home. The
covert nature of my visit has given me the privilege to live with those who
stand up to Mugabe.

      Sharing the lives of people on the move and sleeping in safe houses
gives me an insight into fearing a night raid from security police. I wish I
could do justice to the courage of the people I meet. They want me to tell
my Government what it is really like.

      Mugabe's apologists, led by his South African ally, President Thabo
Mbeki, claim the solution is their own quiet diplomacy. But it is free and
fair elections, overseen by international programmes so that voters no
longer feel intimidated by violence, that the people of Zimbabwe desperately
need.

      The message from the brave Zimbabweans who one day will be leading the
reconstruction of their country is to tell Tony Blair – don't be fooled by
Mbeki.

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Telegraph
 

Zimbabweans rush for last banknotes
By Peta Thornycroft in Harare
(Filed: 29/07/2003)

Zimbabwe's banks were fast running out of money yesterday. As thousands of desperate workers endured lengthy queues to withdraw their salaries or pensions, riot police flooded the centre of the capital, Harare.

Economists said it was the worst crisis to hit the country in three years of chaotic mismanagement by President Robert Mugabe's regime. Zimbabwe is now the world's fastest-shrinking economy.

Riot police arrest a man who was said to have tried to jump the queue at a bank in Harare

"We can never recover from this," said a 72-year-old man queuing outside the main branch of Zimbabwe's largest building society.

He was trying to draw his small retirement benefits, while around him hundreds of civil servants and soldiers lined up to try to obtain their pay. Tellers have been told to hand out only the equivalent of £3.50 to each customer.

"If this is not dealt with quickly, it will have grave repercussions," said Eddie Cross, an official of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change. "This is an emergency of the highest order."

The problem has its roots in the country's soaring inflation rate. Government forecasts of a 96 per cent rate have already been breached, as official price rises soared past 360 per cent.

In reality, the rate is estimated to be more than 700 per cent, meaning that many more notes are required to buy the same quantity of goods.

Most nations facing economic meltdown opt to print more notes, but the only press producing the highest denomination note, of Z$500 (35p), is already working 24 hours a day. Plans to produce larger notes have had to be abandoned until the country can find the foreign currency to import more ink.

As ever, the worst affected by the disappearance of cash are the poor.

"This is my third day here," said a 54-year-old woman from Buduriro, a township west of Harare. "I got Z$10,000 [£7 at official rates] on Friday to pay rent, but now I need money for food. I spent more time here in the queue than at work."

She has been a cleaner at the School of Social Work for 20 years, and earns Z$20,000 a month. A loaf of bread, when available, costs about Z$1,000, or 70p.

Several hundred people stood in the orderly queue outside the main branch of the Central African Building Society, but three hours after opening it had not received cash from the Reserve Bank four blocks away.

The building society's glass doors remained shut, guarded by police, and the queue grew and snaked along the crumbling pavement around the corner into a side street.

A professional assistant at a clinic run by Harare municipality, who earns Z$70,000 a month, started weeping quietly. "We can't believe things will get worse. But each time they get worse. Will it ever end?"

The British bank Standard Chartered was allowing depositors, including companies, to withdraw only Z$5,000 (£3.50) each.

A teller said a recent injection into the economy of Z$24 billion in Z$500 notes had made no difference. "These new notes are not coming back to the bank, people are keeping them."

Police fired teargas on Saturday to disperse people quarrelling in a queue for money on the edge of the city.

Yesterday security guards broke up a fractious crowd outside the Kingdom Bank in the city centre. But most Zimbabweans say they are too tired to do more than wait and hope.

Peter Robinson, a development economist, said: "The cash crisis is the worst moment in the economy so far."

He said the black market in banknotes had now become established, with note traders selling cash for cheques at 15 per cent more than its face value. "Why put cash in the bank when you can trade it in the street for instant profit?"

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ZBC

Church leaders meet Tsvangirai

29 July 2003
Representatives of church leaders met with MDC leader, Morgan Tsvangirai in
Harare on Monday as part of their efforts to facilitate the resumption of
inter-party dialogue with the ruling Zanu PF.

The meeting was attended by Zimbabwe Council of Churches President, Reverend
Sebastian Bakare, Bishop Patrick Mutume of the Catholic Bishops Conference
and Bishop Trevor Manhanga of the Evangelical Fellowship of Zimbabwe and his
delegation as well as Tsvangirai, his party secretary general Welshman
Ncube, spokesperson Paul Themba Nyathi and deputy secretary general Gift
Chimanikire among others.

Reverend Bakare told journalists that his delegation is optimistic of a
breakthrough and is currently dealing with issues pertaining to legitimacy,
perception of the MDC as a front of the western powers and the court action
challenging the 2002 presidential election won by Cde Robert Mugabe.

The church delegation last week met President Mugabe and the meeting with
Tsvangirai also served as a de-brief session.

Efforts to get a comment from the MDC on its position were fruitless.

The MDC attended the official opening of parliament on the 22nd of this
month and announced that it is part of its effort to build a better
Zimbabwe.

The opposition political party’s move has been largely hailed as progressive
but Zimbabweans challenged the MDC to complete the circle of goodwill by
abandoning the sanctions and economic sabotage route.
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The Herald

Zambia threatens to throw out Zim farmers

From Sanday Chongo-Kabange in LUSAKA, Zambia
ZAMBIA’S Department of Home Affairs is threatening to throw out of the
country some white Zimbabwean farmers because they do not have the necessary
immigration documents.

The farmers, however, deny that they are staying in the country illegally.

They claim they are still "looking around" and would approach immigration
officials soon.

Mr Jones Mwelwa, spokesperson for the Immigration Department said on Sunday
more than 100 Zimbabwean farmers entered Zambia on tourist visas at the
height of the land reform programme in Zimbabwe.

Mr Mwelwa said the farmers planned to settle and farm in the fertile Mkushi
area in central Zambia.

"Some of the farmers entered Zambia on the pretext of visiting, but they
have no legal immigration documents. We would like to help them to resettle
here, but they have to adhere to the laws and get the necessary permits," he
said.

Mr Mwelwa warned that the farmers would be prosecuted and deported if they
continued to stay in Zambia illegally.

He also disclosed that the immigration was in the process of compiling a
list of names of all Zimbabwean farmers who entered Zambia on the pretext
that they were coming into the country as investors.

"We are making the final touches to the list of their names and once we
establish who they really are, we are going to kick them out of this country
to where they came from.

"Most of these farmers came in last year on the guise that they were
visiting relatives," said Mr Mwelwa.

The immigration public relations officer said most Zimbabwean farmers did
not have enough money to buy farms in Zambia.

"Most of the farmers who came to Zambia are satisfied with the quality of
the soil. They can grow tobacco or produce other agricultural products here,
but they do not have enough money."

The Zambian government, through the Immigration Department, is demanding
US$220 for a hectare of land.

Mr Gregory Kings, one of the farmers who is scouting for land in Zambia,
said the farmers are also looking at land in northern Zambia and would apply
for permits soon.

Mr Kings admitted that some of the farmers did not have enough money to buy
land because of the way they left their farming land in Zimbabwe.

He alleged that Zimbabwean farmers, white and black, had money in the bank
but their accounts were frozen when they left the country for Zambia.

And when sought for a comment, Zimbabwe's High Commissioner to Zambia, Cde
Cain Mathema said it was not true that the farmers did not have money.

Cde Mathema said: "They have money in banks in the countries they came from.
They have been doing this since the start of the land empowerment programme.
Claims that they do not have money or land is day light lying."

He said if there were any farmers who were affected by the land reform
programme and had fled to Zambia, they were welcome to return to Zimbabwe
because there was still lots of land for real farmers who were willing to
co-operate with the Zimbabwean Government.

Cde Mathema charged that the farmers were just making a fuss out of the
whole thing because as far as he was concerned the land reform programme had
successfully been implemented and the main objective of empowering locals
had been achieved.

Several white Zimbabwean farmers had trekked into Zambia during the
implementation of the land redistribution programme claiming political
instability as the main cause of their move to Zambia.

However, the Government of Zimbabwe has made it clear that every farmer who
is interested in farming will be allocated a piece of land.

Those with farms that were designated were allocated land elsewhere, in line
with the land resettlement programme.
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Reuters

IMF urges Zimbabwe reforms to stem economic crisis
Reuters, 07.28.03, 3:57 PM ET


WASHINGTON, July 28 (Reuters) - Zimbabwe should take urgent action to stem
its economic decline by tightening monetary policy to bring rampaging
inflation under control, the International Monetary Fund said on Monday.

The IMF, which suspended Zimbabwe's voting rights and banned it from
representation within the fund on June 6 because of the country's economic
policies and outstanding IMF debts, said "decisive action" is needed to
restore confidence in the government of President Robert Mugabe.

The Washington-based lender urged Zimbabwe to enhance governance and
transparency in its economic policies and raise official interest rates in a
bid to attract foreign direct investment and regain the support of creditors
and donors.

"Directors underscored the importance of an early and decisive tightening of
monetary policy to contain inflation and establish policy credibility," the
IMF said in its annual review of Zimbabwe's economy.

Zimbabwe has been gripped by crisis since pro-government militants invaded
white-owned farms in early 2000 in support of Mugabe's campaign to
redistribute farms to landless blacks.

The strife worsened after Mugabe's controversial re-election last year in a
poll rejected as fraudulent by many Western nations.

The IMF said while progress had been made in raising nominal interest rates,
further increases will be needed in view of the "still highly negative real
interest rates" and the acceleration of inflation to 269 percent in the year
through April 2003.

The IMF estimated real gross domestic product shrank 12.8 percent in 2002,
while consumer prices rose 198.9 percent.

IMF directors also urged the government to sharply curtail concessional
lending facilities, which are a significant source of rapid liquidity
growth, and to widen and speed up its efforts to stabilize the economy.

It said recent steps to adjust exchange and interest rates and fuel and
electricity tariffs, and ease price controls, were a step in the right
direction, but lamented that government transactions continue to be
undertaken at a more appreciated exchange rate, which could result in
significant distortions and quasi-fiscal losses.

"The ultimate goal should be to unify the exchange rates as quickly as
possible, liberalize the exchange system, and eventually eliminate surrender
requirements," the IMF said.

Copyright 2003, Reuters News Service

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International Monetary Fund
700 19th Street, NW
Washington, D.C. 20431 USA

IMF Concludes 2003 Article IV Consultation with Zimbabwe

Public Information Notices (PINs) are issued, (i) at the request of a member country, following the conclusion of the Article IV consultation for countries seeking to make known the views of the IMF to the public. This action is intended to strengthen IMF surveillance over the economic policies of member countries by increasing the transparency of the IMF's assessment of these policies; and (ii) following policy discussions in the Executive Board at the decision of the Board. The staff report (use the free Adobe Acrobat Reader to view this pdf file) for the 2003 Article IV consultation with Zimbabwe is also available.

On June 6, 2003, the Executive Board of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) concluded the Article IV consultation with Zimbabwe.1

Background

The Zimbabwean economy has deteriorated progressively over the past four years. Real output has dropped by one-third, inflation reached 269 percent in the year through April 2003, and social conditions are deteriorating. Severe food shortages have necessitated massive food imports and donor assistance, as two-thirds of the population required food aid in 2002/03 (April-March). The balance of payments has been under severe pressure since 1999, when Zimbabwe began to accumulate payments arrears. There is little productive investment in the economy, and there are reports of significant capital flight and emigration of skilled labor.

The economic crisis reflects to a large extent inappropriate economic policies: loose fiscal and monetary policies, the maintenance of a fixed exchange rate in an environment of rising inflation, and administrative controls. Increased regulations and government intervention have driven economic activity underground, and contributed to the chronic shortages of goods and foreign exchange. The impact of these policies have been exacerbated by the fast-track land reform program, recurring droughts, and the HIV/AIDS pandemic. Meanwhile, investor confidence has been eroded by concerns over political developments, weak governance and corruption, problems related to the implementation of the government's land reform program, the push for an increased indigenization of the business sector, and the selective enforcement of regulations.

Monetary policy remained accommodative throughout 2002. As a result, broad money growth accelerated to 165 percent in 2002, as liquidity growth was fueled by concessional lending at highly negative real interest rates and special support schemes for gold and tobacco producers. Preliminary and partial data point to a further rise in broad money growth to 207 percent in March 2003. These developments provided a strong incentive to borrow, and led to a rapid rise in the prices of assets, such as real estate, stocks, foreign exchange, and consumer durables, that provide a hedge against inflation.

Fiscal policy was expansionary in 2002, reflecting mainly substantial quasi-fiscal rather than budgetary operations. The overall budget deficit declined to 5 percent in 2002 from 10 percent of GDP in 2001. However, quasi-fiscal operations related to support schemes for gold and tobacco producers through the Reserve Bank amounted to more than 5 percent of GDP.

Zimbabwe's external position has become increasingly constrained. Pervasive shortages of foreign exchange in the official market, partly owing to a decline in exports of 35 percent since 2000, have resulted in a compression of nonfood imports of 15 percent. At end-2002, gross usable reserves stood at US$15 million, equivalent to three days of imports, and arrears to external creditors amounted to US$1.5 billion, or 29 percent of total external debt, including to the Fund. The government responded to these pressures in November 2002 by tightening exchange controls, increasing surrender requirements, and closing exchange bureaus. These actions resulted in a slowdown of foreign exchange flows to the official market and an appreciation of the parallel market exchange rate in early 2003.

In response to the deteriorating economic situation, the government adopted the National Economic Revival Program (NERP) at end- February 2003, after consultation with business and labor under the auspices of the Tripartite Negotiating Forum (TNF). Immediate actions included a devaluation of the exchange rate from Z$55 per US$1 to Z$824 per US$1 (although the government will still purchase foreign exchange at the old rate), a doubling, on average, of fuel prices, and sectoral policies to stimulate production. These actions were followed by some rise in interest rates, an increase in the producer prices of grain in March, and another doubling of fuel prices in April. In early May, controls on most prices were removed. Prices of five basic food items remain controlled, but were increased by substantial amounts.

Executive Board Assessment

Executive Directors expressed deep concern about the continued deterioration of Zimbabwe's economic and social situation, with declining output and per capita income, high and rising inflation, and the further accumulation of external payment arrears. Unemployment and poverty have risen sharply and the HIV/AIDS pandemic is worsening, and Zimbabwe's economic problems have had repercussions in neighboring countries. Directors observed that this sharp deterioration primarily reflects the government's inappropriate macroeconomic and structural policies, in particular loose financial policies and increased regulation and government intervention. Moreover, the government's land reform program, compounded by inclement weather, has resulted in a significant reduction in agricultural output and a lowering of the sector's medium-term potential.

Against the backdrop of these worrisome developments, Directors urged the authorities to take action urgently to arrest the economic decline, bring inflation under control, and return the economy to a sustainable growth path. Decisive steps to restore confidence in the government's economic policies, including enhanced governance and transparency and respect for the rule of law, and broad ownership of the reform process, will be key to revamping productive investment, attracting needed foreign direct investment, and regaining the support of foreign creditors and donors.

Directors considered the government's recent steps to adjust exchange and interest rates and fuel and electricity tariffs, and ease price controls to be steps in the right direction. They stressed, however, that the magnitude and pervasiveness of economic distortions call for a significant further enhancement of the scope and speed of stabilization efforts, which should be implemented within a consistent overall macroeconomic framework, and complemented by the sustained implementation of key structural reforms.

Directors underscored the importance of an early and decisive tightening of monetary policy to contain inflation and establish policy credibility. While progress has been made in raising nominal interest rates, further increases will be needed in view of the still highly negative real interest rates and the acceleration of inflation. Directors also urged the government to sharply curtail concessional lending facilities, which are a significant source of rapid liquidity growth.

To address the risks to the banking system from monetary tightening, Directors urged the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe to ensure that banks meet all prudential regulations and are adequately capitalized and fully provisioned for nonperforming loans. They noted that strengthened banking supervision and determination in dealing with problem institutions will also be prerequisites for the successful introduction of the planned deposit protection scheme. Directors urged the authorities to bring legislation to combat money laundering and the financing of terrorism to international standards.

Directors expressed concern about the expansionary stance of fiscal policy, including large quasi-fiscal operations, which have weakened the fiscal position and contributed to exchange market distortions. They underscored the importance of restoring fiscal discipline, including to support disinflation efforts. This will require expenditure restraint, in particular on low-priority items, while protecting key social services. Directors saw efforts to streamline the public sector and reduce costs through commercialization and rationalization as steps in the right direction. They urged the government to continue these efforts and accelerate the commercialization and eventual privatization of state enterprises to reduce their burden on the budget.

Directors acknowledged the Zimbabwe Revenue Authority's efforts to keep up revenue collection in a very difficult economic environment. It will, however, be important to strengthen revenue collection further by widening the tax base, adequately preparing for the introduction of a value-added tax, and applying a unified exchange rate for all customs duty valuations.

Directors noted the recent adjustment of the official exchange rate, but regretted that government transactions continue to be undertaken at a more appreciated exchange rate, which could result in significant distortions and quasi-fiscal losses. They emphasized the need to follow up with further rate adjustments to stem the sharp erosion of external sector competitiveness. The ultimate goal should be to unify the exchange rates as quickly as possible, liberalize the exchange system, and eventually eliminate surrender requirements. Directors also urged the authorities to step up efforts to liberalize Zimbabwe's external trade.

Directors stressed that structural policies, focused on increasing agricultural production and raising productivity throughout the economy, will be critical to help lay the foundation for a resumption of economic growth. Priorities include the elimination of price controls, which, together with less regulation and government intervention in the economy, will improve economic efficiency and facilitate a reflow of activity back to the formal markets. Efforts to raise productivity in the agricultural sector, in collaboration with the World Bank and the UNDP, and which should include the elimination of the Grain Marketing Board monopoly, will be critical to improving the domestic food supply, increasing exports, and reducing poverty.

While welcoming Zimbabwe's participation in the General Data Dissemination Standards, Directors urged the authorities to strengthen the country's data base in order to improve the analytical basis for economic policy formulation and Fund surveillance.

Directors also reviewed the status of Zimbabwe's overdue financial obligations to the Fund. They welcomed the authorities' recent efforts in a number of areas, including a resumption of payments to the Fund, which will help slow down the further increase in arrears. Despite this progress, most Directors considered, however, that Zimbabwe's economic policies have not been sufficient to address the current crisis, and that Zimbabwe has not adequately strengthened its cooperation with the Fund on economic policies and payments to the Fund. The Board therefore decided to suspend Zimbabwe's voting and related rights in the Fund. Directors urged the authorities to build on their recent efforts to strengthen their cooperation with the Fund on policies and payments, and encouraged the Fund staff to continue to assist the authorities in this regard. They indicated that they would support reinstating Zimbabwe's voting rights expeditiously should Zimbabwe significantly improve its cooperation with the Fund. Directors will review Zimbabwe's overdue financial obligations to the IMF again within six months.

Zimbabwe: Selected Economic Indicators, 1999-2002


 

1999

2000

2001

2002

 

 

 

Est.

Est.


         

Real economy (percentage change)

       

Real GDP (market prices)

-4.1

-6.8

-8.8

-12.8

Consumer prices (end of period)

56.9

55.2

112.1

198.9

         

Government finances (percent of GDP)

       

Revenue, excluding grants

26.4

28.2

26.8

28.3

Expenditure and net lending

36.2

51.2

37.3

33.1

Overall balance, excluding grants and arrears

-9.8

-23.0

-10.4

-4.8

Primary balance, excluding grants

0.0

-5.4

0.0

-0.1

         

Money and interest rates

       

Broad money (M3, end of period; percentage change)

29.8

59.9

102.7

164.8

91-day treasury bills (annualized yield)

89.7

71.6

25.9

26.6

         

Balance of payments (billions of U.S. dollars; unless otherwise indicated)

       

Exports

1.93

2.19

1.61

1.42

Imports

-1.68

-1.85

-1.78

-1.82

Current account balance (excluding official transfers)

0.01

0.04

-0.39

-0.48

(In percent of GDP at the official exchange rate) 1/

0.3

0.6

-4.2

-2.5

(In percent of GDP at world prices) 2/

0.2

0.5

-4.9

-6.7

Overall balance

-0.03

-0.21

-0.42

-0.42

         

Usable reserves (millions of U.S. dollars; end of period)

46.7

22.1

20.0

15.1

(months of imports of goods and services)

0.2

0.1

0.1

0.1

         

Total external debt (percent of GDP at official exchange rate; end of period) 1/

86.5

73.0

55.8

26.8

Total external debt (percent of GDP at world prices; end of period) 2/

55.8

59.3

64.0

72.8

Debt service (percent of exports of goods and services)

22.8

24.3

29.5

31.0

 

 

 

 

 

         

Sources: Zimbabwean authorities; and IMF staff estimates and projections.

         

1/ Foreign currency units are converted into Zimbabwe dollars at the official exchange rate.

2/ GDP at world prices using real GDP growth and trading partner countries' inflation (base year is 1996).

         

1 Under Article IV of the IMF's Articles of Agreement, the IMF holds bilateral discussions with members, usually every year. A staff team visits the country, collects economic and financial information, and discusses with officials the country's economic developments and policies. On return to headquarters, the staff prepares a report, which forms the basis for discussion by the Executive Board. At the conclusion of the discussion, the Managing Director, as Chairman of the Board, summarizes the views of Executive Directors, and this summary is transmitted to the country's authorities.



IMF EXTERNAL RELATIONS DEPARTMENT
Public Affairs: 202-623-7300 - Fax: 202-623-6278
Media Relations: 202-623-7100 - Fax: 202-623-6772
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Sunday Times (SA)

Violence in Zimbabwe increasing: Zimrights

Monday July 28, 2003 14:54 - (SA)

BULAWAYO - State-sponsored political violence increased with 113 cases of
torture, assault and other human rights violations recorded in June,
according to a report released on Monday by Zimbabwe Human Rights
(ZimRights).

The opposition believes political violence is expected to escalate in the
next few weeks ahead of next month's municipal elections.

ZimRights, a human rights watchdog, said the country's human rights record
had deteriorated to "pathetic" levels as ruling Zanu-PF supporters continued
to terrorise perceived opposition Movement for Democratic Change supporters.

"In continued contravention of Section 21(1) of the Zimbabwean Constitution,
citizens are being routinely targeted on the basis of genuine or perceived
political affiliation," said ZimRights.

The report fingered state security agents as the main perpetrators of
violence apparently pandering to the whims of President Robert Mugabe to
consolidate his power. The retribution campaign also spilt over to learning
institutions as they were viewed by the government as the breeding ground
for opposition politics, said the report.

"State agents have reportedly been witnessed engaging in organised violence
and torture and intimidatory activities at institutions of higher learning
and medical facilities.

"Students from the University of Zimbabwe were among those victimised by
state agents, on suspicion that they were convening meetings in support of
the 'final push'," read the report.

The MDC last month called for street demonstrations, dubbed the "final
push", which they said were aimed at forcing Mugabe to the negotiating table
to hatch a solution to the ever-worsening socio-economic and political
crisis in the country.

The protests were violently quelled by heavily armed riot police, while
hundreds of angry protesters were nabbed, including the opposition party
leader Morgan Tsvangirai.

"While the Human Rights Forum unreservedly condemns the use of violent means
in the exercise of the rights to freedom of expression and movement by an
individual or political party, (particularly the two dominant parties in
Zimbabwe, Zanu-PF and MDC) it equally condemns regular use of organised
violence and torture as a means to curtail this right or to enforce law and
order."

Particularly disturbing, said the report, were allegations that high-level
government officials were actively involved in organised violence and
torture.

ZimRights said more than five victims made allegations that the minister of
youth development, gender and employment creation, Elliot Manyika, was
actively involved in the torture of residents in high density suburbs in
Harare, specifically Glen View and Marondera.

No comment could be obtained from Manyika.

Sapa
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26 July, 2003
Solution does not lie in brutalising depositors queuing for their cash

For the second consecutive day, riot police in Harare violently dispersed people queuing to withdraw cash from banks and building societies as the institutions ran of cash today. Similar reports have been received from other towns across the country.  It is disturbing that the state has resorted to brutalising innocent Zimbabweans wanting to withdraw their hard-earned cash from financial institutions.  The solution to the cash crisis in Zimbabwe does not lie in brutalising the people wanting to get their money to buy food and other necessities. The problem is not of people's making. It is a direct result of failure by the Zanu PF government. Sadly that government has no clue whatsoever in what needs to be done to resolve this crisis which has manifested in many shortages of essential needs for the people. The solution lies in bringing back legitimacy to Zimbabwe, leading to stabilisation and a conducive environment in which appropriate policies designed to normalise the situation can flourish. Only this week the MDC took a bold step in the search for a resolution of the crisis in Zimbabwe. We attended the opening of parliament by Mr Mugabe despite the fact that we firmly believe that he is an illegitimate president of Zimbabwe because we firmly believe that that step will reduce the threshold of tension and create conditions for urgent dialogue. We asked that Zanu PF reciprocate by stopping all the violence against the people and quickly come to the negotiating table. The brutality against innocent people who are seeking their money to buy food for their families is not a positive step.
 
The MDC is upgrading its economic policy to in the light of the crisis that has engulfed the country to ensure that things go back to normal upon taking over government through a democratic, free and fair election.
 
Paul Themba Nyathi

Secretary for Information and Publicity
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JUSTICE FOR AGRICULTURE LEGAL COMMUNIQUE - July 28, 2003

In light of the requests made for information pertaining to the recent
preliminary notices for compulsory acquisition appearing in the press,
herewith the Lot 96 and 97 listings (80 farms) dated 25 July 2003.  These
farmers listed requiring advice as to how to proceed should contact JAG as
a matter of urgency.

1970/80 SANDOWN ESTATES P/L BULALIMAMANGWE EDENVALE ESTATE 2557.6590

7451/86 C M MALLETT & SONS P/L CHARTER REMAINDER OF KNOCK HOLT 943.0982

1413/89 HOFFMANSRUS ESTATES P/L CHARTER NOOITGEDECHT ESTATE B 3774.7662

7029/86 HENDRICK O'NEILL CHARTER GELUKWERWACHT A 6772.4349

5043/72 STANLEY FARMS P/L HARTLEY DORITH MORE 341.9506

5995/74 SERUI SOURCE FARMS P/L HARTLEY SERUI SOURCE 1224.7009

5753/91 SPENCER ESTATES P/L HARTLEY THE REMAINDER OF SPENCER 809.3512

2145/66 WELTON ENTERPRISES P/L MARANDELLAS WELTON 2974.8000 ACRES

5381/95 MERRYHILL P/L MARANDELLAS R/E OF SHEFFIELD 3419.8610 ACRES

5381/95 DIPPERMILL ENTERPRISES P/L MREWA VANGUARD 1291.6300

2202/79 DAVID JAMES BRYSON NDANGA LOT 5 OF MKWASINE CENTRAL 93.3253

2202/79 DAVID JAMES BRYSON NDANGA LOT 6 OF MKWASINE CENTRAL 69.2994

1289/80 FANTAISIE FARM P/L NDANGA HIPPO VALLEY SETTLEMENT HOLDING 27
147.7585

1274/80 AROMABE P/L NDANGA HIPPO VALLEY SETTLEMENT HOLDING 2 214.2099

912/70 NGWINDI SUGAR ESTATES P/L NDANGA HIPPO VALLEY SETTLEMENT HOLDING 8
503.2912 ACRES

913/70 NGWINDI SUGAR ESTATES P/L NDANGA HIPPO VALLEY SETTLEMENT HOLDING 7
449.8851 ACRES

1184/70 BUFFALO RANGE SUGAR ESTATE P/L NDANGA R/E OF LOT 2 OF BUFFALO RANGE
1576.6734 ACRES

1183/70 BUFFALO RANGE PROPERTIES P/L NDANGA R/E OF LOT 1 OF BUFFALO RANGE
976.1856 ACRES

7446/71 BUFFALO RANGE CANE FARM P/L NDANGA LOT 2A TRIANGLE RANCH 157.0871

341/66 KWA INGWE FARM P/L NDANGA HIPPO VALLEY SETTLEMENT HOLDING 6 516.6012
ACRES

461/66 BENDEZI SUGAR FARM P/L NDANGA HIPPO VALLEY SETTLEMENT HOLDING 4
588.6756 ACRES

1354/67 AROMABE P/L NDANGA HIPPO VALLEY SETTLEMENT HOLDING 1 487.3840 ACRES

2568/77 GRAHAM HENDRIE SCOTT NDANGA LOT 2 OF ESSANBY WATERSHED EXTENSION
151.8629

4446/67 RIO ENTERPRISES P/L NDANGA HIPPO VALLEY SETTLEMENT HOLDING 3
585.8225 ACRES

4406/67 MLEME ESTATES P/L NDANGA HIPPO VALLEY SETTLEMENT HOLDING 5 539.8793
ACRES

6788/72 H DE FOIARD BROWN NDANGA HIPPO VALLEY SETTLEMENT HOLDING 53
157.8570 ACRES

4770/72 ESPERANCE ESTATES P/L NDANGA HIPPO VALLEY SETTLEMENT HOLDING 46
16.1870

4769/72 ESPERANCE ESTATES P/L NDANGA HIPPO VALLEY SETTLEMENT HOLDING 17
93.0084

4764/72 FANTAISIE FARM P/L NDANGA HIPPO VALLEY SETTLEMENT HOLDING 29
120.0620

4643/72 SHANTI ESTATE P/L NDANGA HIPPO VALLEY SETTLEMENT HOLDING 23
112.5947

3308/72 PASTORAL INVESTMENTS P/L NDANGA HIPPO VALLEY SETTLEMENT HOLDING 16
82.6792

3048/72 DANIEL DRENNAN DE WAAL NDANGA HIPPO VALLEY SETTLEMENT HOLDING 22
188.8268

2772/72 CHIWENGA ESTATES P/L NDANGA HIPPO VALLEY SETTLEMENT HOLDING 31
137.6692

1713/72 BAUMIG P/L NDANGA HIPPO VALLEY SETTLEMENT HOLDING 32 30.9283

2471/72 LYNDHURST ESTATE P/L NDANGA HIPPO VALLEY SETTLEMENT HOLDING 39
86.0018

2193/72 ROSALIE P/L NDANGA HIPPO VALLEY SETTLEMENT HOLDING 13 189.7805

2176/72 POUDRE D'OR P/L NDANGA HIPPO VALLEY SETTLEMENT HOLDING 18 90.2685

2039/72 MOPANE VALE FARM P/L NDANGA HIPPO VALLEY HOLDING 45 112.3000

1720/84 N & B HOLDINGS P/L NDANGA HIPPO VALLEY SETTLEMENT HOLDING 30
127.3425

2304/94 PALM RIVER RANCH P/L NDANGA LOT 3 OF FAVERSHAM 3251.4307

1577/76 CHIWARE HOLDINGS P/L NDANGA HIPPO VALLEY SETTLEMENT HOLDING 21
108.3813

2399/75 LA LUCIE P/L NDANGA HIPPO VALLEY SETTLEMENT HOLDING 42 91.7295

118/83 SAUREL HOLDINGS P/L NDANGA HIPPO VALLEY SETTLEMENT HOLDING 44
125.8536

307/82 ALISTAIR COLTHERD DAVIES NDANGA LOT 3 OF MKWASINE CENTRAL 181.5714

63/98 ROBERT JOHN TAYLER NDANGA LOT 7 OF MKWASINE CENTRAL 150.8280

692/98 EDUAN NAUDE NDANGA LOT 4 OF MKWASINE CENTRAL 152.6827

6864/98 RINGFINGER ESTATES P/L NDANGA NGWANE RANCH 2059.8249

1632/95 PRESTON INVESTMENTS P/L NDANGA HIPPO VALLEY SETTLEMENT HOLDING 48
146.1593

1494/96 CHIPOTO P/L NDANGA HIPPO VALLEY SETTLEMENT HOLDING 26 157.4462

1486/84 NAUDE HOLDING P/L NDANGA LOT 2 OF FAIR RANGE ESTATE 404.6387

757/97 CHIREDZI WILDLIFE INVESTMENTS P/L NDANGA LOT 2 OF FAIR RANGE A
174.9053

288/97 ARMSIDE INVESTMENTS P/L NDANGA LOT 1 OF FAIR RANGE A 261.7509

599/97 MARIGOLD FARMING P/L NDANGA HIPPO VALLEY SETTLEMENT HOLDING 14
168.4804

1333/94 MKWASINE RANCHING COMPANY P/L NDANGA HIPPO VALLEY SETTLEMENT
HOLDING 28 113.9987

3799/94 VIRGINIA ST. BARBE CARRUTHERS-SMITH NDANGA LOT 9A OF MKWASINE
CENTRAL 161.6234

1582/91 FAY D'HERBE HOLDINGS P/L NDANGA R/E OF LOT 3 OF BUFFALO RANGE
985.3723

9286/88 CLIVE LESLIE HOLDEN NDANGA TURKEY HEART OF LOT 4A TRIANGLE RANCH
227.3816

10789/2002 VIRGINIA ST. BARBE CARRUTHERS-SMITH NDANGA LOT 1 OF RUWARE RANCH
EXTENSION 308.6773

5671/80 ANDREW OGILVY MCMURDON NDANGA VREDENBURG 1339.6818

850/91 ROY ALAN STOCKIL NDANGA YETTOM 825.6636

2037/72 LA LUCIE P/L NDANGA HIPPO VALLEY SETTLEMENT HOLDING 43 100.7451

1715/72 BAUMIG P/L NDANGA HIPPO VALLEY SETTLEMENT HOLDING 34 58.2661

1714/72 BAUMIG P/L NDANGA HIPPO VALLEY SETTLEMENT HOLDING 33 101.5516

8351/56 HUSSITE INVESTMENTS P/L SALISBURY REMAINDER OF BRAKVELD 558.6078

4105/84 DOUGLAS JOHN STANLEY WEDZA REMAINDER OF FAIR ADVENTURE ESTATE
4408.5616

2214/87 FELS ESTATE P/L WEDZA REMAINDER OF BRISTOL ESTATE 1294.4112

198/88 LEEUFONTEIN RANCH (1987) P/L WANKIE R/E OF RAILWAY FARM 55 2630.4683

8042/90 C V GARDINER P/L CHARTER REMAINDER OF S/D A OF RIVERSDALE 342.2394

2710/92 HENDRIK JACOBUS SMITH CHARTER S/D A OF SCHOONGEZICHT 214.1296

6931/92 M E FERREIRA & SON P/L CHARTER REITSPRUIT 1321.7944

4820/68 GRADAN ESTATE P/L HARTLEY EXWICK 2279.6126 ACRES

3664/95 HALLINGBURY FARM P/L HARTLEY R/E OF HALLINGBURY 1208.1417

331/68 WINRAY ESTATES P/L LOMAGUNDI S/D B OF KASHAO 3865.4519 ACRES

8038/94 J D ROBERTS P/L LOMAGUNDI LOT C BOWDEN 1079.4176

5567/94 BARKER ESTATES P/L SALISBURY R/E OF S/D A OF BROOK MEAD 453.8310

1034/66 BELL-IN P/L SALISBURY R/E OF ARDEN OF S/D A OF ST. MARNOCKS
773.3074 ACRES

1034/66 BELL-IN P/L SALISBURY LOT 1 OF ST. MARNOCKS 174.8347 ACRES

1034/66 BELL-IN P/L SALISBURY LOT 1 OF STAPLEFORD 96.9028 ACRES

5059/81 ALEXANDER FULTON GARDNER URUNGWE IDLEWOOD A 595.3226

5616/93 STARCROSS FARM P/L URUNGWE LOT 1 OF AVELON 387.4154

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Africa Needs Tough Love



The Independent (Banjul)

OPINION
July 28, 2003
Posted to the web July 28, 2003

George B.N. Ayittey
Banjul

Just before President Bush left for Africa, the U.N warned that at current
rates it would take Black Africa 150 years to reach the minimum development
targets. Growth rates are negative on a continent littered with collapsed
states.

Africa needs help but that help is not measured quantitatively but the size
of aid packages or promises. When President Clinton visited Africa in 1988,
his caravan was chock-full of promise and new initiatives. By contrast, the
Bush trip offered substance and form: a $15 billion Emergency AIDS Relief
package, 20% directed at prevention, and a $5 billion Millennium Challenge
Account in aid to developing countries that demonstrate results in better
governance. President Bush correctly recognized that what Africa needs is
straight talk, tough love. Short of recolonisation, there's only so much he
can do to help unless Africa's leadership is willing to get serious about
tackling its innumerable woes.


Africa's begging bowl is punched with holes. What comes in as foreign aid an
investment ultimately leaks away. Foreign aid and investment into Africa
amount to $18 billion annually. But current accounts are always in deficit
and capital flight out of Africa exceed $15 billion a year.

Wars cost $10 billion a year in weapons, damage to infrastructure and social
carnage. In 1991 alone, says the U.N. $200 billion was siphoned out of
Africa by ruling gangsters and briefcase bandits. For Nigeria, the World
Bank estimates the $250 billion flowed into government coffers between
1970-2000, but much of that leaked away. And Zimbabwe's economic collapse
had caused more than $37 billion worth of damage to South Africa and
neighboring countries. It defies common sense to pour more water into a
leaky bucket. But African leaders are simply not interested in plugging the
holes.

On his trip, President Bush correctly resisted call for the insertion of U.S
troops in Liberia.

The U.S can help with the provision of military transport to West African
forces. And Secretary of State Colin Powell has stated clearly that southern
African leaders must do more to resolve the crisis in Zimbabwe. Such
straight talk has already started producing some results.

Two days before Mr. Bush left Africa, the Economic Community of West African
States announced it will take the immediate leading role of sending into
Liberia a force of 1, 000-1,500. What took them so long?

Equally important was Kofi Annan's statement at the African Union's summit
in Mozambique. "The U.N and the rest of the international community can
appoint envoys, urge negotiation and spend billions of dollars on
peacekeeping missions, but none of this will solve conflicts, if the
political will and capacity do not exist here, in Africa.

However, far more was achieved by President Bush on AIDS than can be
measured in dollar terms. When the epidemic first erupted, African leaders
were in denial. Many were reluctant to talk publicly about the disease and
prevention. Only a few countries have made serious confront AIDS: Senegal,
Ghana and Uganda. Most disappointing has been the failure of South Africa to
provide leadership in the campaign against AIDS- despite its 10% infection
rate and its first-rate health care systems.

President Bush's straight talk on AIDS will prompt African leaders to speak
more openly about the pandemic. But just as Africa takes one step forward,
it takes three giant steps back. On July 11, a day before President Bush
left for the U.S Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe was elected the new African Union
vice-chairman. Imagine! Now, it will take Africa more than 200 years to
attain minimum indices of development. And president Bush cannot be blamed
for that.

Mr. Ayittey, professor of economics at American University in Washinton, is
the author of "Africa Unchained: the Blueprint for Development" out from St.
Martin's Press this fall.
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Moneyweb

      Can a 'developmental state' grow and prosper?

       By: Dr Jim Harris


      Posted: 2003/07/28 Mon 15:21  | © Moneyweb 1997-2003


      The much-touted R100 monthly Basic Income Grant to all 42 million
South Africans would absorb tax revenues of R50.4 billion a year. That's
about 17% of government's current R300 billion budget, until increased under
pressure. SA Council of Churches spokesman Father Joe Mdhlela says South
Africa is not a poor country and we have the resources to achieve this
goal – it is simply a question of priorities.

      But South Africa is indeed a poor country, at least relative to 48
countries including Africa's Botswana and Mauritius. Their GDP income per
person in 2001 exceeded our $4068 (in 1995 US dollars). The resources
necessary to achieve a Basic Income Grant would jeopardise the growing of
the economic 'cake' – a far more important goal. And already GDP is barely
growing – a mere 2.2% in 2001, or 1.1% per capita after factoring in
population growth. Instead of institutionalising a general 'dole' and taking
over half a century to double our real wealth we could do it every decade
with 8% annual growth. That way everyone gains and we don't have to uplift
the poor at the expense of the somewhat less poor.

      Former Economist-journalist Phillippe Legrain's book 'Open World: The
Truth about Globalisation' concluded that globalisation is a powerful force
for human betterment. Its economic integration promotes growth and benefits
the poor, and as a result global inequality has been falling since 1980 for
the first time in 200 years. Countries can choose whether to participate but
if they do not their citizens lose the benefits of the process. The people
who are being left behind are victims not of globalisation, but of a lack of
globalisation.

      President Thabo Mbeki recently spelt out in Geneva his understanding
of the so-called Washington Consensus. Policy prescriptions supposedly
needed to stimulate economic growth included trade liberalisation, fiscal
discipline and "sound" macroeconomic policy, privatisation, deregulation,
tax reform, absence of civil strife, democracy, promotion of inward
investment, secure property rights, avoidance of "crony capitalism', and
adherence to various standards for banking, financial and other markets.

      We can set alongside this list what Andre Astrow of the Economist
Intelligence Unit cited as preventing South Africa from generating enough
growth to make meaningful inroads into unemployment. He identified political
hegemony, the policy on Zimbabwe, crime, rand volatility, low foreign
reserves, exchange controls, the over-regulated and restrictive labour
market, poor handling of Aids, slow privatisation, poor social service
delivery, skills shortages, emigration, immigration policies, and
business-harmful legislation.

      Some local economists express confidence that the government will not
yield to pressures to abandon its commitment to GEAR and a free market
economic approach. But there are few signs of any such commitment being put
into effect. On the contrary, in word and deed the government is
constructing a 'developmental state'. "We will not support the proposition
that the state is the problem and that we should rely solely and exclusively
on the market to solve the problems facing our people – we are not market
fundamentalists," President Mbeki told parliament in February as he listed
and implicitly rejected opposition urgings to privatise, deregulate, loosen
labour market rigidities, reduce taxes and abolish exchange controls.
Government plans to raise real government spending 4.7% in each of the next
three years. But it's not bigger government that makes an economy grow
faster. Quite the opposite.

      The proposed Basic Income Grant is an outright tax transfer from Peter
to Paul. It is unlikely to create extra jobs or wealth or boost economic
growth. Nor are costly public works programmes to dig holes or fence
highways at taxpayers' expense. But do growth and development have to be
'either-or' opposites? Perhaps there's a way to tax the productive and
redistribute to the needy without undermining the morale and efforts of both
groups. While we know market capitalism does generate untold wealth, we
don't know of other more 'developmental' ways to do that.

      Johan Norberg, author of 'In Defence of Global Capitalism', describes
the Nike footwear factory outside Vietnam's capital Ho Chi Minh. Workers
came initially on foot, then by bike, then on scooters, and now by car.
Formerly child-fieldworkers themselves, now they send their own children to
school. The party officials have been convinced by Nike that 'ruthless
multinational capitalists' are better than the state at providing workers
with high wages and a good and healthy workplace. How long will it take
anti-capitalists to learn that lesson?

      In a South African version, KZN's Taiwanese textile manufacturers are
considering moving shop to Lesotho or Namibia rather than raise wage levels
to new statutory minimum levels. Employees of loss-making Mooi River
Textiles chose to accept 30% wage reductions and a three-year wage freeze to
save the firm and their jobs. Firms and employees are flexible where labour
law is not.

      Meanwhile SA has embarked on a crusade to harmonise our rigid labour
policies with Botswana, Namibia, Lesotho and Swaziland. Perhaps it is
regarded as nobly humanitarian to standardise African employment policies
around what the International Labour Organisation calls one of the most
progressive labour dispensations in the world. But success will bring the
presumably unintended effect of reducing textiles manufacture and employment
in Southern Africa. Is that what we want?

      Maybe 'developmental' regulation of the productive sector
redistributes wealth towards someone's notion of what's fair. However, it
also destroys incentives and impairs economic growth. It is hard to see how
such policies can ever promote growth and prosperity. We can only count on
the market to achieve such goals.

      Author: Dr Jim Harris is a freelance researcher and writer. This
article may be republished without prior consent but with acknowledgement to
the author. The views expressed in the article are the author’s and they are
not necessarily shared by the members of the Free Market Foundation.
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Ruthless Profiteering By Oil Firms Must End



The Herald (Harare)

EDITORIAL
July 26, 2003
Posted to the web July 28, 2003

Harare

For months now, Zimbabwe has had in practice, a dual pricing system for
fuel. The National Oil Company of Zimbabwe has supplied fuel at the gazetted
price while private companies have been importing fuel for clients and
charging a significantly higher rate.

With some fancy footwork, private suppliers have been dancing through the
legal loopholes and have, in effect, been selling this privately procured
fuel to ordinary motorists although, in theory, the suppliers are simply
acting as agents.


The Minister of Energy and Power Development, Cde Amos Midzi, has now
announced that this dual supply and pricing regime will become official.

Noczim will limit itself to importing fuel for the Government, parastatals
and the public transport sector. Everyone else will buy fuel from the oil
companies who will import fuel independently of Noczim.

Noczim fuel will continue to be subsidised while the imports of the oil
companies will not.

By making the dual import regime official, the price of fuel imported by oil
companies should drop. It is known that these private suppliers, operating
in grey areas of the law, are applying very high mark-ups.

While we foresee serious problems in the Government fixing a retail price,
we believe that this is an area where the Government can control the
percentage mark-up that oil companies are allowed to apply.

A fair profit is essential if the companies are to be able to import, but
the ruthless profiteering by those taking advantage of shortages must end.

With commuter omnibuses and others in public transport still able to access
Noczim fuel, there will be little pressure on fares. Even if Noczim fuel
ever has to rise in price, it should be easy to work out new fares and new
fuel prices simultaneously and for the Government to achieve much better
control of fares than has been possible up to now.

With some fuel being subsidised and some not, it will be essential to have
some mechanism to prevent subsidised fuel being sold at the same price as
the unsubsidised.

The simplest way would be to dye Noczim fuel a different colour. There are
several cheap and efficient chemicals that will do this and prevent the
leakage of subsidised fuel into the open market. Other countries have had to
do this in similar circumstances.

There should be no rise in the cost of living as a result of the
introduction of the dual pricing. Most private companies are already
importing their own fuel through oil companies and are already paying more
than Noczim charges.

In other words, the inflationary pressure from higher prices for non-Noczim
fuel has already come into effect. If anything, with mark-ups controlled,
there should be an easing of transport costs for most commercial users.

Private motorists, who will bear the full brunt of higher fuel prices, have
also become accustomed to paying more than Noczim prices for much of their
needs in recent weeks. The ending of the black market and the substitution
of a properly organised scheme of private imports should again see a drop in
what people are actually paying.

In any case, there will be an opportunity for bus companies to take a leaf
out of Zupco's book and organise proper scheduled bus services to all
suburbs. Those who only use their own vehicles because there is no
alternative will then have a choice.

In the end, being able to buy fuel without queuing and without hassles will
outweigh the problems of higher prices and these prices will be affordable
if mark-ups are controlled and if public transport operators and commuters
show some imagination in offering improved services.
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JUSTICE FOR AGRICULTURE PR COMMUNIQUE - July 28, 2003

Email: justice@telco.co.zw; justiceforagriculture@zol.co.zw
Internet: www.justiceforagriculture.com

--------------------------------------------------------------------------

Back Farming?

It appears that there are moves from certain quarters within Government to
get a proportion of commercial farmers farming this agricultural season.

BE CAREFUL!  We at JAG do not support this move in any way without the
return to the rule of law and legitimacy.

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JAG OPEN LETTER FORUM

Email: justice@telco.co.zw; justiceforagriculture@zol.co.zw
Internet: www.justiceforagriculture.com

Please send any material for publication in the Open Letter Forum to
justice@telco.co.zw with "For Open Letter Forum" in the subject line.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

Letter 1:

I think your open letter forum is definitely worthwhile and contains some
very interesting opinions and information, a lot of which I forward to
other interested people overseas.  Let's try and avoid the negative and
latch onto the positive as per your Challenge is Change article.

Best wishes, Colleen Taylor

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

Letter 2:

I write this short note in response to the ongoing debate about the CFU vs
JAG perspective on farming in Zimbabwe and Mrs Simon's & Mr Robinson's
views on the subject.

Personally I am a firm believer in the adage that if you are not part of
the solution, you are part of the problem. I have felt that the CFU have
been to a large extent part of the problem in Zimbabwe for some time now. I
can understand their initial prevarication with Government, in that they
did not want to stir up a hornet's nest, if there was a less
confrontational way of achieving a solution to the Zimbabwe's Agricultural
Crisis. However when Government/ZANU-PF showed their true colours and their
agenda, they became part of the problem by backing down and trying to
appease them. Since then I believe they have prostituted themselves for
whatever reason, and have now lost the moral high ground. Whilst I believe
some look at JAG as a band of s_ _ _ stirrers I feel that they at least
have drawn a line over which they are not prepared to go. They have also
been seen to try and record the absolute destruction of a once prosperous
industry in Zimbabwe. The CFU Leadership would see the path they have
chosen if only they would remove their heads from the hole they buried them
in.

Anyhow this is just my personal opinion and does not carry much weight as I
am neither a farmer, nor in Zimbabwe any longer.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

Letter 3:

Dear Jean

I feel that your letter (Open Letters forum No114 16/07/03) was a little
unfair in the accusations made toward Ben Freeth, namely
· he needs to grow up and become a constructive member of society
· he is wasting his energy fighting an organisation he does not believe in
· that he is piqued by the CFU asking him to resign
· he is in the same old groove, constantly complaining about the same old
thing

While Ben was the CFU representative for Mash West South he was known for
his constructive, positive and dependable attitude. He was always the first
person people called when there was a crisis or problem, especially during
the farm evictions, as he could be counted upon to react in a calm, wise
and courageous manner. A more constructive and mature member of society is
hard to find.

Ben is not wasting his energy fighting the CFU - he is only pointing out
facts and he is using his energy in supporting an organisation that is
positive, principled and serving the needs of the people!

If Ben is only piqued by the treatment he has had by the CFU, I am amazed -
a lesser man would be furious! He did not go to the press before trying
very hard to speak to the CFU employers - but THEY did not want to speak to
him for some mysterious reason! (Perhaps THEY were afraid they may be made
a spectacle of!) Ben is also not in the same old groove - he has helped
many people start rebuilding their lives and he is definitely not
"complaining" he is only stating the truth and his point of view.

Ben is proud to be a Zimbabwean, he is a man of courage and integrity and a
blessing to our people and our beautiful country.

Yours sincerely

Cathy Kirkman.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

Letter 4:

Living in Zimbabwe as "white" African, I was deeply disturbed by the tone
of your article. There are glaring anomalies which do not allow the reader
to fully understand the truth of this beautiful country beleaguered by its
own violent and repressive government.

What we are witnessing is a sinister exercise of ethnic and political
cleansing which seemingly goes unnoticed by the rest of the world. There is
a strong suggestion that Africa belongs to the "blacks" and yet my
forebears arrived in parts of Africa long before the Bantu (Black) and
indeed before the Pilgrim Fathers set shore in North America.

Your maps indicate that large areas are "black" owned. This is incorrect as
they are denied title by the very government that claims to be giving land
to the landless, those who are, in actual fact, jobless and hopeless and
most of whom do not aspire to farming at all, as surveys will verify. Your
readers should be reminded that the best land was not unilaterally handed
to "whites" as the Bantu found it easier to plough the light soils and
leave the heavy, richer areas to the farmers. The former Tribal Trust Lands
(Communal Lands) were set aside to protect the traditional tribes from
further commercial exploitation and were very under populated. Furthermore
the richest farming country is in actual fact made up of the poorest soils
and, if were not for high tech development of what was the world's finest
tobacco industry, these areas too would be referred to as poor and
unproductive.

In Zimbabwe, liquor outlets are disproportionately "Black" owned. Does it
make it wrong?

Simon Spooner

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All letters published on the open Letter Forum are the views and opinions
of the submitters, and do not represent the official viewpoint of Justice
for Agriculture.
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JUSTICE FOR AGRICULTURE
THOUGHT FOR THE DAY- July 28, 2003

Email: justice@telco.co.zw; justiceforagriculture@zol.co.zw
Internet: www.justiceforagriculture.com

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AGRIZIM - The way forward.

IDEAS:

Mrs. Simon has put forward the idea " get another organization going to
meet the needs of our people." This follows her excellent idea of the Open
Letters Forum.

AGRIZIM believes that Mrs. Simon is CORRECT and we thank her for her idea.

AGRIZIM is already drawing ideas for the WAY FORWARD and the REBUILD of
AGRICULTURE as a whole - not just commercial agriculture.

IDEAS:

Joshua Nkomo wrote this:

"African leaders must improve their record on human rights....and have
greater regard to their responsibilities. Since they (the whites) owned
their land, they were able to borrow on security from the banks for
investment in their farms. They worked hard, and had almost absolute
authority over their black employees, who therefore worked even harder.

All this made Zimbabwe's white-owned commercial farms highly productive.

Our communal farms are by contrast among the most wretched on the
continent.

Since their land was in communal rather than private ownership, they could
not borrow from banks for investment.

As a result, the pattern of land use that has developed in the communal
lands is terribly wasteful.

Ironically enough, the areas formally set aside for white farmers represent
our most precious asset. But the wasteful farm practices that have been
encouraged to grow up in the communal areas would soon destroy that
precious asset; and it would be disastrous to encourage new settlements on
hitherto underused land without at the same time ensuring that the communal
lands do not continue to be laid waste.

The white people fought so hard because they feared that, if they handed
over power, we, the black people, would treat them badly as they had
treated us. It is up to us to prove them wrong, to show we really believed
in the equality we said we were fighting for. We owe special care, too to
the coloured Zimbabweans, cousins to the white people as well as the black
people, and to the Zimbabweans of Indian origin....."

From Chapter 23 - "NKOMO The Story of My Life" - Joshua Nkomo. First
published 1984.

AGRIZIM understands fully the sentiments outlined by J. Nkomo in Chapter
23. From an AGRICULTURAL perspective, and a SOCIAL perspective Mr. Nkomo's
worst fears seem to have materialized over the last three years,
unfortunately.

AGRIZIM seeks JUSTICE for everybody.

Please send your IDEAS to AGRIZIM at justice@telco.co.zw
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