• Cracks are appearing
• Justice Hlatshwayo in new farm wrangle
• Succession debate widens
• Govt targets FCA holders in hunt for elusive forex
• Stumbles blasts Kunonga
• Zim's bread shortages to worsen next year
• Mugabe misinformed on agribonds - Mawere
• Zim's railway system crumbling
• Millers allege corruption in maize allocation
• Mugabe US ally Fauntroy a felon
• Zim's marketing strategy 'too shallow'
• Half region's food deficit in Zim
• Cabinet reshuffle expected soon
• No plans to amend Posa - Chinamasa
• Zesa arrears climb to US$110m
• Lawyers deplore court delays
• Misa ordered to register under Aippa
• Dialogue will meet many hurdles
• ‘Judge not, that ye be not judged’
• Corruption consuming fabric of economy
• Predators jump onto Chinamasa’s turf
• Murerwa 'not concerned' by mounting losses
• No beef exports to Europe says EU chief
• Banks increase rates again
• What they said about Zim ...
• IMF finally grants Mugabe's wish
• A hanging matter
• Let's use freedom of worship while it lasts
• Mbeki slams Leon for racism charge

      MICHAEL HARTNACK

 Cracks are appearing

Something we have been expecting for many years happened last week - and it
was not the authorities' parading opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai before
a sniggering mob of paramilitary guards in prison clothes, manacled and
leg-ironed.

Last Wednesday was chilly and overcast, and Tsvangirai looked grey with cold
as he hobbled out of the prison van, clad in a worn-out short-sleeved shirt,
baggy shorts and sandals.

This calculated attempt to dehumanise and degrade the veteran trade unionist
backfired on the authorities when he was brought up the narrow stairs into
the high court dock, and the public and press galleries stood up in an
unprecedented show of respect.

Such a gesture towards an accused person has never occurred before in the
entire history of this country's courts - not for Ndabaningi Sithole
(founder of President Robert Mugabe's Zanu-PF party), "General" Lookout
Masuku, Dumiso Dabengwa (later, Mugabe's Minister of Home Affairs) or a
young Zapu guerrilla, Emmerson Mnangagwa (now parliamentary speaker and
administrative head of the ruling party).

Ignoring the warders, Tsvangirai turned to the silent, grim-faced spectators
and quipped: "This isn't a funeral."

There was an explosion of laughter.

After a withering protest to Judge Susan Mavangira from defence councel
George Bizos, who 40 years ago represented Nelson Mandela on similar treason
charges, Tsvangirai was allowed to don a grey suit and blue shirt. When he
re-emerged, the public stood and clapped.

His spirit obviously unbroken, he remonstrated with a smile: "You will get
me sent back to jail."

The predicted event, however, was not Tsvangirai's trial on fresh charges of
treason: it was

the front page of Saturday's government-owned Herald.

We knew it was going to happen, we just didn't know when or to whom.

When it became clear Mugabe would spare no effort to prevent a new national
leadership being selected through free elections, we knew sooner or later we
would get omens of change in the form of attempts in the state media to
create a new national messiah.

The Herald's giant photograph of Mnangagwa does not signify that Mugabe is
about to hand over to him, or has approved Mnangagwa as his heir, but that
the "Mnangagwa faction" feel bold enough to stage this advertising promotion
for their presidential candidate.

Other factions, perhaps even Mugabe himself, will have been gravely
discomfited by the Herald edition. Information Minister Jonathan Moyo must
have had his devious hand in it. If anything were to "happen" to Moyo, it
would show the Mnangagwa faction has overplayed its hand, or got Moyo into a
trap.

The courageous Dr John Makumbe of the University of Zimbabwe long ago
discerned the ground rules Mugabe set up for the pattern of fiefdoms by
which he first subdued and then went on to bankrupt Zimbabwe. Mugabe's
lieutenants were encouraged (in the name of encouraging indigenous
entrepreneurship) to develop business empires, staffed by their relatives
and henchmen in what were designated to be "their" areas.

While they kept these areas loyal to Mugabe, they were spared all manner of
irritations such as loan repayments, income tax, licence and planning
inspectors (As their business empires grew, they and their extended families
thus became hostages to Mugabe through their ever-lengthening records of
shady dealings.)

If they stepped outside their designated fiefdoms by, say, convening rallies
in other parts of the country, the party machine would ensure no one turned
up.

The significant point is that the Mnangagwa faction now feel they can aim
for a national constituency, although in the June 2000 parliamentary
elections Mnangagwa was ignominiously stripped of his Kwekwe seat by a
candidate for Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change.

The personality cult of Mnangagwa is focused, as expected, on an imaginative
attempt to present him as a hero, second only to Mugabe, in the fight to
overthrow white rule in former Rhodesia. It also aims to rid him of the
image he acquired as head of the Central Intelligence Organisation during
the 1982-1987 Matabeleland atrocities when up to 20 000 people died,
according to human rights lawyers and Roman Catholic churchmen.

If we had an equivalent to Private Eye here it would surely produce a spoof
version of the Herald report, headed: "Meet your friendly neighbourhood
human rights violator."

We are told that Mnangagwa "strongly opposed the death penalty", yet as
justice minister

he rushed through a constitutional amendment

to forestall attempts to outlaw executions. The Herald tells us nothing of
the dozens of hangings that took place when he was minister, 13 of them in
secret because the Pope was about to make an ill-advised visit here.

"I've seen a lot of death in my life. I don't want to kill. War is not
nice," said Mnangagwa.

The Herald article will be kept on file by those who, like George Orwell's
hero Winston Smith in 1984, want to see how a propaganda machine re-writes
history and constantly reinvents the "Big Brother" figure.

Mnangagwa is (surprise, surprise) of the "royal family of Mapanzure chiefs".
His youthful flirtation with Joshua Nkomo's Zapu is glossed over, perhaps
because it reveals irrefutable evidence Zapu launched its war at least three
years before Zanu's much-f?ted April 1966 "Battle of Chinhoyi".

The Herald also skates around Mnangagwa's Zambian roots, which led the
Rhodesian authorities to deport him after serving his sentence for
sabotaging a rail line in 1964.

Mnangagwa's protests - "I have no aspirations to (the) presidency at all"
will be viewed with scepticism by those who last year saw him, as
parliamentary speaker, flout Standing Orders to declare the General Laws
Amendment Bill duly passed into law, when it had been quashed.

"My only wish is to continue serving the country," Mnangagwa "confided" to
the Herald. "I'm of above average intelligence [but] how do you aspire for a
position where there is no vacancy?"

Mugabe may find this dangerously ambiguous statement reassuring.

Others, however, will remember how the late Malawian dictator Hastings Banda
crushed his finance minister, Aleke Banda, once speculation started that
Aleke might be the next "life president".

"You appoint someone as your heir and the next thing he overthrows you,"
said the canny old tyrant.

Business elements previously linked to the reformist element in Zanu-PF are
in the meanwhile raising voices, in private, against Tsvangirai.

Desperate for relief from current financial strains, they are urging
Tsvangirai to offer concessions and find someone he can work with - if not
Mnangagwa, then someone else acceptable to Mugabe. They have leaked reports
of secret talks between Zanu (PF) and Tsvangirai's MDC involving the
churches - when all the churches have done is solicit uncompromising views
from both sides.

What South Africans need to note is that just when Tsvangirai looks at his
most vulnerable, in a prison cell, with a second hanging offence against
him, the Zanu (PF) monolith is trembling and cracking. There may be a long
process of subterranean strain as invisible pressures build up. Or there may
be a sudden landslide.

But, as they say in earthquake zones, "The Big One" is coming.
.. Michael Hartnack is a Zimbabwean columnist and journalist.

The farm at the centre of the dispute is the 375-hectare Lot 1 of Gwina Farm
in Mashonaland West. Hlatshwayo moved onto the farm with his caravan last
December and began agricultural activities.

Hlatshwayo yesterday denied using strong-arm tactics to gain entry to the
house.

"Mr Nicolle was evicted by people who have the authority to do so, that is
the police and Ministry of Lands officials," he said. "His Section 8 order
had long since expired."

Vernon Nicolle's son Christo-pher told the Independent the house was broken
into last Friday. This followed a telephone conversation he had with
Hlatshwayo.

"Hlatshwayo phoned me and told me that he would break into the house if I
failed to come to the farm," said Nicolle.

"The next thing I heard from the workers was that the house had been broken
into. Some property belonging to my father was thrown out," he said.

"Some keys were taken and the rooms that had no keys were broken into. At
the moment we are not allowed to go back to the farm and take our equipment.
We only got some of the equipment out but anything related to irrigation is
not being allowed to move out," he said.

Hlatshwayo refuted claims that he had moved into the farmhouse.

"I have no desire to move into the farmhouse. I have been carrying out my
farming operations from my caravan for the past six months. I have waited
for more than a year for him to move and this is too long for one to wind up
and move. In fact he has been sabotaging me," said Hlatshwayo.

He said the police gave him the keys to the house for "caretakership" of the
property.

Hlatshwayo said Justice Paddington Garwe made a final order in his favour in
March. In his judgement, Garwe said Nicolle had not followed the proper
procedures in suing Hlatshwayo.

"In terms of Rule 18 of the rules of the High Court of Zimbabwe no civil
process of the court may be sued out against the president or against any of
the judges of the High Court without the leave of the court granted on court
application being made for that purpose," said Garwe in his judgement.

The judgement said the purpose of the rule was "clearly to protect or shield
judges from vexatious litigation instituted against them in the very same
court where they preside".

Garwe also ruled that the dispute in the matter was between Nicolle and the
Minister of Agriculture whose procedures for acquisition of the farm were
flawed.

"The real dispute, it appears, is between the applicant and the acquiring
authority (Ministry of Agriculture)," Garwe said. He said Hlatshwayo had
only acquired the property through the ministry.

He said the matter should be determined separately since it did not involve
Hlatshwayo.

These include recognition of his legitimacy - at home and abroad, an
"honourable" retirement with freedom from prosecution by international
courts, and a seamless transition to a candidate of his choice.

Speculation has been fuelled rather than quenched by Speaker of parliament
Emmerson Mnangagwa's denial last weekend of any presidential ambitions.
Mugabe is understood to be keen to regulate the succession debate, which
means prospective candidates will need to keep their heads down until an
internal decision-making process is complete.

Mugabe's recent forays across the country to speak at what looked like
election rallies could offer a clue to his wish to take charge of a process
that earlier showed signs of getting out of hand.

Recent contacts with President Thabo Mbeki over Morgan Tsvangirai's
incarceration and Mbeki's statement at the conclusion of last week's World
Economic Forum (WEF) meeting in Durban that the coming year would see a
resolution of the Zimbabwe crisis through inter-party dialogue suggest South
African interest in a solution to the political impasse in Harare is still
very much alive.

"We will have an agreement in Zimbabwe between government and the opposition
about all the challenges that face Zimbabwe," Mbeki confidently predicted

Mozambique's President Joachim Chissano said at the WEF meeting that as a
result of peer pressure Mugabe would be revoking oppressive laws against the
media and opposition.

Mnangagwa remains the most visible contender although with the economic
crisis impacting on Zanu PF's leadership, former Finance minister Simba
Makoni's prospects are improving despite the absence of a local support
base.

Undeterred by orders to keep quiet, Zanu PF's Bulawayo province has moved
ahead, throwing its weight behind party chairman and Special Affairs
minister John Nkomo.

The province this week announced that succession issues should be dealt with
using the set party protocol of seniority, a process that would favour
Nkomo's candidacy.

Information and Publicity minister Jonathan Moyo this week rubbished
suggestions that Mugabe was preparing to go.

The state mouthpiece the Herald this week quoted Moyo dismissing any
suggestion of dialogue aimed at ensuring Mugabe's early retirement.

"Zanu PF will not negotiate with anyone, let alone (the) sell-out MDC, on
the legitimacy of President Mugabe," he said. "The issue of legitimacy is
not negotiable and will thus not be negotiated because it was decided by the
people."

Despite Moyo's hostility to any talk of Mugabe's early exit, the party's
Bulawayo provincial leaders said the people currently being touted did not
qualify to succeed Mugabe.

Zanu PF's Information secretary Nathan Shamuyarira yesterday said the party
president was elected at a congress.

"He can come from any organ of the party. Any member can be elected," said
Shamuyarira.

But Zanu PF Bulawayo provincial secretary for information and publicity,
Sikhumbuzo Ndiweni, this week said party rules had to be followed in
choosing Mugabe's successor.

"The party presidium," said Ndiweni, "is made up of four people who are
President Mugabe, his two vice-presidents (Simon) Muzenda and (Joseph)
Msika, and the party national chairman John Nkomo.

"Those are the people who should fit into the succession equation."

He said when Mugabe finally retires he would do so with his two
vice-presidents, which would leave Nkomo as the only senior replacement from
the presidium.

"Nkomo, by virtue of being in the current presidium, would articulate
national issues better than anyone outside the presidium," said Ndiweni.

He said the current succession debate ignores set structures of the party.

"There is a set structure when it comes to succession and the party is
structured in a manner that makes succession automatic and this is not open
to debate," said Ndiweni.

He said in the event of the president retiring, the three other leaders in
the party would be elevated in terms of seniority.

"The party is clear on what happens when it comes to replacing leaders and
after the presidium has retired the party says the next top person should be
a woman. Here we are talking about people like Joyce Mujuru, Oppah
Muchinguri, Thenjiwe Lesabe and others," said Ndiweni.

He said Nkomo was acceptable to all provinces and his election by those
provinces to the national chairmanship was ample evidence of his national
appeal.

"Nkomo was elected by Masvingo, Matabeleland and Mashonaland

provinces when he trounced Mnangagwa in the national chairmanship
elections," he said.

But Ndiweni's views are unlikely to find favour among Mugabe's inner circle
where individuals with vested interests are likely to block the ambitions of
"unapproved" candidate

Murerwa forecast the government could rake in close to US$1 million a week.
Economic analysts said the figure was way below the country's foreign
exchange requirements which has led the government to seize on individual
FCA holders.

The analysts said with the National Oil Company of Zimbabwe (Noczim) and
Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority (Zesa) requiring US$24 million and
US$70 million a month for fuel and electricity imports respectively,
government was scrambling to make up the shortfall.

Banks have confirmed receiving instructions from the RBZ to the effect that
50% of all individual foreign currency withdrawals from personal accounts
should be changed at the official US$1:$800 rate for individuals while the
other 50% would be provided in hard currency. The banks will then remit the
50% changed at the official rate to the RBZ.

The government last Friday summoned bank chiefs to a meeting where the new
exchange rules were announced.

But analysts said the government's policy was ill-advised and would worsen
cash shortages.

They said instead the central bank should consider offering higher interest
rates to the US dollar account holders and set a mechanism on the forex
account which would guarantee the account holder access to the greenback.

The analysts said the government needed to address the issue of confidence
in the economy before coming up with further reactive policy distortions
which hurt the economy.

Murerwa said government was "committed" to removing policy-induced
distortions such as price controls which had proved to be ineffective.

"The reality in the diocese is that there is now a wide divergence between
the promise and declaration and the actual activities being witnessed," said
Stumbles.

"The bishop's behaviour, prima facie, radiates a growing intensity of
indifference, interference or defiance, which does no good and indeed, if
allowed to continue, could destroy the very fabric of the church," he said.

Stumbles accused Kunonga of ignoring previous calls on him not to amend the
Diocesan Act to accumulate "more power and control and new un-challengeable
authority into the hands of the bishop of the diocese" without the
chancellor's agreement.

"This may include the right for him to appoint and control persons in key
positions in the diocese. At the same time the amendments may deprive others
of rights to which they are presently entitled."

Kunonga fired Stumbles for insisting on the observance of church laws but
the former lawyer refused to accept the decision saying it "reflects a
disdain for or ignorance of the laws he swore to uphold".

The letter abhors the "unrepentant symptom of highhandedness or misrule,
lack of accountability and transparency or taking the law into one's own
hands" and calls for the cessation of " the march of lawlessness anywhere…"

Kunonga, who is an admirer of President Robert Mugabe, suffered an
embarrassment when about 40 parishioners demonstrated against his behaviour
at the commemoration of the pioneer Anglican evangelist Bernard Mzeki on
Saturday before Malango and several other church leaders from across the
country.

Demonstrators accused the troubled Anglican primate of preaching "sermons of
hate", attending Zanu PF functions and "abandoning his spiritual role".

Commercial farmers used to put between 65 000 and 80 000 hectares of land
under winter crop, producing up to 280 000 tonnes of wheat.

"Existing irrigation schemes for winter cereals were 65 000 hectares but
these have been looted and damaged and we estimate that only 15 000 hectares
are still operational," the CFU said.

"As poverty and unemployment increase, theft of assets increases, making it
difficult for farmers to continue their operations," the CFU said.

Local demand of about 400 000-500 000 tonnes used to be met through imports
of gristing wheat used to blend the local product to get high quality flour.

"New farmers are not achieving desired production levels due to lack of
knowledge, skills and finance. They do not have the capacity to match
production levels of displaced commercial farmers," said the CFU.

Winter crops are normally planted from the beginning of May through to
mid-June every year.

"The planting period has lapsed and any planting now will be a late crop
whose yield would be highly compromised," the CFU said.

The Zimbabwe Farmers Union (ZFU) said the number of their members entering
winter crop production had increased since the beginning of the land reform
programme.

"Though we are in the process of compiling data on the number of farmers
planting wheat this year, there is clear evidence that the hectarage has
increased," said an official at the ZFU.

Agricultural analysts said the increase in hectarage planted by new farmers
would not make much difference to the food security requirement because of
the small portions they plant.

"ZFU members, though many, grow very little wheat, mostly for household
consumption," an analyst said.

"The main drawback faced by subsistence farmers is lack of equipment,
finance and skills to produce for commercial purposes."

The majority of the crop is irrigated using overhead sprinkler systems,
though a small amount is irrigated using flood, and centre-pivots. Major
production areas are along the major water courses in the Mashonaland,
Makonde and mid-Save areas.

Mugabe made the allegations during a rally at Esidakeni Farm in Umguza last
Friday after traditional leaders and farmers told him they were not happy
with the manner the funds had been disbursed.

Contacted for comment, Mawere said he was only a shareholder in FSI Agricom.
He said there was nothing wrong in the manner in which the company applied
for the funds.

"There was nothing bad about the way FSI Agricom carried out its
transactions," Mawere said.

"Banks should be asked the criteria they used in disbursing the funds and
someone could have misinformed the president on the matter because the fund
is meant to benefit agro-processors and not individual resettled farmers as
said by President Mugabe."

Mugabe said FSI Agricom had accessed $4 billion out of $7,2 billion meant
for resettled farmers who benefited under the government's fast track land
reform.

Government raised about $7,2 billion through agro-bills to finance newly
resettled farmers at the height of the government-driven exercise that was
completed late last year. The agro-bills were expected to raise $60 billion
but failed to do so due to uncertainty in the agricultural sector and lack
of government guarantees. Syfrets Bank and 15 other financial institutions
were managing the agribonds.

"The government made a mistake by allowing the bonds to be administered by
commercial banks without giving the financial institutions guidelines,"
President Mugabe told the rally.

"A private company, FSI Agricom gobbled up about $4 billion from the fund,
leaving most of the beneficiaries stranded," Mugabe said. "This was given to
a company yet the money was intended for resettled farmers."

Most resettled farmers have not benefited from the remaining $3 billion
because banks are demanding collateral which the new farmers do not have.
The new farmers do not have title to the land they occupy.

Meanwhile, the government has entered into a deal with FSI Agricom to
produce and market five varieties of seeds. The company is expected to
market maize seed, soya beans, groundnuts, cow peas and sugar beans.

The seeds should be available on the market for the 2003/4 planting season.

Highly placed sources said National Railways of Zimbabwe (NRZ) was operating
with only 20% of the recommended rolling stock on its main lines.

"Only six electric locomotives out of a possible 30 are in a working
condition," a source said. "Only 10 out of the normally used 60 diesel
locomotives for the main line are operating."

In response to questions from the Zimbabwe Independent, NRZ corporate
affairs manager Misheck Matanhire said his organisation requires a fleet of
150 different classes of locomotives for use in both its shunting and
main-line operations.

"NRZ has made arrangements to hire Bulawayo-Beitbridge Railway locomotives
and to utilise Spoornet locomotives to haul traffic from Bulawayo to
Thompson Junction," Matanhire said.

"The same arrangement was made with the Zambian Railways whose locomotives
are ferrying traffic to Bulawayo, while Botswana Railways locomotives are
working between Plumtree and Bulawayo. This arrangement has improved the
NRZ's current locomotives problems," he said.

Matanhire conceded that his organisation was in dire need of forex.

"It is also worth noting that 95% of NRZ spares require hard currency as
they are imported," he said.

Matanhire said that NRZ was trying to source funds to acquire spare parts to
repair its wagons, locomotives and coaches, as well as items for its
signalling and telecommunications system.

Sources said Spoornet had reduced its traffic to Zimbabwe following a series
of head-on collisions including the Dete train disaster in February that
resulted in the deaths of more than 50 people. The accidents have been
attributed to obsolete signalling equipment.

"The criteria of maize allocation used nationally by the GMB is mainly based
on milling capacities, we have observed with disaffection that in Bulawayo
there are no clear cut criteria with figures being adjusted willy nilly,"
the letter says.

"The method is not clear and is open to abuse and favouritism and underhand
dealings and we urge your urgent intervention to normalise the
non-transparent manner of maize distribution."

Millers who spoke to the Zimbabwe Independent said there was rampant
corruption in the allocation of maize with established companies being
sidelined for smaller ones with links to the ruling party.

"In the last two months we have had a situation where established companies
have only been allocated meagre resources of up to 20 tonnes each while
small milling companies without the capacity have been allocated over 70
tonnes of maize," said one miller speaking to on condition he was not named.

According to sources at the GMB, the disgruntled millers, most of them
established companies, have already met with Matabeleland North governor,
Obert Mpofu, to register their discontent over the allocation process.

Millers say there was little chance of solving the problem as the favoured
companies have links to senior provincial politicians.

Persistent efforts to contact Mpofu on the matter proved fruitless by the
time of going to press.

This is not the first time that corruption has been alleged in the
allocation of maize. In January the former Zanu PF chairman for Bulawayo
province, Jabulani Sibanda, is alleged to have led former freedom fighters
to the local GMB depot to protest against politicians accused of tampering
with the maize distribution process.

The move however backfired when some of the accused politicians led a
campaign that finally led to the ouster of Sibanda.

But it emerged this week he was convicted when a US Congressman of violating
the False Statements Statute based on a false statement he made regarding a
charitable contribution.

According to documents dated March 22, 1995, Fauntroy was charged with one
federal felony in the US District Court for the District of Columbia and
agreed to plead guilty to the charges.

Fauntroy (64), who served in Congress from 1971 to 1991, was charged with
"violating the False Statements Statute … based on a false statement
regarding a charitable contribution and omission of a material liability on
his US House of Representatives Financial Disclosure Statement for the
calendar year, 1988," the documents say.

It was alleged that the former Congressman filed a false financial
disclosure statement required by the Ethics in Government Act with the clerk
of the US House of Representatives in May 1989.

Under the provisions of that Act and under the rules of the House of
Representatives, each member of the House is required to file a financial
disclosure statement annually.

Fauntroy was charged with having falsely claimed on the financial disclosure
statement for 1988 that he had made an end-of-year charitable donation in
the amount of US$23 887 to the New Bethel Baptist Church where he served as
pastor, to make it appear as if he had complied with the rules of the House
imposing a cap on outside earned income.

Under the rules of the House for 1988, no member was permitted to earn more
than 30% of the member's salary.

Fauntroy was also charged with failure to disclose on the financial
disclosure statement a loan of $24 200 he had obtained in June 1988. The
provisions of the Ethics in Government Act required that Fauntroy disclose
the loan.

Fauntroy pleaded guilty in 1995 to the felony and was sentenced to
probation.

The ATB helps to foster ties between the business community and tourism
sector.

During its tour, the American delegation observed that Zimbabwe had a lot to
offer but this had not been fully sold to potential tourists abroad. The
delegation visited six tourist attraction centres dotted across the country.

"We have had an exceptional experience at fabulous locations," Ray Gary,
ATB's sales and marketing vice-president, told reporters after the tour.

"But the biggest impact above everything else was the people. Those who have
never been here before do not understand what Zimbabwe is."

Other members said the ZTA was failing to market and enlighten people abroad
about Zimbabwe's tourism.

Other delegates said the unavailability of local currency delayed their
countrywide tour, which was not conducive for tourism.

The ZTA's North American representative Dr James Kamusikiri said the tourism
sector blamed negative media publicity instead of promoting tourism in the
country. He said the ZTA could adopt more imaginative promotion strategies.

"There is a lack of a common Zimbabwe imaging. The tourism industry should
have a national theme and develop a package that defines Zimbabwe," said
Kamusikiri.

Speaking during a de-briefing meeting in Harare last week, Gary said bad
publicity was a minor issue.

"People are not afraid of minor political issues, they are still going to
countries like Israel."

The Americans' visit came at a time when the tourism industry has virtually
collapsed with international tourists turning their backs on the once
popular destination.

Tourism has been on the slide over the past three years with the number of
tourists visiting the country falling by over 70% during the period.

The slump has been attributed to the government's anarchic land reform
programme that saw the invasion and vandalising of tourist facilities.

Analysts have said the absence of the rule of law and the volatile political
atmosphere has contributed to tourism's slide.

Responding to the issues raised by the delegation, the ZTA's marketing and
communications manager, Jeffreys Manjengwa, said the organisation was doing
everything it could to promote tourism in the country.

"We attend major shows overseas to exhibit what Zimbabwe has to offer. We
also organise tours, especially on agro- and eco-tourism," he said.

He however admitted that there was a new market segment that did not want to
tour the traditional tourism sites like the Victoria Falls, Kariba and Great
Zimbabwe. Manjengwa called for a partnership between the public and private
sector to promote other sites in the country.

"Zimbabwe faces acute food shortages with some 5,5 million people in need of
food aid," the report says.

"Food production in Zimbabwe has fallen by more than 50%, measured against a
five-year average, due mostly to the current social, economic and political
situation and the effects of drought."

According to the report, southern Africa still requires substantial food aid
despite the fact that more food was produced in the region than during last
year's severe food crisis.

However, the report says Zimbabwe's production has been uneven with the
country producing barely enough to meet more than 40% of its needs.

"The situation was compounded by the marked reduction of the large-scale
farm sector, which produced only about one tenth of their 1990s output and
as a result about half of the regional food deficit of some 2,65 million
tonnes is in Zimbabwe."

The report states that the shortfall means that Zimbabwe will need to import
almost 1,3 million tonnes of food either commercially or through food aid to
meet the minimum food needs of its people. According to the FAO/WFP report
the effects of the HIV/Aids pandemic were worsening the food crisis in the
region.

"Other reasons for continued food aid assistance despite increased overall
food availability are households vulnerability caused by the on-going
HIV/Aids pandemic,"reads the report.

"HIV/Aids infections in southern Africa are the highest in the world making
those infected all the more vulnerable to health complications and death
when food shortages occur and affect communities as a whole."

The report further states that an alarming increase has been found in
households headed by children and grandparents. A United Nations Aids survey
on Zimbabwe recently stated that at least 3 800 people die every week in
Zimbabwe of Aids-related diseases, an astronomic rise from the conservative
figure of 500 people currently being touted by the government.

Meanwhile, children are reported to be dying of hunger in Zimbabwe and many
others will die if emergency action is not taken soon, UN officials said
last Friday.

A survey of children under six years old by the United Nations Children's
Education Fund (Unicef) found high levels of severe malnutrition in many
areas, especially in larger cities.

"Children are dying and if we don't ratchet up our response many more
children will become malnourished, and many of those who are already
malnourished will die," said Gerry Dyer, head of Unicef's regional office in
Johannesburg.

Since the announcement of the cabinet a year ago, three posts have fallen
vacant: those of Higher Education minister Swithun Mombeshora, Matabeleland
South governor Stephen Nkomo, and Attorney-General Andrew Chigovera.

Mombeshora and Nkomo died in office while Chigovera resigned.

Sources said Mugabe was keen to move ministers in line with current
political and economic needs.

Tipped to move in is Zimbabwe Tourism Authority chief executive officer
Tichaona Jokonya to replace Minister of Energy and Power Development, Amos
Midzi.

A former Zimbabwean envoy to the United Nations, Jokonya is expected to use
his diplomatic skills and connections to steer the nation out of its worst
energy crisis since 1980.

Since his appointment Midzi has repeatedly issued contradictory statements
as the fuel crisis worsened. Midzi, a former envoy to Namibia, is expected
to replace junior minister in charge of state enterprises in the President's
Office, Paul Mangwana.

Mangwana has been linked to the Attorney-General's post. Sources said
Ignatius Chombo could be moved from Local Government to his former portfolio
of Higher Education. He is currently the acting Minister of Higher
Education.

Chombo, who recently suspended the MDC mayor of Harare Elias Mudzuri for
alleged insubordination, has been widely criticised for heavy-handedness and
meddling in council business. But his hardline approach has pleased Mugabe.
He could now employ the same tactics against students.

It was not clear who would replace Chombo.

Speculation is rife that former Home Affairs minister and Matabeleland
political heavyweight Dumiso Dabengwa could be appointed governor of
Matabeleland South to replace Nkomo who died in April.

His rivals are former Zimbabwe envoy to Botswana Zenzo Nsimbi and former MP
for Umzingwane Thenjiwe Lesabe. Matabeleland sources confided to the
Independent that Vice-President Joseph Msika was pushing for Dabengwa's
appointment. The sources said there were behind-the-scenes manoeuvres for
the post. Former Bulawayo City Council engineer and losing Zanu PF mayoral
candidate, George Mlilo is also a possible candidate.

Contacted for comment yesterday, Dabengwa said he had not been approached.
Asked if he would take up the post, he said: "What makes you think I will be
approached? I haven't thought about that at all."

Secretary to the cabinet Misheck Sibanda was not available for comment.

Chissano told the World Economic Forum meeting in Durban last week that
African leaders' engagement with Zimbabwe had resulted in President Mugabe
agreeing to repeal oppressive laws against the media and the opposition.

Chinamasa in an interview yesterday said Posa would not be amended.

"There is no such proposal and there will not be any proposal to amend
Posa," said Chinamasa.

"As the Minister of Justice, let me say that there is no problem with Posa
because it is the only tool that we have to fight lawlessness by those who
want to remove a legitimately elected government.

"The country has now almost returned to normal (after the mass action) and
we were not going to succeed without Posa," said Chinamasa.

South African President Thabo Mbeki at the beginning of the year told the
press after meeting British Prime Minister Tony Blair that Zimbabwe would
amend its security laws. Chinamasa immediately dismissed the assertion.

While Chinamasa has remained firm that Posa will not be amended, it is
becoming clear that leaders in the region have been given assurances at some
level that Mugabe has agreed to such a move.

On suggestions in the state media that Zanu PF Minister of State for
Parastatals Paul Mangwana would be taking up the post of Attorney-General,
Chinamasa said newspapers were "free to speculate". -

In a presentation made on his behalf by Zesa grid asset manager, Cletus
Nyachowe, Gata said the power utility had foreign loans amounting to
US$145,2 million.

Top of the list is Hydro Cahora Bassa of Mozambique, which is owed US$22
million, South Africa's Eskom (US$11 million), Snel of the Democratic
Republic of Congo (US$5 million), EDM of Mozambique (US$5 million), and
Zesco of Zambia (US$5 million).

Zesa's generation amounts to 1 770 megawatts and it imports 650 megawatts.

HCB supplies 400 megawatts, Snel (100 megawatts), and Eskom (150 megawatts).

Gata said Zesa desperately needed spares worth US$7,5 million to upgrade its
dilapidated facilities countrywide.

The executive chairman said US$5 million was needed monthly for power
imports, US$5 million for debt service, US$500 000 for wheeling charges, and
US$350 000 for spares.

Gata said: "Our major constraints and challenges are the curtailment of
imports due to non-payment, increase in arrears due to non-payment,
inability to service existing debt, and shortage of spares for generation
plants."

He said the company was also facing a shortage of coal caused by the
transport problems at Wankie Colliery Company Ltd.

The Minister of Energy and Power Development, Amos Midzi, who attended the
breakfast meeting said the major headache at Zesa was that investors were
not interested in the power utility because of government's majority stake
in the firm.

He said there was reluctance among investors to inject money in entities in
which government had a majority shareholding.

Midzi said: "The economy is severely affected at the moment. Zesa is
supplying 65% of our power. The rest is imported. There has been no
investment in the power industry for the past 16 years. There has been no
injection of money because we are facing a serious foreign currency
situation."

He said government was now rethinking on subsidies and could increase
tariffs soon because they were sub-economic.

"We need to invest in Zesa right now because in 2007 there won't be adequate
electricity in the region," Midzi said.

The minister said Hwange and Kariba also needed private investors to inject
money to upgrade their facilities.

The ZLHR said the delays had been prevalent in "cases that are considered to
be sensitive or of public interest or politically-related or of a
constitutional nature".

The ZLHR said the highest profile case was the delay by High Court judge,
Justice Susan Mavangira in making a ruling in Tsvangirai's bail application.

"Argument on the application only commenced on 11 June after Tsvangirai had
already been detained in custody for five nights," the lawyers said.

"Argument concluded on 13 June when the judge reserved judgement. Her
judgement has not yet been handed down six days later, while Tsvangirai
remains in custody. This delay is effectively a remand in custody," the
lawyers group said yesterday.

The United States government has already classified Tsvangirai as a victim
of political intolerance and urged the government to release him. It
dismissed charges against him as trumped up.

The ZLHR also blamed the delays on understaffing and low-morale among staff.

"Whilst ZLHR appreciates the constraints under which members of the
judiciary and magistrates are operating, it agrees with the concerns of
lawyers and the public as the consumers of justice that a deliberate effort
has to be made by the judiciary to hand down judgements efficiently, fairly
and with reasonable promptness," the group said.

The ZLHR also called on law enforcement agents and the judiciary to carry
out their duties mindful of the dictates of international covenants and the
constitution of Zimbabwe which outlaws human rights violations.

Particularly, it drew the attention of the judiciary to the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and
Political Rights, which guarantee the rights of detainees.

"Please be advised that according to the Access to Information and
Protection of Privacy Act, Section 66, Misa is legally required to register
with the commission since it is involved in public information and
communication with mass audiences through its publications."

It is not however clear what publications the media commission was referring
to. The commission's chairman, Tafataona Mahoso, refused to comment.

"Are you a Misa representative? I can only answer to those who we requested
to register," said Mahoso.

Asked whether he was himself an accredited journalist, Mahoso said he was.

Misa chairperson, Reyhana Masters-Smith, said she could not comment.

"We are not prepared to comment until sometime next week when the board
meets," said Masters-Smith.

Speaking at a meeting of the Parliamentary Public Accounts Committee Murerwa
admitted to members that the increasing debt should be blamed

on government's inability to monitor the soaring numbers.

"One of the major causes of debt is the lack of capacity in the form of
trained personnel and lack of computerisation," Murerwa said.

He said Zimbabwe lacked a proper and up-to-date register of loans that had
been guaranteed by the Ministry of Finance and Economic Development.

These views were expressed after a report from the Comptroller and Auditor
General revealed that Zimbabwe's debt controlling mechanism was in a
shambles, a scenario which the committee said would further worsen the debt
crisis.

The Parliamentary Public Accounts Committee, chaired by Priscilla
Misihairabwi-Mushonga, had raised concerns that government was not doing
enough to abate both domestic and foreign debts currently running into
billions.

The minister said government would continue to guarantee loans for
loss-making parastatals despite their increased contribution to the debt.

Murerwa said: "We are not concerned about the losses parastatals are making.
At the crux of the matter is government's concern about national interests."
Government has continued to guarantee loans given to parastatals despite
their failure to turnaround their fortunes.

Misihairabwi-Mushonga queried why government continued to guarantee
parastatals that were capable of making profits.

The Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC), Zimbabwe Iron and Steel Company
(Zisco) and the Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority (Zesa) have over the
years received state guaranteed loans but have gone on to incur major
losses.

The committee recommended that the minister should not have rescue packages
for companies such as the ZBC, which was capable of generating its own
revenue if prudently managed.

Murerwa said most companies were in dire straits due to the under pricing of
services and products, which he said was for the good of the nation.

The ban was related to the outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease. Before the
ban was imposed, Zimbabwe had a beef export quota to the EU of 9 100 tonnes
per year under the 'Beef and Veal Protocol' under the Lomé IV Convention."

Mosca said this quota was worth more than $2 billion.

"In 2001, before the ban, Zimbabwe had exported around 4 500 tonnes worth
about $1,5 billion," Mosca said. "In 2002 the European Commission spent 17,2
million euro on projects in Zimbabwe and 28,6 million euro have so far been
approved for projects in 2003. Apart from this, the amount spent on/approved
for food aid during 2002 and 2003 is 79,5 million euro."

The Cold Storage Company (CSC) - reeling under a $7 billion debt - handles
all beef exports to the EU.

The parastatal, chaired by industrialist and Confederation of Zimbabwe
Industries president Anthony Mandiwanza, is engaged in a wrangle with five
commercial banks that are struggling to receive payment for outstanding
debts.

The European Council renewed sanctions against Zimbabwe in February this
year.

It is reliably understood that the CSC has failed to fulfill its 9 100
export quota to the EU because the Department of Veterinary Services - also
in the red - cannot source about US$500 000 for foot-and-mouth disease
vaccines.

An export deal with the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) hangs in the
balance because the Congolese are allegedly not paying government the agreed
United States dollars, preferring barter deals instead.

In a major U-turn about two years ago, seen by business executives as a
political appeasement arrangement for disgruntled indigenous businessmen,
government gave Farirayi Quality Foods (Pvt) Ltd the go-ahead to also export
beef.

The company, whose boss is John Mapondera, was allowed to export beef to
Libya following President Robert Mugabe's visit to that country in search of
fuel and alternative markets other than the EU and US.

Beef exports to Libya have, however, failed to pick up mainly because of
religious differences with Zimbabwe arising from the treatment of the meat.

To worsen the beef exports saga, Zimbabwe's commercial beef herd has
nose-dived during the past three years from 1,4 million head to the current
estimated 250 000.

The herd dropped following government's controversial fast track land
resettlement programme two years ago that resulted in commercial farmers not
restocking since they were unsure of their fate.

CSC acting chief executive officer Ngoni Chinogaramombe last week said while
the commercial herd had been "significantly reduced", the non-commercial
herd had remained stable at an estimated five million.

He said the CSC would soon begin "reaping the benefits" of the
"resuscitated" Cattle Finance Scheme during the third quarter of this year.

This scheme had been abandoned in the 1990s when the then Cold Storage
Commission felt it was not part of its mandate.

Chinogaramombe said the Cattle Finance Scheme was targeted at the commercial
farming sector and the recently resettled Model A2 farmers.

Last month commercial banks increased their MLRs, claiming that this was in
tandem with the high inflation figure, which stood at 228% in March.

However, the figure rose to 269,2% and 300,1% in April and May respectively.
Predictions - especially from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) - are
that inflation will surpass the 450% mark by year-end.

Analysts say this could result in commercial banks further increasing their
MLRs to reach 100%, making Zimbabwe a "no-go area" for investors.

Zimbabwe's year-on-year inflation has been rising sharply from 116,7% in
January 2002 to 198,9% in December 2002.

NMB Holdings Ltd chairman Paddy Zhanda said: "The hyperinflationary trend is
driven mainly by the high money supply growth and the cost-push effects of
the depreciating parallel market exchange rate. The purchasing power of the
Zimbabwe dollar fell by nearly two-thirds during 2002, with a dollar in 2003
now worth less than one cent of its value in 1990."

Analysts said the commercial banking sector was simply taking advantage of
inflation as well as the skewed economic climate.They said the Ministry of
Industry and International Trade's failure to monitor price controls
currently being ignored by unscrupulous businessmen worsened this.

The managing director of the Industrial Development Corporation of Zimbabwe
Ltd (IDC) Mike Ndudzo, one of the few money-spinning government-controlled
parastatals, blasted the increase in MLRs, saying they would result in his
company failing to service its loans and also reduce the "stipend" dished
out to government annually by way of a dividend.

The IDC's subsidiaries include Zimbabwe Phosphates (Zimphos), Motec Holdings
Ltd, and Zimbabwe Glass Industries who borrow extensively in order to source
essential inputs - sometimes from external sources.

In an interview Ndudzo said: "The issue is much more serious than the
increase in MLRs. Actually we are facing problems securing loans from banks
who regard us as risky customers. Even the Reserve Bank does not give us
preference when we apply for allocations. We (IDC) should actually be
considered to qualify for the high risk facility."

He said it was also very disheartening to note that some businesses
continued to receive money from commercial banks at the expense of others.

"People are using their status as so-called 'blue-chip' to be considered for
funds. Instead of using the money to source essential equipment or inputs
they buy shares on the money market," Ndudzo alleged. "The RBZ should make
it a regulation that each client does not utilise more than 50% of a
facility so that it is also accessed by others."

Financial analyst and consultant Andy Hodges said: "The parallel market
seems to be a normal thing now. The government says it is taking a close
look at the market and yet does nothing about it. Obviously when a
commercial bank is caught using parallel market rates it should know that it
should immediately lose its foreign currency trading licence."

Century Holdings Ltd (Century) general manager (treasury) Charles Nyoka
said: "We have observed an upward movement in interest rates over the last
few months and one is inclined to conclude that interest rates are tracking
inflation currently at 300,1%. We have also seen the effective yield on two
years Treasury Bills just a touch under 100% and the rest of the market read
that as to mean that the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe expect rates to continue
on an upward trend for some time."

Nyoka said the RBZ's accommodation rate for unsecured funds could sometimes
go as high as 96,15% which had the effect of increasing the average cost of
funds for banks hence the increase in MLRs.

Top of the list in MLRs is Century Holdings Ltd, which is charging 88,5%.

Bottom of the pack at the moment is Zimbabwe Banking Corporation Ltd
(Zimbank) which is charging 68%.

Ndudzo said: "Without borrowing powers some of us who have huge import and
inputs requirements will continue to suffer, defeating the purpose why
government set us up in the first place."

The Minimum Lending Rates currently being charged are as follows:

BANK MLR

Century 88,5%

Barclays 88%

FirstBank 82,5%

Jewel Bank 81,5%

Kingdom 80%

Stanbic 80%

Stanchart 80%

NMB Bank 75%

Trust 75%

Time 74,5%

Royal Bank 69%

Zimbank 68%

He said a working group in big business in South Africa had suggested to the
South African government the need for disciplinary steps against countries
such as those used in soccer - a yellow card (written caution) and a red
card (expulsion).

He said: "It is a misconception that Eskom is a major supplier of
electricity to Zimbabwe. It was the most reliable supplier, but it has
reduced from 500 megawatts to 115 megawatts the amount it would provide to
be paid in arrears, and everything above 115 megawatts has to be paid for in
cleared foreign exchange".

Khoza said while Anglo American Corporation Ltd had expressed, directly and
indirectly, its "strong disappointment at developments in Zimbabwe", it had
a responsibility to protect employees and facilities against the time when
the country "returns to normal and needed investment".

Sipho Pityana, managing director (strategic business development) Nedbank
Corporate, South Africa said: "Taking Zimbabwe as an example, the question
was raised: What would it take for action to be taken in regard to the
situation in this country? No one believes that nothing should be done in
Zimbabwe. It is however a matter of approach as to what should be done. The
leadership in Zimbabwe has been subjected to pressure, and to second-guess
the approach that has been taken is merely to quibble with it.

Nevertheless, the country remains a problem for Africa because the pressure
that has been applied appears not to have worked."

Shingi Munyeza, chief executive officer of Zimsun Leisure group, said there
is "pain" in visiting Africa due to high costs - not only financial. Fewer
people visited Africa than a tiny country such as Singapore, and Munyeza
suggested among the reasons for this was poor air transfers and lack of
progress on an "open skies" agreement.

Munyeza also highlighted lack of progress on cross-border tourist flows,
mentioning in particular the much-heralded "Univisa" which the Southern
African Development Community has so far failed to implement.

Samuel Mumbengegwi, Zimbabwe's Minister of Industry and International Trade,
laid blame for Zimbabwe's problems at the door of the "descendants of
colonialists".

He said he believed that Zanu PF was applying "sound governance" for the
people of Zimbabwe who had returned it to power last year.

Anil Kumarshing Gayan, Mauritius' Minister of Foreign Affairs and Regional
Cooperation said the Iraq war had deflected the developed world's attention
away from Africa. He cited the small amount of time allocated to Africa at
the recent G8 meeting in Evian, France, and a significant decline in
coverage of the continent by the world's media.

He pointed to a more direct adverse development - French president Jacques
Chirac's invitation to President Robert Mugabe to February's France/Africa
Summit in Paris. Gayan said after that meeting, Chirac felt he had the
support of Africa in his stance over Iraq. Subsequently, when France voted
against the United States in the United Nations, Africa suffered from the
negative fallout in the US.

He has often gone further and suggested that the IMF should "get lost
permanently". Now his wishes have been granted at last. He has well earned
his predicted expulsion.

Zimbabwe has now been suspended from participating within that institution.
This overdue result removes any illusion that the Zanu PF government is
creditable for further aid or donor assistance from the international
community that it loves to hate, but has hypocritically "milked" for so
long.

Zanu PF should understand that its access to these looting opportunities is
now formally closed. Only Zanu PF hoodlums believe that they can live in
global isolation for much longer.

If Zanu PF heroes believe that their residual debts will be forgiven and
written off by the IMF or others, they must be living closer to their own
mampara-land than is believable.

A derivative of this IMF decision is that Zanu PF's empty begging baskets
are becoming more visibly displayed in the territories of their solidarity
comrades such as Malaysia, China, Angola, Cuba, Nigeria, Libya and South
Africa.

Zanu PF cadres are so far well pleased that Mbeki's solidarity has cost or
diverted at least US$180 million of other people's assets and wealth towards
sustaining his solidarity comrade in power. They naturally hope more will
come from these unwilling "suckers" before he too is found out.

Zanu PF leaders such as the party's spokesperson Nathan Shamuyarira may have
suggested that they were "conned" into signing up to Esap. They conveniently
forget that at the time they committed to Esap, and all that went with it,
their Marxist economic policies were floundering.

Zanu PF also welcomed Esap since well-minded persons gave them a tempting
booty door to what they thought were unaccountable looting opportunities.

Esap failed because Zanu PF did not meet the promised performance criteria.
Of course Zanu PF will readily fabricate a lying response to this truism.

Zanu PF still desperately tries to propagate lies to justify and extend
itself. Typically, it abuses the truth about Esap, the World Bank, the IMF
and the Lancaster House Agreement. Persons with memory will remember that
Shamuyarira once declared that he was retiring from active politics to write
a biography about his main hero.

In consideration of his exposed incapacity, with an apparent slow literary
flow, compounded by the wholesome dimension of his subject hero, we probably
will never see his view of the "real truth".

So is any of this real news to anyone about the fundamental disposition of

Zanu PF?

Walter Hurley,

Pretoria.

I have also been a life-long opponent of capital punishment. I do not
believe the state has the right to take lives - especially where, after
conviction for murder, it is seeking to instruct society that taking lives
is wrong!

There have been cases in the United States and Britain (before it abolished
the death penalty) of individuals with diminished mental capacity being
executed or whose convictions would not today be regarded as "safe" by the
courts. The European Court of Human Rights has ensured that no state in
Europe should engage in the barbarity of killing its own citizens as
judicial retribution.

In other states the death penalty survives only in exceptional
circumstances. But along with the United States - the chief offender - many
governments persist in enforcing the death penalty because their publics
want it despite the absence of any data to suggest it deters crime. The US
has the highest murder rate in the world.

South Africa's constitution outlaws capital punishment. Significantly, a
majority of South Africans would be likely to support it if asked in a
referendum. The ANC has repeatedly said this is the sort of issue where
government needs to provide an enlightened lead rather than bow to populist
demands.

I am inclined to agree, even if there is a democratic contradiction here.
But the South African law enforcement authorities need to understand that
detection and apprehension are the best guarantees against public disquiet
and vigilantism.

I have no doubt that the death penalty constitutes an "unusual and cruel"
punishment and that the US keeps it for the same reason it legalises the
carrying of weapons - a legacy of frontier justice and militia traditions.
It is exactly 50 years this week since Julius and Ethel Rosenberg were sent
to the electric chair amidst officially-inspired anti-Communist hysteria for
giving the Soviets the secrets of the atomic bomb.

Our courts under the enlightened leadership of Chief Justices Enoch
Dumbutshena and Anthony Gubbay developed an impressive record of upholding
human rights in line with constitutional provisions. Flogging of youths was
for instance forbidden. The present Supreme Court bench hasn't proved so
vigilant. Chief Justice Godfrey Chidyausiku increased sentences against
three Americans convicted of arms-of-war breaches a few years ago even
though evidence was led that they had been tortured in custody.

Two of those executed last Friday, Stephen Chidhumo and Elias Chauke, were
among a group of four who escaped from Chikurubi maximum security prison six
years ago while serving sentences for robbery. One of them, shot dead before
recapture, killed a warder. The fourth escapee broke his leg and died of
injuries in his prison cell. Justice Chidyausiku sentenced Chidhumo and
Chauke to death saying "it did not matter who fired the fatal shot".

In a society where the police have been accused of selective application of
the law, torture and other abuses, we cannot trust the state to manage such
a sensitive issue with impartiality. Treason is a capital offence and we
have seen how it has been manipulated for political purposes in recent
months.

Another concern is the low standard of legal representation given to many
facing the death penalty. Before his recent retirement from the bench,
Justice Nick McNally rebuked a lawyer for coming to plead for a condemned
man's life without even reading the record. Very simply this government
cannot be trusted with the death penalty in the same way it cannot be
trusted with upholding the law and civil rights. A rogue regime will abuse
the death penalty in the same way it is abusing the court process.

Emmerson Mnangagwa has been mentioned in connection with the succession to
President Mugabe. In last Saturday's interview he denied that he had any
such ambitions. While it was refreshing to hear his views on such important
issues as the death penalty, he should have been asked about human rights
abuses and the subversion of the rule of law. If he reacts with horror to
capital punishment because of his own experience, why does he not react the
same way to reports of torture? He was a strong exponent of law reform in
the mid-1990s. What are his views today?

These are the sort of things contenders for high office - even denialists -
should be asked so Zimbabweans can assess their leadership qualities. We
cannot have people emerging on the basis of their proximity to a tarnished
throne.

Apart from these flagrant breaches of our constitutional rights the
suffering of the people increases on a daily basis. Widespread famine is now
compacting with the Aids pandemic to produce a deadly cocktail.

At the same time the collapse of the economy ensures that some of the misery
is shared by all - all that is save those few who are protected by their
connection with the dictator. Yet all this suffering is ignored by the
ruling elite who are now totally preoccupied with their own survival
strategies.

Even as we watch our beloved country is being systematically plundered,
looted and raped by a relatively small number of rapacious individuals. Our
rulers have long since forfeited the right to be called national leaders.
Their legal authority to rule is being challenged in the courts. Their moral
and spiritual authority is, by common consent, nil.

The nation therefore feels a profound sense of shock and outrage. But who is
left to express this outrage? The combined effect of Posa, Aippa and other
repressive pieces of legislation, together with the extra zealous attention
given by a politicised police force to the opposition, ensure that such
protest as there is will remain muted.

Civic groups, trade union members, MDC supporters and countless others who
joined the national five-day stayaway (and who would have joined the planned
democracy marches had they not been met with brutal force), were saying to
this regime: "Enough is enough!" "Sokwanele!" "Zvakwana!"

Their protest was no doubt effective but the regime that now relies on
violence alone for its survival, refuses to listen. It only intensifies the
violent assault on anyone who dares to challenge its threadbare authority.

Who then is left to express the outrage felt by so many? And where and how
can the righteous anger of the nation be expressed that will not immediately
lead to further violence ?

It is here, I believe, that we must turn to the Church for the Church
occupies the only remaining democratic space in Zimbabwe, the only space in
which the cries of the victims may still be heard, and the longings of those
who dream of freedom given free expression.

History - and I believe, the God of history - have given to the Church in
Zimbabwe a unique opportunity to play a vital role in the struggle for
freedom and democracy.

We alone of all the institutions of state find ourselves with a little space
(and perhaps only a little time now) in which to express the pain of a
suffering people and to challenge this arrogant and insolent abuse of power.
How important it is then that we seize the opportunity. Already the space is
closing.

Christians praying in the street for justice and peace are subjected to a
baton charge. A Church leader renowned for his courage in exposing evil and
who is about to lead a prayer vigil for the nation, is forced to endure a
45-minute harangue from members of the CIO on what he should and should not
say from the pulpit.

Already one of the last remaining freedoms, the freedom of worship, is under
siege, but while some space remains it must be used, and used wisely and
courageously by the Church.

Should we not be hearing from every pulpit in the land the voice of
protest - a protest against tyranny and oppression, on behalf of the
voiceless, the victims, and those simply starving as a result of this
ungodly rule? The prophetic voice that says to Pharoah with all the
authority of God: "Let my people go!"

But is the Church up to this challenge? If we consider the Church as a
whole, sadly the answer must be, no. For many in the Church look to the
space that has been left to them as a place of retreat from the encircling
evil. A place of refuge to protect them from the storm, and from which they
hope to emerge safely once the storm has passed and freedom has been won by
the sacrifice of others.

And sadly many Church leaders have colluded with their members in seeking
this caricature of the Christian gospel. But this is not the whole story.

By the grace of God there are other Church leaders and congregations who, at
some risk to themselves, are giving their space to some of the victims in
order that they might tell their stories of torture, rape and all manner of
violent abuse - a space for the truth to be told, and for the pain and hurt
to be given a voice; a space for protest and for righteous (Christian) anger
at the suffering willfully inflicted on God's children; and a space for
healing too.

I thank God for those few churches and Church leaders who are today
expressing his (God's) outrage at the appalling injustices and gross human
rights abuses perpetrated by this desperate and dying regime.

I thank God that the number of Christians coming together and joining hands
across this land in support of justice, truth and peace, is increasing
steadily.

For they alone who have shared the pain of the struggle will have any moral
or spiritual right to share in the reconstruction of the new Zimbabwe

Rev Graham Shaw,

Bulawayo.