The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.
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Zimbabwe Mirror

Mawere under siege
Masimba Rushwaya

IT never rains but pours for embattled businessman, Mutumwa Mawere as it has
emerged that the acquisitive tycoon's companies have run into a spot of
bother. Reliable sources have confirmed that the ruling Zanu PF party has
tightened its screws on the "thankless" Mawere by squeezing the cash flows
of his two entities, namely FSI Agricom and SMM Holdings.

The sources revealed that one of Mawere's sphere of influence, First Banking
Corporation (First Bank), had received instructions "from above" not to
process any transactions from the two stables.

In effect the companies cannot do business.

Mawere, through Zimre Holdings, owns a 21 percent stake in First Bank and,
naturally, in order to keep funds within the same circles, most of his
companies had accounts with "the family", i.e. First Bank. The Sunday Mirror
is reliably informed that all companies linked with Mawere have had their
accounts with First Bank frozen. Most of them had usually borrowed from
First Bank under SMM during times of losses and foreign currency exposure.

Mawere, when contacted yesterday, said that he could not talk much as he has
a pending court case.

"In any case I don't know why you are asking me all these questions when I
am just a shareholder. I am not a signatory to First Bank's cheques. I am
not involved in the day to day business of these companies that you say have
had their accounts frozen," he said.

This has always been Mawere's main line of reasoning when quizzed about his
empire.

When told that as a major shareholder in most of these companies, he should
have cause for concern over the latest developments he said: "Shamwari,
kondikafa (My friend if I die) will those companies cease from existence? Do
you know the shareholders of Barclays Bank? The original shareholders died a
long time ago but the bank is still in existence. Anyway, in terms of
corporate law there is what is termed limited liability. I cannot answer for
all companies that I have made an investment in. Hunenge husisiri hupenyu
(It would not be life)." As to whether it was true that he would never again
set foot in Zimbabwe, Mawere dismissed the media reports saying that this
was spicing up of news. "Zimbabwe kumusha kwangu (is my home), and why
should I run away? The way you people sometimes write your stories, I don't
know." Pressed as to when he intended to return to his country, Mawere
preferred to keep mum saying that he was not sure when he would return. It
has been revealed that First Bank had garnished US$3 000 from SMM's account
after it had failed to settle a Z$6 billion advance loan with the bank.

SMM has, in effect, moved to Genesis Merchant Bank, which is now
facilitating all its business. Apparently, Mawere also has an indirect
interest in Genesis, and his right hand man, Solomon Tembo, is the current
chairman of the bank's board.

Tembo is the chief operating officer of Zimre Holdings and also sits on the
board of First Bank.

Tembo revealed yesterday that he was not aware of the latest goings on, as
he was a non-executive director of the bank.

"Look, I don't know the day to day running of the bank. For example, you may
have an account with the bank but I would not know that. In any case, even
if I were aware of the status of the companies accounts, I would not be at
liberty to divulge such information to you. The status of corporate accounts
is confidential. The best you can do is get in touch with the executive
directors." Several of the "top dogs" that head the intricate web in Mawere'
s empire could not be reached on their mobile phones yesterday.

These included First Bank's managing director, Livingstone Gwata and
executive director, Mberikwazo Chitambo and FSI managing director, Ivan
Savala.

Unconfirmed reports point to the fact that the current crackdown on the
business mogul is at the behest of an influential government and ruling
party official, who is said to be maternally related to Mawere and with whom
it is rumoured that they have since fallen out.

Mawere is said to have been "ungrateful" to the party for what it has done
for him, in view of the fact that he was given Shabanie and Mashaba Mines
(also known as African Associated Mines) on a silver platter as he virtually
did not pay a cent for its purchase.

When Mawere returned to Zimbabwe from his World Bank brief in South Africa,
he established African Resources Limited, a holding company registered in
the British Virgin Islands, and used it to purchase Shabanie Mashaba Mines
(Private) Limited.

The owners, Turner and Newall were looking for a buyer of their mines and
associated companies, Turnall Fibre Cement, Tube and Pipe Industries and Tap
Construction, a Zambian based building products supplier.

The ruling party and government official is said to have taken an active
interest in promoting Mawere, and aggressively lobbied Turnall to sell him
the mines, during the then heydays of the government's economic
indigenisation policy.

The mines were being sold for US$60 million but he (Mawere) only paid out a
meagre US$1 with the balance being paid over a year in monthly instalments,
from company sales.

To protect its interests, Turnall held the company shares in trust until
they were paid in full.

Both the government and the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe approved the deal, as
part of its then much vaunted indigenisation programme.

The government simply issued a guarantee to the sellers.

This was to be the first negotiated buy-out of a foreign held mine by a
single black Zimbabwean.

The confirmed entrance of Zanu PF director of information, Frederick Shava
and Manicaland provincial chairman Mike Madiro into the scheme of things as
directors of First Bank is viewed as a calculated attempt to neutralise
Mawere and to audit the way he has done business.

This comes on the back of allegations that Mawere, or his associate
companies, had indulged in foreign currency externalisation practices.

There are reports that the High Court of Witwatersrand Division in
Johannesburg (South Africa) had granted a company called Peter Trading of
South Africa access to US$18.5 million, Canadian $620 000 and R4.5 million.

These amounts were supposed to be remitted to Zimbabwe by Southern Asbestos
Sales (SAS), the marketing arm of African Associated Mines (AAM).

Peter Trading, SAS and AAM went to court after AAM failed to pay a debt for
equipment and spare parts supplied to AAM. Peter Trading and AAM had an
agreement that allowed the former to access funds held by SAS as payment for
services rendered.

Sources have revealed that as at March 31, 2004, SAS owed AAM a total of
R127.1 million. However, SAS indicated to AAM that a balance of R52.2
million, which had arisen after paying Peter Trading, would be used to pay
other AAM debts.

Consequently, no funds were to be remitted to Zimbabwe.The Sunday Mirror is
reliably informed that on April 29, 2004, William Mudekunye, chairman of SMM
Holdings, wrote to SAS indicating that Peter Trading's action was in
accordance with an existing agreement and offered no defence against Peter
Trading's desire to access SAS funds.

The following day, SAS in turn wrote to Peter Trading indicating that it
would not oppose the court application.

AAM is accused of not having followed Zimbabwe Exchange Control regulations
that stipulate that before any payment is made to a foreign company for
goods and services, the local partner should seek central bank approval
first. Shava and Madiro were present at First Bank's recent annual general
meeting (AGM) and Gwata is on record as having confirmed their appointment
as directors.

The SMM stable comprises asbestos giant Turnall Holdings, Steelnet, General
Beltings, Shabanie Mashava Mines and Fortress Travel Tours.

FSI Agricom is mainly involved in the contract farming scheme with mainly
new farmers.

Recent media reports have indicated that the company is facing severe cash
flow and liquidity problems.

Retrenchment is said to be looming at FSI with many facing the axe.

It is alleged that the new regulations contained in the monetary policy
statement had a negative effect on FSI Agricom's operations as government
announced that it would channel funds to assist newly resettled farmers
through the Agricultural Development Bank of Zimbabwe (the Land Bank).

Previously, agricultural service and input suppliers dealt with various
ministries and financial institutions of their choice.

The lack of institutional support to A2 farmers through companies such as
FSI had further strained the company's financial position.

Three of the company's subsidiaries had been affected by the latest
developments, namely FSI Tobacco, FSI Soya and FSI Farms. The subsidiaries
have since been bundled into FSI Farms Northern and FSI Southern, with
significant reduced outgrower schemes in all crops.

The Sunday Mirror also has it on good authority that Mawere's posh South
African nightclub, Kilimanjaro, has fallen on hard times. It has been
revealed that the nightclub is probably the best in Africa and its cover
charge averages R80 or even R300 during public holidays.

The club is based in Johannesburg's plush Melrose Arch, a new multi-billion
rand shopping mall development that caters for the elite. Facing liquidity
problems, the club was allegedly sold to Zimre by Mawere for R7 million.
Effectively, this means that he sold the club to himself, as he is the major
shareholder of Zimre through Africa Resources Limited.

He was reportedly unable to sustain the two-storied infrastructure and
management has since began a crusade of persuading blue chip companies such
as Old Mutual (South Africa) to host meals such as dinners en bloc from 5.30
to 1100 p.m. after which the nightclub would open to revellers. Mawere
dismissed the idea that he had ever made such an investment in the
entertainment industry in the first place, despite reports to the contrary.

The empire that Mawere built comprises Zimre, the holding company of Nicoz
Diamond, Fidelity Life Assurance, Fidelity Life Asset Management Company,
Fidelity Securities, Fidelity Life Medical Aid Society and Zimbabwe
Insurance Brokers.

Also in the picture are AAM, Steelnet, Turnall, General Beltings, Tube and
Pipe Industries, First Bank, Pigott Maskew, FSI, CFI Holdings, with its
subsidiaries, Agrifoods, Victoria Foods, Dore and Pitt, Farm & City,
Suncrest, Crest Breeders and Ross Breeders, among others.

Zimre also once had a 49 percent stake in public transporter, ZUPCO.

Other investments are Midsec Security, Fortress Travel and Tours, Words and
Images (a PR firm), Textbook Sales, Cernol Chemicals, Ukubambana-Kubatana
Investments (UKI), Regatta Financial Services and Firstel.

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From ZWNEWS, 27 June

St Martin-in-the-Fields

Zimbabweans who gathered in London on Saturday at a service of solidarity
for torture victims heard tales of brutality and witnessed enduring courage.
Several of the speakers, an opposition member of Parliament, a human rights
lawyer and a former student leader, came from Zimbabwe to testify - and then
return home. "I am not afraid. I have experienced a lot . I am now prepared
to die for the sake of the people of Zimbabwe," MP Evelyn Masaiti said in
almost matter of fact tones as she left the service at St.
Martin-in-the-Fields in Trafalgar Square. Mrs Masaiti, opposition legislator
for Mutasa in Manicaland, arrived in London just hours before the service,
after being detained, threatened and having her luggage searched by
intelligence agents at Harare Airport. "They tried to stop me going and they
threatened to deal with me when I came back to Zimbabwe. I am prepared for
any eventuality." And the 39-year-old well knows what that could mean. Over
the past few years she has been jailed, beaten and threatened by police,
soldiers, so-called war veterans and Mugabe's violent youth militia. After
her husband was beaten up, his health deteriorated and he died. Her five
children seldom leave home for fear of being abducted.

The London service was organised by Amnesty International UK and other human
rights organisations to show solidarity with Zimbabweans on the
International Day in Support of Victims of Torture. A simultaneous service
was held at St Mary's Cathedral in Bulawayo, led by Archbishop Pius Ncube.
"We, who gather here freely, honour their courage and their witness," the
Rev. Liz Griffiths said of those at the Bulawayo service. In London, a choir
of Zimbabwean exiles sang hymns in Shona, Ndebele and English, culminating
with the anthem Nkosi sikilel' iAfrica. Afterwards, in a procession of
several hundred, the Zimbabweans walked to the nearby Zimbabwe Embassy, laid
wreaths, and sang. In the foreground, Mugabe stared from a huge picture
above the slogan "Wanted for the Murder of" - followed by long list of the
names of victims. Both services focussed on the plight of youth and children
living in a climate of hatred and fear, in a land wracked by HIV/AIDS. "We
have created a generation of torturers who will be with us for many years to
come," said human rights lawyer Beatrice Mtetwa, referring to the notorious
youth camps set up by the regime. After the service, Ms. Mtetwa joked as she
prepared to head for Heathrow Airport and back to Harare. "I hope they are
not too many people to meet me," she said.

Tinashe Chimedza, general-secretary of the Zimbabwe National Students Union
until 2002, who was expelled from the University of Zimbabwe for opposing
the regime, was also returning home. He described being beaten
semi-conscious in April by half a dozen policemen after police sealed off a
hall where he had been invited to address a meeting on education. Outside,
his lawyer was barred from entering. After the beating, he was taken to a
police station and thrown on the floor, bleeding. He spent eight days in
hospital. Because of his facial injuries, he has difficulty eating. "What
about those people whose torture you have not heard?" said Chimedza. "There
are many there whose stories are far more gruesome than mine." During the
service, the voice of Archbishop Ncube, in a taped interview, echoed through
St. Martin-in-the-Fields. He spoke of the misery, the hunger, the starvation
and widely discredited claims by Mugabe that the country needs no more
international food aid. "Mugabe would not care if 500,000 Zimbabweans died
of starvation,'' said the archbishop, who is denounced and harassed by
Mugabe agents at home, and internationally renowned abroad. He said the
international community was keen to speak out against the abuses by the
Mugabe regime. "The people who are at fault are the African leaders," he
said. "The African leaders back Mugabe hook, line and sinker...Mbeki knows
what is going on in Zimbabwe, but he doesn't face the truth about it." He
added that, apart from the presidents of Botswana, Kenya and Zambia, the
African leaders' stance is "since he is African let us support him, even
though he is wrong."
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Zimbabwe Mirror

Are electoral reforms sufficient?
Mabasa Sasa

ALL future elections held in this country will henceforth be carried out
under the auspices of a new Zimbabwe Elections Commission (ZEC), reported
The Herald yesterday. This Commission will be publicly funded and will have
financial autonomy though it will be accountable to Parliament.

Furthermore, the chief electoral officer will be a Presidential appointee.
this has raised a whiff of suspicion from sceptics since the element of
'independence' that critics are always harping about is tellingly lacking.

For a long time now, ever since the political opposition gained momentum
some five years or so ago, there have been numerous calls by a number of
civic organisations - in particular the National Constitutional Assembly
(NCA) - for electoral reform. It would seem that the government's move to
promote transparency in line with the Sadc initiatives would bring a smile
on the faces of those who felt that the Electoral Supervisory Commission
(ESC) was a partial body that acted according to the whims of Zanu PF.

But it seems that the opposition movement is not completely satisfied with
the "sweeping changes" as they allege that there is still room for
manipulation of the elections bythe ruling party.

The most obvious gripe is that the President, in this case His Excellency
Robert Mugabe, is the one who has the prerogative to appoint the chief
electoral officer.

The insinuation is that the President can still create an uneven playing
field through the appointment of an impartial electoral body, which will
wittingly (or unwittingly) incline towards the demands of the ruling party.
Ideally, it would seem from examples from around the world, that an
electoral supervisory body would get its professional and ethical mandate
after the participation and endorsement of parliament, the executive and
civic society.

Lovemore Madhuku, the chairman of the National Constitutional Assembly, was
of the view that at the end of the day, the government had not really done
much by way of creating what he called an even playing field.

Though he admitted that the developments were an improvement, there could be
no holistic changes to the country's electoral system as long as the
Constitution still gave room to political manipulation.

"The changes that are there, like increasing the number of polling stations
and limiting voting days to only one are a step forward but they are not the
fundamental changes we would have aspired for," Madhuku said.

The NCA's view, like that of other sceptics, is that an electoral
supervisory body had to be created after the input of the judiciary,
parliament and representatives of political parties as well as members of
civic society directly concerned with issues of democracy and
multi-partyism.

This view conforms to those of other non-governmental bodies that have for
years felt that Zanu PF is not capable of creating an atmosphere conducive
for the staging of free and fair elections. What is of interest is
establishing how a truly independent electoral commission can be
constituted. After all, it seems that what all the various stakeholders
really want is a body that is impartial in elections. It is interesting to
note that Zimbabwe has been the subject of a lot of flak about the nature of
the laws and structures governing elections and yet, even a cursory glance
of the systems governing the electoral processes of other Southern African
nations reveals that the scenario here is not very different from that
obtaining elsewhere in the region.

In all, the structures and legislative institutions found in all these
countries deviate only slightly from what is found in Zimbabwe though it is
apparent that this country lags behind when it comes to the participation of
opposition political parties in the constitution of our electoral
supervisory structures.

Evidently, Zimbabwe should be moving towards the incorporation of the voices
of all stakeholders in structuring such bodies whilst the participation of
the judiciary is unfortunately not yet telling. Probably, the government now
feels that it has complied with Sadc obligations and that it has put
detractors to shame. It can now go and stand before the regional summit and
get a pat on the back for presenting itself as a progressive institution
that listens to criticism and acts accordingly.What should be worrying to
the opposition, considering that parliamentary elections are just around the
corner, in addition to factoring in the MDC's dismal run in by-elections
held to date, is that the ruling party feels supremely confident and
sufficiently strong.
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Business Report

      Rosy growth forecast for sub-Saharan Africa
      June 28, 2004

      By Renée Bonorchis

      Johannesburg - Just over a decade ago Zimbabwe, Ivory Coast and Kenya
were understood to be three of Africa's top five leading lights by the
foreign investment community.

      At a talk on sub-Saharan Africa, the Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU)
said apart from South Africa and Nigeria's continuing financial leadership,
Mauritius and Botswana were the "new kids on the block".

      But the downturn in Zimbabwe, Ivory Coast and Kenya's prospects,
mostly because of the single-party rule, would not be made up for by the
bullishness being shown by Mauritius and Botswana.

      The EIU said this meant growth in sub-Saharan Africa would not be
vibrant enough to reach the 7 percent rate that the UN development programme
said was needed by 2010 to eradicate poverty
            "Real gross domestic product forecast at 4.5% this year and 4.7%
next year"
      .

      But the EIU's forecast for sub-Saharan Africa was "rosy", with real
gross domestic product forecast at 4.5 percent this year and 4.7 percent
next year. Growth in the region has become more dependent than ever on South
Africa and Nigeria.

      This research concurs with data released this month by Vivek Arora
from the International Monetary Fund. He found that for every 1 percent of
growth in South Africa, there was a 0.4 percent to 0.7 percent increase in
the rest of Africa.

      The EIU said its positive forecasts were based on the assumption that
weather conditions would be normal and that there would be continued
increases in global commodity prices. Coffee, cocoa, tea, gold, diamonds and
tobacco prices would be particularly important.

      South Africa's foreign direct investment outflows to other African
states were noted as positive for South Africa and the countries it was
choosing to invest in.

      "South Africa's growth and foreign direct investment outflows are very
positive. It is resulting in growth, the transfer of technology and skills,"
said Pratibha Thaker, the EIU's regional director for Africa.

      "You can see a visible difference in the capitals of these countries.
Dar es Salaam would be an example."

      Thaker questioned whether this was sustainable and said the
investments in other economies might be risky if they did not grow as fast
as South Africa was forecasting.

      She said South Africa's stability and consistency was highly rated by
the global community.

      She added that the region needed to stay on course with its economic
policies and pay more attention to stamping out corruption, which was a
"major concern" for many parties watching Africa as an investment
destination.
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Tech Central Station

      Away From the "New Conservatism"

            By Richard Tren  Published   06/28/2004

    It looks like South Africans are going to be in for a rough ride over
the next few years or, more likely, the next few decades. Yesterday in
parliament, President Mbeki signalled a policy shift to the left; perhaps
what he meant was a shift further to the left. Mbeki criticised what he
calls the "new conservatism" that to him enshrines the individual and
denigrates the state. This is precisely what South Africa does not need. We
have had a stagnating economy for the past 30 years and if the government
goes ahead with its leftists plans we should start to see the economy
contract.

      In the past few weeks the minister of trade and industry, Alec Erwin,
confirmed that the government had no plans to privatise the massive state
owned industries that produce electricity, run the railways and airports and
that produce weapons. Much to the chagrin of consumers, the government has
dragged its feet over issuing a licence for a competitor to the state
controlled fixed line telephone company. As a result of the state imposed
monopoly, South Africans have among the highest telephone costs in the
world.

      Over four decades of Apartheid, successive National Party governments
used taxpayers' money to build up massive state owned enterprises that they
then used to empower Afrikaners. White affirmative action put Afrikaners in
control of these industries and even the most incompetent whites were
guaranteed jobs as ticket inspectors on the railways or in other companies.
Instead of recognising the folly and damage of these policies, the ANC
government is perpetuating them. The government still uses taxpayers' money
in exactly the same way, only this time to advance the interests of black
businessmen instead of whites.

      Black economic empowerment has been under the spotlight as well. The
minister of minerals and energy, Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, announced that new
investors in South Africa's mines were sabotaging empowerment and should be
forced to sell 51% of their enterprises to black companies.

      South Africa's own style of affirmative action or black economic
empowerment (BEE) has been wildly successful at enriching a few politically
well connected black businessmen. According to Tony Leon, leader of the
official opposition party, last year there were R42.2 billion ($6.8bn) worth
of black economic empowerment deals. That might sound impressive, but 60% of
that amount (or $4bn) went to companies owned by only two men. While a few
have become billionaires almost overnight, the economy has continued to
stagnate as a result of policies that add enormous costs to private industry
and stop businesses from growing.

      A couple of days before Mbeki's parliamentary lurch to the left, Tokho
Didiza, the minister of agriculture and land affairs (and a very prominent
member of the ANC party) proposed that foreign ownership of property be
limited. The minister is apparently concerned about the increase in house
prices in South Africa and blames foreigners who have been buying up prime
real estate, particularly along the scenic Cape coast, and pushing up
prices. Her solution is to offer foreigners only 99 year leases on the
property they buy.

      To say that her plan is stupid is an understatement and we can only
hope that parliament blocks it. Her statements should however been seen in
the context of Zimbabwe's downward, and violent, spiral into chaos when that
government started to undermine property rights. Namibia looks as if it is
embarking on the same course. The message to foreign investors is that your
property and investment is not safe in Africa. This is a great pity because
other countries in Africa, such as Botswana, rigorously defend private
property and the institutions of a free society (and have been rewarded with
nearly 7% annual economic growth as a result).

      During his speech, Mbeki quoted liberally from the leftist English
writer Will Hutton. Mbeki wants, for South Africa, what Hutton calls "the
broad family of ideas that might be called the left -- a broad belief in the
social, reduction in inequality, the provision of public services, the
principle that workers should be treated as assets rather than commodities,
the regulation of enterprises." and so on ad nauseum.

      It would have been more useful if, instead of reading Hutton, Mbeki
had read a few history books. Hutton's own nation grew wealthy precisely
because it didn't have the leftist ideology to which he seeks a return.
Europe can perhaps afford to flirt with leftist policies that slow growth
and bloat government because their economies are large enough and rich
enough now. But western nations would never have become rich if they
listened to the likes of Hutton in the late 19th century.

      There is simply no intelligent debate on what makes a country rich and
what keeps a country locked in poverty. If governments limit their role to
protecting property rights and the institutions of a free society, people
begin to prosper. Unsurprisingly governments that burden their business with
regulations (and we have a surfeit of that in South Africa) stagnate or
contract. In economically free countries the rich get richer but the poor
get richer much faster. If Mbeki is truly interested in a better South
Africa, he should stop undermining liberty and start protecting it.

      Of course perhaps he isn't interested in a better South Africa for
all; perhaps instead he is just interested in protecting the interests of
his well connected billionaire friends. Luckily for Mbeki, as a star pupil
of the Lenin International School in Moscow during the 1970s he will have no
shortage of policies with which to enrich his friends and perpetuate
poverty.

      Tren is a director of the health advocacy group Africa Fighting
Malaria and is based in Johannesburg.

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Centre for Public Opinion and Democracy - Canada

June 28, 2004
Africans Assess “People’s Will” In Government

(CPOD) Jun. 28, 2004 – Many African adults in seven countries tend to believe that their views are not always respected by their governments, according to a poll by GlobeScan released by the Program on International Policy Attitudes. 56 per cent of respondents do not believe their respective countries are run by the will of the people.

Residents of the Nigeria and Zimbabwe illustrated the lowest degree of confidence, with 12 per cent and 21 per cent respectively. Conversely, 61 per cent of respondents in Ghana were content with how their country is governed.

Polling Data

Would you say that your country is run by the will of the people?

 

Yes

No

Average

38%

56%

Ghana

61%

34%

Kenya

48%

45%

Ivory Coast

48%

48%

Tanzania

42%

53%

South Africa

33%

57%

Zimbabwe

21%

73%

Nigeria

12%

85%

Source: GlobeScan / Program on International Policy Attitudes
Methodology: Interviews to 6,451 African adults in Ghana, Ivory Coast, Kenya, Nigeria, South Africa, Tanzania and Zimbabwe, conducted from Nov. 21, 2003 to Feb. 12, 2004. Interviews were conducted face-to-face in all countries except South Africa, where telephone sampling was used. No margin of error was provided.

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Leigh Today, UK

      Double death horror

      The body of a woman was found slumped in a car by people walking their
dog in a farm lane near Leigh Cemetery.

      The horrified family contacted police who then found the body of the
woman's 30-year-old partner at their nearby one-bedroom flat.
      Leon Katina was found hanging after officers were led to the flat in
Warwick Street following the discovery of the body of Nyaria Nyamatanga, who
lived with Katina, and had been stabbed in the neck. The 22-year-old had a
coat covering her head and was sat in the passenger's seat, slumped over to
the driver's side.
      The couple, both members of Hohodza Band from Zimbabwe, had been
living here for about two years.
      Police are conducting enquiries into their deaths but are not looking
for anyone else. Both families in Zimbabwe have been informed.
      Det Chief Insp Tony Leonard of Wigan CID said: "The families of both
deceased parties hail from Zimbabwe and while certain contact has been made
with them thus far it is not the easiest of countries to get through to.
Having said that, a detective sergeant will be meeting representatives of
the families this weekend with a view possibly to taking the remains back to
Zimbabwe."

      28 June 2004

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GMB Must Put House in Order

The Herald (Harare)

June 28, 2004
Posted to the web June 28, 2004

Harare

THERE have been disturbing reports that Grain Marketing Board cheques issued
to farmers were being dishonoured by some banks.

While we do not want to go into establishing the validity of the reports or
not, we however want to make it clear that whatever problems the GMB may be
facing in its operations, let them not spill to the farmers.

The maize that most farmers have produced is classified; it can only be sold
to the GMB and in return farmers want their payment.

Farmers are not interested in being told stories, when they have toiled all
season to produce a crop for which the cheques they are paid are dishonoured
for one reason or the other.

Whatever the problems may be at the GMB, the parastatal must not forget the
national role that it plays nor the strategic nature of its operations and
must surely not forget that it is there to ensure first and foremost food
security.

It can only ensure food security if it buys maize from farmers and in return
pays them without hitches.

The strategic grain reserve needs to be replenished but with the way the GMB
has handled farmers, we see them being forced to sell to private buyers in
violation of the statutory instrument making the board the sole buyer of
maize.

We do not urge farmers to flout regulations as they would be arrested for
doing so but we call upon the GMB to put its house in order so that the
problems of payment that farmers are experiencing are addressed with the
urgency they deserve.

The Government injected $100 billion into the board's coffers recently, an
amount that should enable the board to pay farmers without any problems.

It is sad that some of the excuses advanced by the GMB as defence for the
payment problems were as absurd as they can come. Farmers were not
interested in the stories coming from the board but wanted a simple
assurance that they would get their money.

All the stories about fake cheques and denials of dishonoured cheques by the
GMB were an act of poor public relations.

Probably, it is time that saboteurs in the GMB are flushed out and those
working for the national interest are retained.

Again, it is time that the Government confirms the various people holding
top posts in acting capacity or if they are not suitable, then let us have
the right people in the positions.

We have wondered why an institution of such strategic nature would go on
with people in acting capacities. This is certainly not good for the board
in terms of decision making as there is bound to be a lot of hesitation.

The GMB should be all out buying maize from the farmers but we have seen a
new trend emerging within the board. Concentration has been put on buying
uncontrolled products so that the board makes much more money but this
should not be done at the expense of buying grain.

We have said the country has produced enough to take us through to next
season and the onus rests on the GMB to ensure all the maize is mopped up
and that the SGR is fully replenished.

Probably, it is time that the Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development,
Dr Joseph Made cracked the whip on the GMB management for the laid back
attitude to work.
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Residents Against Hefty Rates Increase

The Herald (Harare)

June 28, 2004
Posted to the web June 28, 2004

Harare

Harare residents in high density suburbs have reacted angrily to the
increase in rates saying lodgers would be the most affected as most
landlords would increase rentals to correspond with the new charges.

But council spokesman Mr Lesley Gwindi said the increases were justified and
would go a long way in helping the city meet its core functions of service
delivery.

"What we have done is we have not backdated the increases to January as
should have been the case. We understood the people's problems hence the new
charges became effective this month," he said.

He said that if anyone was unable to contribute at least $80 000 in rentals
then they had no business in Harare.

"Such people are not adding value to the city. They should go to the rural
areas and practise farming," he said.

Government gazetted the increases last Friday following protracted appeals
from the city authorities over the delay, that had resulted in losses
totalling several millions of dollars.

Council can only increase the charges for high-density areas after they have
been gazetted while those for low-density areas become effective the time
the proposed budget is advertised in the Press.

Residents in low-density areas had already started paying the new rates
since January this year.

Mr Caxton Mupinda of Sunningdale said the new rates were too high and would
affect lodgers the most.

"We should have been given enough time to prepare for the increases," he
said.

Mr Mupinda said the situation would have been appreciated if employers also
increased salaries with corresponding margins.

"However, for me it is a little better because I have a lease agreement with
my landlord. We have agreed that the rentals would be increased after the
expiry of my lease in three months time," he said.

Mrs Chipo Sigauke of Mabvuku also said she was not happy with the increases
and said as a lodger she felt cheated.

Mr Lovemore Mangachena echoed sentiments by other interviewees, adding the
increases would burden the lodgers.

"Lodgers are going to be affected in the most cruel manner," said Mr
Luckmore Mangwiro of Kuwadzana 5.

Ms Absolute Majonga of Tafara urged the Government to subsidise rates for
residents living in high-density suburbs.

"I am not happy with the increases. Life is unbearable. Employers do not pay
us that much," she said.

But Mr Gwindi said the residents should appreciate and be sympathetic with
council's financial position and help it by accepting the rates.

He said council now levied all shack dwellers in the city as these people
drew similar services with all other residents.

"The people want us to provide water, efficient sewer systems and to collect
their refuse. How do we manage if they do not pay money that is commensurate
with those services?" he said.

However the increases in Harare come hard on the heels of a freeze of rate
increases in Bulawayo.

The Minister of Local Government, Public Works and National Housing, Cde
Ignatius Chombo, early this month ordered Bulawayo City Council to freeze
its proposed rates and levies increases which were supposed to be effected
at the beginning of next month.

The freeze, which will last until January 2005, was heartily received by the
Bulawayo Residents Association.
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Zimbabwe rebels announce charity tour

Wisden Cricinfo staff

June 28, 2004

Zimbabwe's official national side may have been suspended from Test cricket
until the end of the year, but there will still be a representative side
playing in England this summer. Fourteen of the 15 rebel cricketers who were
sacked by the Zimbabwe Cricket Union last month are set to arrive in
mid-July for a series of friendly matches against local and international
opposition.

The rebels, who were driven out of the Zimbabwe Test team by the rising
levels of political interference in selection, have reformed as a team
called "The Red Lions". Their week-long tour, beginning on July 14, will
include matches against the celebrity pub team, Lashings, as well as a
Zimbabwe World XI and an English XI.

The players will also be attending fundraising events during their stay,
including a golf day, in aid of two good causes, the Cricketers Trust and
the Zimbabwe Pensioners Trust. With the rampant inflation and continuing
weakening of the Zimbabwean dollar, pensioners throughout the country have
fallen victim to the increasingly oppressive climate of Robert Mugabe's
regime.

The team's mission statement is a far cry from the legal wrangling and
political machinations that dogged their final months as Test cricketers.
The tour, they say, will be conducted in an atmosphere of "fun and
frivolity" in a country where the players have gained several friends and
fans over their years of touring. In addition, there will be
question-and-answer sessions at local schools and cricket clubs to help
promote the game.

The team will be captained by Heath Streak, while the Lashings XI is
expected to include such big names as Richie Richardson, Mark Waugh and
Courtney Walsh. Meanwhile Andy Flower and Henry Olonga, the original rebels
from the 2003 World Cup, will be among the prominent names in the Zimbabwe
World XI. Additional fixtures are under discussion

The Red Lions Andy Blignaut, Gary Brent, Stuart Carlisle, Charles Coventry,
Sean Ervine, Gavin Ewing, Neil Ferreira, Grant Flower, Travis Friend,
Raymond Price, Barney Rogers, Richard Sims, Heath Streak, Craig Wishart.

Lashings XI Richie Richardson, Mark Waugh, Henry Olonga, Stuart Williams,
Chris Harris, Junior Murray, Sherwin Campbell, Franklin Rose, Grant Flower,
Vasbert Drakes, Eldine Baptiste, Greg Blewett, Hamish Marshall, Rashid
Latif, Courtney Walsh.

Zimbabwe World XI (includes) Andy Flower, Murray Goodwin, Henry Olonga, Paul
Strang, Trevor Penney, Doug Marillier, Craig Evans, Gus McKay

Itinerary
Wed July 14 Red Lions v Lashings, Wimbledon CC
Fri July 16 Red Lions v Zim World XI, Wimbledon CC
Mon July 19 Golf day
Wed July 21 Red Lions v English XI, Stowe

© Wisden Cricinfo Ltd
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Scepticism over electoral reforms

[ This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations]

JOHANNESBURG, 28 Jun 2004 (IRIN) - Zimbabwean civil society has responded
with scepticism to electoral reforms proposed by the government ahead of the
general elections next year.

According to the official Herald newspaper, President Robert Mugabe's
government has accepted the election guidelines drawn up by the South
African Development Community (SADC), which recommend that voting take place
in a single day, under the supervision of a new "independent" electoral
commission.

The proposed new Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) will be "independent of
government" and replace the current supervisors, including the Registrar
General and the Electoral Supervisory Commission (ESC), the newspaper
reported.

Mugabe will select five of the seven ZEC candidates proposed by parliament.
The current ESC members are also appointed by Mugabe, who heads the ruling
ZANU-PF.

"I am sceptical about the changes - how independent can the new commission
[ZEC] be, when its chair is going to be appointed by the leader of a
political party? In fact, the new commission will be less independent than
some of its counterparts in the region," commented John Makumbe, a political
analyst and chairman of the local chapter of the anticorruption NGO,
Transparency International.

ZANU-PF's head of information, Nathan Shamuyarira, told IRIN that all the
candidates nominated to sit on the commission, including its chairperson,
would be proposed by parliament and not by the president.

"The entire electoral process will [then] be handled by the new commission -
we will have nothing to do with it," Shamuyarira said.

He added that all the votes cast on election day would be counted at each
polling booth and sent to the commission, which would handle the results and
release them.

Transparent ballot boxes are also to be used to prevent irregularities.

Brian Kagoro, chief executive of the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition, a group
of NGOs, described the electoral changes as "cosmetic." Rather than changing
the content of electoral law, he said, efforts should be made to change the
conditions under which electioneering took place.

This could be achieved through the "opening up of democratic space, which
allows civil society to operate freely", he said.

Makumbe welcomed the fact that voting would now take place within a day, and
that the new commission, to be funded by parliament, would be accountable to
parliament.

The new guidelines are expected to be sanctioned by SADC at its regional
summit in August.

The Commonwealth, among other bodies, described Zimbabwe's June 2000
parliamentary and March 2002 presidential elections as not being free or
fair, citing widespread intimidation and alleged vote rigging.
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Take Anti-Corruption Drive to Councils

The Herald (Harare)

June 28, 2004
Posted to the web June 28, 2004

Harare

IT was one of those rare occasions in the Zimbabwe Parliament when a week
ago ruling Zanu (PF) party and opposition Movement for Democratic Change
legislators rallied together to enthusiastically support the Anti-Corruption
Commission Bill.

The Bill that now awaits President Mugabe's signature to make it law seeks
to, among other things, promote investigation of serious cases of corruption
while also raising public awareness on cases of corruption and its effects
on society.

Although the Bill comes hard on the heels of the Government's fight against
graft, the complex corruption trail is littered with deadly landmines and
snipers - hardcore criminals dug in backyard trenches of rogue politicians
and business moguls.

The battle lines were, however, long drawn when President Mugabe early this
year fired the first salvos, whose shrapnel has already claimed several
high-ranking Government officials and sent scores scurrying for cover
internally and abroad.

"The time has come for us to deal with the (corruption) scourge and no stone
will be left unturned, no matter what position you hold," President Mugabe
said early this year.

"But you have huge characters, people who have had it, you know, who are
used to cheating and corruption. They have been nursed and nurtured in the
system . . . We will deal with them. We will not allow law-breakers and
corrupt characters to get away with their illegal activities."

While some sceptics dismissed the Government's pledge to fight corruption in
all sectors as a gimmick, the arrest by police of Zanu (PF) Central
Committee member James Makamba, followed by Finance Minister Chris Kuruneri
on allegations of externalising billions of dollars in both local and
foreign currency has seen many revising their opinion.

Many people have come to believe that the Government is indeed serious in
its efforts to flush out hardened criminals from their fortified woodworks.

The scramble for cover was almost spontaneous when the Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe Governor, Dr Gideon Gono, appeared on the scene with a huge sickle
to weed the financial sector bled by crooks.

Scores of asset management firms closed shop, leaving thousands of irate
investors stranded as their dreams of a fortune crumpled overnight.

Six banks - National Merchant Bank, Barbican, Century, Trust, Time, Agribank
and Metropolitan - came under the RBZ microscope as the dark cloud of
liquidation ominously hung over some of them.

The RBZ's shake-up which was designed to bring back sanity into the
financial sector saw big names like Nicholas Vingirai, Mthuli Ncube, Otto
Chekeche and Julius Makoni flee into self-imposed exile.

While some prophets of doom still doubt the Government's commitment to rein
in all corrupt characters in society, its efforts have been greeted with
ululation and dancing in the high-density suburbs where residents have found
a new impetus to expose corruption.

Long-suffering ratepayers in Zimbabwe's urban areas are eagerly awaiting the
arrival of the Government's anti-corruption crusade which they hope will
unearth cases of massive corruption, mismanagement and embezzlement of
public funds on their doorsteps.

Kariba residents have asked the Government to dissolve the entire council
and replace it with a caretaker council after the town's mayor, Mr John
Houghton, allegedly consistently refused to meet the residents to address
their grievances.

While the extent of the town's corruption cases is still to be quantified,
in Chitungwiza, three pick-up trucks, nine tractors and 11 lorry trailers
worth over $1,5 billion were reportedly sold at an illegal auction in 2000.

The town's council workers also allege that top council officials were
inflating mileage claims on their vehicles and generally abusing council
resources.

In Karoi two accounts clerks were suspended on allegations of defrauding the
council of over $30 million while the town engineer was also suspended later
on similar charges.

Following a parliamentary portfolio Commission report on Local Government,
Public Works and National Housing on Chegutu Town Council, it was reported
that the council had been prejudiced of millions of dollars through alleged
fraudulent activities by some senior council officials.

In response, the Minister of Local Government, Public Works and National
Housing, Cde Ignatius Chombo, suspended the town's mayor for failing to
solve the town's persistent problems.

In Chikomba, a four-member commission of inquiry into the affairs of the
rural district council was instituted by the Ministry of Local Government,
Public Works and National Housing after The Herald published a story that
alleged corruption and mismanagement by the council's chairman.

Two former council employees claimed that they were dismissed from duty
after unearthing massive corrupt activities in the council and demanded that
the council produce an asset register.

Some alleged corrupt councils have developed such thick skins that they have
turned out to be more shrewd than the black market merchants once referred
to by President Mugabe as "a mercenary breed of wily and selfish merchants,
a breed that neither sows nor sweats, but harvests millions from base
speculative activities".

Residents in the sleepy town of Norton say the town's entire council should
simply resign for the shame they have brought upon the town.

With no audited accounts since 2000 the council's affairs are one big
mystery mired in serious allegations of massive corruption involving housing
stands, mismanagement, embezzlement and misuse of public funds and other
scams bordering on swindle and extortion of residents by dubious debt
collectors.

The cash-strapped council is reported to have sold some of its low-density
houses for as little as $30 million each to some council officials and
councillors to help cover up corruption in the town.

The allegedly corrupt local authority officials and councillors are also
said to be benefiting from an alleged racket involving under-invoicing and
false declarations in some of the town's liquor outlets. The Kudzanayi
Wholesale Centre, for example, was said to have bought liquor worth $120
million in February this year, sold it for $121 million and made a profit of
only $100 000 after paying wages.

Private land developers in Norton also allege that corrupt council officials
and councillors were busy trying to invalidate their development permits
issued as far back as 1999 so that they take over the farms.

Norton council, which legally became the local planning authority for these
areas only in 2002, is being accused of trying to clandestinely acquire the
farms to create the same situation prevalent in its own residential
developments where stands are reportedly being corruptly sold by some
councillors and council officials.

It comes as a little surprise therefore that local authorities throughout
the country have failed to access the $20 billion Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe
loan facility and the Road Fund.

The facility, offered at a very low interest rate, has had no takers because
the councils have not been auditing their accounts, a requirement for
accessing the loans. Besides, some analysts said, given the local
authorities' poor past record of misusing public funds the RBZ money is bad
news.

The failure by local authorities to access the RBZ facility has not gone
down well with Cde Chombo who recently lamented: "To date, I am advised that
not a single local authority has applied for access to the said funds and
yet we complain that there are no funds for infrastructural provision."

Despite assurances from the Government as expressed many times by the
Minister of Anti-Corruption and Anti-Monopolies, Cde Didymus Mutasa, that
"there will be no let-up on those involved in corruption" a cloud of fear
and uncertainty hangs over many towns.

However, in a telephone interview, Cde Mutasa repeated his pledge that
"there will be no one who is corrupt" who is going to escape the net.

He said as soon as his ministry got wind that someone or some institution
was involved in corrupt activities they would immediately move in.

"But given the nature of our operations we will not sing to everyone about
our movements because footsteps will be covered," said Cde Mutasa.
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SABC

Zimbabwe's water conservation in jeopardy

June 28, 2004, 12:35

Zimbabwe faces massive failures in its bid to improve agricultural output
through increased irrigation. A recent study by the Lands, Agriculture,
Water Development, Rural Resources and Resettlement Committee blames the
government for the situation, saying the state under-funds projects and
fails to pay foreign contractors.

The parliamentary report says rural communities displaced by dams pegged
throughout the country have been deprived of their livelihood, as they have
never received compensation for their losses. Most affected families are
said to be in the poverty-stricken communities of the Southern-African
country, which is reportedly in need of food aid to feed about five-million
people facing starvation this year.

The legislative team describes as worrying the fact that budgetary
allocations for major water reservoirs are grossly insufficient. The finance
ministry also releases funds for such schemes in an erratic fashion. Some
dam projects have been suspended only three months after they were launched,
while the cost of building has hiked to frightening levels due to the high
inflation rate in the country.

The group's report says one affected scheme is Tokwe-Mukosi Dam started in
1998 and expected to irrigate some 25 000 hectares in the dry south-eastern
region of Masvingo. It will now be complete in eight years, instead of the
initially planned four years, at a cost of ZW$70 billion, up from the
original sum of about $390 million.

Another shelved programme is construction of the Gwayi-Shangani Dam, part of
the Matabeleland Zambezi Water Project, which has also been long on the
cards. It is planned to supply water to the commercial capital, Bulawayo,
and the rest of the province, whose rainfall is poor. Reports say the delays
in the project have caused investors to flee the town, commonly referred to
as the City of Kings, while surrounding communities have also been deprived
of a chance to grow crops under irrigation. The government of Zimbabwe says
it expects a bumper harvest this season throughout the country after
increased irrigated crops on farms seized from white producers over the past
four years. But researchers say the country needs food aid to rescue
millions of starving people.
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The Spectator

Drowning in denial
South Africa is the only country that can effectively put pressure on
Mugabe, says Andrew Meldrum, but instead it turns a blind eye to the old
monster's reign of terror  Pretoria

The unending horror of Robert Mugabe's misrule reaches well across Zimbabwe'
s borders. More than two million Zimbabweans are estimated to be in South
Africa now. Desperately hungry and often brutalised, they queue up in their
hundreds at border posts. Many more climb through electric fences and brave
snapping crocodiles in the 'grey-green, greasy' Limpopo river to cross into
South Africa.

Most are seeking work and food, but others are seeking refuge from state
torture and violence. I know several men whose wounds from electric-shock
torture are healing slowly. I have met a teenage girl who is struggling to
build a life after being gang-raped by Mugabe's youth militia. And I have
interviewed young men who have fled the militia, haunted by the violence
they inflicted on others. Even Mugabe's thugs are his victims.

These refugees have a difficult time in South Africa because they are almost
all illegal immigrants. Just as the South African government refuses to
condemn human rights abuses by the Mugabe regime, so it has made it
extremely difficult for Zimbabweans to get asylum. Without that status
neither the Red Cross nor the UN High Commissioner for Refugees will assist
them. So they are left to fend for themselves in the netherworld of the
streets.

I, too, am in exile from Zimbabwe. One year ago I was abducted by Mugabe's
secret police, held incommunicado for 10 hours and illegally forced on to a
plane out of the country. As a journalist I had contradicted the state
propaganda's rosy view of events. A year earlier I had been held in jail for
a couple of days and then put on trial but, despite my acquittal, the
government was determined to get rid of me. My wife was thrown out shortly
after me. There are many times when we miss our home, possessions and
friends which we had to leave behind, but we are acutely aware that our
situation is incalculably more fortunate than that of the masses of
Zimbabweans in South Africa.

I found it difficult to watch all the self-congratulatory hoopla and pomp in
April when South Africa celebrated its tenth anniversary of majority rule on
the same day that President Thabo Mbeki was inaugurated for a second
five-year term. More than 20 heads of state attended the ceremony, which
included a lively concert attended by 40,000. Robert Mugabe - the dictator
who has systematically dismantled Zimbabwe's democracy, destroyed the
economy and caused untold suffering - received a hero's welcome. South
Africa's political elite gave him a standing ovation with clenched fist
salutes. A fury of frustration welled up inside me as I watched the
celebrations on television.

My rage was assuaged by Richard, a Zimbabwean refugee who called me on his
mobile phone from the inauguration. He was typically good-natured about the
rapturous reception accorded to Mugabe. 'There were cheers for him at the
front, but back here where I am, many people were booing him,' said Richard,
an army engineer who left Zimbabwe after being tortured for allegedly
supporting the country's opposition party. 'Many of these South Africans
think Mugabe is just against the whites, so they cheer him. But I tell
people that he is hurting blacks more. Some understand that, but others do
not.'

Richard helped defuse my anger, but it returned when I read a newspaper
column entitled 'Mugabe an African hero' by Christine Qunta, a lawyer known
as one of Mbeki's key advisers. Defending the ovation given to Mugabe, she
wrote that the Zimbabwean leader 'represents, to the average African in this
country and elsewhere on the continent, dignity and self-determination'.

Such opinion is maddening but it helps one understand the thinking behind
the Mbeki government's policy towards Mugabe. The South African government
has accepted Mugabe's line that he is crusading against whites, and it
ignores the fact that the main victims of Mugabe's vile, violent policies
are black Zimbabweans. Throughout Zimbabwe's decline over the past four
years, in which it has gone from one of Africa's most prosperous democracies
to one of the continent's most troubled countries, Mbeki has avoided
criticising Mugabe. Instead he has acted as Mugabe's apologist and
protector, defending him in the Commonwealth and at other international
forums.

When Zimbabwe had parliamentary and presidential elections, in 2000 and
2002, in which violence and rigging were blatant, the South African observer
mission blithely declared the polls to be free and fair, accepting all
Harare's dissemblings about the glaring shortcomings of the process. At the
recent meeting of the United Nations Commission for Human Rights in Geneva,
the compelling proposal by the European Union to investigate well-documented
accounts of state torture in Zimbabwe was blocked by South Africa, which led
other African nations in voting against it, arguing that it was up to
African countries to make complaints about their fellow governments. South
Africa has maintained what it calls 'quiet diplomacy' to persuade Mugabe to
reform his ways. Mbeki said he would cajole the Zimbabwean leader into
negotiating with the opposition in order to form a coalition or government
of national unity. Last year, when George W. Bush visited South Africa,
Mbeki pledged that negotiations would begin to resolve Zimbabwe's problems
by June 2004. With the arrival of that deadline, Mbeki's policy is in
tatters as a result of Mugabe's categorical rejection of negotiations in a
rare interview on Sky News.

'I don't see why we should talk about negotiations,' Mugabe said, asserting
that Zimbabwe's current situation is 'the normal way of running a democratic
system'. He said that on the day after an opposition MP was publicly
threatened with death by top Zanu-PF officials if he returned to parliament
or his constituency.

Following Mugabe's rejection of negotiations, the Pretoria government has
said it will continue with quiet diplomacy, suggesting that the only
alternatives are imposing full-scale economic sanctions or sending South
African troops into Zimbabwe to overthrow Mugabe. But as Zimbabwe's giant
neighbour, with critical economic links, South Africa is one of the few
countries that could wield considerable influence over the Mugabe
government. Mugabe is impervious to criticism from Britain. In fact, any
criticism from the West plays into his hands, as it merely adds lustre to
the mantle he has assumed as Africa's greatest anticolonial crusader, who is
ridding his country of the last vestiges of white minority rule.

But South Africa could lead the way to steer Zimbabwe back to democracy. In
1976, under pressure from the United States, Pretoria pushed the Rhodesian
leader Ian Smith to enter negotiations that eventually led to the birth of
majority-ruled Zimbabwe in 1980. South Africa could once again play a
pivotal role for Zimbabwe if it was prepared to uphold its commitment to
democratic governance and human rights.

'The Mbeki government should be willing to put pressure on the Zimbabwean
government to return to democratic traditions. It is not doing that. It
should, for instance, stop protecting the Mugabe regime at international
meetings,' said Welshman Ncube, secretary-general of the Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) while in South Africa. 'Quiet diplomacy for us has
not delivered on its promises and we do not think Mugabe is the sort of
person who responds to appeasement. It simply encourages him to do more and
more wicked things.'

Others point out that South Africa could use its supply of 20 per cent of
Zimbabwe's electricity as leverage over Mugabe. Pretoria could insist that
Mugabe adhere to the same standards of democratic elections as South Africa
and other neighbouring states, or warn Mugabe that they will not recognise
the results.

More than 300 MDC supporters have been killed in election violence over the
past few years. There is no freedom of assembly or freedom of the press.
Many MDC leaders say they do not want to participate in any further
elections under the current system. Why should they? Participation only
gives legitimacy to the entire repressive system. If Zimbabweans cannot
count on support from the South African government in defending their
democratic right in the face of overwhelming force, their hopes of effecting
peaceful change are slim.

But my affable friend Richard, the Zimbabwean refugee with scars from Mugabe
's torture, tells me that South Africa could yet adopt a more effective
policy regarding Zimbabwe. Two key partners with the African National
Congress - the trade unions and the South African Communist party - have
condemned abuses in Zimbabwe and have urged a more robust policy. The
retired Anglican archbishop Desmond Tutu has denounced human rights abuses,
and the current Cape Town Archbishop Njongonkulu Ndungane urged Mbeki to put
more pressure on Mugabe. 'This is pressure from fellow Africans, from
eminent South Africans,' says Richard. 'Mbeki will have to listen to them.
It won't be long before Mbeki tells Mugabe that he must hold real elections.
'

I want to have Richard's optimistic faith that South Africa could yet
influence a positive change in Zimbabwe. But for every positive sign there
is a discouraging one. On 8 June, for example, a white opposition member of
South Africa's parliament was roundly jeered by the ANC majority when he
criticised the Mugabe government's announcement that it intends to
nationalise all farmland. Some South Africans, and many within Mbeki's
party, it seems, think that Mugabe's example is laudable. They applaud
Robert Mugabe for spitting in the eye of the old colonialist, and overlook
the fact that he has sacrificed Zimbabwe's economy and the rights of his
people just to hold on to power.
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INTRODUCTION

Who are the Red Lions?

The Red Lions are a newly established Touring cricket team from Zimbabwe and will only play friendly matches. The Red Lions comprise of Zimbabwean International and First Class Cricketers. The Red Lions therefore have vast experience in the International Arena and boast an abundance of Test and One Day International Caps.

Why Tour?

The Red Lions were formed out of a desire to promote the great game of cricket by playing matches against worthy opposition in an atmosphere of fun and frivolity. We feel this is the best way to use our combined years of experience and investment in a sport we all love.

Why England?

We have chosen England as the destination for our inaugural tour because we have many friends and fans there gained from our past touring experiences.

What are our objectives?

To play friendly matches and use these fixtures as a means to raise funds for two Trusts, The Cricketers Trust and The Zimbabwe Pensioners Trust. With the continuing weakening of the Zimbabwean Currency and rampant inflation, Pensioners throughout Zimbabwe have fallen victim to the current climate. We would like to play a part in making life better for them.

To Personally thank our International Supporters in the UK, including Zimbabwean Expats in the Diaspora.

To personally get involved in visiting Schools and cricketing clubs on an informal Question and Answer basis.

FUND RAISING

We have arranged two functions in Harare one being a Black Tie/Formal dinner to be held at Chapman Golf Club on Friday 2 July 2004 – tickets are still available.  The second a golf day, which incorporates the Zimbabwe Pensioners Fund, to be held at Borrowdale Brook Golf course on Thursday 8 July 2004.   For more information on the above please contact Gill on 011400777 or via e-mail gillian@pagesalive.co.zw.
NOW FOR THE BIG NAMES/ EVENTS AND VENUES.....

RED LIONS                LASHINGS WORLD XI   ZIMBABWE WORLD XI

 

HEATH STREAK                    RICHIE RICHARDSON                  ANDREW FLOWER

STUART CARLISLE                MARK WAUGH                            MURRAY GOODWIN

CRAIG WISHART                   HENRY OLONGA                          HENRY OLONGA

GRANT FLOWER                   STUART WILLIAMS                      PAUL STRANG

TRAVIS FRIEND                     CHRIS HARRIS                            TREVOR PENNEY

ANDY BLIGNAUT                   JUNIOR MURRAY             DOUGLAS MARILLIER

GARY BRENT                        SHERWIN CAMPBELL                 CRAIG EVANS

BARNEY ROGERS                 FRANKLIN ROSE                          GUS McKAY

RICHARD SIMMS                   GRANT FLOWER                         AND MANY MORE...

NEIL FERREIRA                     VASBERT DRAKES

GAVIN EWING                       ELDINE BAPTISTE

CHARLES COVENTRY          GREG BLEWETT

SEAN ERVINE                      HAMISH MARSHALL

RAY PRICE                           RASHID LATIF

                                            COURTNEY WALSH

 

ITINERARY                                                                                               

WED 14 JULY               RED LIONS Vs. LASHINGS                    WIMBLEDON CRICKET CLUB

FRI 16   JULY                RED LIONS Vs. ZIM WORLD XI              WIMBLEDON CRICKET CLUB

MON 19 JULY               RED LIONS GOLF DAY                         ROYAL WIMBLEDON (t.b.c.) WED 21 JULY                    RED LIONS Vs. ENGLISH XI              STOWE SCHOOL

 

NOTE: ADDITIONAL MATCHES ARE UNDER DISCUSSION & WE WILL KEEP YOU INFORMED. PLEASE CONTACT A MEMBER OF THE COMMITTEE IF YOU WOULD LIKE TO DISCUSS A FIXTURE AGINST THE RED LIONS.

 

Conclusion

The Red Lions hope that both Local and International Sponsors will be attracted to the Package on offer. Terms can be discussed with interested parties to attach your brand to the Red Lions.

 

Thank you

The Red Lions would like to thank you for taking the time to read our brochure. We can assure this Tour will be entertaining and enjoyable!

If you have any questions please contact The Red Lions Committee:

Chris Venturas                                      Clive Field

Cell: +263 91 363527                                         Cell: +263 91 331529

Email: zeus@mweb.co.zw                                  Email: clivef@alcredo.co.zw

 

 

Stuart Carlisle                                                  Gillian Hatton

Cell: +263 91 226719                                         Cell: +263 011 400 777

Email: stuartcarlisle@hotmail.com                      Email:  gillian@pagesalive.co.zw

 

Trevor Gripper

UK Agent Cell:  07787953104

Email: gripps75@hotmail.com

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IOL

Mbeki must break his silence about Zim

The Democratic Alliance on Monday repeated its call for President Thabo
Mbeki to urgently break the "silence of silent diplomacy" towards Zimbabwe.

"In recent weeks a variety of actors both within and outside Zimbabwe have
called on President Mbeki to take a more assertive role in resolving the
current crisis," DA spokesperson Joe Seremane said in a statement.

Most recently, Welshman Ncube of the Movement for Democratic Change had
criticised Mbeki's "remote control" approach, which had not led to any
substantive improvement in relations between President Robert Mugabe's
regime and the opposition MDC.

Ncube this weekend accused Mbeki of misleading the world by constantly
asserting that there was progress in the talks between the Zimbabwean
government and the MDC, Seremane said.

Mbeki's own June 30 deadline for a resolution to the conflict in Zimbabwe
would clearly be missed.

Ncube's criticism of Mbeki followed a call by 20 human rights groups, led by
Amnesty International, for South Africa to put increased pressure on
Zimbabwe over human rights.

The group appealed to Mbeki in particular to take a more public stand in
resolving the crisis in Zimbabwe.

"Of critical short-term importance is the fact that a new report by the
Zimbabwe Vulnerability Assessment Committee shows that over two million
Zimbabweans are vulnerable to starvation."

The report contradicted the Zimbabwean government's forecast of a bumper
crop in Zimbabwe.

"The test of any policy is whether it brings tangible improvements; the
president needs to admit that is clearly not so in this case."

The DA's "road map to democracy" in Zimbabwe foresaw a number of stages that
would ultimately lead to fresh free and fair elections.

The plan included a set of inducements and punishments, including selective
sanctions to ensure the Mugabe regime co-operated in such a process. - Sapa
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