http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 25 June 2009 21:47
ZANU PF has resolved to block the ongoing constitutional reform
process if
the Kariba draft is abandoned by the select parliamentary
committee driving
the controversial task, further jeopardising the exercise.
The
move could scuttle the constitutional reform agenda and with it
the hope of
fresh, free and fair elections which were initially anticipated
to come
immediately after a new constitution had been adopted.
Informed
sources said President Robert Mugabe wants the Kariba draft
to prevail
because it leaves his powers intact. If that does not happen,
Zanu PF is
prepared to stall the whole process to avoid going into new
elections. Even
though Mugabe has claimed there would be elections soon
after a new
constitution has been adopted, Zanu PF insiders say Mugabe does
not want the
elections for fear of almost inevitable defeat by his main
rival Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai (right).
As a result Zanu PF resolved at
its central committee meeting on
Wednesday that it would stick to the Kariba
draft - which it wants adopted
wholesale - or else sabotage the process.
Zanu PF, sources said, does not
even believe in the ongoing public
consultations which resumed this week
because it wants a blanket endorsement
of the Kariba draft.
Sources who attended the central committee
meeting said Zanu PF took a
decision to undermine the process unless it got
what it wanted, which is the
Kariba draft and retention of the reins of
power.
Informed sources said a motion was moved for the party
to immediately
pull out of the process by senior party members who claimed
that the MDC was
not sincere and had failed to campaign for the lifting of
sanctions. They
also said the process was not a priority and there were no
resources.
Those who spoke at the crucial meeting included
Claudius Makova, Joel
Biggie Matiza and Godfrey Malaba.
However,
Mugabe urged caution, saying Zanu PF did not need to pull out
of the
Sadc-guaranteed process now because it had a good opportunity to
block the
process in parliament if the MDC "hijacks" the agenda.
The
party eventually said it would bring to a halt the process in
parliament if
the MDC abandons the Kariba draft as it has now done. The
Global Political
Agreement which led to the inclusive government indicates
the Kariba draft
would be the basis for the constitution-making process. But
the Kariba draft
has provoked widespread opposition from civil society and
ordinary
people.
The Zanu PF decision followed a report to the central
committee by
party stalwart and point person on constitutional reform Olivia
Muchena
which had indicated that there were divisions between Zanu PF and
the MDC on
the way forward. The same report was presented to the politburo
last week.
Although Zanu PF and MDC MPs initially said the
Kariba draft had been
thrown out, the Zanu PF politburo recently tasked
Muchena to go to the
parliamentary select committee to enforce the Kariba
draft as the reference
document, triggering open clashes between Zanu PF and
the MDC.
This week Zanu PF and the MDC intensified the growing
infighting.
A day after the MDC resolved to abandon the Kariba
draft, Zanu PF
decided to cling onto it.
At its
extra-ordinary National Executive meeting on Tuesday, the MDC
resolved "to
reject any attempts to have the Kariba draft, one of many
drafts available,
adopted as the Alpha and Omega of the constitution-making
process".
"The MDC believes in a truly people-driven
constitution-making process
where the unfettered will of the people must be
reflected," the party said.
Since Mugabe and smaller MDC
faction leader Arthur Mutambara want the
Kariba draft, drawn up by the three
parties' negotiators in 2007, in line
with their political agreement, main
MDC leader Tsvangirai faces a difficult
task to ensure his party's
resolution and position prevail.
Powerful civic groups,
including the National Constitutional Assembly
(NCA) and the Zimbabwe
Congress of Trade Unions, as well as a whole range of
other organisations,
have said they were opposed to this current exercise
and are demanding a
"people-driven process".
The NCA this week intensified its
attacks on the Zanu PF/MDC process
and their Kariba draft.
The NCA said the Kariba draft leaves the current executive power
structure
intact.
"Under the Kariba draft, all executive authority rests
in the
president, who "takes precedence over all other persons in Zimbabwe",
and
his cabinet.
"Under the current constitution, the
president enjoys expansive,
unchecked powers that can be used for political
advantage," the NCA said.
"These powers are not diminished under the Kariba
draft."
The NCA said the Kariba draft highlighted the flaws and defects
of the
ongoing process which is not participatory, open and
democratic.
"The Kariba draft constitution is an undemocratic
document in terms of
both process and content. The draft was written in
secret, usurping the
right of the people of Zimbabwe to write a constitution
for themselves. If
the draft were enacted, it would establish a government
that would be
dominated by the executive. Parliament, the judiciary and
numerous public
offices and bodies would be subject to political
manipulation and control,"
it said.
"Many of the
fundamental rights and freedoms to which Zimbabweans are
entitled would not
be protected. For these reasons, the Kariba draft should
play no role in
constitution making in Zimbabwe. The country's political
leaders should
publicly reject the use of the Kariba draft as the basis for
constitutional
reform and embrace people-driven solutions to Zimbabwe's
crisis of
governance."
BY DUMISANI MULEYA
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 25 June
2009 21:44
ZANU PF has dispatched a team led by Defence minister
Emmerson
Mnangagwa to the East to seek financial and other material
resources for the
country in a counter-move to Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai's three-week
trip to Europe and the United States.
President Robert Mugabe told a closed session of the central committee
meeting in the capital on Wednesday that Mnangagwa's team, which includes
Women's League chief Oppah Muchinguri, was sent to the party's traditional
friends when it became apparent that Tsvangirai was failing to get financial
aid during his recent tour.
Mugabe made this disclosure after
central committee members expressed
concern that Tsvangirai seemed to have
embarked on the trip to raise money
for social ministries which were under
the control of ministers from his
MDC-T party.
Central
committee members who confided in the Zimbabwe Independent
said the Zanu PF
team would, among other countries, visit China, Russia and
Malaysia, in
search of financial and material aid to revive the comatose
economy.
Mugabe, the sources revealed, said Tsvangirai had
sought the trip and
promised to secure the U$8,3 billion to revive the
economy.
"They (Tsvangirai and his entourage) said they will
bring (back)
US$8,3 billion, but nothing came," one of the sources quoted
Mugabe saying.
"That is the weapon we now have. They have gone West, now we
go East.
Already we have people who went to lay the way. This is a party
delegation
which has gone led by Emmerson Mnangagwa and
Muchinguri."
The sources said Mugabe was upbeat about a
favourable response, adding
that the aid would be used to prop up Zanu PF
and present it to the
electorate as the only party that delivers on their
wishes.
"We will certainly be delivering much more than they (MDC-T)
are able
to deliver," Mugabe was quoted as saying.
Tsvangirai's three-week tour of the US and Europe yielded mainly
promises of
aid only after the inclusive government meets benchmarks such as
upholding
of human rights, media and legal reforms, drafting of a new
constitution and
the holding of free and fair elections.
At the start of his
trip, Tsvangirai's party suggested that he would
be able to mobilise between
US$700 million and US$1 billion, but he managed
to raise just over US$200
million - most of which would be channelled
through non-governmental
organisations and is mostly humanitarian aid.
Besides the US,
Tsvangirai visited Denmark, Germany, Norway, the
Netherlands, Britain,
France, Sweden and the Belgian capital Brussels, seat
of the European Union.
He was expected to end his tour in France last night.
Meanwhile, there was discord in the Tsvangirai delegation, which
comprised
Tourism minister Walter Mzembi and Economic Development minister
Elton
Mangoma.
Reports suggested that the delegation lacked a
well-thought out plan
on who attends which meetings and there was no liaison
between the team and
Zimbabwean embassies they visited.
BY
CONSTANTINE CHIMAKURE
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 25 June 2009 21:43
THE
African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights has recommended
that
government should "decriminalise" offences relating to the
accreditation and
the practice of journalism in Zimbabwe.
The commission ruled in
favour of the Independent Journalists
Association of Zimbabwe (Ijaz),
Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR),
and the
Media
Institute of Southern Africa (Misa) in a case challenging
sections of the
controversial Access to Information and Protection of
Privacy Act (Aippa)
promulgated in 2002.
Government has however relaxed this
section through Constitutional
Amendments 18 and 19, which abolished the
Media and Information Commission
(MIC) and replaced it with a constitutional
body, the Zimbabwe Media
Commission.
The applicants lodged
a complaint to the commission in 2005
challenging provisions of Aippa which
state that "no journalist shall
exercise the rights in Section 78 in
Zimbabwe without being accredited by
the Commission (MIC)".
Ijaz, ZLHR and Misa argued that the emphasis on the right to freedom
of
expression in ensuring democracy is such that regulation other than
self-regulation, is undesirable in a democratic society.
They argued that Aippa was aimed at "controlling and even obstructing"
the
work of journalists.
"In view of the above reasoning, the
African Commission recommends
that the respondent state repeal Sections 79
and 80 of Aippa," reads the
ruling dated June 4.
Government, the African Commission adjudged, should "bring Aippa in
line
with Article 9 of the African Charter and other principles and
international
human rights instruments; and report on the implementation of
these
recommendations within six months of notification thereof".
The
commission also advised government to adopt legislation providing
a
framework for self-regulation.
The complainants submitted that the
registration requirements and
procedures were "unduly intrusive and
burdensome" arguing that intrusion
into an individual's private details
militated against journalism.
"They (Ijaz, Misa and ZLHL) argue
that the accreditation forms have to
be examined and approved by both the
permanent secretary and the minister,
thereby establishing control of
journalists by central government," the
documents read.
The
complainants also urged the African Commission to "draw
inspiration" from
legal precedent developed in other regional human rights
systems.
The annual accreditation process, according to
Ijaz, Misa and ZLHR had
a "chilling effect" on the journalists' ability to
freely practise their
trade, adding that this could lead to
self-censorship.
The state however argued that the complainants
had failed to establish
a violation of Article 9 of the Charter stating that
it was misleading to
suggest that the MIC is "susceptible to political
manipulation and control".
"It is incorrect, the respondent
state argues, to suggest that Section
80 of Aippa unreasonably restricts the
right to freedom of expression and
dissemination of information. According
to the respondent state, Section 80
restricts not all falsehoods, but only
those that are willfully published
and that are likely to injure public
interest," read the documents.
BY BERNARD MPOFU
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 25 June 2009 21:40
THE
Attorney-General (AG)'s office yesterday admitted that former
television
newscaster and human rights activist Jestina Mukoko was abducted
and
illegally detained by state security agents.
Fatima Maxwell, a
senior official in the AG's office, made the
admission after the Supreme
Court bench made up of Chief Justice Godfrey
Chidyausiku, and Justices
Wilson Sandura, Luke Malaba, Vernanda Ziyambi, and
Paddington Garwe sought
the state's legal opinion on whether Mukoko's
detention from December 3 to
22 last year was consistent with the law.
Mukoko is seeking
permanent stay of prosecution on charges of
recruiting or trying to recruit
people to overthrow the government. More
than a dozen other MDC-T activists
face similar charges.
Defence lawyers Beatrice Mtetwa and
Advocate Jeremy Gauntlet from
South Africa argued that Mukoko's rights to
liberty, protection of law and
from torture had been trampled under foot
when she was abducted by state
security agents from her home and kept
incommunicado for 19 days.
"The process (of her arrest) is so
contaminated that you should order
a stay of prosecution," Gauntlet told the
court, adding that prosecutors
were solely relying on evidence extracted
from Mukoko during torture to
prosecute her.
The court
reserved judgement on the matter indefinitely. If it rules
in Mukoko's
favour, it would affect the other activists who have made the
same
applications at the Supreme Court.
Maxwell, in response to a
question from Chidyausiku, said the state
did not dispute Mukoko's evidence
and had not questioned the security agents
who had allegedly abducted
her.
Asked if she was conceding that Mukoko's abduction and
detention were
illegal, Maxwell told the court: "Yes my
Lord."
On whether Mukoko had been tortured, Maxwell added: "The
allegations
as they stand and if proved are a clear violation of the three
rights in the
constitution."
These are the right to
liberty, protection at law and protection from
torture.
But
Maxwell said the violations should not prevent Mukoko from being
prosecuted,
rather there should be a separate inquiry to investigate the
allegations.
"We respectfully submit that yes the
violations are serious, multiple
and were protracted ... the only meaningful
redress in this case is a stay
of prosecution," Gauntlet
argued.
Meanwhile, High Court Judge, Justice Tendai Uchena, on
Monday cleared
the way to allow four MDC members - Concillia Chinanzvavana,
Fidelis
Chiramba, Violet Mupfuranhewe and Collen Mutemagawu - to challenge
their
abduction and torture at the hands of state security agents before
their
trial commences.
In his ruling, Justice Uchena
granted an application for referral to
the Supreme Court of the matter
involving the four who are seeking a
determination on several of their
constitutional rights, which were
allegedly violated as a result of their
abduction, torture and detention. -
Staff Writer/Reuters.
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 25 June 2009 21:38
PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe on Wednesday put an end to the succession
debate in
Zanu PF ahead of its December congress by asserting that he will
stay put
and declaring that there will be no change of guard in the party's
top
leadership until there is "better unity".
Impeccable sources in
Zanu PF told the Zimbabwe Independent that the
ageing Mugabe told his
party's central committee that he will not vacate
office when "enemies" were
waging a war against him -- halting the
succession debacle that has
threatened to split the party down the middle
over the past five
years.
Mugabe's declaration, the sources said, also laid bare last
month's
appointment by the politburo of a committee headed by national
chairman John
Nkomo to come up with a succession plan.
There are
two factions in Zanu PF battling to influence the party's
successor to
Mugabe who has been at its helm since 1977.
Politburo member, retired
army general Solomon Mujuru, allegedly leads
a faction pushing for his wife
Joice to replace Mugabe, while another camp,
reportedly headed by party
legal secretary Emmerson Mnangagwa, wants the
defence minister to take over
from the octogenarian president.
The succession crisis in Zanu PF
reached a crescendo on May 20 during
a politburo meeting when bigwigs
attributed problems besieging the party to
infighting and divisions by
senior officials bent on grabbing power from
Mugabe.
Party
heavyweights who clashed during the heated meeting were, among
others,
Vice-president Joice Mujuru, Solomon Mujuru, Mnangagwa,
administration
secretary Didymus Mutasa, women's secretary Oppah Muchinguri,
and politburo
members Rugare Gumbo, Thokozile Mathuthu and Saviour
Kasukuwere.
The clash prompted the convening of another politburo meeting on May
28
where Nkomo's committee, among others, was appointed to come up a
succession
plan.
The plan, Zanu PF sources said, would not be in place before the
party's
six-day congress that begins on December 18 and that Mugabe's
declaration on
Wednesday had put an end to the succession issue for the time
being.
During the central committee meeting -- which also discussed the
constitution-making process, the work of the all-inclusive government and
the recent trip to Europe and the United States by Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai -- Mugabe spoke about jostling for power in Zanu PF.
The
sources said the 85-year-old Mugabe claimed there were also
exogenous forces
who wanted him out of power.
One of the sources quoted Mugabe saying:
"The British are saying
Mugabe must go, but I am saying, where are they
saying go? I will not go.
When people are united, when people have ownership
of their resources like
land, there is no reason why we will not decide to
have a new leadership.
But not when enemies are waging a war against you.
You don't go."
The source added that Mugabe implied that there should
be no change of
leadership in Zanu PF -- a move that may result in Joice
Mujuru retaining
her post as vice-president of the party at the congress and
avert current
efforts by Muchinguri and members of the Women's League from
ousting her.
This also entails that ailing Vice-President Joseph Msika,
whom Mugabe
described in the central committee meeting as "very weak", would
be forced
to retain his position. Nkomo would also remain national
chairperson.
"We must be united. People (in Zanu PF) are preoccupied
with planning
who will be where, by such a time. That will be decided when
we are better
united," Mugabe was quoted saying.
Last week, the
Independent wrote that the Mujuru camp wanted to seek
an audience with
Mugabe to stop the ouster of Joice and other members of the
faction from the
politburo and the central committee during the congress.
Mugabe,
according to the sources, said the push for a new constitution
was another
ploy by the MDC and the West to effect regime change.
"You see how the
West hates you, how they hate me and they hate Zanu
PF. You see the love
between the MDC and the West," the source quoted Mugabe
saying. "All these
issues about a new constitution are processes by people
who think this is
what will get them into power."
Other sources in Zanu PF said despite
Mugabe's declaration on
Wednesday, the succession crisis was expected to
intensify at various
forthcoming events leading to the congress in
December.
Zanu PF will hold its Youth League congress from July 17-19,
the Women's
League congress on August 26-29 and the main congress from
December 8-13.
Sources said Mugabe's position may influence the outcome of
the youth and
women's congresses.
"From a constitutional point of
view, Mugabe's declaration is null and
void as the provinces nominate people
to occupy offices in the presidium,"
one of the sources said. "But as you
know, whatever Mugabe says goes. No one
can challenge him in the
party."
Before Mugabe's declaration, sweeping changes were expected to
take
place in the youth and women's leagues that would have resulted in
Muchinguri being elected vice-president of the party at the main December
congress ahead of Mujuru who is accused of working with the Tsvangirai-led
MDC-T and of backing last year's independent presidential candidate Simba
Makoni.
Muchinguri was expected to fight it out with cabinet
minister Olivia
Muchena to head the Women's League and automatically secure
membership in
the politburo as secretary for women affairs. Muchena is
linked to the
Mujuru faction.
The leadership of the Youth League is
also expected to be overhauled
in line with the party's constitution that
states that office bearers should
be below the age of 30.
BY
CONSTANTINE CHIMAKURE
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 25 June
2009 21:35
THE constitution-making process got underway this week with
most
people who attended provincial consultative hearings expressing fear
that
politicians will hijack the process.
The suspicious public
who came from various social, businesses,
traditional and political groups
demanded to know how the 25-member
parliamentary select committee to
spearhead the process would work with
ordinary Zimbabweans to craft the new
constitution.
Provincial hearings were held on Wednesday in Harare,
Mashonaland
East, Mashonaland Central, Mashonaland West and Manicaland. On
Saturday, the
hearings will take place in Bulawayo, Masvingo, Matabeleland
North,
Matabeleland South and Midlands.
In Harare, people
questioned members of the select committee on the
guarantees in place that
politicians would not tamper with their views in
coming up with the draft
constitution and whether Zimbabweans in the
diaspora will be allowed to
participate in the process.
Participants at the hearing also questioned
the committee on the
source of funds to bankroll the labourious
exercise.
Civil society groups like the National Constitutional
Assembly, the
Zimbabwe National Students Union and the Zimbabwe Congress of
Trade Unions
have said they would oppose the constitution-making process
because it is
not "people-driven".
Responding to some of the
questions, co-chairperson of the select
committee, Douglas Mwonzora, said
MPs and other stakeholders in the process
would not deliberate on views from
the people in private, adding that an
international body would be set up to
monitor the transparency and
accountability of the process.
He said
MPs constituted a small percentage of the stakeholders in the
process, thus
would not dominate the process.
"An all-stakeholders' conference to be
held on July 10 to 12 will
have 5 000 delegates from 10 provinces, each
province will be represented by
500 people," Mwonzora said. "There are 210
MPs and if the delegation will
constitute 5 000 people the MPs will only
make four percent of the
all-stakeholders' conference. It's not correct to
say all stakeholders will
be dominated by MPs."
The conference will
form 12 thematic sub-committees consisting of 40
people working on a certain
subject on the constitution.
Mwonzora said: "For example, a
sub-committee will work on the land,
talking about issues of the land that
would have come out of the people. MPs
will constitute 30% while
stakeholders will be 70%. Civil society dominates
and not
parliament."
During the consultation phase teams, mostly from civil
society, would
for four months consult with the public and each constituency
will have 30
days of consultation with the people where each ward will hold
three public
meetings.
"Different ideas from the consultations will
be sent to the thematic
committees and for three months the committee will
be debating with the help
of experts. Each thematic committee will come out
with a report which will
be made into three copies," Mwonzora explained. "We
will join all their
reports and make a draft constitution which will be then
taken to the second
all-stakeholders conference for debate. No one can
change the people's
views. The three copies will be the basis of any future
dissension."
He said parliament would debate on the reports of the
select committee
and not the draft committee.
When asked why there
were plans to use the Kariba draft constitution
as a reference document,
Mwonzora said: "The draft is one of the proposed
constitutions among the NCA
draft, the MDC draft, Margaret Dongo's Four Day
draft and the "Zimbabwe We
Want" document.
"What is happening is that because there was a lot of
mystery
surrounding them we decided to publish them. All the drafts are
going to be
circulated and their ideas only will be brought on the
table."
Mwonzora said a website for Zimbabweans in the diaspora has
been put
in place and consultations with them would be done through
it.
The people questioned the select committee why there was an
18-month
timeframe to come up with the draft supreme law, to which the
lawyer
replied: "If we are to change the timeframe, then we have to open up
negotiations (of the global political agreement), which you know takes time.
This project is time-bound."
BY WONGAI ZHANGAZHA
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 25 June 2009
21:35
KWEKWE Mbizo legislator Settlement Chikwinya has moved a motion
in
parliament for urgent reforms of the country's media laws in line with
the
Global Political Agreement that resulted in the formation of the
inclusive
government.
Chikwinya last week challenged MPs to
push for the repeal or laws
affecting the media after accusing the executive
of dragging its heels in
promoting press freedom. Nyanga North MP Douglas
Mwonzora seconded the
motion.
"I therefore want to call upon
the executive, in particular the
Minister of Media, Information and
Publicity, to bring on pieces of
legislation for amendment or repeal in this
House," said Chikwinya.
"While I appreciate that there are plans to put
in place the Zimbabwe
Media Commission, this noble idea will not be able to
operate to our
expectations because the prevailing media backgrounds
prohibits so."
His motion came two days before the clerk of parliament
Austin Zvoma
said a parliamentary sub-committee of the Standing Rules and
Orders
Committee -- the Law and Procedure Committee -- would this week start
to
shortlist candidates to fill posts for the four public commissions
including
the ZMC. Other statutory bodies are the Zimbabwe Electoral
Commission,
Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission, and the Zimbabwe
Anti-Corruption
Commission.
Chikwinya criticised public media and
the state-controlled
broadcaster, ZBC, for unfair and biased coverage of the
former opposition
party, which is now a partner in the four-month-old
coalition government.
He said the coalition government would go
"nowhere" if existing media
laws exist, adding that parliament should summon
Media, Information and
Publicity minister Webster Shamu to introduce reviews
or amendments to the
Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act
before the end of the
inclusive government's 100-day plan on August
6.
Chikwinya challenged Shamu "to constitute the Broadcasting Services
Board which should immediately start granting licences to other players by
August 6".
He added that the constituting of the Zimbabwe Media
Commission be
quickened and brought to finality by mid-July.
Chikwinya said Justice minister Patrick Chinamasa should also bring to
parliament "amendments of all clauses" of the Criminal Law (Reform and
Codification) Act, which he blames for curtailing media freedom.
"Madam Speaker, allow me to call upon the executive and in particular
the
co-ministers of Home Affairs to bring before parliament for amendment or
repeal all clauses contained in the Public Order and Security Act by 6th
August, 2009," he said.
Parliament, the MDC Mbizo MP added, should
also repeal or amend the
Interception of Communications Act.
"The
ZMC is not in the best of conditions but people should appreciate
that we
are a step towards achieving our set goals," Chikwinya said.
BY
BERNARD MPOFU
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 25 June 2009
21:28
MDC-T deputy president Thokozani Khupe and other party officials
last
week attended a celebration rally for MDC Nkayi South MP Abednico
Bhebhe
that was also attended by MPs from Arthur Mutambara's formation who
are
facing disciplinary charges.
This has renewed speculation
that the MDC legislators have switched
allegiances to Morgan Tsvangirai's
camp.
The celebration rally held last week in Nkayi was also
attended by
MDC-T Bulawayo mayor-designate Seiso Moyo and Luveve MP Reggie
Moyo.
The MDC leadership last month wrote letters to structures in
constituencies where there are suspended MPs warning them to desist from
associating in any way with the suspended MPs.
MDC MPs who attended
the rally in defiance of their party directive
are Nomalanga Khumalo, the
deputy Speaker of the House of Assembly who is
also the MP for Mangwe,
Norman Mpofu (Bulillima East) and Njabulo Mguni
(Lupane East).
MDC
party members at the rally took turns to lambast party leader
Arthur
Mutambara over his leadership.
The district chairperson of Nkayi South,
Jabulani Ncube, told the
gathering that the people of Nkayi had defected to
the MDC-T while the Nkayi
Rural District Council chairman Kufakwezwe Ncube
confirmed media reports
that all the 23 MDC councillors from Nkayi South had
defected to Tsvangirai.
District officials who spoke at the rally said
they would stand in
solidarity with Bhebhe throughout the whole disciplinary
process.
Bhebhe is among five legislators and officials from MDC who
were
suspended from the party last month.
The suspended legislators
are Tsholotsho South Member of the House of
Assembly, Maxwell Dube, Thandeko
Mnkandla (Gwanda North), Mpofu (Bulilima
East) and Bhebhe.
Also
suspended were the party's secretary for defence Job Sikhala,
national youth
chairperson Gift Nyandoro, and Matabeleland South provincial
treasurer Alex
Goosen.
Meanwhile MDC spokesperson Edwin Mushoriwa has warned
councillors from
constituencies where MPs have been suspended of instant
dismissal from the
party if they continue co-operating with the
"rebels".
The warning comes after all the 23 councillors from Nkayi
South
attended Bhebhe's victory celebration on Saturday in defiance of the
party's
directive.
Last month, the party's secretary-general
Welshman Ncube wrote to all
councillors in the constituencies held by the
suspended MPs, directing them
to cease cooperation with suspended
legislators.
Speaking to the Zimbabwe Independent this week, Mushoriwa
said the
party was still gathering information on who attended the rally. He
said the
party would take a "very stern" position on those who attended in
defiance
of the party's directive.
"We have heard rumours of the
so-called victory rally on Saturday and
we are still to get the finer
details," said Mushoriwa. "If it's true that
some of our councillors
attended the event, the party will take a very stern
position on
them."
BY LOUGHTY DUBE/HENRY MHARA
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 25 June 2009
21:28
RECENT pledges during Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai's tour of
the
US and other Western countries to increase humanitarian aid channelled
through local and international non-governmental organisations have been met
with scepticism with analysts saying such assistance will not solve the real
problems faced by the average Zimbabwean.
The Prime Minister's
tour - aimed at re-establishing ties with the
international community -
managed to raise about US$200 million, most of
which will come through NGOs.
The amount is a far cry from the US$10,3
billion needed to revive the
country's battered economy. All the countries
visited by Tsvangirai would
not commit to giving direct aid to the inclusive
government citing the need
for more reforms.
"There is a difference between humanitarian and
development aid," said
National Constitutional Assembly chairman, Lovemore
Madhuku. "Zimbabwe right
now needs development aid which can support the
budget and open credit lines
for companies to start operating at full
capacity."
He said humanitarian aid is only a relief and cannot move
the country
from where it is right now. Donor countries have however said
they would not
give Zimbabwe development aid until the democratic processes
were enhanced.
This, analysts argued, is justified in light of precedents
set in the
previous years when funds intended for health and other
humanitarian needs
were abused.
"So far NGOs are the only
trustworthy channel of any aid to Zimbabwe
because if the money comes
through government, it's most likely to be
diverted because we are not yet
sure about who will be controlling it. If it's
Gideon Gono, he can divert
the money and he is known for that," said
Bulawayo-based political analyst
Themba Dlodlo.
Last year there was an outcry over the diversion of the
Global Fund
financing to fight Aids, tuberculosis and malaria by the Reserve
Bank of
Zimbabwe. The Global Fund said it would no longer fund humanitarian
programmes in Zimbabwe. They said the Zimbabwe government had damaged its
efforts to fight Aids, TB and malaria by diverting money intended for that
work.
US ambassador to Zimbabwe James McGee was quoted by the Voice
of
America saying: "We do not want to see the people of Zimbabwe, who need
this
money, disadvantaged. What we do want to see however is a surefire
system to
safeguard the money that is coming into Zimbabwe. So the move that
the
Global Fund has made is an excellent move."
US investors echoed
the same sentiments saying: "As US business we do
have the standpoint as our
government, for us to invest in any country we
seek a nation that follows
the rule of law so that when we invest we know
that we will be dealt with
justly and fairly," said CEO of the Corporate
Council on Africa, Stephen
Hayes. He said it was important for Zimbabwe to
have investor-friendly laws
so that investment or funding can be extended to
Zimbabwe.
The US
Embassy public affairs office said channelling aid through NGOs
and other
multilateral agencies was a matter of policy and had proven
effective and
the US has already channelled US$175 million, which it said
was reaching the
people.
Dlodlo said that the onus was on the government to reform
because
there was need for more aid which should come directly to
government.
"This aid that is being pledged can help ease the food
shortage,
cholera and other humanitarian concerns as we have seen in the
recent years
but Zimbabwe can only progress when jobs are created,
agriculture, mining
and manufacturing are improved," said Dlodlo. "This is
only possible when
money is provided to the government but not a government
of corrupt people."
Unicef communications officer Tsitsi Singizi said
channelling
humanitarian aid should not be about who is doing it, but how it
is done
because the ultimate goal is reaching the most vulnerable in a
transparent
and effective way.
"This can be done by the government,
multilateral institutions or
non-governmental organisations who must have
effective and transparent
channelling means to achieve aid effectiveness,"
she said.
Politicising and diversion of aid money and other provisions
by the
government has seen donor countries and other institutions losing
confidence
in the government and thus opting to channel their funding
through NGOs,
analysts said. They argued that this has seen a mushrooming of
charity
organisations, some of which were equally untrustworthy as only a
fraction
of the money they got reached the intended beneficiaries.
Most NGOs, it has been argued, have become mere lobbyists with money
going
towards their salaries, advertisements and organising press
conferences when
Zimbabweans need basic things like health and education.
"The
government has a duty to provide certain services to its people.
Robert
Mugabe's government was in an intensive care situation," said an
analyst.
"Instead of these NGOs celebrating Mugabe's failure and lobbying a
broke
government to do certain things, they could have played their real
humanitarian role and intervened in the hospitals before they
closed."
Madhuku however dismissed this view saying the issue was not
about the
effectiveness of NGOs because there could be budgetary
limitations.
"The issue of NGO effectiveness is difficult to judge
unless we know
the money they are given and the percentage that reaches the
people,"
Madhuku said. "Otherwise in my view their effectiveness or lack
thereof
could be a result of funding."
Analysts who questioned the
effectiveness of the NGOs cited lack of
intervention in desperate
situations, saying some organisations had become
more interested in politics
than humanitarian issues.
"If they genuinely want to help Zimbabweans
they could pay teachers in
rural schools," said another analyst. "We cannot
have donor countries giving
them money to increase their salaries and
lobbying without reaching out to
needy Zimbabweans."
BY MELODY
MBIRA
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 25 June 2009 20:52
PRIME Minister Morgan Tsvangirai wound up his hectic three-week tour
of
Europe and the United States this week where he was seeking to
re-establish
cordial relations and canvass aid to prop up the inclusive
government.
The trip was mired in controversy from the start
over Tsvangirai's
mandate with government spin doctors saying the MDC-T
leader was sent by
Mugabe to lobby for the lifting of economic sanctions and
to raise capital
to revive the country's comatose economy.
On
the other hand, MDC-T insisted that Tsvangirai and his entourage
had a
mandate from cabinet to re-establish severed relations with the West
in his
official capacity as the "leader of government business".
Tsvangirai
told the media in Germany that the trip was his own idea.
"I was not
sent by anyone, it was my own initiative," he said. "I told
the president
that it was time to reengage with the rest of the world
following a cabinet
resolution on reengaging the EU and other Western
countries. I took the
initiative -- I would have stayed at home, no-one
would have sent me so I
think it's just a myth cultivated to promote a
certain position which is not
the objective of the inclusive government."
The whirlwind tour took
Tsvangirai and his team to Belgium, France,
the United Kingdom, Sweden,
Netherlands, Germany, Norway and the US.
Besides the controversy over
Tsvangirai's mandate, the tour has also
sparked fierce debate in political
circles over the manner in which the
prime minister defended the inclusive
government and political reforms so
far, and downplayed disturbances on
farms and human rights abuses.
During his trip, Tsvangirai was told
categorically that donor
countries wanted to see meaningful reforms before
loosening their purse
strings to bankroll economic revival.
European countries and the US only pledged US$180 million. The money
falls
far short of the US$8,3 billion the government says is needed to
rebuild the
shattered economy.
The Western countries that made pledges to Zimbabwe
said they would
not give the aid directly to government, but channel it
through
non-governmental organisations and the United Nations.
They
also told the prime minister that they want Harare to take
further steps
towards democratisation and economic reform.
The issue of a new
constitution, media reforms and free and fair
elections were some of the
benchmarks set before more substantial aid would
be forthcoming.
Analysts this week gave varying views on the Tsvangirai trip,
especially on
its mandate and achievements.
Lovemore Madhuku, a political analyst and
National Constitutional
Assembly (NCA) chairperson, accused Tsvangirai of
jumping the gun during the
tour and of lowering the threshold of democratic
forces by claiming that the
government was making meaningful
reforms.
"Claiming that the inclusive government is working on media
and
constitutional reforms when that has not happened on the ground is
dangerous," Madhuku said. "The current reforms are below standard and it is
too early for Tsvangirai to attribute any success to the all-inclusive
government."
Madhuku argued that Tsvangirai should have limited
himself to
explaining why he entered the unity government with Mugabe and
Deputy Prime
Minister Arthur Mutambara, president of the MDC.
The
Commercial Farmers Union (CFU) was also incensed by some of the
utterances
the premier made, especially on farm invasions.
Trevor Gifford, the
president of the CFU, this week said Tsvangirai
was "playing a game" in
order to raise financial support for the unity
government after the premier
said cases of farm invasions were being blown
out of proportion by the
media.
John Robertson, a Harare-based economist, said while the aid
provided
by the West would go a long way in dealing with the humanitarian
crisis, it
will not change the economic pressures the country was
facing.
"Zimbabwe does not need to always think of aid but we need
credibility
that will enable us to borrow and use the money to resuscitate
infrastructure, provide industrial funding, improve water supplies and help
the financial sector," Robertson said. "For our credit rating we need to
carry out the reforms the West is demanding."
Robertson was
optimistic that the US and the West would fully commit
themselves to
Zimbabwe once media reforms have been embarked on, a new
constitution is in
place and free and fair elections are held.
"The message (to
Tsvangirai) was loud and clear," Robertson said.
"There is need for rapid
reforms and Tsvangirai had an opportunity to
explain why change is not
fast."
He said besides the Western countries, Zimbabweans abroad also
showed
that they were not happy with the progress of the inclusive
government when
in London they booed Tsvangirai when he asked them to return
home and
rebuild the country.
Germany pledged 25 million euros in
development aid and indicated that
the money would be channelled through the
World Bank and NGOs.
Chancellor Angela Merkel added that Berlin would
give Zimbabwe more
support if there were tangible reforms. US President
Barack Obama promised
US$73 million in humanitarian aid and no development
aid. Swedish Prime
Minister Fredrik Reinfeldt told Tsvangirai that all
politically motivated
violence taking place in Zimbabwe should be stopped
while the rule of law
and freedom of the media must be established before
the Scandinavian country
reconsiders aid to Zimbabwe.
Reinfeldt
made it clear his country was not happy to give support to
Zimbabwe with
Gideon Gono at the helm of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ).
"Zimbabwe must provide greater transparency in its financial system
and
start reforming its central bank," he added.
However, the conditions
attached by the West to Zimbabwe before the
resumption of development aid
have irked Harare with Zanu PF's politburo
reacting angrily to the
conditions.
Zanu PF's deputy secretary for information and publicity
Ephraim
Masawi, reading a statement from the politburo on the conditions
attached by
the West last week, said: "These governments, in an imperialist
and
neo-colonialist way, are bent on their regime-change strategy and appear
to
ignore in an arrogant way not only the sovereign right of the Zimbabwean
people, but also the fundamental decisions taken by the Sadc community on
Zimbabwe and its appeal and demand for sanctions to be lifted."
BY LOUGHTY DUBE
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 25 June
2009 19:47
THE crisis in Zimbabwe's mining sector has been brewing for
several
years. Initially the crisis was said to be a result of declining
production
and investor wariness due to the country's rapidly worsening
economic
climate.
But the sector's continuing deterioration is
now punctuated by
political faction-fights over public and private assets,
deals involving the
takeover of mineral producers by quasi-state
organisations, and more
recently, proposed laws to nationalise mines under
which foreigners will be
required to cede 51% of their shareholding to a
local partner.
Businessdigest reporter Chris Muronzi (CM) last week
spoke to the new
Chamber of Mines president Victor Gapare (VG) about issues
surrounding the
sector.
CM: Is Zimbabwe ready for empowerment in
the current economic and
political situation?
VG: The best
conditions for empowerment entail a functional economic
and political
situation. Empowerment entails that those being empowered have
to raise
capital on the market to buy into existing businesses or to
establish new
businesses. In South Africa, for instance, the financial
sector was ready to
fund BEE transactions. In addition, there were strong
public sector
institutions which assisted a number of deals and some of
these include the
Industrial Development Corporation, the Public Investment
Fund and the
Development Bank of Southern Africa.
In the case of Zimbabwe, at the
moment financial institutions don't
have the resources to finance economic
empowerment transactions. In fact,
the banks are struggling to finance
working capital for existing companies,
let alone provide buyout debt.
Foreign financial institutions have been
hesitant to fund Zimbabwean
companies mainly because of the perceived risk
associated with the country
at the moment. Where debt has been provided, the
interest rates have been
near diabolical at over 14% per annum and the
tenure has been very short up
to say 90 days. Buying equity in a company
requires long-term debt as in
most cases the returns are over a long period
of time. It's impossible to
fund empowerment with 90-day debt.
In short, what we need is a stable
political and economic environment
to ensure that economic empowerment deals
are successful. In the current
unstable political and economic environment,
it's difficult to see how
empowerment deals can be done
successfully.
CM: Does the country's financial services sector have the
capacity to
back black economic empowerment (BEE) deals should government
introduce
indigenisation?
VG: Banks rely on constant flows of
deposits from the public for them
to be able to advance loans to companies
and individuals. We know that the
whole economy is working at less than 20%
of capacity at the moment. At that
low capacity, there are few individuals
in full employment, which means
there is less disposable income and less is
deposited into banks. Banks will
therefore have very little to lend. In fact
most people withdraw their money
from the banks as soon as it is deposited.
Companies that are working are
still trying to build their working capital
and they use their revenues as
soon as they receive them. It follows that
financial institutions will
therefore not have funds to advance to
individuals and companies wanting to
carry out empowerment deals at the
moment.
As already alluded to, the banks need to be recapitalised to
support
working capital requirements of existing operations. It will take
time for
Zimbabwean financial institutions to be able to finance long-term
capital
required for the empowerment deals.
Those individuals
currently looking at empowerment deals will need to
look at other
alternatives as financial institutions are currently not in a
position to
finance them.
CM: What is the chamber's view of how best to pursue an
indigenisation
policy which promotes growth in the mining industry?
VG: Let me say from the outset, the Chamber is not against empowerment
in
the mining industry. What we want is a process which will result in the
industry growing rather than the growth of the industry being stunted. There
are less than 10 foreign-owned mining companies in Zimbabwe, so the existing
mines do not provide much scope for many empowerment deals. The principle
which we want to achieve is to share a bigger cake rather than a smaller
cake.
The bulk of empowerment deals have to come out of the
creation of new
mines and these have to be partnerships between local people
or consortiums
and foreign investors who will bring the capital.
The Chamber of Mines has a subcommittee which is dealing with the
issue of
empowerment in the mining industry. Broadly speaking, the
principles being
discussed cover the various ways in which empowerment can
be achieved and
include equity ownership, assistance in the development of
small-scale
miners to graduate them into formal mines, sourcing goods and
services from
local suppliers, skills development, infrastructure
development etc. Equity
participation, while important, is not the only way
to achieve empowerment
in the mining industry and invariably equity holders
are the last to get
income from a business.
CM: Where does capacity utilisation stand in
the sector as an industry
and in sub-sectors?
VG: Out of say 88
mines in the country, only three are operating at
near full capacity. Most
minerals other than gold have been hit by low
prices as a result of the
slump in demand in response to the global economic
crisis. In addition, the
adverse economic conditions that existed in the
country in the last few
years where exporters were having to give up a part
of their export earnings
at subeconomic exchange rates contributed to the
crisis that mines face
today.
The two platinum mines and Murowa Diamonds are operating near
full
capacity. While platinum prices have somewhat recovered, the mines
could do
with higher prices as these will aid the cash flows for expansion.
Platinum
mining is still in its infancy and is in the expansion phase in
Zimbabwe.
The base metal mines are virtually on a care and maintenance
basis in
response to the dramatic fall in global metal prices following the
global
economic crisis. As metal prices recover, we expect to see most of
these
mines coming back on line but it may not be too soon. The nickel and
chrome
mines have been hit hardest.
Virtually all gold mines had
closed following the RBZ-induced crisis
but most of them are slowly limping
back into life and capacity utilisation
is still less than 20%. However,
it's still a long way before we see
capacity utilisation rising
significantly. Over the last few years when the
RBZ failed to pay miners
their dues for gold sold, most mines stopped
exploration and development and
virtually closed. As you are aware, gold
production peaked at 27 tonnes in
1999 but fell back to just over three
tonnes in 2008. This is an indictment
on the policies pursued by the RBZ
with regards to gold. For production to
get back to reasonable levels, gold
producers will need to recapitalise and
carry out exploration and
development. This is not something which will
happen overnight. I have
already spoken about the difficulties being
experienced in securing working
capital and this is not making it any easier
to restore production.
CM: Had it not been for the country's political
and economic crisis
how much would have been realised from gold production
and sales in the last
decade?
VG: Estimates made in 1999 based on
gold mines' future plans suggested
that with adequate investment in
exploration and development, Zimbabwe was
capable of producing up to 50
tonnes within a 10 to 15-year period. On the
contrary, 10 years later we
only produced just over three tonnes. I am
optimistic that with a stable
political and economic environment, we can
still achieve these production
levels over time.
CM: How much gold did Zimbabwe produce between
January and May this
year?
VG: The total gold production for the
period 1 Jan to 15 June 2009 is
861kg with about 600 kg having come out of
primary producers and the balance
from the small-scale producers.
CM: Have gold miners been paid the outstanding payments (US$30
million) for
gold deliveries in the past few years and what impact has the
unavailability
of these funds had on the gold sector on an operational
level?
VG:
The amounts owed by the RBZ are still outstanding and regrettably
no
progress has been made on this particular subject. Ultimately gold
producers
have been made forced lenders to the RBZ. We were promised gold
bonds but to
date none have been issued. But again even if they had been
issued, would
there have been a market to trade the bonds?
What is unfortunate is the
fact that gold producers are struggling to
secure working capital and yet
they are owed a substantial amount by the
RBZ. Ultimately the rate of
recovery of production is being slowed down at a
time when the nation needs
to see production going up. The stock levels are
either very low or
non-existent and the restart of operations is a real
challenge.
The
effective interest rate supposedly being earned on the bonds is
less than
what gold producers are having to borrow from the banks.
CM: What
initiatives has the chamber made to secure external funds to
revive the gold
sector after getting the nod from authorities to market gold
directly to the
international market?
VG: The new marketing arrangements where
producers have control over
the marketing of their gold means they can use
the gold as security for
borrowings. Afreximbank for instance has already
offered gold loans to gold
producers using future gold production as
security. When we recommended to
government the current marketing
arrangements for gold, the securing of
foreign loans by producers was one of
the objectives.
The chamber has been talking to banks and we have seen
some facilities
being offered to individual companies. Ultimately, the
discussion is between
the banks and the individual producers.
The
difficulty at the moment is most foreign financial institutions
still regard
Zimbabwe as a high risk country and are unwilling to play in
this market.
However, as confidence in the political and economic situation
picks up, we
should see more money flowing into the country.
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 25 June 2009 19:42
ZIMBABWE has so far earned US$81 million from 28,1 million kg of
tobacco
that have gone under the hammer since the auction floor opened last
month,
the Tobacco Industry Marketing Board (TIMB) said yesterday.
If the
average prices and selling pattern prevail until end August,
the country
would expect to earn about US$160 million. The amount is nearly
two percent
of what Zimbabwe needs to turn around the economy that has been
unstable for
the past decade.
Sales are expected to be complete well within 80
selling days or at
the latest by 28 August.
In its latest weekly
update, TIMB said 28,1 million kg of flue-cured
tobacco worth US$81 million
had been sold at the country's three auction
floors.
The money
achieved so far is a 22,68% increase from US$72,1 million
sold from 22,9
million kg during the same period last year.
Tobacco is the country
second largest foreign currency earner after
mining.
The Tobacco
Sales Floor (TSF) auction floors have so far handled the
largest volume of
tobacco, with 4,1 million kg valued at US$12,1 million
being traded. The
average price was US$2,90.
The Burley Marketing Zimbabwe (BMZ) auction
floors have to date
handled 3,1 million kg valued at US$9,2 million at an
average price of
US$2,96 while the Zimbabwe
Tobacco Auction Centre
(Zitac) handled 3,5 million kg valued at US$9,7
million at an average price
US$2,74.
A total of 17,3 million kg valued at US$49,9 million has gone
under
the hummer under contract farming at an average price of
US$2,88.
Zitac usually caters for large-scale tobacco farmers, while
TSF mainly
accommodates smallholder farmers. BMZ attracts medium to
large-scale tobacco
growers.
Auction floors opened last month and
the Zimbabwe Tobacco Association
estimates that 45 million kg of tobacco
will be sold this year, down from 48
million kg sold last year.
TIMB acting chief executive officer, Andrew Matibiri said this year's
process was running smoothly, unlike the previous years were farmers ended
up side-marketing their crops to black market buyers.
Tobacco
production has been declining since 2 000 due to late
disbursement of funds,
rising production costs, excess rains and
inexperienced farmers soon after
the land reform.
Tobacco auction floors outside premises in Harare have
been turned
into a flee market as enterprising businesspeople have set up
stalls to lure
free spending tobacco farmers who are paid in hard
currency.
Tobacco is being sold between US$2 and US$5 at three auction
floors
and farmers are painting the town red as they are paid up to US$1 500
cash
on the spot.
The balance is deposited on their bank accounts.
Last year farmers
spent weeks sleeping in the open hoping to get paid in the
valueless
Zimbabwean dollar only to be paid using agro-cheques which were
not accepted
by shops. However, it is the spot payment that caused black
farmers go
speeding sprees.
An ordinary blanket is sold at US$35
but in shops in town the blankets
only cost just US$12. To justify they
spending spree farmers said they do
not have time to go into town for
shopping.
Zimbabwe is the largest producer of tobacco leaf in Africa
and the
world's fourth-largest producer of flue-cured tobacco, after China,
Brazil
and the United States of America. Since cigarette production in
Zimbabwe is
on a small scale, the major activities in the tobacco industry
are the
growing, curing and subsequent handling and distribution of tobacco
leaf.
The country does not have a large tobacco manufacturing industry and
produces only enough cigarettes to supply domestic demand and provide a
relatively small volume for export. Therefore 98 percent of all tobacco
production is exported.
Tobacco production makes an important
contribution to GDP and to
export revenue, and plays a major role in the
national economy. The crop
normally accounts for more than 50 percent of
agricultural exports, 30
percent of total exports and nearly 10 percent of
GDP. All tobacco grown in
Zimbabwe is sold on the auction floors in Harare
as unprocessed green leaf.
In terms of revenue to farmers, total annual
sales since 1990 have ranged
between US$270 million and US$593 million.
Tobacco sold through the auctions
then undergoes further processing by
merchant companies to remove stems and
tips from the leaf, before being
shipped abroad. This adds 30 percent to 50
percent to the crop's final
export value. In 1998, the total value of
tobacco exports was roughly US$582
million.
BY PAUL NYAKAZEYA.
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 25 June 2009 21:25
I WAS
baffled at the Southwark Cathedral last Saturday. Thousands of
people booed
their leader in an unprecedented move of defiance and
intolerance.
The people in there stopped Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai midway
through his speech and started chanting that "Mugabe must
go". I went out of
the hall at that time to answer the call of nature but
some MDC supporters
followed me up the corridor and pulled my jacket. They
demanded to know why
the MDC UK leadership had "failed to advise Tsvangirayi
properly".
As I started to respond a group of other youths wearing
"vigil" attire
started singing around me: "Tsvangirai usaite fun fun
nevanhu" (Tsvangirai,
don't play games with the people).
I left the
cathedral grounds and made an early trek to the venue of
the dinner that
evening. At the hotel I had a one-to-one discussion with the
prime minister
about what he had said at the cathedral and his views about
President Robert
Mugabe. He explained that Mugabe is committed to the deal
but does not trust
him. He said the sporadic attacks on people and farm
invasions were the
brainchild of remnant forces who want to see the failure
of the inclusive
government because they know that the success of the
transitional government
means their death.
He said these people were in the minority and they
will shortly fizzle
out. The acts of banditry were not sanctioned by
government but by some
criminal gangs sponsored by hard-line remnants in
Zanu PF.
The same happened in 1980 when remnants of the Rhodesian
security
forces and Selous Scouts and Pfumo Revanhu continued to brutalise
people
until 1982 when hard-line remnants stole aeroplanes from Thornhill
Air Base,
to fly to apartheid ruled South Africa. They did not want the will
of the
people to prevail but they fizzled out. They also planned to
assassinate
Mugabe in an operation code named "Operation Quartz". They were
against
Mugabe becoming the prime minister of Zimbabwe.
So what was
behind the cathedral defiance to Tsvangirai by his
supporters? The area of
contention was the way Tsvangirayi says things about
Zimbabwe dictator
Mugabe and how he seems to have downplayed human rights
abuses in Zimbabwe,
giving information which, if picked up by the Home
Office, would devastate
asylum applications and put at risk the ability of
those who fail to
regularise their stay to claim benefits, housing, get jobs
and live normally
in Britain.
Some people want to bring their families to the UK which is
only
possible if they get asylum, something they feel is being threatened by
Tsvangirai's statements. Many Zimbabweans expected Tsvangirai to actually
come and assist them to get asylum by demonising Mugabe and painting a bleak
future of the inclusive government. That's where the fire is mostly coming
from.
I understand the problems faced by asylum seekers in the UK.
They live
as
second-class citizens. I understand their grievances
against the party
but I must also say that it is undemocratic to silence
anybody from airing
their views and this includes everyone, king or pauper,
rich or poor, prime
minister or asylum seeker. It is, therefore, very
unfortunate that people at
the cathedral that Saturday afternoon decided to
silence someone from airing
his views.
Tsvangirai should have been
allowed to finish and answer questions
about all our grievances and his
relationship with Mugabe butwe decided to
deny him his democratic right to
do so.
But he managed to do that at the dinner in the evening. Most
people
who attended the dinner now back what he is doing unconditionally.
This is
so because we allowed him to speak and we asked him all the
questions we had
and as usual he did not disappoint.
A young lady
asked Tsvangirai what he would give her if she takes his
advice and goes to
Zimbabwe. She said she is looking after five people.
Tsvangirai said that he
was inviting people to Zimbabwe not to give them
things but for them to give
something to Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe is in a
"non-runner" state and nothing can
be taken from it.
The problem is that we want someone to do the work
but not ourselves.
We want to go there when Zimbabwe's roads are all tarred
by someone, when
clinics are working and when schools and universities are
flourishing. We
want God in heaven to offer Tsvangirai the personnel to sort
out the country
for us then we fly back just to enjoy it. We have been wired
to look to
donors and foreign leaders like Mbeki and Bush to sort our
problems for us.
I was born in Buhera South at Muzokomba Clinic. The
clinic was built
by donors. My father and mother survived on food donated by
foreign donors.
I grew up doubling breast-feeding and donated powdered milk
which was
donated to the Ministry of Health by the European Economic
Community in
Brussels, Belgium. When I was one year old I started feeding on
donated
cereals from the department of Social Welfare at Murambinda Growth
Point.
I received free medical immunisation and I do not even know
where all
those vaccines came from. My mother does not know who donated the
vaccines
that saved my life either. From the age of two to seven I had food
at
feeding points and we ate very highly nutritious porridge donated by
Kellogg Foundation based in London. At the age of seven I went to primary
school.
Here again there was popular mahewu donated by the Red
Cross Society
whose headquarters are in Geneva, Switzerland. That was my
main diet. The
water that all the school children drank was wholly pumped
and piped to
school by donors who provided the funds to DDF.
I had
this donated mahewu for seven
years at primary school. I then went to
secondary school. The school
was started by missionaries but all the
important buildings like the
laboratory, the administration block and
dormitories were built by funding
donated by the Japanese government. The
equipment and chemicals in the
laboratory were also donated by the Japanese
embassy in Harare using funds
from Tokyo.
After this I went to the
University of Zimbabwe. The donors paid my
fees. There were many other
students whose fees were paid by donors, both
local and international ones.
We preferred foreign donors to local ones,
although the Harare City Council
was actually a better donor than some
foreign sponsors at UZ.
After
graduation I went to work but there again my office and all the
safes,
vehicles, tents, were donated by Unicef. All the fuel I used was
donated. My
salary and the salaries of my eight subordinates came from
donors. Even my
boss's salary was paid by donors.
Then Mugabe became a problem in
Zimbabwe.
We started looking up to George W Bush, Tony Blair, Kofi
Annan and
Thabo Mbeki to sort Mugabe out. Instead of joining mass action and
final
pushes we hid in our houses and looked out through the windows to see
if
someone was on the streets when demonstrations were called. We decided to
run away from the country and plan to go back when Mbeki, Obama, Bush and
Blair have sorted out Mugabe and the country. I am not the only one like
this.
There are many like me, as evidenced by some of our comments
at the
Cathedral. We have a warped thinking that someone must do the work
and we
must go there to enjoy. Someone must sort out the sewerage pipes in
Chitungwiza before I set foot there.
The prime minister is saying;
let us build our country together. Let
us together fight for our freedom.
Let us not be selfish. People inside
Zimbabwe want their clinics to function
and he wants to deliver. The quality
of lives of people must improve. But
all the skilled workers are gone.
Unless sacrifices are made then
clinics won't open and services won't
be delivered and cholera will worsen.
He is doing the correct thing and he
is not selling out. The prime minister
said that groundwork is being
prepared for free and fair elections with
international supervision in the
next 18 months. The choice is yours. If you
want to assist rebuild you
country this is the time. We need to make a clean
break from depending on
donations to doing our own things. Those who are out
of step are being left
behind
as we continue to journey towards our
freedom.
Maruzani is MDC secretary for international affairs,
UK and Ireland.
BY FARAYI MARUZANI
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 25 June 2009
21:24
THIS is an open letter to the Prime Minister of Zimbabwe Morgan
Tsvangirai.
DURING your recent trip, it was encouraging that
you made an effort
to engage Zimbabweans abroad to come back home. You
initiated an important
conversation which must be continued. This was
important in that the
government admits there is a role to be played by
Zimbabweans abroad. The
minor problem was the timing and packaging of the
call for Zimbabweans to
return home. Zimbabweans who left their country did
so out of necessity and
a lot of their grievances have not yet been
addressed.
These include, but are not limited to, basic freedoms, media
freedom,
respect of human and private property rights. In this letter, I
will try to
be less formal and will address you by your totem as Honourable
Save (Hon
Save). I will also address the president as Cde Gushungo.
It is unfortunate you were not able to finish delivering your speech
in
London. However, it was also important that Zimbabweans were bold enough
to
let you know how they felt about your message. Fortunately, there were no
shoes thrown at you, a la George Bush in Iraq!
Zimbabweans expected
you to be on their side in terms of saying
Zimbabwe remains unstable and on
a challenged path. It requires
international assistance, and some of that
assistance includes asking the
international community to continue
accommodating Zimbabweans until the
country is stable. Under the US's
Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery
Act (Zidera), I am sure you could
have even asked for the Americans to grant
more scholarships to Zimbabweans
based in America. These Zimbabweans would
in future be expected to
contribute in Zimbabwe's development.
As prime minister, it would be
good if you could stand up and
encourage host governments to be
accommodative to Zimbabweans abroad. The
choice of returning to Zimbabwe,
let it be an individual choice. What
matters is that someone still
identifies with their motherland and still
contributes in whatever way they
can. There is no need or urgency for
Zimbabweans abroad to all flock to
Zimbabwe. There are many Jewish people
all over the world, in the United
States in particular and all over Europe.
Whilst they are encouraged to
return home once in a while, there is never a
push for them to abandon their
current residency.
Non-resident Zimbabweans must be allowed to vote. No
taxation without
representation! This is where your party should show
leadership and
difference with the opposition. Zimbabweans were expecting
that you would
make a major announcement that Zimbabweans can vote from
wherever they are,
as long as they go and register at the embassy or
consulate.
Non-resident Zimbabweans must be allowed dual citizenship or
nationality. This is a critical step that needs to be included in the
proposed new constitution. This is a worldwide trend to be accommodative to
former residents and allow them to hold dual nationalities. It is just
unacceptable for someone born in Zimbabwe to be forced to try and get a visa
to be allowed to visit Zimbabwe.
Whilst there is a shortage of
skilled personnel, it is also correct
that there is unemployment of close to
80%. Therefore, to call for the
return of more workers before those at home
are fully employed cannot be a
clever policy. A relevant and related fact is
the return of exiled business
people and entrepreneurs. As you will recall,
in my May 2009 letter to you,
I mentioned some of these individuals by
name.
These are some of the people that should be encouraged and given
incentives to return to Zimbabwe. Most of these people have skills and the
ability required to create jobs which Zimbabweans desperate need. When they
return and create jobs, a call such as the one you made in London is like
preaching to the converted Hon Save. Currently, all civil servants are still
earning US$100 per month regardless of their rank or experience.
When most Zimbabweans were growing up in Magwegwe, Emakhandeni,
Kambuzuma,
Warren Park and other neighbourhoods, these places had
functioning social
services such as fully staffed schools and clinics. Many
won't mind
returning to these places. However, to ask someone with a young
child who is
attending a fully-functioning school in one of these Western
nations and
expect them to pull out their child and send them to some school
at present
day Magwegwe or Sakubva may be asking too much.
Whilst we have seen
various efforts to attract foreign investors to
Zimbabwe, we have yet to see
a direct and sustained effort to try and
re-attract Zimbabweans as investors
and tourists. Charity begins at home Hon
Save. There is need for a clear
government programme on how these
Zimbabweans will be treated when they come
back home. There are a few
specific areas such as waiver on import duties,
tax breaks for those who set
up businesses and proper guarantees on the rule
of law and respect for
private property. These may seem trivial issues but
these are some of the
basic things that most non-resident Zimbabweans take
for granted and readily
expect because they have been fully exposed to the
workings of a normal
representative government which listens to its
citizens.
The communication process is correctly a two way one. From
the events
in London, it was apparent that there may have been some in your
team who
were taking non-resident Zimbabweans for granted. Hon Save, when
people say
they want change, they want such attitudes to change as well. The
people
want to be consulted well in advance, especially when it concerns
their
future. Had the people been consulted, I doubt you would have called
for
Zimbabweans to return home. Rather, Zimbabweans expected you to
encourage
the host governments to make life a little easier for Zimbabweans
by
granting them work permits and other relevant immigration status that
would
allow them to work, study and continue to contribute as they have
always
done in the development of the country. This is where your team
should have
done its homework, and asked Zimbabweans what they expect to
hear from the
prime minister.
The Western nations are still
reluctant to release aid because they
know things are not okay. You as the
prime minister could have simply
requested that these host governments
deliberately pursue policies that will
allow Zimbabweans to continue
self-development whilst things stabilise.
The government should
consider a truth and reconciliation commission
to handle grievances. It is
only when people see such developments that they
will begin to really
believe the change is irreversible, and justice has
come. The nature and
mandate of the TRC is not to be vindictive but rather
to close a sad chapter
in our great nation's history. In addition, just
calling for the return of
Zimbabweans without proper signed
government-to-government agreements can
complicate matters. Zimbabwe can
easily get direct assistance linked to the
return of non-resident
Zimbabweans. This assistance has to be properly
negotiated and documented
before any call is made to ask people to go back
and stare hunger and being
jobless. I hope you won't find these letters
annoying. They are meant as
free advice.
Muponda is a
co-founder of 3MG Media.
BY GILBERT MUPONDA
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 25 June 2009
21:06
IN a sense Morgan Tsvangirai deserved the drubbing he got in
Southwark
Cathedral last weekend.
This was due to be the
highlight of his overseas tour. While the
Europeans and Americans had been
expected to sit on their wallets, offering
little more than goodwill, the
British government and the huge population of
Zimbabweans in London were
expected to shower the prime minister with praise
and
plenty.
It wasn't quite like that. Tsvangirai had clearly
failed to gauge the
mood of his audience in the East End of London. Instead
of praise he
garnered boos - probably the first time he has heard such
heresy. His
invitation to the audience to return home where there was now
"peace and
stability" inspired scepticism, not confidence.
They
didn't buy it. And when he started quibbling with them over
exactly what he
had said, the derision started.
The Herald was disingenuous in failing
to report on its front page on
Monday that the audience was chanting "Mugabe
must go". Those of us watching
it on TV heard it loud and clear.
This is significant because it was Tsvangirai's naivety in waxing
lyrical
about his "extraordinary" working relationship with President Mugabe
that
transformed his meeting into a rout.
He hasn't got it yet that MDC
supporters are deeply uncomfortable with
the inclusive government. And they
see their leaders as gullible in
suggesting things have improved back
home.
Tsvangirai was pursuing this line on the BBC on Sunday, just a
few
days after a small group of Woza demonstrators had reportedly been set
upon
by police.
Zimbabweans, at home and abroad, want to know what
steps the MDC is
taking to curb state violence and end repression. They want
to know what
steps have been taken to free the media. Recidivist elements
are still in
charge. The farm invasions continue.
The audience in
Southwark Cathedral know this. And they resented the
wool being pulled over
their eyes by a starry-eyed leader who gives the
appearance of having been
compromised.
The one good thing to have come out of the EU and US
tour was the
wake-up call Tsvangirai received. Nobody is interested in
hearing about his
cosy relationship with a leader who is blocking reform on
every front. They
want to see results. That includes media reform.
Did you see how the embryonic Zimbabwe Media Commission has become the
seamless successor to the ill-fated MIC in the Herald's report on the new
parliamentary bodies? A paragraph had been slipped in to say "the MIC will
be known as the Zimbabwe Media Commission".
So it's a chip off the
old block is it? This won't help. And reports
that Tafataona Mahoso has
applied to be a media commissioner will be the
kiss of death for the new
outfit. If it's credibility the commission needs,
this is not the way to go
about it!
Everybody noted that as soon as Tsvangirai's Bulletin hit
the streets
last week, the Herald rushed to fill its pages with colour pix
of the Prime
Minister and reports of his meetings, although they omitted the
praise
heaped on him.
What strikes us about the political meddling
in the state media is
that no lessons appear to have been learnt. All the
stale propaganda that
lost Zanu PF last year's elections is being wheeled
out and dusted off to do
service next year. You would have thought the
party's mandarins would have
understood that the public rejected its mantras
on land and sovereignty.
None of them produced jobs or food.
There
is obviously a need for a new message that engages the voting
public.
Instead, every failed policy is being repeated. And where policies
fail,
fists will no doubt follow. Is this the way to win hearts and minds?
And what of Zimbabwe's reputation? Tsvangirai hopefully got a taste of
that
during his overseas tour. This is not a chinja government but a
"no-change"
regime. Please, let's have less naivety and more substance.
At
least Tsvangirai, countering reports in the state media back home,
made it
clear he was not taking his marching orders from Mugabe in
undertaking the
tour. It is symptomatic of our suborned public media that
they kept
repeating the claim despite Tsvangirai's denials, in the same way
they keep
saying "illegal" sanctions long after Barack Obama has said there
was no
such thing.
Are government journalists permitted to say "sanctions"
without
prefixing them with "illegal"? How far do the tentacles
reach?
Muckraker's attention was caught by an article in the
Business Herald
last week saying "Chegutu offers free land to lure
investment".
"Quite a number of people" were making inquiries including
Zimbabweans
in the diaspora and the Chinese, we were told.
Muckraker is confused. Is this the same Chegutu where Zanu PF thugs
severely
assaulted members of Ben Freeth's family last year? Is this the
same Chegutu
where Freeth and his parents-in-law were dispossessed after
their bones had
been broken by marauding thugs? Are these among the
"attractive incentives"
offered by the town?
Investors may wonder what will happen to them if
the same predatory
thugs arrive on their doorstep.
Businesses could
"take advantage" of "downstream industries" like
David Whitehead and
Zimplats, the report said.
Don't we recall Zanu PF interfering in the
management of David
Whitehead a few years ago? We are sure anyone investing
in Chegutu will be
"taken advantage" of at some point!
The
"assassination attempt" on Mashonaland Central governor Advocate
Martin
Dinha doesn't appear to have attracted much attention. Even the
Financial
Gazette which carried the story consigned it to the back page.
But it
did provide a platform for Dinha to parade his loyalties.
"I will not
be intimidated for my unwavering support for President
Mugabe, the party and
the revolution," he was reported as saying. "I remain
steadfast in defence
of the gains of the liberation struggle."
Amazing isn't it that we have
lawyers in this country that can spout
such fawning drivel. We are delighted
that Dinha survived the attempt if
only so he can do more to illuminate us
on the "values" he holds dear - and
we can all have a good
chuckle!
Leslie Gwindi, on the other hand, is no laughing matter.
Tackled on
the shocking state of refuse collection in the capital, he makes
the lame
excuse that "the city's last investment in refuse collection
vehicles was
nine years ago and it is a general rule that these vehicles be
replaced
after a maximum of three years of service".
If that is the
case there has been serious profligacy by past
councils. It is scandalous
that refuse vehicles were so poorly maintained
that they needed replacing
every three years.
With due care and maintenance they should have
lasted at least 10
years without too much difficulty.
Muckraker saw
on TV a couple of years ago a Bedford fire truck in the
UK dating from the
1950s being used by the army during a fireman's strike.
It had been
perfectly maintained and was ready for action.
It is typical of local
officials to say a job can't be done because
the equipment is too old and
"broken". It never occurs to them to look after
it properly.
The
city needs not less than 60 collection vehicles, Gwindi claimed as
if money
grew on trees.
Who was responsible for maintaining the previous fleet
and what
salaries did they earn?
There has been much talk
recently of the "devastating" impact of
sanctions. All the country's woes
are attributed to them. But President
Mugabe didn't seem to mind at the time
of their imposition.
Speaking to reporters after addressing the
Malaysia Business
Fellowship in August 2002, he said: "The British say I
should not come to
Britain. I should not go to Germany, to Europe as a
whole. What do I want
Europe for? I've got my own country which is more
beautiful."
Let's hope all those anxious to propitiate Mugabe will
recall these
words of satisfaction with the status quo. Let's not push him
where he doesn't
want to go!
It is also worthwhile at this juncture
to recall other remarks made by
our leaders over the last decade. In an
interview with Reuters in March
2000, Mugabe warned that white farmers would
suffer "very, very, very severe
violence" if they provoked war veterans who
had occupied their farms.
This would happen if the farmers "start to be
angry and start to be
violent" in response to the land
invasions.
Patrick Chinamasa, speaking to church leaders on why the
government
was failing to arrest rampant political violence in July 2001,
said:
"Violence is a necessary tool for a successful land reform
programme."
John Nkomo, speaking to the same audience at the Victoria
Falls,
declined to assure them that there would be no violence during the
following
year's presidential poll.
The French, ever anxious to
please, may not have seen these remarks.
Australian foreign minister
Alexander Downer certainly had.
"The determination of Robert Mugabe,
not only to kick people off their
land on the basis of race but also to
force the country into starvation, is
a simply appalling thing for any head
of state to do," he said in June 2002.
And it's still going on seven
years later!
What has Arthur Mutambara, who has been so anxious to
secure visas for
Chinamasa and Simbarashe Mumbengegwi, done to prevent the
seizure of farms
since his fact-finding visit to Chegutu?
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 25 June 2009
21:03
ON February 18, very shortly after being appointed Minister of
Finance
of Zimbabwe's new "inclusive government", Minister Tendai Biti
reviewed
Zimbabwe's 2009 national budget.
Being well aware of
the devastating economic consequences which had
been afflicted upon the
nation by the endless profligate spending of the
preceding governments, he
very commendably pronounced a policy that Zimbabwe
should only "eat that
which it gathers". He was emphatic that Zimbabwe had
to vigorously curb
state expenditures, containing them to the extent of
available resources. He
stated categorically that expenditures should not
exceed revenues, and that
deficit budgeting was untenable and unacceptable
if a Zimbabwean economic
recovery was to be achieved.
It is undisputable that the magnitude
of the spending excesses of his
predecessors had tragically contributed, to
an exponential extent, to
Zimbabwe progressively sustaining the most
pronounced hyperinflation than
ever before experienced anywhere in the
world. That expenditure was not only
funded by grossly excessive,
unsustainable borrowings, but also by forcing
Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe to
engage in diverse quasi-fiscal operations far
beyond the mandate and
functions of any central bank, and that in turn
fuelled massively excessive
money-printing, unsupported by reserves. This
was a major stimulus of
inflation, destroyed investor confidence, undermined
the credibility and
substance of Zimbabwe's currency, and impacted
negatively upon all facets
and sectors of the economy. Hence, the Minister
of Finance was unequivocally
correct in his declared intent to limit
governmental spending to available
resources.
However, whilst determining upon such a policy was not only
very
necessary (and long overdue), implementation could not easily be
forthcoming. The magnitude of the governmental infrastructure and its
attendant fiscal commitments, and of critical needs, is so gargantuan that
expenditure reduction is an extraordinarily difficult task, and particularly
so as concurrently with the spending containment policy, government was
(belatedly but very rightly) discontinuing the imposition of quasi-fiscal
operations upon RBZ, enabling RBZ to revert exclusively to core central
bank activities, but necessitating governmental assumption of some of those
operations.
At the same time, the distraught state of the economy
could not
possibly yield an immediate, adequate enhancement of state
resources, and
inevitably there would be some substantial elapse of time
before significant
international funding support would be forthcoming, for
the international
community would not be speedily convinced of the reality
and continuity of
governmental transformation to the fundamentals of good
governance,
including absolute democracy, unlimited respect for, and
adherence to,
human and property rights and the rule of law.
Drastic and courageous cost-cutting is a prerequisite for attainment
of
Minister Biti's declared objectives. It was therefore very heartening
that
last week the Minister of State in the Prime Minister's Office, Gorden
Moyo,
advocated a substantive reduction in Zimbabwe's diplomatic
representation
abroad. It is incomprehensible that a country with a
population of less than
12 million (excluding those abroad), and with a
government recently declared
by the Prime Minister to be "bankrupt" should
be expending in excess of
US$20 million per month to maintain 16 embassies
in Africa, nine in Europe,
five in the Far East, and eight in other
countries, together with one at the
United Nations, and three consulates.
Zimbabwe cannot afford (and does not
need) - 42 diplomatic presences around
the world.
Many other
countries in need of governmental expenditure reductions
have resorted to
having fewer embassies to represent them, focusing upon
regionalised
representation. Thus, years ago, New Zealand closed its
embassies in
Zimbabwe, Malawi, Zambia, Mozambique, Botswana and Namibia, and
facilitated
its embassy in South Africa to represent it throughout the
region. Israel
did similarly, and Denmark and Belgium's interests in
Zimbabwe are addressed
by their South African-based embassies. Zimbabwe
should engage in similar
diplomatic consolidation. Its interests in Europe
would be readily and fully
addressed by embassies in Brussels (headquarters
of the European Union) and,
having regard to the numbers of Zimbabweans in
those countries, and
extensive investment and trade linkages, in the United
Kingdom and Germany.
That would reduce Zimbabwe's embassies in Europe from
nine to three, with
not only the concomitant reduction in costs, but also a
saving in critically
needed foreign exchange.
In like manner, Zimbabwe could probably be
well-served by two
embassies in the Far East, instead of five, and by
approximately eight in
Africa, instead of 16. Admittedly, the scaling down
of the number of
embassies will reduce the number of opportunities of
creating sinecure posts
for favored friends, but the expenditure and foreign
currency savings for
Zimbabwe would be considerable and of immense value in
progressing economic
recovery.
However, the drive to cut state
expenditures needs many other vigorous
actions. It is incomprehensible that
a country with a population smaller
than that of the city of New York should
have over 120 000 civil servants
(including teachers, healthcare personnel,
and administrators) and armed
forces, unless much of that number comprises,
as widely rumoured, numerous
"ghost workers". Such fictitious employees, a
drain upon the near-empty
state purse, must be speedily eliminated, and the
armed forces markedly
reduced. Zimbabwe does not need monolithic defence
forces, for it is at
peace with all, save and except that it is fighting a
war of economic
recovery. And why does it need a Central Intelligence
Organisation in
addition to a Criminal Investigations Department, a Ministry
of State
Security, and a ministry that extensively monitors
telecommunications?
Judging by the magnitude of traffic police roadblocks,
and the number of
police present at a peaceful protest rally, and using
uncalled for,
oppressive force thereat, suggests that the Zimbabwe Republic
Police is also
overstaffed.
The Parliamentary Committee for the
development of Zimbabwe's new
Constitution should also give very serious
consideration to the desirability
and necessity for a two-tiered
legislature. How can Zimbabwe justify the
immense cost of a senate, in
addition to a 120-seat parliament, when it has
a population of less than 12
million and cannot afford to effect adequate
expenditures on education,
health services, social welfare, and the like?
Similarly, should not the new
constitution limit the number of ministers
and deputy ministers to realistic
levels, and reduce the number of
provincial governors to a maximum of
five (if, in fact, any are needed).
Government must also speedily
pursue a major drive to contain public
sector corruption. Such corruption
prevails worldwide, to varying degrees,
but it is widely perceived, with
probable justification, as being very
pronounced within Zimbabwe. There has
been much media coverage recently of
alleged massive numbers of ghost
workers receiving state salaries and
allowances, but undoubtedly there are
diverse other corrupt practices. These
can range from falsified expenditures
to expropriation or unauthorised usage
of state assets, or to acceptance of
"commissions" for directing contracts
to certain suppliers (who increase
their charges appropriately to recover
such "commissions"). There have been
various instances of government
unhesitatingly specifying private sector
individuals under the Prevention of
Corruption Act, often for very
prolonged and highly prejudicial periods
without evident justification, and
yet minimal evidence of containment of
public sector corruption.
Heretofore it appears that the focus of pursuit of "eat which we
gather"
has been exclusively upon intensified efforts by Zimra to generate
tax and
like revenues, including excessively harsh and inhumane actions
against
informal sector, small-scale vendors struggling to survive, and
dogmatic
disregard for cash flow constraints of many mining, industrial and
commercial operations. Short-term enhanced collections are being pursued at
the jeopardy of economic recovery and greater future revenue inflows to the
state. Whilst tax compliance must be pursued, practically and realistically,
with equity, government's primary focus in achieving fiscal revenue and
expenditure parity must be on cost containment.
BY ERIC
BLOCH
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 25 June
2009 21:19
AS the constitutional reform process rumbles on amid growing
divisions
between the two main political parties driving the exercise, it
has now
become clear the country is heading for a dead-end unless a major
rescue
operation occurs.
At the beginning of the process, we
were at pains to point out that
the exercise was deeply flawed and lacked
legitimacy and the credibility
that it ought to have in order to succeed. A
defective process can't lead to
a desired outcome, critics of this process
argued.
Civic groups and commentators noted the process was
partisan and
myopic because it was driven by self-interested parties
pursuing narrow
power politics. They argued MPs, who lead the current
process, are not
representative enough to preside over the process as they
are drawn from
only three parties representing a narrow section of society
and would
necessarily be driven by those narrow, short-term
interests.
Besides, MPs are vulnerable to political manipulation and
may only
write a constitution designed to serve their partisan
agendas.
MPs are not elected to write constitutions, but represent
their
constituencies and legislate. All over the world credible and durable
constitutions are made via constitutional assemblies or such broadly
constituted bodies.
The legitimacy and credibility of a
constitutional process and
constitution itself is measured by the degree to
which the process is
participatory, open and democratic. The current process
is anything but
participatory, open and democratic. However, all those
voicing concern over
this process have been drowned out by vocal but naive
party hacks and
apologists working in cahoots with parties to impose a
terrible draft
constitution on the country. As people now know, the
controversial Kariba
draft constitution is not worth the paper it is written
on. It basically
leaves the current imperial presidency in place, and along
with it the
existing power structure.
Under the Kariba draft the
president basically retains all his
overbearing powers, including those of
making numerous appointments. These
sorts of things were done away with by
the 2000 draft that was rejected by
voters. In others words, the Kariba
draft is evidently worse than the 2000
draft.
However, Zanu PF and
the two MDC factions agreed in terms of the
Global Political Agreement to
use the Kariba draft as a basis for a new
constitution.
But the
parties are now fighting each other over how to proceed and
the chickens are
coming home to roost.
The MDC-T wants to dump the Kariba draft, while
Zanu PF is clinging
onto it. The fight is going to get nastier and dirtier
as the process
unfolds. This is what some party loyalists and sycophants
failed to
anticipate at the start.
The reason the MDC-T is trying
to abandon the draft is because it has
now realised the shoddy document
can't find public purchase and sticking to
it despite swelling opposition
will further alienate it from its civic
society allies.
Already
there have been public spats between the MDC-T and the NCA and
ZCTU over
this process and the Kariba draft. But instead of telling its
allies that
there is need to find common ground, the MDC-T is shifting its
position to
occupy the same space which the NCA and other groups wanted to
as part of
their strategy to mount a challenge against the process.
If the MDC-T
succeeds in its manoeuvre, the NCA and other groups could
be rendered
impotent and irrelevant.
However, what will sabotage the current
constitution-making process is
not going to the row between the MDC-T and
its civic allies. It is going to
the fight between the MDC-T and Zanu PF.
That's where the process is likely
to fail.
As we report on the
front page of this paper today, the tussle between
Zanu PF and the MDC-T
over the constitutional reform process is going to
rapidly intensify into a
crisis after both parties this week made opposing
resolutions on how to
proceed.
As part of resolutions of its extraordinary National Executive
meeting
held on Tuesday, the MDC-T decided: "To reject any attempts to have
the
"Kariba draft", one of many drafts available, adopted as the Alpha and
Omega
of the constitution-making process".
"The MDC believes in a
truly people-driven constitution-making process
where the unfettered will of
the people must be reflected," the party said.
The day after, on
Wednesday, Zanu PF resolved at its central committee
meeting it would stick
with the Kariba draft. In fact, the party wants the
Kariba draft adopted
wholesale. Some senior Zanu PF members actually
suggested that the party
should withdraw from the process if the MDC is now
"shifting
goalposts".
After this was rejected by President Robert Mugabe, the
party then
took a position that it will shoot down the new draft in
parliament unless
it comes undiluted in the form of the Kariba
document.
The MDC factions don't have a two-thirds majority required to
pass
through the draft. Zanu PF has got to agree for that to happen. In this
case, Zanu PF has resolved to block whatever draft is brought to parliament
if it does not meet its expectations.
Mugabe wants the Kariba draft
because it leaves his powers intact and
does not stop him from running for
office again. It is not clear why the MDC
in the first place agreed to that
draft. Whatever the reason, the MDC now
has a problem of how to dump the
draft when it is part of the political
agreement without collapsing the
process.
With all these contradictions, manoeuvres and infighting, the
process
is now heading for failure. Only new compromises, which are
unlikely, can
save it.
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 25 June 2009
21:17
HOW times have changed! Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai who this
week
wound up his trip to Europe and the US now believes that the saga
surrounding missing supporters of his party, allegedly abducted by the
state - is a "speculative story".
He also believes that farm
invasions are not that widespread. He
naively contends that there is no more
repression in this country and that
the inclusive government is working well
and initiating reform.
This is deception writ large. The prime
minister on this trip has been
a huge disappointment. He now appears
detached from reality and seems bent
on running a private project which is
out of kilter with his party's
position and the generality of his
supporters. He was booed and heckled in
London last weekend -- for the first
time in his 10-year political career --
and he should not expect to be
received at the airport in Harare any more
warmly. His supporters want to
know what he is up to and what games he is
playing. He is simply off message
and is fast becoming a victim of his own
naivety. In a BBC interview this
week he played down the issue of the
alleged abductees who have still not
been accounted for. He disclosed that
the issue has become "a speculative
story .because we have read (about) so
many people who have run away from
Zimbabwe, ended up in Botswana and South
Africa, so you cannot say they have
disappeared. So you have to take those
facts very, very (much) with a pinch
of salt."
Really, Mr Prime Minister? The fate of Fanwell Tembo, Larry
Gaka,
Gwenzi Kahiya and others is no longer an issue now because of your
"extraordinary working relationship" with President Mugabe.
We have
not forgotten that just five months ago, the issue of the
"abductees" was
Tsvangirai's bargaining chip before the inauguration of the
GPA. Addressing
a press conference in Gaborone, where he had been in exile
for weeks at the
beginning of the year, Tsvangirai said: "If these
abductions do not cease
immediately, and if all the abductees are not
released or charged in a court
of law by January 1, 2009, I will be asking
the MDC's National Council to
pass a resolution to suspend all negotiations
and contact with Zanu
PF."
"There can be no meaningful talks while a campaign of terror is
being
waged against our people," Tsvangirai said.
When did the
campaign of terror end and is he happy with the issue of
the
"abductees"?
His party subsequently issued a statement saying it was
"deeply
concerned by the abductions of its members and civic society
activists,
which flies in the face of the Global Political Agreement (GPA)
signed by
the three major political parties on 15 September 2008".
The party at the time (January) said it had put in place a team of
experienced legal attorneys and at a political level the party has sought
the support and guidance of Sadc, the AU and United Nations, to ensure that
the rights and freedoms of the abducted people were protected.
The
fate of the abductees is not a speculative tale. It is a
fundamental issue
because it involves human lives. It is the duty of the
government - of which
Tsvangirai is a member - to protect its citizenry and
ensure that the rule
of law is protected. Tsvangirai's recent statements do
not offer any comfort
to those whose properties are under threat and mere
mortals whose rights are
at the mercy of state excesses. Tsvangirai knows
the true story of Zimbabwe
and sweeping the mess under the carpet in order
to propitiate his coalition
partners is just an act of dishonesty that will
not help the country in any
way. In fact on his trip, Tsvangirai - whatever
his brief was - only
managed to dilute the impact of his message to Western
governments by
naively trying to convince them that all was well. Those
listening to him
saw through his antics. Their responses were consistent and
concise. They
want to see more reform which is what we expect the prime
minister to
champion on his return. He must come back to work and ensure
that there is
reform of media laws, archaic security laws and other
repressive statutes at
the state's disposal. We want to see more business
for parliament being
generated from the prime minister's office. Currently
there is very little
work going on as evidenced by parliament adjourning
last week after sitting
for just a week. We want to see his office taking a
lead role in ensuring
that disturbances on the land stop forthwith and that
there is a bankable
plan for the 2009-2010 faming season.
Failure to deliver on these
issues and making statements that give
hostages to fortune will be
Tsvangirai's undoing. Cynics have already
started to say Tsvangirai has
suffered irreversible damage. Perhaps it's too
early to say; but he must
deliver on his quest to change Zimbabwe. He rose
as a political force
pledging a crusade against repression, graft and
lawlessness. That is the
change we want. Zimbabweans are not interested in
hearing about how many
cups of tea the prime minister has with the
president. That is small talk
which only trivialises Tsvangirai's role in
government. It is time to get
real and spell things out. What obstacles
remain and why are they not being
addressed?
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 25 June 2009
21:08
THE public provincial consultative hearings for the crafting of a
new
constitution started on Monday amid contestations between political
parties,
civil organisations and other stakeholders on how best the supreme
law
should be drafted.
The hearings, which will culminate in
the national stakeholders
conference on July 10, are expected to draw 5 000
participants, began as
expected with many people questioning the wisdom of
embarking on a
constitution-making process driven by a 25-member
parliamentary select
committee and on the efficacy of prioritising the
process when the
government is battling to stabilise the economy and provide
food to the
people.
Opponents of the process -- led by the
National Constitutional
Assembly (NCA) -- have dismissed it as antithetical
to a people-driven
process and have vowed to campaign against it.
They perceive the constitution-making process as a political tool
aimed at
capturing the needs and wants of the three parties to the Global
Political
Agreement inked last September. This, they argue, will culminate
in a
constitution that lacks "constitutionalism".
Many debates have taken
place on what procedure should be followed in
coming up with a democratic
constitution and on how to define a
people-driven process.
While
the concerns of the NCA and other interest groups are
understandable, it was
and it is still ill-advised on their part to take a
bold and inflexible
stance at this early stage by insisting they will
de-campaign the current
process.
Recently, a newspaper columnist Alex Magaisa advised that the
NCA
should participate in the constitution-making process on a "without
prejudice" basis.
This means they can always participate under
protest and exercise
their right to oppose the final product should they
deem it to be
unrepresentative of the "wishes of the people".
"I
agree absolutely that the process is important, but so is the
product. For
me the devil is in the detail," Magaisa said.
"They can spend hours and
weeks consulting the people but at the end
of the day, all those views must
be reduced to the written word. It is at
that point where vigilance will
become very necessary.
"The other thing is that we must appreciate that
there can be no
perfect constitution. Yes, we must strive for perfection but
the result can
never be. It does not require a rocket scientist or a n'anga
to throw bones
to predict that some people will be unhappy with the final
product. Some
delude themselves by thinking that constitution-making is not
political.
Well, it is!"
So whilst we can have politicians leading
the process through
parliament, we have to remain vigilant because it is in
the nature of man to
do that which favours him most.
What the NCA
and other civic organisations should do is to guard
against the
monopolisation of the process by the parliamentary select
committee.
But the question of what a people-driven
constitution-making process
really is remains unanswered.
A
"people-driven" constitution-making is a commonly used phrase that
means
many things to many people and unless it is concretised, it is
meaningless
rhetoric.
What it symbolises to me is a constitution that is created
through
active involvement and participation of members of the
public.
Ultimately, however, the actual process has to be led by
someone or
more appropriately, by a selected committee. To be truly
representative,
this committee must comprise people who have been nominated
by key
stakeholders, among others, parliament, civil society organisations,
the
business community and others.
Second, the process must begin
with extensive consultation -- the
committee must draw up a consultation
paper, which raises issues, makes
proposals, etc, which is then put forward
to the public for robust debate
and analysis. The responses of the public
must be collated, analysed and
given legal form.
The committee must
then report back to the public, setting forth their
findings and calling on
the public to comment on whether or not their
representations are properly
reflected in the draft constitution.
These representations, if any,
must be taken into account in preparing
the final document which should then
be put forward to a referendum where
the people will make the final
decision.
After that, parliament's role must only be to endorse and
give legal
status to the constitution via the stated procedures but at no
point after
the people have decided at the referendum should the
constitution be changed
by parliament. If that must be done, it should
always be with the consent of
the people.
Zimbabweans must thus
resist clauses or a framework which allows for
parliament or anybody else to
amend the constitution without prior approval
otherwise the whole process of
making the constitution is rendered useless
if parliament can easily change
the document.
These elements, for me, constitute the key aspects of
what constitutes
a people-driven constitution.
People must not only
be involved in making it, it must be seen that
they are involved and they
must feel that they are involved.
BY CONSTANTINE CHIMAKURE
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
GNU must not stifle debate
Thursday, 25 June 2009 21:16
THE thrust of the inclusive government whose term began in February is
towards addressing the political polarisation in the nation, fostering
national healing and leading the drive towards economic
revival.
However, we should always bear in mind that it is a
negotiated
settlement between the MDC and Zanu PF.
This has
resulted in a scenario in which all key reform issues and
activities are
negotiated and not openly debated. This means that the
majority of the
population have been disqualified in participating in this
discourse by
these parties.
It is a political environment that few understand, save
for those
involved in the closed door negotiations. Institutions like
parliament, the
media, civic society and the judiciary are reduced to mere
spectators and
cheer leaders. It is a Munhumutapa affair.
Even
court cases -- such as those of Roy Bennett and Jestina Mukoko --
have been
used to gain leverage on the negotiating table.
The unfortunate result
is that the inclusive government has bestowed
upon itself the role of
bringing about the political and economic
transformation of
Zimbabwe.
It is all about the capacity to manipulate the machinery of
power --
Zanu PF using its control of the security forces, and the MDC its
wide
support base and perceived access to international capital.
Genuine parliamentary debate has thus been excluded from this set up.
Zanu PF fears a society where truth and justice prevail is trying to
engineer change that ensures that it remains in control.
The MDC is
trying to squeeze all of the power and leverage it can from
Zanu PF's 29
year grip.
The problem with this scenario is that it becomes a
deterrent to the
achievement of progress. Civil society and all other
platforms for dialogue
therefore risk breaking down as intermediaries
between the state and the
people.
More than ever Zimbabweans need
now to be vigilant in demanding space
for debate. This will allow us to
guard against the trappings of power that
the inclusive government is
susceptible to. Otherwise what passes for
temporary might become
permanent.
However, the inclusive government is much better than Zanu
PF's
minority rule.
Yet, even the best form of government is
susceptible to betraying the
people it serves.
Mayibuye,
Harare.
----------
Moyo, Charamba resist
media reform
Thursday, 25 June 2009 21:14
IT was sickening
to say the least after reading the Sunday Mail this
week when George
Charamba and Jonathan Moyo were trying to pour scorn on
Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai's Bulletin that was launched last week.
The two
were seriously showing they were against any forms of media
reforms in the
country and Charamba used the Sunday Mail as a platform to
lick his wounds
after the recent High Court ruling which stated that the
Media and
Information Commission was no longer a legitimate body.
Charamba
and Moyo should realise that the Global Political Agreement
has brought some
democratic changes to the country.
And the move by Prime Minister
Tsvangirai to have a publication is one
of the moves that show that the
country is on a transitional path to
democracy.
It is a shame that
Charamba, Moyo and Tafataona Mahoso are finding it
hard to comprehend that
the country is heading for democratic change.
Their reaction has shown
that they are not happy that the PM has met
with world leaders such as
Barack Obama when their boss can only get that
opportunity in his
dreams.
Tsvangirai should be commended for taking the initiative of
publishing
the publication and this will give the people of Zimbabwe an
opportunity to
know what is happening in the country despite the continued
black-out that
his activities are getting from the state media.
The
state media has been quiet in reporting that Tsvangirai received
astounding
accolades and acknowledgement from the Western leaders for his
relentless
resolve to bring back democracy in Zimbabwe.
Agrippa
Zvomuya,
Harare.
--------------
TelOne abusing its
monopoly
Thursday, 25 June 2009 21:14
AFTER reading Alan
McCormick's letter about TelOne's charges "TelOne
charges outrageous"
(Zimbabwe Independent, June 19), I checked my telephone
account for April,
and confirmed that one unit did indeed cost 21 cents.
Since this is
indivisible, the claim by TelOne that local calls cost
seven cents a minute
is, as McCormick claimed, a distortion of the truth.
Any fraction of that
first three minutes would likewise cost 21 cents.
Unlike the water and
electricity bills where you can go out and read your
meter to check on the
charges, one cannot read TelOne's meters.
Not only that but one
cannot even obtain a detailed account which
would allow them to see where
and when the calls were made. This is a clear
abuse of monopoly and it's
time it was ended!
Richard McGown,
Harare.
------------
Tsvangirai's trips crucial for
Zimbabwe's recovery
Thursday, 25 June 2009 21:12
ZIMBABWE
has gone through a lot of challenges which include
hyperinflation, high
HIV/Aids infection rates, the fastest shrinking economy
on the planet,
closed schools, and collapsing health and social welfare
systems. All the
above were threatening the very survival of a country that
once was very
vibrant and promising.
The advent of the inclusive government
brought some form of stability
and hope to the country which many had
written off completely. Most
importantly Morgan Tsvangirai was at the centre
of this process of bringing
about change supported by Arthur Mutambara and
other foot soldiers in the
revolution. The people of Zimbabwe are beginning
to see a glimpse of a
normal political system in the form of a coalition or
alliance of former
bitter rivals.
Some have branded Tsvangirai
Robert Mugabe's errand boy for the
removal of the sanctions against the
country but this view is as nonsensical
as the people who are supporting it.
What is at stake in Zimbabwe today is
the survival of a country that has
vast potential to rescue itself with
initial support from outside
countries.
Tsvangirai's overseas trips are just meant to achieve that
very
important objective and the fruits of his visits abroad will soon be
realised a few months or years down the line.
First, it was
important that someone of the PM's stature and position
went abroad to
re-establish the good relations Zimbabwe once enjoyed with
the international
community during the honeymoon days of our Independence.
Second, having
rescued Zimbabwe from the jaws of a failed state, Tsvangirai
needed to go
further and approach willing members of the international
community to
support the inclusive government financially.
It is encouraging to see
a Zimbabwean leader being welcomed abroad
with the grandeur and embrace that
is normally accorded to other so-called
democratic members of the
international community. Zimbabwe deserves a place
in international fora in
view of what we once stood for and the progress we
once registered in the
fields of education and health in Africa.
However, it is worrying that
the response of the international
community has not been rapid enough in
view of the desperation of the
Zimbabwean situation. What we are hearing
these days are warm words of
encouragement, support and solidarity but none
of these have translated into
tangible results except for a few handouts
here and there.
What Zimbabwe needs today apart from the very urgent
humanitarian aid
is tangible action and commitments such as
balance-of-payments support,
opening of lines of credit to the private
sector, manufacturing sector
revival, technical assistance in agriculture
and telecommunications, debt
relief and a moratorium on loan repayments,
trade and investment, joint
ventures in mining, forestry and construction as
well as acceptance into
trading arrangements such as Nepad, Agoa, London and
Paris Donor Conferences
and IMF and World Bank programmes.
It is
understandable that we are meeting obstacles towards achieving
some of the
above objectives. These include conditionalities such as
reforming our land
policies as suggested by Angela Merkel, reforming the
legal system with a
view to improving human rights, constitutional reform,
stopping fresh farm
invasions, restoring the rule of law and a free press.
It is within our
control to improve on most of the issues cited by
potential financial
backers as contentious and needing urgent change. Again,
it was important
for Tsvangirai to go abroad and express commitment towards
achieving the
above changes and the need for the international community to
consider
supporting Zimbabwe now instead of waiting for Mugabe's departure
before aid
can be given.
It is true that Tsvangirai has a Herculean task to
convince the West
and to push for more reforms back home against the
background of a very
defiant group of Zanu PF politicians who view him (and
Mugabe) as sell-outs.
There is no other way that this country can be
turned around without
convincing the international community that Zimbabwe
has now returned to the
fold and needs support.
Crisford
Chogugudza,
crisford02@yahoo.co.uk
---------------
Diaspora can 'return' in various ways
Thursday, 25 June 2009
21:10
THE Zimbabwe Diaspora Development Interface (ZDDI) hails the
Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai's call for Zimbabweans in the United
Kingdom to
consider coming home because the message resonates with our
aspirations.
Whilst Tsvangirai's genuine call may not have gone
down well with a
section of the Zimbabwean diaspora community, there are
many other
Zimbabweans in the diaspora who are keen to explore ways to
contribute to
the reconstruction of Zimbabwe. We wish to clarify that not
all Zimbabweans
in the UK are exiles and this media stereotype does not help
the public
understand the Zimbabwean diasporans.
We recognise
the undeniable fact that Zimbabwe has suffered a serious
brain drain over
the years and that skills in the diaspora can be tapped
into if there is a
clear mechanism and programme to plough back into their
country.
We
urge better communication between the inclusive government and the
diaspora
community.
We wish the PM well in his quest to re-engage Zimbabwe with
the
international community as well as the diaspora.We are ready to share
ideas
on best practice in various fields in order to enable Zimbabwe to
compete in
the global society.
Returning home can be done in
various ways as visitors, tourists,
locum workers, and investors and
returning home permanently. As the prime
minister said, it will always be an
individual decision.
Zimbabwe Diaspora Development
Interface.
----------------
SMS The Zimbabwe
Independent
Thursday, 25 June 2009 21:11
KARIKOGA Kaseke has
failed to turn around the tourism industry in
Zimbabwe. It has gone from bad
to worse on his watch. Even Fifa has since
lost confidence in Zimbabwe
because of the poor administration.
Disappointed.
WILL the
University of Zimbabwe open I wonder? Former students like
Tendai Biti,
Arthur Mutambara and others must help us.
Ahoyi MaUBA.
I
AM a UZ student and it pains me to see Zanu PF policies destroy my
future.
All they care about is power and money. What is Stan Mudenge doing
about our
plight? He is just dead wood like the rest of his party.
UZ
student.
CAN Zesa please explain to us why an area in Marlborough
called "red
roofs" has electricity always when the rest of Marlborough is
switched off
everyday. Is it because there is a Zesa manager who lives
there? If so I am
willing to move to my cottage and let your senior
managers live in my house
for free. Please explain why you never follow your
load -shedding schedule
ever since you started it when it comes to
Marlborough.
Desperate.
THE move by Elias Mudzuri for
consumers to pay US$30 or more per month
for electricity or risk supplies
being cut is pure extortion. It is still
very expensive. May someone come to
our rescue?
Agripa Ngwazi.
WHY do mobile phone service
providers claim that they are not making
any profit when one cannot phone
for five minutes from a dollar? Travelling
has become cheaper than phoning
yet it is supposed to be the other way
round. The relevant ministry should
do something.
Zvirikudhura.
ARE the ministries of Finance
and Agriculture aware of Agribank
employees' plight? We have been mistreated
for far too long.
Banker.
WE need to prioritise three
issues in the new constitution. These are
the need for the devolution of
power, proportional representation and a Bill
of Rights.
Analyst.
WE should declare Gweru the new capital city and reside
the Supreme
Court in Bulawayo whilst Harare retains the legislature. There
should also
be devolution of power to five provinces.
Analyst.
I ADVISE the GNU to do away with appointing governors because
they are
a waste of money.
Fed up.
PEOPLE must stop
criticising Professor Jonathan Moyo. He is just
giving an honest analysis of
the shortcomings of the GNU. People might hate
him but he is the only man to
show the people what can be done if a man is
given a government post in
terms of development. Tsholotsho could have gone
very far today if he had
not been disturbed by the politics of hate and
jealousy.
Remember
that the situation we find our country in today was foretold
by him in the
early 1990s.
Analyst.
TENDAI Biti should stop harassing
Gideon Gono because he had to apply
desperate measures to quell a desperate
situation. He saved the nation from
total collapse and I wonder where Biti
was at that time?
Political Analyst.
GIDEON Gono should
write letters of complaint to Robert Mugabe who
appointed him and not to
Morgan Tsvangirai who is against his appointment.
Ndiza,
Plumtree.
GIDEON Gono is trying to use Morgan Tsvangirai as a boat
after he
created the river. Tsvangirai should let him drown.
Top
Shatta, Belvedere.
THE Sunday Mail should rise above their gutter
journalism. If Morgan
Tsvangirai was given a brief by Robert Mugabe and
cabinet to go and
campaign for the removal of sanctions why are they trying
to demean his
efforts?
Perplexed.
PLEASE Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, we want a rally in Rusape.
MDC for
life.
ARTHUR Mutambara does not support Robert Mugabe but he
refuses to be a
British puppet like what we see in some MDC-T
officials.
Patriot.
A CHANGE of leadership in Zanu PF
would renew the people's hopes in
it. If that happens we will vote for it
because it represents total
independence as opposed to
neo-colonialism.
Supporter.
IT is ungodly to punish the
innocent whilst the crooked walk free. But
it seems that Robert Mugabe's
government does exactly that. Jestina Mukoko's
issue being a case in
point.
Mude Chitungwiza.
Email: jag@mango.zw : justiceforagriculture@zol.co.zw
JAG
Hotlines: +263 (011) 610 073, +263 (04) 799410. If you are in
trouble or
need advice, please don't hesitate to contact us - we're here
to
help!
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------
1.
KARORI FARM UPDATE
The soldiers from the Zimbabwe National army have
remained on the farm
since March. Under instruction from Brigadier Mujaji
they stopped all
farm operations for five weeks including maize reaping and
tobacco
grading. Three Lorries were sent to the farm to try and load maize
for
delivery to the Jesuit ProvincialFood Programme who contracted the
crop,
however all the lorries were denied access and sent back.
The
Police have refused to intervene or uphold any of our Court orders
and
Charles Lock was told by the DISPOL that the Police had been
instructed by
police general headquarters not to render assistance.
Lock then took the
matter to Court again and got a spoliation order
against Mujaji and his
soldiers. They were to be removed by the Deputy
Sheriff forthwith. This is
really just a duplication of existing Court
Orders. In his replying
affidavit the Brigadier denied many of the
accusations against him including
the fact that there was a writ for his
arrest. He even said Lock no longer
lived on the farm and had no workers
there.
Lock actually went to the
farm with the German Ambassodor and witnessed
the shut down , the presence of
soldiers, and the lorry being turned back
empty.
The messenger of
Court was sent on Friday to effect the eviction, but
Mujaji stopped it and
returned all the soldiers and then attempted to
have the farm workers
themselves removed. The Police did nothing to
assist.
As it stands
now there are no operations on the farm, clearly Mujaji is
desperate to reap
what he has not sown and the Police support this
initiative.
In the
meantime there is an attempt by the Attorney general to charge
Lock's wife
for being on the land unlawfully. This is quite unbelievable
as Lock has
already been acquitted and can never be charged again. He
owns the crops and
equipment and farms the land.
The State now wants to charge his wife
.This indicates the extent to
which the law has collapsed in Zimbabwe.
Imagine a person being charged
for murder for example and he is tried and
found not guilty, so instead
they now charge his wife for the crime in an
effort to rectify the first
failed attempt even though she has nothing to do
with it.
It is quite unbelievable that the Prime Minister down plays
these issues
as exaggerations. He flies around asking for money when the
crops Lock
has produced legally are being stolen by the National Army. It
appears
the GNU has no intention of dealing with any hot issue even though
they
are at the root cause of our problems in this
country.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------
2.
Stockdale Citrus Estate
The entire early variety of citrus has been
reaped, so far about 4000
tons with 25 people; when we employed over 150
people to reap that same
crop, it just goes to show how much has been stolen
by the masses from
Chegutu (well Done)!
According to one official they
have been over 200 bags of AN stolen; when
we left on the 16th March there
were +300 bags in the locked in the
storage shed (some one WILL pay for that
that i can promise) the
beneficiary Edna Madzongwe has reported the matter to
CID Chegutu,I am
sure there will be an investigation There was 1000 ltrs of
diesel
delivered to the farm by Jamia (Senator Kadoma) and that has
gone
missing, SHAME! And there seems to be a bit of a rift between the
2
beneficiaries. Farming in Zimbabwe is not just about planting and
waiting
to grow it is a business that requires a LOT more FOOT work
http://www.voanews.com
By Blessing Zulu
Washington
25 June
2009
Soon to depart his Harare post, U.S. Ambassador to Zimbabwe
James McGee in
an interview with VOA on Thursday described as "wrong-minded"
those who
argue that the national unity government formed in February might
need to
stay in place for four or five years given the hurdles to organizing
a new
round of elections on a horizon of 18-24 months.
McGee,
scheduled to conclude his Harare assignment in early July, was asked
if he
believed free and fair elections could be held within 18 to 24 months
as
some in the former opposition Movement for Democratic Change formation
led
by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai have suggested is desirable given
the
the troubled course of the unity government.
"That I think is going to be
a little bit optimistic," McGee said. "We're
starting to fall behind on the
constitutional (revision) timetable, first of
all. Unfortunately there's
nothing in the Global Political Agreement (for
power-sharing) that says you
have to have that election in 18 months to two
years. We're already hearing
too many voices saying that it may be necessary
to maintain this current
government of national unity for four or five
years. Now that's just
absolutely wrong-minded thinking and the type of
thinking that creates
problems for us in trying to deliver assistance,
development assistance, to
this government."
U.S. officials including President Barack Obama and
Secretary of State
Hillary Clinton told Mr. Tsvangirai earlier this month
when he was in
Washington that expanded financial support to the Harare
unity government
depends on progress in restoring and protecting human
rights and the rule of
law. McGee said Mr. Tsvangirai had heard an
"unequivocal message" from U.S.
and other Western officials, "but we need to
see both sides of this unity
government engaged in forward movement, and
that's just not the case so
far."
Mr. Tsvangirai shares power in an
uneasy accommodation with President Robert
Mugabe and his long-ruling
Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front,
or ZANU-PF.
The
unity government was formed to end a political deadlock following 2008
elections marred by widespread, deadly violence, and a presidential runoff
in which Mr. Mugabe claimed victory amid widespread challenges to the
legitimacy of the uncontested second-round ballot.
Asked if there had
been any meaningful progress on human rights or the rule
of law since the
unity government was installed, McGee replied:"Let me give
you a very short
answer: no."
The ambassador offered some final thoughts to the Zimbabwean
people as he
prepares to return to Washington.
"Without the people,
there is absolutely no need for government. Government
exists to meet the
needs, the welfare of the people. And government has to
be responsible to
those needs, or the government should be ousted - throw
the rascals out,"
McGee said.
"When I look at the ongoing problems here in Zimbabwe, it
tells me that
there is a lack of leadership. The government of national
unity is one that
needs to work, but until we have both parties truly
committed to forward
movement here in Zimbabwe, it's not going to work. I
want to say to the
people of Zimbabwe, your country has unlimited potential.
But the people of
Zimbabwe need to step up and demand better from their
government."
When he took up his post in November 2007, succeeding the
outspoken
Christopher Dell who drew personal invective from Mr. Mugabe,
McGee
indicated he wanted to rebuild bridges to the Harare administration.
But
that was not to be as the 2008 elections unleashed a wave of politically
motivated violence aimed in particular against rural supporters of Mr.
Tsvangirai's MDC formation, which had scored major inroads in former ZANU-PF
strongholds.
McGee was outspoken in denouncing the violence and
visited victims both in
Harare and in the provinces, leading to
confrontations with police and
criticism by government officials.
In
reporting his scheduled departure, the state-controlled Herald newspaper
ran
a lengthy diatribe taunting McGee. The paper said he was leaving
Zimbabwe
"bruised and battered" because he had not been able to block the
formation
of the unity government.
In an interview with reporter Blessing Zulu of
VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe
McGee said the United States and other Western
countries want to see a
commitment to reform by both sides of the government
- including ZANU-PF -
but this has not been happening.
http://www.miningweekly.com/
By: Oscar
Nkala
26th June 2009
The Zimbabwe govern-ment says it is in
the final stages of imposing a new
regime of hefty levies aimed at ridding
the gold-mining sector of companies
and individuals who are holding onto
unused mining claims.
Mines and Mining Develop-ment Minister Obert Mpofu
tells Mining Weekly there
is a huge number of mining claims not being used
as the owners do not have
the resources to start mining or are simply
holding onto the claims for
speculation purposes.
“We have just
completed the process of identifying all redundant claims
nationwide and we
are feeding all this into a database that will be used to
check on and call
the concession holders to account for the state of their
claims . . . We
want to discourage speculators and economic saboteurs,” he
says.
Many
locals own multiple gold-mining claims but have neither the resources
nor
the technical know-how to venture into mining. ″Sources in the Ministry
say
more than 1 000 claims, mostly for gold, have been identified thus
far.
However, Colin Chigumira, of the Zimbabwe Miners’ Federation, which
represents small-scale gold-miners, says government’s intended move
threatens to derail locals’ participation in the gold-mining sector, which
is starting to show signs of revival.
He says many members of his
organisation have unexploited claims because
they could not raise capital
during the past nine years, a period
characterised by political and economic
difficulties.
“Government is missing the point. Everyone knows that the
mining industry
was knocked out cold by the
economic crisis, over which
people like Mpofu presided.″
“We find it particularly dis-turbing that
this seems to be targeted at
small-scale miners,” says Chigumira.″
He
says small-claim holders need at least two years to develop their
claims.
The intended move is likely to add to uncertainty in an industry
already
upset by various legislative restrictions, both mooted and
enacted.″
Foreign mining companies are waiting to see the implementation
of the
Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment Act, which seeks to give
locals a
51% stake in all foreign-owned mining ventures with no money
changing hands.
Edited by: Martin Zhuwakinyu
http://www.voanews.com
By
Patience Rusere
Washington
25 June 2009
Zimbabwe
this week launched the public participation phase of a process
intended to
lead to a new draft constitution in a little over a year as a
parliamentary
select committee held public hearings on the matter aiming to
hold a
referendum on the document by October 2010.
But the process has begun
under a cloud of controversy with the National
Constitutional Assembly
arguing it should be driven by the people, not by
members of
parliament.
President Robert Mugabe's pronouncement this week that the
so-called Kariba
draft, which would significantly expand presidential power,
should be the
touchstone for the revision process, also stirred concern. The
NCA and
others oppose adoption of the Kariba document saying it was written
in
secret in 2007 by the parties now sharing power in government.
For
perspective, reporter Patience Rusere of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe
turned
to Madock Chivasa, spokesman for the NCA, and Douglas Mwonzora,
co-chairman
of the parliamentary select committee, who insisted the process
is inclusive
and will not be manipulated.
http://www.voanews.com
By Jonga Kandemiiri
Washington
25 June
2009
With Zimbabwe's constitutional revision consultative process
officially
launched this week with hearings in Harare and other centers, the
National
Constitutional Assembly said it would step up its advocacy work to
include
education of the public on the pitfalls of the process now led by
the
parliament rather than by the independent commission it would
prefer.
The non-governmental organization in April launched a campaign
called "Take
Charge" to rally opposition to the parliamentary led
constitutional revision
process, joined by several other leading civic
organizations, including the
Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions.
NCA
spokesman Madock Chivasa told reporter Jonga Kandemiiri of VOA's Studio
7
for Zimbabwe that Zimbabweans need to know the dangers of allowing
politicians to lead the process of updating the country's basic
document.
Correspondent Arthur Chigoriwa reported from the Mashonaland
West capital of
Chinhoyi that residents who gathered Wednesday for a
consultative assembly
expressed mixed feelings about the constitutional
revision process as it was
explained to them.
http://www.thetimes.co.za
Moses Mudzwiti Published:Jun 26, 2009
THE University of
Zimbabwe, which has been closed for five months, could
reopen its doors next
month.
University authorities have informed the government
that the university will
reopen on July 6. However, lecturers at the
institution have poured cold
water on the claim. They said they were not
willing to resume lectures until
their salary disputes were resolved. Some
lecturers said they had not been
paid since November last
year.
Besides salary problems, the university still has no water. New
boreholes
drilled on campus are contaminated.
More than 6000
local and foreign students are enrolled at the institution.
The closures
have resulted in some students falling a year behind in their
studies.
Email: jag@mango.zw; justiceforagriculture@zol.co.zw
Please
send any material for publication in the Open Letter Forum to
jag@mango JAG OPEN LETTER FORUM - No..zw with "For
Open Letter
Forum" in the subject
line.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------
1.
Dear Jag
I note that our Prime Minister is saying that there have only
been "a few
isolated" recent incidents on Commercial farms. How recent is
"recent"?
Perhaps some people need to be reminded -
David Stevens,
a Commercial farmer in Macheke, was brutally murdered on
16th April 2000.
Five farmers with him sought sanctuary in the Murewa
police station where
they were beaten and tortured by the police.
Afterwards the war veteran
leader, Hunzvi said: "We don't want to be
provoked and we don't care what the
British are going to say. If they
want to fight with us, we will fight
them..." Maria, David's widow, son
and daughter, and young twin boys, tried
living in Zimbabwe for a while,
but it became too traumatic for them and they
now live in Sweden.
On the 18th April 2000, Martin Olds was murdered in
his home on the farm
in Nyamandhlovu. His wife Cathy, (a polio paraplegic),
daughter Martine,
and son Angus, were assisted by many people, enabling them
to emigrate to
the UK. The CFU Matabeleland Branch formed a fund for the
family which
assisted them tremendously whilst they were still in Zimbabwe.
Cathy is
now settled and works as a legal secretary.
Then on May 7th
2000, Alan Dunn was beaten to death by "war veterans"
with chains and bricks
outside his own back door as his wife listened
helplessly, to his calls for
help. He died on his way to hospital.
Then apart from the three mentioned
above, the murders of Willem Botha in
May 2000, John Weeks 13 May 2000, Tony
Oates 31 May 2000, Henry Ellsworth
12 December 2000 and Gloria Olds 4
February 2001. Then the world saw the
traumatic photograph of the little Jack
Russell dog lying next to his
murdered "boss", Terry Fords's body, outside
his Norton farmhouse.
Then what about the times when whole districts were
targeted by "war
vets"
at one time, e.g. the tragedies of Mhangura -
Doma - Chinoyi - Banket,
the Wedza and Mutare areas. There are many other
names of all races and
districts that could be named - the Prime Minister
says that he can
"count them".
It is not just the effects on
Commercial farming and farmers and also on
the workers and their families
that are so sad, but also the knock on
effect of the run down industries in
the cities.
"Recent" indeed - the only thing that is happening recently
is the
starvation of a once prosperous country.
A.J.
SWIRE-THOMPSON.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------
2.
Dear JAG,
More noise in response to the correspondent
below!
Honour the spirit of peace and reconciliation? Does the author
seriously
believe that the Mugabe regime will ever reciprocate? How can
refusing to
collude with a shameless and brutal dictatorship that has brought
nothing
but ruin and misery be equated with wanting our `stores
empty
again' or `closed schools' or `wanting to suffer
until things are
perfect'. The Zimbabwean people, including those
who jeered Tsvangirai, have
never demanded perfection, but change. What
they do want - and have a right
to demand - are their basic
human and democratic rights, the rule of law, and
justice. None of these
are remotely near resolution. There is not even a hint
of political will
on the part of ZANU(PF) to resolve these
issues.
Instead of working to remove draconian legislation, getting rid
of the
architects of our economic ruin, stopping the land invasions and
human
rights abuses - the MDC as done nothing but give in and cozy up
to
Mugabe. The problem is that the MDC has entered into an
unworkable
partnership with a dictatorship that will `share' power
only
when it is in its own interests to do so. The MDC is powerless. It
could
not even stop the land invasions, so it accepts and downplays
them.
While Tsvangirai and ZANU(PF) cronies wear their broad smiles to
convince
Western governments to support Zimbabwe, the same governments are
mocked
and vilified by Mugabe and our public media - over which
his
stranglehold is as secure as ever. It is sad and pathetic to see
Morgan
Tsvangirai defending a monster like Mugabe. He really does look like
the
errand boy of the Big Man - which is precisely as the state media
has
portrayed him.
Instead of justice, we have `healing'. None of those
who
committed heinous crimes against innocent and decent people have
been
brought to justice. When elections come and ZANU(PF) once again
smells
defeat, they will unleash their thugs and murderers again in a wave
of
violence. Mugabe will deplore MDC violence and call for peace, while
SADC
leaders fold their arms and do nothing. Doing business with the
Mugabe
regime is not, never was, and never will be part of the
solution.
The truth is simple: Morgan Tsvangirai and the MDC lost the
respect and
support of their followers when they capitulated and did a dirty
deal
with Mugabe. He and his party have become tainted with the
dictatorship
they once bravely (even if incompetently) fought. That is why
donors will
not give his government any money, that is why he is jeered by
his
would-be supporters in England, that is why the ordinary Zimbabwe,
who
looked to Morgan Tsvangirai and the MDC for hope, feel so betrayed.
But
the MDC has stopped listening.
And another thing: many times we
have proposed peaceful alternatives to
this cul-de-sac of collusion, only to
be told precisely what the author
says - there is no alternative. It is a
pity that he/she repeats
the mantra of the MDC about `perfection'
and
`alternatives' that are now standard fair for the MDC's
own
ineptitude. The `Chinje' the people yearn for has not
even begun.
Dale
Doré
Voice for Democracy
From: Prince Edward
[mailto:majubape@gmail.com]
Sent: Tuesday, June 23, 2009 6:46 AM
Subject:
so much noise
This is from the PM's website People's Forum. I agree with
it. k
Angry? Quit complaining. Come up with solutions. 10 Hours, 4
Minutes ago
Some people at Southwark Cathedral shouted down the Prime
Minister. Some
people on the internet blogs are saying it sounds in London
interviews
like he is being too accommodating to President
Mugabe.
They are angry, some even feeling betrayed. Without doubt, many
are true
victims and may God bless them.
But let's be honest with
ourselves, if we wanted real dramatic
change, when the election was stolen in
2002 or 2008, then we could have
done what the people in Iran have
done.
But we didn't. A few people like WOZA get arrested time and again
for
peaceful public activities. Sometimes NCA does, too. I don't know
who
else, not many images of Zimbabweans on the streets protecting
their
stolen vote.
So I say, if we aren't going to be part of the
solution, like the people
of Iran, then really, what good does it do to be
part of the problem by
picking away at leaders who have pragmatically
committed to
reconciliation? Including President Mugabe. Enough
already.
Things are not perfect. My friends are still struggling
mightily. 150
days cannot undo 150 months.
When I hear the hecklers I
think we are actually saying to the Prime
Minister, "I want the stores empty
again, as a matter of principle. And
since things aren't perfect, why not
let's close the schools again, until
they are. Why? Because we just think you
are being too nice to the
President and we all want to suffer suffer suffer
until things are
perfect. Perfect or else!"
Friends, we could have
marched through Harare with signs saying "where is
our vote?" We didn't. I
for one was too scared. Now I see on TV every
minute these brave people. But
that is not the path we took, is it? No.
We were too afraid, or too
something. I don't know what. We thought
somebody would solve our problem for
us. And when they didn't, we started
fighting and finger pointing amongst
ourselves. (Never pointing the
finger at our own selves.)
Politics in
Zimbabwe doesn't need to a zero-sum game. When we, the
people, change the
Constitution, it does not have to be Winner-Take-All
like it is now. It can
be a proportional representation like in South
Africa. It's better for
stability. Worse for accountability. Is anyone
talking about this?
I'm
sorry people but it seems like we always are acting like victims for
this
reason or that reason. "The old government is bad", we said. "The
new
government is bad", some say now. These people in London. How rough
is life
for them there? Maybe that's one reason they heckled the PM. I
bet they don't
want to return because they have got used to being in
England. Some might be
afraid, true enough, but let's be honest, it might
be expensive but it's an
interesting life.
In close, I ask these people who fled to the streets of
London (who
complain to each other in bars and on safe street corners far
from
danger) about our leaders and their cars and so on and so forth, I
ask
all Zimbabwean citizens with so many complaints in their mouths --
"where
were you on 30 March 2008"? or on March 12 2002? Were you on the
streets?
Right. So, let us try to honour the spirit of peace and
reconciliation
and quit being permanent victims. Yes, we were victims.
Beaten, tortured,
lost our livelihoods, family members. I write from
experience. But for
now comrades let's come up with solutions. I am so tired
of hearing
people think they can do better than this govt. But no one ever
says
how!! What is the
alternative???
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------
3.
Dear JAG,
CRY ZIMBABWE
I'm a Denver scientist and Director of the
Sand County Foundation. I have
made a dozen trips to Zimbabwe since 1999 and,
since 2000, worked in
community-based conservation there.
I have been
an eyewitness to the entire decline of that country.
I found articles
across the newspaper world so misleading so as to
confound me. One
sub-headline quotes Robert Mugabe as blaming the British
for his country's
economic collapse. Mugabe being quoted as saying."I
cannot sleep with a clear
conscience if there is any cheating." (In
Focus: Suffering in the Wrecked
Economy of Zimbabwe, by Angus Shaw,
Assoc. Press.) [There was no analysis of
this quote, as though blindly
accepted.]
The last [many] months
demonstrate that America and the Media live in a
vacuum, utterly ignorant of
African governance.
I'd like to speak truth to the media and government
lies. In my work in
Zimbabwe, supporting wildlife conservation and the
livelihoods of
indigenous people, this is what I have seen.
In 1999,
Zimbabwe was a thriving, budding democracy, the fourth largest
agricultural
exporter in the world! A rising Black middle class combined
with the best
race relations I have witnessed in my world travels. The
small white minority
were the greatest entrepreneurs I'd met anywhere.
Zanu-PF, the communist
revolutionary party of Robert Mugabe almost lost
the 2000 election to MDC the
budding pro-democracy opposition.
In order to stay in power, Robert
played his last and only-hole card:
Twenty years earlier he had
threatened to confiscate all 'white' farms,
but failed to do so through
benign neglect. In April, 2000, he pulled the
trigger. His "War Veterans"
invaded [those] farms, murdered a few whites
and drove the rest out of their
homes. 50,000 agricultural workers, all
black, protested. The great "Land
Reform" had begun.
In May, 2000, I interviewed War Vets on the 250,000
acre private wildlife
conservancy, Bubiana (subsequently destroyed by land
invasions). They
were farmers and wanted more land to grow maize. The
southeast low veldt
where they lived is a semi-desert, poorly suited to
farming - perfectly
suited to wildlife. In time they would poach all the
wildlife out of the
once thriving private land conservancies, and their crops
would fail 5 of
the 6 years since they ploughed the sand.
Zanu-PF gave
the commercial farms to their political cronies, generals
and higher-ups in
the national police. The politicos expected to cut
deals with the white
farmers to skim the profits. The whites refused to
play ball, so all that was
left was to sell off the farm equipment for
cash.
Thus, the Zimbabwean
agricultural economy collapsed. W heat production
dropped 90% in three years.
This is "Gangster Government" (Africa
Unchained, George Ayittey) at its
worst.
Since then, whenever I've thought it could not get worse, it has.
In
June, 2007, while I was there, I watched Mugabe enforce "price
controls"
while his central bank created the worst inflations since 1922
Germany,
by printing money and stealing foreign exchange as fast as they
could.
The prices were rolled back by six weeks (400%) and the shelves
emptied
in days. The price police would close a store, reset the prices
and
reopen the store. Like as not, the police, army officers and
politicians
would be standing in line, first to buy. Businesses went broke
and the
economy further collapsed. Don't believe me? I sat in a Harare
shopping
center in June, 2007 and watched it happen.
Robert Mugabe,
Zanu-PF, the army and police have stolen everything. They
have converted
their soon to be worthless Zim dollars to U.S. and shipped
it all offshore. I
have purchased large quantities of Zim dollars on the
black market to pay for
conservation efforts. I know of what I speak.
The world has stood by and
done nothing. Why not? Southern African
governments cannot intervene. They
are all Gangsters themselves, more or
less. I have had Ministers in Namibia
tell me Robert Mugabe is doing the
right thing. "We will take back the white
farms in our country someday."
Mbeki of South Africa is a thief. All of
them are. It is cultural. They
do not understand the creation of wealth. They
think you get rich by
taking from someone else. Why haven't we stepped in? My
friends, they are
Black and they have no Resources we covet.
-The
opposition has been beaten and murdered.
-Over three million black
Zimbabweans, the entire black middle class have
left the
country.
-Many college graduates are working cleaning toilets in South
Africa.
-Two million Zimbabweans have died of AIDS. The average life span
is
34 years.
-The population has dropped from about 14 million to
maybe 10 million
yet, Zanu-PF claim 5.9 million on the voter rolls in a
country where the
average age is less than the voting age. You do the
math.
The world could have intervened in Zimbabwe and set Africa on a
better
course. Instead, we have sat back and watched an entire continent
unravel
in a matter of years: Rwanda, Zimbabwe, Sierra Leone, Congo, Sudan
and
Kenya.
-Religious hatred,
-tribal
hatred,
-greed,
-gangsters and
-irrational borders imposed
by colonial powers.
- all fuelled by guns donated by Russia and the West
during the cold war
have led to the collapse in Africa.
Robert Mugabe,
for the moment is the worst of them. By sitting back and
doing nothing, the
West insured that he will be neither the worst nor the
last.
Following
Mugabe's thugs being confounded to discover they really did
lose the
election, -they violated their own constitution and ran the
election runoff,
not 21 days later, but 90 days.
-Enough time for them to viciously attack
their own constituency the
majority of whom had finally had enough and voted
against Mugabe.
-Sure they attacked and murdered MDC politicians, but
mostly the sacked
and burned Shona villages - their own people.
We now
know that Gangsters will not give up power. The election was
stolen. SADC,
the Southern African Development Community and the African
Union, have wrung
its collective hands and done nothing substantive.
Western governments
decry the results and do nothing as well.
The U.N. is incompetent to act,
a bloated bureaucracy that feeds at the
public trough.
Only military
intervention will overthrow this government and no one has
the stones to do
it.
In lieu of invasion, I suggest complete embargo. Let the refugees out
and
nothing in. Let the bastards sit in the dark with nothing to eat.
Let
them live like their own people. To paraphrase Alan Paton: "Cry,
the
Beloved Zimbabwe."
In Liberty,
Ed
Warner
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------
When
half of the people get the idea that they do not have to work
because the
other half is going to take care of them, and when the other
half gets
the idea that it does no good to work because somebody else is
going to
get what they work for, that my dear friend, is about the end of
any
nation. You cannot multiply wealth by dividing it."
- The late Dr.
Adrian Rogers , 1931 to 2005
---
Maria
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=18834
June 25, 2009
John Robertson
AFTER seemingly
endless debate on how Zimbabwe's problems are threatening to
overwhelm its
weary population because of their sheer magnitude, we need to
guard against
making yet another big mistake.
By allowing every one of Zimbabwe's
numerous problems to be subjected to
such energy-absorbing analysis, we can
too easily overlook the existence of
readily available practical
answers.
Zimbabwe needs ideas that work. Plenty of Zimbabweans have the
ability to
make good ideas work, but the country has damaged its links with
people who
know how to work and can distinguish between good and bad ideas.
And the
country's difficulties will be best overcome by restoring
production.
So we need workers, not freeloaders. We must be alert to the
arguments of
the "something-for-nothing" brigade, which gained the
ascendancy in recent
years. Some good ideas were accepted, but restrictions
were applied to
ensure that if anyone was to succeed, it should not be those
who succeeded
before. The "something for nothing" brigade carefully
protected their
territory, and if the challenges proved too difficult, its
members were
influential enough to grant themselves subsidies, special
exchange rates and
tax breaks.
While privileged individuals made
fortunes, these ideas were not an answer
the country's problems. In fact
they were the country's problems. And such
problems can now be overcome only
by having everybody work for what they
get, working to the same rules,
paying the same prices and meeting the same
exacting and unforgiving demands
of the same competitive markets.
While this clique was calling the shots,
Zimbabweans were told to look East
and told to look left. Bombarded with
constant reminders of historic
imbalances, we were even told to look
backwards. And the leadership demanded
that, no matter what they did or
said, to them we must look up. What we
actually needed to do was to look
forwards. We need to do that now in our
efforts to put in place the
requirements for a better tomorrow.
Whether we seek or receive advice
from the East, or the West, or from the
Left or the Right, or whether we
really need cautionary notes from a history
that cannot be changed, all our
tomorrows lie in the future. We can do the
most to fix the future by
allowing the people who can - who know how to -
take the initiative needed
to rebuild Zimbabwe's economy for all of us.
Countries can offer
incentives to investors, and investors might be
persuaded to commit their
funds because they are happy to accept incentives.
So you can offer people
incentives. But instead, we should recognise the
very special qualities of
people who are capable of taking initiative.
Initiatives are not offered
or accepted, they are taken, and sometimes even
seized. In every case, the
people involved are very different from the rest
of us. And we need them,
but a curious fact is that politicians are often
scared of such people.
Perhaps it is because the possible success of
initiative-takers is
considered likely to empower them. For the kind of
politician we are talking
about, any powers held by those other than the
political elite are seen as a
potential threat.
For such politicians, the purpose of striving for
political power is to
wield power, not to share power with anybody. So their
reaction to people
with unusual abilities is always to try to control them.
But these are the
very people any and every country needs the most. Far from
letting our
politicians try to control them, we should be demanding they be
offered
conditions that encourage them. If we succeed, they will use their
rare
skills in our own country on behalf of our own communities.
All
that the administration needs do is to ensure that everyone has equal
access
to the available resources. In essence, that means that all the
resources
should be in the market and all those who need them should pay for
them at
the market prices.
When capable people are taking initiatives, entirely
different processes are
involved from when other people are merely reacting
to incentives. However,
they share a common link of development. In every
case, development requires
investment, and investment calls for investor
confidence. Whether they are
responding to incentives or seizing
initiatives, the different investors are
trying to invest their own, or
somebody else's knowledge, time and energy,
plus their savings or other
people's savings, to try to develop something.
Whoever they are, these
investors will hopefully have confidence in their
own abilities already, but
all of them will also want to feel confident that
issues over which they
have little or no control will not derail their
efforts. They will want to
feel that the investment climate within the
country and region concerned is
acceptable and will remain acceptable.
Those people who take the
initiative to accomplish something, however, show
levels of energy, vision,
enterprise and courage that set them apart. They
usually see potential that
others missed. They certainly do not wait for
others to identify them,
repackage them with enticing incentives and then
offer lists of them at
development conferences. But if they are unsettled by
arbitrary political
interference, the initiatives they can take will be
taken somewhere
else.
In the world's prosperous countries, ideas have been more readily
adopted
and adapted, and growth has been more self-sustaining because the
people who
could take initiative were left to get on with it. In every case,
the most
successful of the countries were those that ensured the climate was
supportive of those willing to make such commitments. In such countries, aid
has seldom featured.
Zimbabwe is in danger of getting hopelessly
entangled in endless details of
the things that need to be done and in
trying to decide who should do them.
If the challenges were placed in the
laps of the country's capable
initiative-takers, these people would soon
generate workable solutions and
get them working. And for the rest of us,
that is all we need!