• A Land Possessed - Peter Godwin
• $500 note phased out
• ZCU post over $10bn surplus
• ‘US, Britain intensify hostility towards Zim’
• Mugabe And Zanu PF Are Incapable of Ending Zimbabwe's Cash Crisis
• JAG Open Letters Forum No. 124
• ZCTU breathes fire
• Judgment reserved in exemption bid by Mudede, Chinamasa
• ZANU PF youths turn on their own in Mutare
• British MP to present feedback on Zimbabwe
• Norwegians seek urgent survey of displaced people
• Man-animal conflict continues in Hwange
• The MDC is putting the cart before the horse
• How most people will remember Mugabe
• S.Africa seeks quicker return to talks in Zimbabwe
• Fifa intervenes in Zimbabwe crisis
• Trading Grinds to a Halt At Tobacco Sales Floor
• Zimbabwe's Ruling Party to Hold Important Meeting
• Zimbabwe tackles cash crunch
• Zimbabwe's move on currency could be too little, too late
• Zimbabwe: light at the end of the tunnel
• Political Thaw Raises Hope of Talks
• Man-Made Element to Crisis
• Zambia Formulates Black Rhino Recovery Plan
• Tyrants Beware: Luxury Exile Days May Be Numbered
• JAG Thought for the Day

National Geographic

 

By Peter GodwinPhotographs by Gideon Mendel With the onset of land reform in Zimbabwe, whites lost farms, blacks lost jobs, and the country that once fed much of southern Africa lost the means to feed itself. Get a taste of what awaits you in print from this compelling excerpt. Three generations of the Stauntons, a white Zimbabwean family, huddle in the small sitting room of a safe house in the capital, Harare, surrounded by suitcases and cardboard boxes. They have been chased off their farm with a suddenness that has left them blinking in bewilderment. Now they wait to leave Zimbabwe for an uncertain future in Australia. One Tuesday afternoon last year a motorcade of luxury SUVs wound its way slowly across Kachere Farm, which the Stauntons had owned since 1957. The farmworkers reported that behind the dark tinted windows sat Grace Mugabe, the president's young wife, and her entourage. She apparently liked what she saw: neat fields of maize and soybeans, wheat and potatoes, large greenhouses of roses for export to the Amsterdam flower market. Within weeks the Stauntons' garden was full of men and women armed with iron bars and guns. The grandparents, James and Margaret, in their late seventies, phoned the police before locking themselves in the bathroom with their daughter, Angela, and young granddaughters, Caitlin and Sarah, as the attackers smashed down the back door and looted the house. When the Stauntons finally emerged after two hours, they found the remains of their belongings scattered on the lawn. According to the Stauntons, they were ordered off the farm by men who stood with crowbars over their children, while the police looked on passively. The attackers then gave the police a lift back to the station. The Stauntons were caught up in the final throes of a government campaign to force the country's white farmers off their land without compensation, land they have inhabited for much of the past century. By early this year only 200 of 4,500 white-owned farms remained fully functioning. The endgame for the white farmers can be traced to a fateful day in 2000 when Zimbabwe's president, Robert Mugabe, lost a referendum on a new constitution that would have greatly expanded his powers. For this upset defeat—his first—Mugabe would blame the white farmers, accusing them of supporting the newly formed opposition. He said the farmers had enlisted their black employees to vote for the opposition too. Thousands of members of Mugabe's ruling party, ZANU-PF, immediately began to occupy farms. Ten white farmers and 27 black workers were murdered; hundreds more were injured, tortured, or arrested. Get the whole story in the pages of National Geographic magazine. VIDEO Photographer Gideon Mendel describes the tragedy of what's happening in "one of the most special places in the world." AUDIO (recommended for low-speed connections) RealPlayer  WinMedia Land reform in Zimbabwe forced whites off farms, blacks out of jobs, and the country into a state of starvation. What should be the next steps for Zimbabwe? Share your thoughts.

In More to Explore the National Geographic magazine team shares some of its best sources and other information. Special thanks to the Research Division. Land seizures in Zimbabwe are but one part of the economic and political crisis that has encompassed the country. Zimbabwe faces an enormous foreign currency crisis that began in 1997. At that time the exchange rate was about ten Zimbabwe dollars (Z$10) to one U.S. dollar (US$1). By early 2003 the official exchange rate had fallen to more than Z$800 to US$1. However, most business in Zimbabwe, including the purchase of basic necessities such as food and fuel, is conducted on the black market, which functions at rates closer to Z$1,500 to US$1. In 2001-2002 the official exchange rate was Z$55 to US$1. The devaluation from Z$55 to more than Z$800 did not happen because the country's economy took a sudden nosedive, rather it was because the government could no longer ignore the reality on the ground where the rate was well over Z$1,000. So why did the government fix the exchange rate at Z$55 for more than two years? One reason is that it allowed those people with large sums of money and political connections to the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe to buy stable, foreign currency at a lower rate. For example, Z$1 million converts to about US$18,000 at the government exchange rate, but only US$667 on the black market. Some of the biggest losers in the currency crisis are exporters such as tobacco farmers and gold miners whose income has to be brought into Zimbabwe at the official exchange rate, but who then buy supplies from within the country at prices set by the black market. The result is that many farms and companies can't afford to stay in business. As many of the elite who have profited from the fixed exchange rate acquired land, they also realized that they couldn't run successful ventures with such a low rate, and they pressured the government to change the fixed rate to where it is today. However, adjusting the fixed exchange rate will not alleviate Zimbabwe's economic crash without other measures to reign in inflation, which has risen to over 200 percent. —Heidi Schultz

      ZCTU secretary-general Wellington Chibhebhe yesterday wrote to Finance
and Economic Development minister Herbert Murerwa, demanding an explanation
for the cash shortages and the government’s solution for the crisis.

      “The ZCTU gives your ministry 14 working days to address the situation
and also to come up with a long-term solution, failure of which workers
would be forced to mobilise for action to force the government to address
the grave situation,” Chibhebhe said in his letter.

      The ZCTU secretary-general would not be drawn into commenting on what
action the workers would take if the government failed to resolve the
crisis.

      His letter was written as bankers and Finance Ministry officials were
said to have held meetings over the possibility of introducing a
“differently-coloured” $500 note and higher denomination travellers’-type
cheques for the local currency.

      The move is supposed to encourage people hoarding cash – whom central
bank officials have accused of worsening the cash crisis – to inject notes
into the banking system.

      Local journalists were yesterday evening summoned to a Press
conference – from which the Daily News was barred – where some banking
sector officials were anticipating the new measures would be announced.

      However, by the time of going to print last night, no announcement had
been made and government and banking sector officials were said to be
closeted in a meeting while journalists waited for the Press conference to
begin.

      Although Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) officials were yesterday not
immediately available for comment, the Bankers’ Association of Zimbabwe
(BAZ) confirmed talks over proposed solutions to the cash crisis.

      BAZ chairman Washington Matsaira, who is also the chief executive of
Standard Chartered Bank, told the Daily News: “Yes, there are genuine
discussions to that effect. I cannot say what your source told you is true
or false, but we are all hoping that (the) authorities will issue a
statement soon.”

      Sources in the financial sector said bankers met Finance Ministry
officials on Monday night and discussed the possibility of replacing the
$500 note with a differently-coloured bill.

      This is supposed to induce merchants and other people holding on to
millions of dollars worth of $500 notes to release them and improve Zimbabwe
’s cash supply situation.

      Local merchants are said to be failing to deposit at least $100
million every day, while gold dealers around the country and people in fuel
queues could be trading a combined $500 million.

      A grace period would be given to those holding bank notes to hand in
their $500 notes before they became useless, sources said.

      “The currency will have a different colour altogether, but may inherit
most of the current notes’ features,” a source said.

      The sources said the introduction of a new $500 note could delay the
printing of the proposed $1 000 note, which was supposed to be introduced in
November and has been made necessary by soaring inflation.

      They said central bank subsidiary Fidelity Printers’ “presses (would)
have to action on this new money”, making it unlikely that it could also
print the higher denomination notes in time for November.

      Banking officials said the proposed introduction of Zimbabwe dollar
traveller’s cheques would limit the demand for cash for some transactions.

      The cash shortages that have gripped Zimbabwe in the last few months
have made it difficult for most people to withdraw their money from the
banks to pay for essentials.

      They have led to long queues at banking halls and the threat of riots
by angry bank customers.

      Several financial institutions last weekend had to call in riot police
to man queues as customers threatened to storm banks. Cash riots have in the
past caused havoc in Argentina and Zimbabwe’s neighbour, Zambia, was also
forced to use police details to man bank queues when it faced a similar cash
crunch. But the ZCTU said in its letter to Murerwa yesterday that the
deployment of riot police had worsened the situation because state security
agents were harassing clients in their attempt to control bank queues. The
ZCTU told Murerwa that: “People have to pay rent, school fees and buy
groceries with cash, which they cannot get from banks. Up to now, there has
been no reasonable explanation from your ministry on the current crisis or
any measures the government is taking to redress the situation.” By Luke
Tamborinyoka, News Editor and Chris Goko, Deputy Business Editor

      Mudede and Chinamasa argued in an urgent chamber application filed on
8 July that they were improperly cited in the election petition, which also
has President Robert Mugabe and the Electoral Supervisory Commission as
respondents.

      The application came two days after another High Court judge, Justice
Ben Hlatshwayo, granted an order sought by the MDC to compel the Registrar
of the High Court to allocate a date for the hearing of the election
petition.

      MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai wants the High Court to nullify Mugabe’s
March 2002 re-election, citing violence and what he has termed “massive
electoral fraud”.

      Advocate Adrian de Bourbon, representing Tsvangirai, said Chinamasa
and Mudede played vital roles in the election petition and that their
presence would be required by the court during the petition hearing.

      The lawyer queried why Mudede and Chinamasa delayed their application
to be struck off the list of respondents.

      He said if Chinamasa and Mudede believed that they should not be
parties to the election petition, they should have filed their application
in May last year when the MDC launched its court petition.

      “Clearly, the motivation relates to the fact that the election
petition is now to be heard rather than some Damascan revelation that the
first and second applicants had been mis-joined from the beginning,” the
lawyer said.

      “The present applicants have gone through all the processes relating
to the election petition, including the filing of affidavits, the pre-trial
conference, discovery and inspection without once raising the spectre that
they should not be parties.”

      De Bourbon said Chinamasa and Mudede should not have opposed the
application by Tsvangirai to have their defence in the election trial struck
off if they believed they were wrongly cited.

      The MDC applied to have the two respondents’ defences struck off for
allegedly failing to comply with a court order to furnish the party’s
lawyers with documents relating to the 2002 presidential election.

      A judgment is pending before Justice Susan Mavangira in the matter.

      “If the applicants truly felt that they were improperly joined in the
election petition, they should concede that application,” de Bourbon said.
“But, in fact, they opposed that application.

      “Even now, they have not asked the learned judge to make an order
against them so that by having their defences struck out, they will play no
part at the hearing of that petition.”

      Court Reporter

      The youths are said to be demanding that Maviza withdraw from next
month’s council elections to leave the field clear for ZANU PF candidate
Rudo Muchinguri.

      Maviza decided to stand as an independent candidate after he lost
primary elections that he says were improperly conducted.

      He is seeking re-election as councillor for Ward Five in Sakubva
high-density suburb and has been accused of “dividing the people” ahead of
the local government elections.

      Maviza said about 30 youths descended on his Zororo house on Sunday
afternoon and indiscriminately beat up his supporters, who were attending a
meeting at the house.

      “The youths beat up everyone with sjamboks and said they were being
sent by those in high offices,” he told the Daily News. “They said the
police will not do anything to them and for sure, the police have not done
anything.”

      He said four of his supporters were injured in the attack.

      Mutare police spokesman Brian Makomeke yesterday refused to comment on
the attack, referring all questions to Andrew Phiri at the police
headquarters in Harare. Phiri could not be reached for comment.

      But Charles Pemhenayi, the ZANU PF spokesman in the province, said:
“We will be glad to know the people who are doing that so that we can have
them arrested.”

      This is the second time that Maviza’s home has been attacked and his
supporters assaulted by ruling party youths.

      Last Tuesday, more than 100 suspected ZANU PF youths armed with sticks
and sjamboks attacked the councillor’s house but were dispersed by the
police.

      Maviza said his problems began when he decided to contest next month’s
elections as an independent candidate after the ZANU PF leadership in
Manicaland failed to address complaints from district members that primaries
were conducted in a non-transparent manner.

      The councillor said he had received several verbal threats of
unspecified action from ruling party youths.

      Maviza is one of five ZANU PF activists who are standing as
independent candidates in next month’s polls because of disputes over
primary elections in their respective wards, which they say were improperly
conducted.

      Own Correspondent

      Hoey, a former sports minister who led protests against the use of
Zimbabwe as a venue during this year’s cricket World Cup games, came into
the country as a tourist on 19 July and left the country on Friday.

      She said she would present her findings to Straw before tabling them
before the British Parliament when it resumes sitting this week.

      “I have been getting some disturbing reports about the situation in
Zimbabwe, so I decided to come and see for myself. The hunger situation,
human rights abuses and the deteriorating economic situation which I have
witnessed are shocking,” she told the Daily News before she left the country
on Friday.

      She said she had also visited Zimbabwe to see what her government
could do to assist those who are “on the sharp end”.

      “What is particularly worrying was that Matabeleland, particularly
Bulawayo, has been hardest hit by food shortages. But despite the terrible
stories of hunger and human rights abuses that I heard, I was touched by the
cheerfulness of the people, their solidarity and determination,” she added.

      During her visit, Hoey met several local stakeholders, including
opposition Movement for Democratic Change leader Morgan Tsvangirai in
Harare.

      Tsvangirai on Sunday confirmed meeting Hoey, saying: “I just met her
and updated her on the current economic and political situation.”

      While in Bulawayo, Hoey visited feeding schemes and Killarney squatter
camp, where she attended a church service conducted in a shack.

      She also visited Makokoba, Bulawayo’s oldest and one of the most
impoverished suburb. In the high-density suburb of Gwabalanda, she visited
HIV/AIDS victims and home-based care organisations.

      Hoey also met outspoken Roman Catholic archbishop Pius Ncube,
economist Eric Bloch and human rights and political activists.

      She also drove to Tsholotsho, where she said she was told that
thousands of people may die if they do not receive food aid in the next few
weeks.

      “I was genuinely horrified that areas that were producing food are now
decaying at a time when there is no food in the country,” she said.

      Hoey represents Vauxhall in central London, which covers Brixton,
where there is a concentration of Zimbabwean asylum-seekers.

      The MP, who will represent Britain at a regional Commonwealth African
parliamentarian summit in Kenya next week, said she would also present her
impressions of the situation in Zimbabwe at the forum.

      Zimbabwean government officials have in the past blamed the country’s
worst economic crisis in 23 years on the British government, which they
accuse of attempting to topple President Robert Mugabe’s regime.

      The government has imposed a travel ban against several British
government officials in response to similar sanctions introduced by the
European Union and several other Western governments.

      From Chris Gande

      Staff Reporter

      In a report on the plight of internal refugees in Zimbabwe, the
organisation said at least 250 000 people had been internally displaced in
the past three years.

      Most of them are said to be farm workers, who lost jobs and homes
under the government’s fast-track resettlement programme. Under the plan,
the government has taken over most white-owned land to resettle black
peasants and aspiring commercial farmers.

      A large number of former farm workers and their families have been
forced off the appropriated properties.

      Many people around the country have also been displaced from their
homes by political violence that has affected Zimbabwe in the past three
years.

      “It is of great concern that a large number of people in Zimbabwe
remain internally displaced without protection and largely excluded from
existing humanitarian assistance,” the Norwegian Refugee Council said.

      “In the short run there is an urgent need for a country-wide survey to
assess the situation, get more detailed information about the coping
strategies used by the ex-farm workers themselves, and identify those who
remain internally displaced. However, even before such a survey has been
undertaken, the government and the humanitarian community should agree on
how to assist displaced farm workers – especially how to include them in
their food aid programmes.”

      Many internally displaced people have become destitutes and have been
hit by severe shortages of food that have left at least 5.5 million
Zimbabweans in need of emergency food aid.

      Most internal refugees have, however, been left out of humanitarian
initiatives.

      The Norwegian Refugee Council said in its report: “There is a need for
urgent action to give ex-farm workers access to land and farm inputs before
the 2003/2004 agricultural season. This could include more ex-farm workers
being included in the government’s land distribution scheme (especially
being allocated A1 plots) as well as finding temporary solutions to use the
largely under-utilised land allocated for commercial farming (the A2
 farms).”

      The group added: “For those displaced by the political violence, there
is only one solution. The government must recognise its obligations under
international human rights law as well as reiterated in national legislation
to protect all its citizens without regard to political affiliations.

      “This explicitly obliges the government to protect people from being
arbitrarily displaced. While tending to the short-term humanitarian needs,
the government and the humanitarian community must also seek long-term
solutions for the former farm workers. This should build on the coping
strategies already pursued by the affected people and must, among others,
focus on regularising the

      access to land, working conditions on the “new” commercial farms, job
security and social services.

      “Special attention must be given to the most vulnerable groups.

      “Orphans who have been detached from the safety nets that many of the
commercial farms used to offer, need special attention and should be given
priority by initiatives already being implemented to assist Zimbabwe’s
growing orphan population.”

      Staff Reporter

      But as a haulage truck driver operating along the Victoria
Falls-Bulawayo road, Ncube’s problems with wild animals is pale in
comparison to those faced by communities around the Hwange National Park.

      Stretching over slightly more than 14 600 square kilometres, the vast
Hwange National Park is one of the largest wildlife sanctuaries in Southern
Africa, second only to South Africa’s Kruger National Park.

      Among its inhabitants are endangered species such as the wild dog and
the black and white rhinos.

      A conservationist’s dream, the sanctuary is however viewed with less
enthusiasm by local communities who have to co-exist with the national park’
s wild inhabitants.

      Most communities on the fringes of the Hwange National Park view the
animals in the sanctuary as a threat not only to human life, but to their
livestock and food security.

      Their wariness has been worsened by drought, which has led to the
drying up of animal watering pans in the national park.

      Severe diesel shortages have compounded the problem, leaving the
engines that feed the pans with water idle.

      Parks and wildlife officers in the Hwange National Park confirmed the
water problem but declined to comment further.

      The result of the water insecurity, according to Lubimbi councillor
Sikhumbuzo Tshuma, is a human-animal conflict that has worsened this year,
with elephants straying into human inhabited areas in search of water along
the Gwayi and Shangani rivers.

      Most affected by the resulting destruction are communities near Fatima
Mission, Gwayi Siding, Cross Mabale and Cross Dete on both sides of the
Bulawayo-Victoria Falls road.

      Even far-flung areas such as Lubimbi in Binga have been affected, as
animals leave the national park in search of water.

      Tshuma told the Daily News: “We have two herds of about 50 elephants
that have been here since January. They are destroying crops in nutrition
gardens along the Gwayi and Shangani rivers.

      “Hyenas and lions are also killing domestic animals. Together with
occasional visitors like buffaloes, these animals are threatening the
movement of people, especially school children who walk long distances to
and from schools.”

      villagers say the presence of the animals in Lubimbi has precipitated
a crisis of unimaginable proportions in a community already reeling under
the impact of drought and two failed cropping seasons.

      In Lukosi, about 10 kilometres out of Hwange, villagers fight off
elephant raids and foraging buffaloes are also destroying crops.

      Clarence Moyo, a curio trader in the area, views the conflict between
villagers and wildlife as the result of human expediency.

      He pointed out: “The interaction between humans and wild animals has
always been characterised by conflict. On our part, we kill the animals,
displace them by transforming wildlife habitat areas into human settlements
and agricultural land.

      “We complain of competition for water sources, threat to food
security, restriction of movement, reduced school attendance and a general
disruption of daily life. But people need animals just as the animals need
them.”

      He said the human-animal conflict in Lukosi was less pronounced
because the area did not have reliable water sources. Said Moyo: “Because of
the scarcity of water, the animals just pass through here without causing
serious damage. The only problem is that when they stumble upon green
vegetable gardens, they always want to come through the same way and end up
establishing a seasonal animal migration trail. “Warthogs are also a
constant nuisance, but the danger comes with periodic prides of lions and
hyenas, which threaten both domestic animals and people.” According to
Tshuma, local communities have had little success in securing protection
from the wild animals. He said management and control of the Lubimbi
environmental resources fell under the Communal Areas Management Programme
For Indigenous Resources (CAMPFIRE), under which wards with wildlife
resources are supposed to use money from the organisation to buy their own
ammunition and then invite CAMPFIRE’s Problem Animal Control Unit to scare
the animals away. This is done by either shooting into the air or killing
one of the animals if a problem herd is aggressive. Tshuma said: “We have
failed to meet the CAMPFIRE official at the rural district council to
present our problem. We are now planning to approach the Department of
National Parks and Wildlife for protection. That is the only way we can
remove these animals and save our sources of food.” CAMPFIRE director
Charles Jonga said his organisation was aware of the problems faced by the
Lubimbi community, adding that he had communicated CAMPFIRE’s concerns to
the local council. From Oskar Nkala Staff Reporter

      Moreover, even having to take risks that at the end of it all may not
work out in one’s favour is indicative of political bravery. It is perhaps
this type of political focus that is driving the MDC into making
ground-breaking political overtures to woo ZANU PF back to the negotiating
table in order to thrash out new power dynamics in Zimbabwe.

      Morgan Tsvangirai’s presence at the opening of Parliament, which was
addressed by his rival, President Robert Mugabe, had many tongues wagging.
The people and colleagues that I came across were expressing different
viewpoints about the MDC leader’s presence in Parliament.

      For many this move by Tsvangirai was an endorsement of Mugabe’s
legitimacy – which all along the opposition leader had been strongly
refuting. For others it was a sign that, finally, the political stalemate
was thawing and a flood of democracy will envelope Zimbabwe.

      For the sceptics, however, it was much ado about nothing, small events
being blown out of proportion in order to feed the gullible Zimbabwean
populace with false hope.

      To all intents and purposes, Tsvangirai’s visit to the Parliament of
Zimbabwe can best be described as quite a surprise and not necessarily a
pleasant one.

      A surprise primarily because it was not the culmination of an evident
process of dialogue between ZANU PF and MDC, at least not a publicly known
process.

      In fact, the same day that Tsvangirai graced our Parliament building,
there had been a crisis in the nomination process for opposition candidates
in the local government elections scheduled for August.

      There had also been the charging of the MDC spokesman, Paul Themba
Nyathi under the public Order and Security Act (POSA).

      So when Tsvangirai turned up in Parliament, it was difficult to judge
whether ZANU PF was reciprocating such a well-intentioned gesture of
reconciliation when it wasn’t even allowing the opposition to field
candidates for local government elections, as well as charging a prominent
member of the opposition with another unconstitutional claim backed by POSA.

      Did Tsvangirai and his party seriously consider their desire to go to
Parliament with all this in mind? If they did, then they miscalculated.

      This is because gestures such as the one they undertook in Parliament
are not public gaffes; they are only undertaken on the basis of visible
political action on either side of the political spectrum and with obvious
commitment from the ruling party to meet certain criteria about the
political playing field.

      The statement issued by the MDC after the opening of the fourth
session of the fifth Parliament was self-explanatory. They had done it for
the purpose of “putting the ball in ZANU PF’s court”.

      This is, however, a fairly weak standpoint. ZANU PF has never learnt
to play any game fairly. Putting the ball in ZANU PF’s court is no guarantee
of the game being fair.

      The dramatic shift from not recognising Mugabe’s legitimacy to tacitly
endorsing his presidency by attending his address in Parliament is not
placing the ball in ZANU PF’s court in order to get a return serve – it is
placing the ball in ZANU PF’s court and then never getting that ball back.

      Since 2002, the talk within the MDC is the illegitimacy of Mugabe, and
now it is all about getting Mugabe to talk.

      The issue is in what capacity does Mugabe come to the negotiating
table? It is clear that he will come strictly in his capacity as the current
President of Zimbabwe and with the intention of retaining that same office.
It has been said before, you don’t sweet-talk a sitting president to let go
of the presidency. Instead, you manoeuvre your way around his or her
presidency with the purpose that he or she will see the inevitability of
losing power.

      The way that the MDC has embarked on is impolitic and it is tantamount
to begging Mugabe to give them political space.

      The intention is not to belittle the MDC’s efforts, but merely to put
them into perspective. There are fundamental issues that the opposition
needs to be reminded of.

      The first and the most important is that the people of Zimbabwe are
struggling essentially for democracy and not for power-sharing agreements.
One might argue that people do not eat democracy, but in order to eat people
need democracy.

      The MDC is negating on this principle about the struggle. Its
frustrations with the reluctance of the citizens of Zimbabwe to take to the
streets during the final push is understandable, but that does not mean such
mass mobilisation strategies must be abandoned, nor does it mean engaging in
inter-party dialogue with ZANU PF when the latter is feeling extremely
comfortable in maintaining its hegemony. The MDC is not yet ready for the
benevolence that it is trying to show to ZANU PF. It is not very intelligent
to be benevolent when you are in a weak position. For now it is Mugabe who
can afford to be benevolent as well as be accepted for it, even by die-hard
opposition party supporters. The second issue that the MDC needs to be
reminded of is of the disempowering nature of rushed talks and power-sharing
arrangements. It cannot be a singular priority to talk to ZANU PF. If this
is the situation within the opposition party, then the options are going to
run out and the sole reason for the MDC’s existence will be to engage in
talks. Talks must take place, but it must also be a fundamental priority to
continue to build political consciousness around the principles of democracy
within the Zimbabwean populace. Talks that are not backed by obvious mass
presence do not achieve the desired results. Tsvangirai’s presence in
Parliament is essentially his and his party’s prerogative, but it is my view
that it was not a prudent thing to do for the reasons that have been
outlined. Shaking hands with Joseph Chinotimba and company is a dangerous
enterprise. In the talks that Nelson Mandela, Thabo Mbeki and others had
with Pik Botha and Frederic de Klerk in the run-up to South African
independence, the tide was clearly against apartheid and South Africans did
not need newspaper adverts in order for there to be demonstrations. The MDC
runs the serious risk of putting the cart before the horse. By Takura
Zhangazha

      What preoccupies them then is the immediate benefit to be derived from
their action at that moment: expediency – politic rather than just.

      Would sacking so-and-so boost their popularity with the electorate
before a do-or-die poll? Would sending troops to quell a minor bar-room
brawl in an opposition stronghold affect the result of an imminent
by-election in that constituency?

      Would liquidating a popular so-and-so in the party be good for their
image if it was proved in a postmortem that he died of AIDS, not a bullet in
the head?

      While he lay recovering after coming out of a coma in a hospital in
Saudi Arabia earlier this month, Idi Amin may or may not have thought of
these things.

      But I suspect that even after he has gone to the Great
Corporals-Who-Became-Presidents Parade in the Sky, few people – his wives,
close relatives, admirers of Hitler and Attila the Hun – will remember Idi
Amin with genuine fondness.

      Like Robert Mugabe, he must have mysterious, indefinable redeeming
qualities which only those closest to him may remember.

      But for the rest of us Idi Amin was a political buffoon, apart from
being a political tragedy for Uganda and Africa.

      Uganda, unlike Tanzania, never had a “Nyerere” or even a “Kenyatta”
after independence. Milton Obote, Godfrey Binaisa and the soldiers,
including Yoweri Museveni, have all not distinguished themselves as leaders
of unparalleled rectitude.

      Museveni has for a long time been touted by the West as the ideal
African leader, but his bloody struggle with the Lord’s Resistance Army has
cost too many lives for him not to lose some of the shine on his reputation
as a shining example for other African leaders to emulate.

      His “no party” political system had already cast doubt on his concept
of democracy. Some thought he was just another African dictator trying to
mask his latent autocratic designs behind a wall of avuncular benevolence.

      Mugabe was at one time compared in his brutal rule with Idi Amin at
the height of his infamy. Some thought the comparison was odious. The man
was more educated and far more intelligent than the hardly-literate
corporal. Moreover, he liked cricket, whereas Idi Amin was a former boxer.

      Others said, with tongue-in-cheek earnestness, that Nelson Rolihlahla
Mandela was a former boxer as well. But Mandela and Idi Amin spoken of in
the same breath? It was too sick to contemplate.

      Still others said it was precisely because Mugabe was so much better
equipped intellectually than Idi Amin that he was more dangerous.

      Mugabe once quoted from Aesop’s Fables to make a point in one of his
speeches. Yet, speaking without notes and mostly in Shona, he has made
statements which have sent cold shivers down the spines of most people who
had always, mistakenly, believed that such an educated man could not be
capable of such brutality.

      It is unkind to speak of Idi Amin so harshly. He was not expected to
recover from the coma, but the tough former corporal did.

      Seriously, he may not last long enough to take an active part in a
debate about his final resting place.

      How will history remember Idi Amin? How will history remember Mugabe,
as he is an old man in somewhat dubious health? Will songs be sung to him,
and not just by the people who benefited from his patronage, but even those
whose relatives perished in one or two of the atrocities for which he has
been held responsible?

      Will statues be erected to him, or will future generations be told
that, were it not for his cruel rule, their country might indeed have flowed
with milk and honey?

      While he was on the point of death, many Ugandans were asked whether
Idi Amin’s family ought to be granted their wish to bury him in Uganda.

      They were divided. Some thought as a Ugandan, he was entitled to be
buried in his homeland. Others thought for what he had done to this same
homeland, he should not be buried in Uganda. There would be riots if his
body was brought back to the country, they feared. Was Idi Amin a cannibal?
Or were these rumours floated by his most implacable enemies, among them
Obote, whose government he toppled? But that he was a disaster as the
president of Uganda cannot be disputed. I have met a number of Ugandans who
have spoken, strangely to my mind, of Idi Amin less harshly than they have
of Obote. All of it had to do with ethnicity, that bane of African politics
that has laid to waste political careers stretching from Cape to Cairo. I
doubt that Idi Amin would expect the majority of the people of his country
to remember him as the leader who dragged them out of the dungeons of the
Acholi domination of Obote to a new era of freedom under his own
Nubian-dominated regime. I bet most will remember him for his uncouth
conduct of state affairs, his expulsion of the Asians and his humiliation of
the British. Some people might say that in expelling the Asians he was
promoting a crude indigenisation programme of his own. Mugabe might be seen
in better light than Amin because his land reform programme has found many
admirers across the continent. Curiously, even his anti-imperialistic stance
in relation to the land reform programme has been received with grudging
respect among Africans, who nevertheless acknowledge that he has been one of
the worst violators of his own people’s human rights on the continent. It
will be a long time before his detractors can convince such Africans that
the land reform programme was the mother of all political gimmicks – pure
and simple. If it had not been so brutally initiated by the war veterans
with the invasions of the commercial farms, ZANU PF would have lost the 2000
general election – again pure and simple. There will be many biographies
written about Mugabe, most of them “unauthorised”, for this is a very
secretive man. Only people like James Dambaza Chikerema could write
authoritative biographies of Mugabe without the fear of being contradicted.
They grew up with him and from that background the biographer could flesh
out the essential ingredients that went on to shape the future philosophy of
the man who launched the Gukurahundi. Some of us, as reporters, knew him
while covering him and other nationalists after his return from Ghana. He
was an eloquent speaker of English and distinguished himself as such during
the glorious days of the National Democratic Party. For some of us, his
emergence as the leader of ZANU after Ndabaningi Sithole was deposed was
something of a shock. We were admittedly far away from the theatre of this
high drama, but we still wondered how he had risen so fast. The true story
of his meteoric ascension may be told after he has left the political stage,
which may be sooner than we have always thought. No doubt there will be an
element of The Mugabe Way even in his exit. By Bill Saidi
bsaidi@dailynews.co.zw

      Fears that the stand-off between the Zimbabwe Football Association and
the country's sports minister could escalate have been heightened by the
intervention of Cosafa - southern Africa's governing body.
      Furious at what he perceived to be government interference in football
matters, Cosafa chairman Ismail Bhamjee wrote a letter to Zifa and advised
them to stand their ground.

      Bhamjee, who is also a Fifa executive committee member, wrote: "The
directive issued by your minister will not be accepted by Fifa, Caf or
Cosafa and could result in the suspension of Zifa from these international
organisations.

      Taking his cue from Bhamjee's chilling warning, acting Zifa chairman
Vincent Pamire told BBC Sport website that they were not going to let
politicians bully them out of office.

      Pamire fumed: "We're going to carry on. We know we're only answerable
to Fifa and Fifa has told us to stay put and act as if nothing has
happened."

      "We always say success is a daughter to many but failure is an orphan.
Everyone now wants the glory because we've qualified for the Nations Cup".

      Pamire, who took over the hot seat when Leo Mugabe was forced out,
said Zifa cannot and will not abandon its position regarding the
government's involvement in football affairs

      "Football is the most popular sport in this country and sometimes we
have problems.

      "But I hope politicians will take heed of Fifa's warning and stay away
from us."

      The dispute arose when the sports minister Aeneas Chigwedere decided
he had had enough of Pamire and his board.

      He ordered Zimbabwe's supreme policy-making body, the Sports and
Recreation Commission, to wield the axe and get rid of Pamire's
administration.

      But as Fifa has already ordered Zifa to hold new elections by 30
September 2003, the sports minister was accused of making an "ill-timed and
unhelpful" decision.

      Pamire also rejected out of hand Chigwedere's assertion that the Zifa
administration was inept.

      "We're very, very competent because despite all the problems we've
had, we managed to qualify for the Nations Cup finals.

      "With our meagre resources we are in the semi-finals of the Cosafa
Cup, so this shows that we're very competent."

      Asked whether he was prepared to meet the sports minister for talks,
Pamire he was not prepared to waste his time if "politicians continually
make a difficult job impossible."

The Herald (Harare)

July 30, 2003
Posted to the web July 30, 2003

Harare

TRADING came to a halt yesterday at the Tobacco Sales Floor after
disgruntled small-scale tobacco farmers disrupted normal business demanding
an immediate upward review of the exchange rate.

The farmers disrupted trading at around 11am, as they demanded an audience
with the Tobacco Industry Marketing Board.

Authorities from the board promised the farmers that they were going to take
up the matter with the relevant authorities, as they could not do much at
short notice.

When Herald Business visited the Tobacco Sales floor yesterday afternoon,
most farmers were loitering around the premises while waiting for feedback
from TSL management on the way forward.

One small- scale tobacco grower, Mr Johaness Nyamayaro of Macheke said there
was an urgent need of an upward review of the cash crop.

"The prices of inputs such as fertiliser and chemicals has shot up in recent
months. There is need for an adjustment of the price, particularly the
exchange rate and the selling price," he said.

Yesterday prices at the auction floor had reached an all time low of between
US$1,10 and US$1,15 per kg.

The farmers said they wanted an upward review of up to US$3,50 to US$4 per
kg.

Another small scale farmer, Mrs Eniya Chiwawura of Banket said the existing
price was not enough to enable them to meet production costs.

She said the price of fertiliser had shot up to $45 000 per bag from $16 000
per bag.

Transport costs have also risen astronomically with farmers from Mashonaland
West being charged between $5 000 and $8 000 per bale.

"There is need to ensure that farmers get good prices to ensure that tobacco
farming remains viable. If the prices are not adjusted, then the future of
tobacco farming will be threatened," she said.

Mrs Chiwawura said there was also need to adjust the exchange rate from the
existing $824 that is being paid for the greenback.

The Government announced early this year that it would quarterly review a
number of measures aimed at enhancing economic growth including the exchange
rate.

TSL managing director, Mr David Machingamira said they would do everything
possible to resolve the crisis.

Tobacco is auctioned at three floors namely Tobacco Auction Floors, Zimbabwe
Industry Tobacco Auction Centre and the Burley Marketing Zimbabwe.

Business was reportedly going on at a smaller pace at other auction floors.

Last year, trading briefly came to a halt at the auction floors when farmers
disrupted business in protest against the low prices.

The matter was resolved after the Government agreed to review the prices.

Leaders of Zimbabwe's ruling ZANU-PF party will hold a crucial meeting late
Wednesday to discuss the future of negotiations with the opposition Movement
for Democratic Change. The talks follow this week's meetings between church
leaders and representatives of the two political parties.

It is expected that President Robert Mugabe will brief his party leadership
on his talks with the church leaders and their request for details of the
ruling party's plan for dialogue with the opposition.

Observers here say the key issue for the ZANU-PF leadership to decide is
devising an exit plan for Mr. Mugabe and choosing his successor. But they
said, in order to speed up the talks with the opposition and address
Zimbabwe's rapidly deteriorating economic situation, the leaders may skip
the leadership issues for the time being.

The rising hope of political dialogue follows meetings between the ruling
ZANU-PF party and Zimbabwe's leading church representatives. The talks
between Zimbabwe's Anglican, Catholic and Methodist churches and the party
were attended by President Robert Mugabe.

The church leaders met with the head of the opposition Movement for
Democratic Change, Morgan Tsvangirai, on Monday.

The latest flurry of talks follows President Bush's visit to Africa earlier
this month. Mr. Bush agreed with the South African president, Thabo Mbeki,
that Zimbabwe must urgently resolve its political crisis and hold new
elections.

Mr. Mugabe has said he will not meet with Mr. Tsvangirai until he drops his
legal challenge to last year's presidential elections, which many political
commentators say were rigged. The MDC said it would suspend the legal
challenge if serious dialogue begins.

Zimbabwe is in the midst of the worst economic crisis since its independence
in 1980, with unemployment running at 70 percent and the country running out
of everything, including currency needed to buy essential supplies.

Zimbabwe tackles cash crunch

Banknotes, like food and fuel, are in short supply Zimbabwe is taking its highest-value banknote out of circulation in the face of an economic crisis that has led to long queues outside banks and the widespread hoarding of cash. Finance Minister Herbert Murerwa has said the Z$500 note is to be withdrawn within 60 days, hoping to get people to deposit their notes and replenish the banks with much-needed cash. It will then be replaced with a new version, as well as the country's first Z$1,000 denomination. Zimbabweans have been left with an urgent need for cash owing to runaway inflation which is heading towards 400% and soaring foreign exchange rates. The Z$700m a day being printed despite dire shortages of both ink and paper is being grabbed as fast as it can be produced. Waiting Long queues at Harare banks are now becoming as routine as the queues at petrol stations, according to Tony Hawkins, economics professor at the University of Zimbabwe. As I drove through Harare going to my bank I saw long queues of people outside all the banks and the ATMs Prof Tony Hawkins University of Zimbabwe "I was able to draw Z$25,000 (about £5 at parallel market rates) from my bank today," he told BBC Radio Five Live on Tuesday. "But for the average Zimbabwean, the maximum you can draw is perhaps a fifth of that, and as I drove through Harare going to my bank I saw long queues of people outside all the banks and the ATMs. "And when you get that cash, it's only going to buy you perhaps five loaves of bread or a few litres of fuel," he explained. Stand-off The crisis - precipitated by the seizing of white-owned farmland which hammered production for both domestic use and exports - has been aggravated by a long drought. The 500 dollar note will shortly be no more The political stand-off between the government of Robert Mugabe, which renewed its mandate in an early 2002 election widely derided as flawed, and the opposition MDC has made matters worse. Talks brokered by church leaders seem to be inching the two sides closer to the table. In the meantime, shortages of foreign currency also mean fuel is hard to come by, making the daily commute a challenge for urban workers. The government's recent attempts to extend oil deals with Libya have foundered over opposition to the idea of giving the Libyans Zimbabwe's oil infrastructure in exchange. Officially, unemployment is over 70%, and tight price controls coupled with inflation have led to shortages of basic goods.

UN Integrated Regional Information Networks

July 30, 2003
Posted to the web July 30, 2003

Johannesburg

Should talks resume between Zimbabwe's rival political parties, the main
opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) is likely to insist on the
government restoring the "rule of law", analysts told IRIN.

Efforts to reopen the dialogue between the ruling ZANU-PF and the MDC have
intensified in recent weeks with the country's clergy stepping in as
mediators.

The MDC on Wednesday confirmed that its president, Morgan Tsvangirai, had
met with local church leaders in a bid to get the stalled talks restarted,
as a first step on the road to a negotiated settlement of the Zimbabwean
crisis.

The clergy was awaiting written responses from both parties, which could
lead to a formal meeting, the local Daily News newspaper reported.

Zimbabwe Council of Churches president Bishop Sebastian Bakare is leading
the church delegation. He is accompanied by Trevor Manhanga, the head of the
Evangelical Fellowship of Zimbabwe and Patrick Mutume of the Zimbabwe
Catholic Bishops' Conference.

The apparent "public" thaw in relations between the opposition and the
government came last week after the MDC attended the opening of parliament.
Opposition MPs last year boycotted the occasion, saying they did not
recognise the legitimacy of President Robert Mugabe as the head of state.

The MDC is challenging Mugabe's victory in court, alleging that the polls
held in March 2002 were marred by violence, intimidation and vote-rigging.

Noting recent statements made by the MDC, observers said Mugabe's legitimacy
would continue to surface throughout the proposed dialogue, but it would
take a back seat to some of the more pressing issues facing the country.

The MDC's legal affairs secretary, David Coltart, told IRIN: "If the talks
between the MDC and ZANU-PF are done in an earnest way, and endorsed by the
international community, we will consider holding in abeyance the
presidential challenge. We have also said if the talks yield a final
agreement with constitutional guarantees then the MDC will withdraw the
election petition."

The court challenge is due to start on 3 November.

"The key issue the MDC is likely to raise during the talks is the
restoration of the rule of law, and that includes repealing repressive laws
which restrict political activity," chairman of the Zimbabwe Election
Support Network Reginald Matchaba-Hove said.

Human rights groups argue that the Public Order and Safety Act, for example,
pushed through parliament in 2001, severely curtails political expression.
The act bans any political gathering without police consent.

Another issue which should be urgently addressed, Matchaba-Hove added, was
the humanitarian crisis now affecting close to five million Zimbabweans. "It
is important that the leaders consider the seriousness of the humanitarian
needs in the country and jointly produce a solid programme to sell to
donors. Inflation is now close to 365 percent, which is an indication of how
badly the economy is doing."

"In tandem to all of the other pressing issues, there should be a discussion
of the drawing-up of a new constitution which is democratic, and allows for
checks and balances. The discussion should focus on addressing electoral
reform to ensure that the next election would be substantially free and
fair. Mugabe's legitimacy is a detail which can be discussed at a later
stage," he said.

Crisis in Zimbabwe spokeswoman Everjoyce Win agreed, saying that changes to
the country's constitution were key to resolving the political impasse.

"The talks should not focus on who has the right to govern or not, but
address fundamental shortcomings of the constitution. Talks should consider
how the rule of law has been subverted, and what can be done to restore some
legitimacy to the state," she said.

Mugabe's government walked out of political talks with the MDC in April 2002
after the opposition went to court to challenge the presidential election
result, saying mediation efforts must wait until the courts ruled on the
case.

UN Integrated Regional Information Networks

July 30, 2003
Posted to the web July 30, 2003

Johannesburg

Alongside the impact of drought, Zimbabwe's humanitarian crisis has also
been man-made, the UN Consolidated Inter-Agency Appeal (CAP) for 2003/04 has
noted.

"What initially appeared as a food crisis in Zimbabwe in 2002 has turned
into a major humanitarian emergency due to the deteriorating economy,
immense policy constraints, the devastating effects of HIV/AIDS, and
depleted capacity in the social service sector," the appeal said.

The country was in its fifth successive year of economic decline and "faces
critical shortages of foreign exchange to maintain essential infrastructure,
fuel and energy needs".

Commentators have linked the country's economic woes to its political crisis
and the government's fast-track land reform programme. Aid agency
assessments have shown that Zimbabwe still has the highest number of people
in need of food aid, around five million, despite recoveries in most other
countries affected by last year's food shortages.

"As of the end of June, the inflation rate reached 364 percent and is
forecast to reach over 500 percent by the end of the year. The industrial
and agricultural sectors have been severely undermined by the state of the
macroeconomy, causing mass unemployment and worsening rural and urban
poverty," the document noted.

The UN Inter-Agency appeal also warned that the "rapid and continued decline
in the government's capacity to support national food security and sustain
life-saving social services will need to be urgently addressed by
humanitarian agencies in 2003/04", adding that "a much greater attention to
preparedness measures will be necessary to prevent starvation and increasing
mortality."

A loss of skills in the health and social services sector due to emigration
and HIV/AIDS was noted as another factor aggravating the crisis.

"Thus, Zimbabwe faces a severe food security crisis in 2003/04. With a
cereals deficit close to 1.3 million metric tonnes (mt), the country has
sufficient food to feed its population for just four to five months. It is
estimated that 5.5 million people will require food aid during the coming
year. The Zimbabwe government is unlikely to have the resources to finance a
major maize import requirement," the appeal added.

The CAP for Zimbabwe covers the period July 2003 to June 2004 and requests
nearly US $114 million, mostly for programmes in the social services and
agricultural sectors. This amount is over and above the World Food
Programme's $308 million call for food aid requirements, made in the
Regional Consolidated Inter-Agency Appeal for Southern Africa.

GOVERNMENT'S ROLE UNDER FIRE

The role of the Zimbabwe government in response to the humanitarian crisis
was also highlighted in the appeal.

"Despite consistent efforts on the part of the United Nations Humanitarian
Coordinator (UN HC) and agencies throughout the year, coordination and
cooperation between the government and the humanitarian agencies could be
much improved," the appeal observed in the section on progress over the past
year.

As an example, it pointed out that while needs assessments are "the
cornerstone in planning an effective response" to the crisis, this process
has "frequently been difficult and delayed, with negotiations [with
government] sometimes taking several months".

"The government also strongly influences the operational environment [of aid
agencies], including issues such as respect for human rights and
humanitarian principles, and NGO operations. NGOs are integral to
humanitarian planning and implementation capacity, so that restrictions or
delays in building their capacity and constraining their operations impact
directly on the speed and volume of aid delivery to beneficiaries," the CAP
concluded.

Adding that "at the policy level, government commitment is a precondition to
the strategic aim of moving toward recovery and a development agenda".

It was therefore critical to foster stronger linkages between the government
and humanitarian agencies.

THE YEAR AHEAD

The "main causes of the humanitarian crisis identified in the 2002/03 CA
[Consolidated Appeal] were: policy constraints; socio-economic conditions;
environmental factors (drought and cyclone Eline); all of which were
aggravated by the impact of HIV/AIDS".

These factors would still be relevant in the coming year. But the state
control of prices, currency exchange rates and a monopoly on the import and
marketing of maize and wheat were characteristics of an "economic framework
within which the economy has contracted by one-third in four years". This
had contributed to greater vulnerability as "structural unemployment is
estimated at over 70 percent, and rising, as the major sectors generating
employment" and forex continued to contract.

The 2003/04 CAP would concentrate on three main areas of humanitarian
response: preventing loss of life through food, nutrition, and critical
health interventions; mitigating the impact of the crisis on vulnerable
groups; and developing a productive dialogue among stakeholders to
strengthen coordination and provide focus.

It was noted that recovery interventions and policies were essential to
reducing Zimbabwe's reliance on international relief assistance and
strengthening food security.

But recovery "is only viable if a wide range of [policy] reforms takes
place" - reforms which the international community was committed to
supporting, if they led to a long-term resolution of the problems affecting
Zimbabwe's most vulnerable.