ROME (Reuters) - Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe flew into Rome for a global food summit on Sunday, his first official trip abroad since elections condemned by Western and opposition leaders as fraudulent.
The unexpected presence of Mugabe, accused by domestic critics of running down agriculture and causing food shortages in his own country, could offer a rare opportunity for direct contacts with Western leaders. But Zimbabwean state television, announcing his departure, made no suggestion of bilateral talks.
Mugabe, facing a June 27 presidential run-off against Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai, arrived at Rome airport with his wife and a large delegation of officials. He made no comment to reporters.
The European Union has a travel ban on the veteran leader, facing new criticism over an alleged security crackdown against the opposition, because of his human rights record. Since the FAO summit is taking place under a United Nations umbrella, however, the Rome meeting would be open to him.
Around 60 heads of state and government, including Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad who will be making his first trip to Western Europe as Iran's president, are expected to meet in Rome from June 3-5 to discuss global problems of poverty and malnutrition caused by steep rises in food prices.
In 2005 Mugabe attended the FAO's 60 anniversary celebrations where he railed against U.S. President George W. Bush and then British Prime Minister Tony Blair, calling them "international terrorists" and comparing them to Adolf Hitler.
Gerry Jackson, from the ex-patriate Zimbabwe radio station SW Radio Africa that broadcasts from London, told Reuters: "It is outrageous that he (Mugabe) has been invited to any international forum when he is involved in a state-sponsored, incredibly violent campaign against the opposition."
A British Foreign Office spokesman in London, asked for reaction to Mugabe's Rome visit, told Reuters: "It is a matter of concern to us and we would prefer that he did not attend."
UNCERTAIN FUTURE
Mugabe, who has ruled Zimbabwe since independence from Britain in 1980 and is the only leader most Zimbabweans have known, will arrive in Rome with an uncertain political future.
After a lengthy delay in releasing the March 23 presidential poll results, figures from Zimbabwe's electoral commission showed Tsvangirai won more votes but not enough to avoid a run-off. The opposition complained of vote rigging and said Tsvangirai won the contest outright.
The controversy over the election is only the latest in a series of ballot disputes over the years but it is the most serious and analysts say it illustrates the deep frustration Zimbabweans feel about his handling of the country's finances.
Zimbabwe's economy is a shambles. Inflation is 165,000 percent, unemployment 80 percent and there are chronic shortages of basic necessities including food and fuel.
Some 3.5 million people have fled to neighboring countries to escape poverty and malnutrition.
Mugabe accuses Western countries of sabotaging Zimbabwe's economy through sanctions imposed to punish him and top ruling party officials for alleged rights abuses and election fraud.
Mugabe, 84, is viewed by many in Africa as an independence hero. But critics say he has run the country into the ground through mismanagement of its once thriving economy and the 2000 redistribution of critical commercial farms to landless blacks with little or no experience in operating them.
Mugabe's last trip to Europe in December for a Commonwealth meeting in Portugal was boycotted by British Prime Minister Gordon Brown to protest the Zimbabwean leader's participation.
Mugabe was in Italy in 2005, when he attended Pope John Paul II's funeral.
(Additional reporting by MacDonald Dzirutwe in Harare, Robin Pomeroy in Rome, Paul Majendie in London; Writing by Mary Gabriel, editing by Ralph Boulton)
· Letter tells
president there will be 'no country left'
· US says Mbeki warned Bush to stay
out of crisis
Chris McGreal in Johannesburg
The Guardian,
Monday
June 2 2008
The Zimbabwean opposition leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, has told
South Africa's
president, Thabo Mbeki, that he is no longer fit to serve as
the region's
mediator in Zimbabwe's political crisis owing to a "lack of
neutrality", and
that "there will be no country left" if Mbeki continues to
side with
President Robert Mugabe.
The warning comes in a letter from
the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
leader to Mbeki made public just
days after it was revealed that the South
African president had written a
four-page letter to George Bush demanding
that the US president stop
criticising Mugabe.
In his letter, Tsvangirai accuses Mbeki of colluding
with Mugabe to play
down the deepening political crisis, of blocking UN
security council
discussions on Zimbabwe and of trying to facilitate a
controversial weapons
delivery from China to the Zimbabwean
military.
But some of the strongest criticism is over Mbeki's reaction to
the
escalating state-sponsored campaign of murder, violence and arrests
against
the opposition in the run up to the run-off presidential election
between
Mugabe and Tsvangirai at the end of this month. At least 50 people
have been
killed and thousands beaten.
The letter, dated May 13,
accuses South Africa's president of ignoring
evidence that Harare was
planning the violence, including a leaked
Zimbabwean military document
outlining the strategy that Tsvangirai
personally handed to
Mbeki.
"When you started mediating, Zimbabwe still had a functioning
economy,
millions of our citizens had not fled to other countries to escape
political
and economic crisis, and tens of thousands had not yet died from
impoverishment and disease. In fact, since the March 29 election, Zimbabwe
has plunged into horrendous violence while you have been mediating. With
respect, if we continue like this, there will be no country left," writes
Tsvangirai.
"As you know, when MDC attempted to appeal to the UN
security council to
investigate and help stop the carnage, it was you, the
so-called 'neutral'
mediator, who blocked a possible road to resolution of
the crisis."
Tsvangirai says Mbeki continued to act as if everything was
normal, even
after the Zimbabwean government blocked the release of poll
results showing
that Mugabe and his Zanu-PF party had lost.
"Your
lack of neutrality became increasingly evident when I arrived to the
Lusaka
summit to see you and Mr Mugabe on television together proclaiming
there is
'no crisis' in Zimbabwe," the letter says.
Tsvangirai also accuses the
South African government of facilitating the
delivery of weapons via Durban
from a Chinese ship that was eventually
turned away by dock workers and
legal action.
"Not only have you been unable to denounce the
well-documented post-election
attacks on our people, but your government
even played a role in Zimbabwean
government procurement of weapons of
repression ... and agree to allow
passage of arms of war purchased by the
same government through South
African territory during the troubled
post-election period," he writes.
The letter demands Mbeki step down as
the Southern African Development
Community mediator on Zimbabwe, as the MDC
no longer has confidence in him.
His spokesman, Mukoni Ratshitanga, has
denied knowledge of the letter even
though the MDC says it has a receipt
showing it was delivered to Mbeki's
office. Ratshitanga has also denied
knowledge of the letter to Bush revealed
by the Washington Post last week in
an article which quotes an unnamed US
official as saying Mbeki told Bush to
"butt out" of Zimbabwe.
But the US embassy in Pretoria confirmed that
Mbeki's letter existed and was
delivered to Bush.
Yesterday, the
leader of a breakaway MDC faction, Arthur Mutambara, was
arrested and
charged over a newspaper column criticising Mugabe's handling
of the
economy, with inflation now above 1,000,000%, and accusing the
security
forces of abuses.
Independent, UK
Monday, 2 June 2008
Although it is too late for those
who have already lost their lives,
regional African leaders must now surely
step in to prevent even more people
being openly maimed, forced out of their
homes, and starved by Robert Mugabe
and his ruling Zanu-PF party as part of
the scorched earth policy to win the
dubious upcoming presidential election
by crooked means.
Although the opposition candidate Morgan Tsvangirai has
been robbed of a
clear victory in the first round of the presidential poll,
and unfairly
forced into a run-off vote, regional African leaders, the West
and the
United Nations should ensure that bloodshed stops, and the country's
brutalised citizens can venture out in relative safety to cast their
vote.
Instead of agreeing to "butt out", as South African President Thabo
Mbeki
told George W Bush in a letter that came to light last week, the
international community must now intervene with greater resolve. Setting
aside the odd statement, the West and the United Nations have been
staggeringly timid. China and Zimbabwe's other friends outside Africa must
also put pressure on Mugabe to stop this madness. There is not a moment to
spare. The UN must flood Zimbabwe with peacekeepers and election observers
and insist Mugabe allows all outside media.
Mugabe's brutal precision
attacks on those who voted for opposition parties
in March has advanced to
staggering levels. It is clear that in his illegal
recounting of the results
of the parliamentary poll and first-round
presidential ballot, Mugabe has
obtained the districts that voted for the
opposition, and is systematically
targeting these communities to batter them
into not voting
again.
President Mbeki, having faced the devastating consequences of
propping up
Mugabe – and by that I mean the violent attacks against
Zimbabweans who had
fled their country and taken refuge in South African
townships – must own up
to reality and condemn Mugabe.
The regional
Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the
continental African
Union must do the same. Their deafening silence has made
them complicit in
the atrocities. Only the most delusional can now say
Mugabe is waging a
struggle against Western imperialists. He is waging a war
against his own
people.
Mr Gumede is author of Thabo Mbeki And The Battle For The Soul Of
The ANC
Independent, UK
Leading article:
Monday, 2 June
2008
Less than four weeks remains before the run-off vote for the
presidency of
Zimbabwe. In view of the protracted confusion that has been
the country's
election, this may not seem very long. Four weeks, though, is
plenty of time
for the agents of Robert Mugabe's regime to extend their
campaign of lethal
intimidation.
As we report today, a new wave of
disappearances, beatings and killings is
well underway, targeting Morgan
Tsvangirai's opposition Movement for
Democratic Change and its supporters.
Ndira Tonderai, a tireless opposition
activist, aged only 30, is only the
best-known of 50 individuals who have
been killed; up to 25,000 have been
driven from their homes.
The fresh outbreak of violence is especially
marked in the rural north and
north-east, where the showing for Mr Mugabe's
Zanu-PF party was particularly
poor in March. None of this augurs well for a
free or fair election. Mr
Tsvangirai himself has only just returned to
Zimbabwe to campaign. He says
he believes his life is no longer in danger.
Instilling fear among the
voters seems to be the preferred tactic of Mr
Mugabe's coterie. Some fear Mr
Tsvangirai may have surrendered his advantage
by his long absence. But it
was always going to take outstanding courage and
resolve to dislodge Mr
Mugabe.
Simply by agreeing to contest the
run-off in an election he believes he won
fair and square, Mr Tsvangirai
occupies the moral high ground. But if change
is to be accomplished through
the ballot-box, it will require fortitude on
the part of voters who
supported the MDC last time around and extreme
vigilance on the part of all
the election observers and Zimbabwe's
well-wishers abroad. The opposition
has a desperately hard task ahead, but
this time it is not – quite – mission
impossible.
The Times
June 2, 2008
Two weeks of township violence was too much for
expatriate Zimbabweans
Philip Pank in Johannesburg
They fled economic
meltdown and repression under Robert Mugabe's brutal
regime. But yesterday,
under the cover of darkness, the first mass
repatriation of Zimbabweans in
South Africa began.
A convoy of buses left in silence, taking home 700
victims of the xenophobic
attacks that have engulfed South Africa's poor
townships. There was little
hope or excitement as the passengers climbed
aboard at Germiston, a
satellite town ringed with illegal squatter camps
where the poorest migrant
workers had lived until their neighbours turned
against them. Such was the
venom meted on them that mothers with sleeping
children strapped to their
backs, husbands who had left children and wives,
skilled and unskilled were
ready to return to a country riven by political
violence.
“It is better to be killed by my young brother than to be
killed by someone
I do not know,” said Douglas, 28, a mechanic from Harare.
“I was beaten here
and lost everything I worked for for two years, so I am
going home without
anything.”
As he talked about the soaring
unemployment in his home country and the
prospect of voting in the
presidential run-off election on June 27, three
burly men in leather jackets
appeared out of the night. From now on the
agents of Mr Mugabe's regime
would never be far from Douglas. Yet he felt he
had no choice but to
return.
The same was true of John, 32, who had spent 15 years in the
Tokoza
township. He married a South African and was a proud father. But a
mob
wielding clubs and knives drove him from his home. “I ran away and had
to
leave my wife and kid. Imagine how terrible it makes me feel being forced
to
leave the people I love,” he said. But when the men in leather jackets
appeared, his tone changed. “Given the opportunity I have been given by my
Government, I will go home a happy man,” he boomed. “I want to equate this
journey to the journey made by the Israelites to the Promised Land.”
More
than 60 foreigners were killed and 650 wounded in two bloody weeks in
the
townships as locals accused immigrants of taking their jobs and houses
and
of fomenting crime. The violence hit production in the mines, tarnished
South Africa's image, and terrified the migrant workers who kept the wheels
turning.
Many fled with nothing more than the clothes they were
wearing. Others
managed to salvage at least something. Peter had retrieved
the window frames
and metal grills from his home. “I have decided to build
another house in
Zimbabwe,” he said, scant reward for nine years spent
repairing his
neighbours' mobile phones. “Maybe I can find a place to carry
on the same
project. I believe in hard work. I do not expect the Government
to find me a
job.”
Simon Khaya Moyo, Zimbabwe's Ambassador to
Pretoria, was there, handing out
blankets to those shivering under a
star-filled night. “Land will be
provided for those who want to be settled
on the land. Food will be provided
and the social amenities to get them
reintegrated into their communities,”
he promised.
Asked how a
government that is struggling to pay the salaries of key workers
could
afford to finance a resettlement programme, he answered: “We must find
money
for that. Things are hard everywhere, not just in Zimbabwe.” But
things are
about to get even harder for families who rely on remittances
from the three
million Zimbabweans thought to be living in South Africa.
The Red Cross
reported that thousands of Zimbabweans had fled the townships
for Zambia,
Mozambique and Botswana. Until yesterday there had been no mass
movement
back home. The violence has achieved one thing that President
Mugabe could
not: it has slowed the exodus from his country to a trickle.
http://www.hararetribune.com
By Hatirebwi
Nathaniel Masikati | Opinion
Sunday, June 1, 2008 17:18
opinion@hararetribune.com
Public
posturing by the Zanu PF electoral campaign team sponsoring
octogenarian
party leader Robert Mugabe suggests that the despot will win
the
Presidential poll on 27 June 2008 with a resounding and reverberating
landslide. Analyses of events on the ground suggest otherwise that the
converse is the more likely outcome to what his campaign team is attempting
to sell.
Mugabe’s defeat is no longer the issue but rather the margin
and how power
will be wrestled from him and his Junta.
Dr Sikhanyiso
Ndlovu the man Robert Gabriel Mugabe entrusted with the
Information and
Publicity portfolio in the immediate past Zanu PF government
has made a
startling prediction that Robert Mugabe will win the runoff
Presidential
poll with a landslide 75% of the vote.
This is not far from the 70%
margin believed to have voted against him on 29
March 2008 and must be
understood by the electorate to be the margin Zanu PF
fears he will lose the
runoff by.
His wife Grace who hitherto has played a lid back
supporting role for the
tired dictator has revealed that her husband will
only be removed from
office by a yet to emerge Zanu PF aspirant for the
throne is a manifestation
of the fear Mugabe’s handlers have in taking risks
of recklessly supporting
his bid to be preside for the sixth successive term
since Zimbabwe became a
republic.
And they have every reason to be
cautious because circumstances are stacked
against a Mugabe victory in the
runoff presidential poll whichever way one
looks at it.
Mugabe at 84,
reportedly blind and under economic siege took four weeks to
recover from
the shocking defeat he and his Zanu PF party suffered on 29
March and half
heartedly accepted to participate in the runoff provided his
backers were
prepared to guarantee his win at whatever cost to allay real
fears he held
that Zimbabwe would erupt into civil strife if he did not
accept the defeat
he and his party suffered in March.
After his military backers had
managed to suppress any uprising for four
weeks when Presidential election
results were being held back to test if
such an eventuality was on the cards
Mugabe summoned enough courage to
accept re-entry into the Presidential race
runoff misled that first round
winner was in exile because he feared the
military reprisals and had no
willing supporters to stand by him against the
military repression they have
threatened in the past and are prepared to use
to coerce support for Mugabe
in the runoff.
Clearly that was an
inaccurate assessment of the political mood in the
country. The only reason
why an uprising did not erupt was because
Tsvangirai appealed to his
supporters to exercise restraint and allow ZEC
time to finalise the results
and announce them before a decision could be
made on what course of action
he would take to claim his obvious triumph.
After much pondering Zanu
PF agreed for ZEC to award victory to Tsvangirai
in line with general public
expectations but ensure the victory was not
conclusive to buy the time
needed to recollect the scattered Zanu PF support
and embolden it with the
show of muscle in the military that Mugabe is in
full swing implementation
throughout the country.
The plan is to bludgeon opponent supporters,
displace and scatter them and
ensure they will never brave a step to the
polling station come June 27
paving the way for Mugabe’s landslide
“re-election.”
That was evident when Tsvangirai was forced to remain
“exiled” and his
supporters were believed to have been abandoned by their
“cowardly leader.”
Mugabe’s invincibility had been restored so the party
backing him thought.
Geriatric campaigners in Zanu PF behind Mugabe’s
re-election bid have been
outsmarted by the youthful MDC election machinery
behind Tsvangirai at every
turn leading to and after this election and
therein lies the reason Mugabe
will be humiliated in the impending
runoff.
Mugabe’s age is too advanced for him to be a reputable
political force. His
oratory skills may not have diminished but his
charisma, emphasis,
coherence, appeal, energy and aura of invincibility has
been retarded and
punctured by a combination of old age, failed economic
policies and
confirmed defeat in the March 29 elections.
There is
total belief that Mugabe no longer has the support of the majority
of the
people of Zimbabwe other than that he relies on the military control
to
remain in office.
The belief is no longer that he cannot be defeated in
elections but rather
that if he is defeated he will resort to military
violence to retain his
headship of the country.
Mugabe himself
knows that he is too old to be in charge of the country let
alone command an
army with any measure of success.
The MDC has convinced many in the
military and security ministries that
Mugabe is no longer relevant to them.
Only the upper ranks still believe in
Mugabe’s political relevance and are
prepared to risk life and limb for his
re-election.
It is these
top security strategists that have rolled out the violent
re-election
campaign for Mugabe and have wowed to use their powers to order
their
subordinates to campaign for Mugabe, supervise his re-election and
guarantee
it by hook or crook.
They have elaborate plans to ensure all National
Security personnel vote for
Mugabe thus guaranteeing him between 350000 to
500000 votes.
They will be expected to deliver another 30 000 to 50 000
votes from
assisted polling stations voters and reduce Tsvangirai’s votes by
a further
100000 to 200000 votes by slowing down voting processes in
perceived MDC
strongholds in cities and towns as well as urbanised growth
points.
But the strategy is bound to backfire on Mugabe. The March
election results
indicate that between 60-80% of voters in electoral wards
where military
personnel are concentrated rejected Zanu PF and Mugabe. At
the very
minimum it means whoever Mugabe seconds to ZEC to supervise the
elections
here is a likelihood that 60% will be against his bid and will
assist voters
to vote against him.
Further there is evidence that all
military and security officers that will
be compelled to cast supervised
postal ballots will if deployed for
electoral duties vote for Tsvangirai
wherever they will be stationed. Those
that will not be on duty will vote
again at their wards thus cancelling the
vote or doubling the vote for
either candidate in the ward.
A voter turnout of between 60-80% is not an
unreasonable expectation for
this election because of the rigging mechanisms
Mugabe intends to employ.
The violence visited on MDC supporters real
or imagined has increased
awareness of the election among the rural
electorate currently suffering the
most from Mugabe’s failed economic
policies. The death and injuries suffered
in families and communities have
brought them closer to each other
politically and there is more
determination among them to avoid retaining
Mugabe and suffering the same
violent ordeal when the next election is held
Food supplies are severely
inadequate everywhere in the country and Mugabe
has no capacity nor the
resources to ameliorate the problem among the rural
electorate whose support
he has in the past bought with selective supplies
of food
aid.
Inflation is now out of radar and whenever they are found, goods
and
services are beyond the reach of most of the rural electorate that Zanu
PF
used to abuse and lie to that it was because of the sanctions. They all
witnessed the Police and Army operatives looting shops during the ill
advised Price Wars Mugabe waged and they know that and nothing else to be
the reason why their services are no longer available and
expensive.
School fees and health services are beyond reach and the
schools have been
deserted by the teachers fleeing Mugabe sponsored military
pre-election
violent campaigns. The voters are livid with Mugabe for causing
these
disruptions to their children’s education and are determined to see
his back
from the President’s office.
It is no longer possible
for the people to attend funerals of families,
relatives and friends because
of inhibitive transport costs ever on the
increase. The 10 buses per
province Mugabe promised before March 29 are
nowhere to be seen, Doctors
went on strike for election campaign vehicles
they were promised but never
received.
Cash is not easily accessible even if you have positive
balances in the
bank, the liberalised foreign exchange regime cannot be
supported in cash by
the Banks as they cannot raise the cash equivalent for
available forex and
they have to top up with forced deposits in current and
savings accounts
whose charges supersede the interests they pay out to
depositors and do not
allow withdrawals above $ 5 billion per day or £3.00
at current rates of
exchange.
The people are asking without
finding answers how the rate exchange has
impacted on the national budget
and how the obvious deficit will be
financed. The import and export duty
regime that charges duty in the 60%
margin for “luxury” imports remains
intact even when such duties are paid in
forex whose origins the government
does not play a part in creating and duty
rates at source are less than
5%.
Mugabe and his National Bank governor have no explanation as
to why they
expect people to pay duties equivalent to tow thirds of the cost
of luxuries
when they can buy local substitutes in worthless
ZW$’s.
Meanwhile all Mugabe is being fooled to do is to campaign on
the delinquent
sovereignty, sanctions and land ownership mantra that no one
believes he is
committed to after failing to deliver them the land in 8
years of initiating
the programme.
His cronies to whom he
allocated the land continue to receive government
assistance like farm
mechanisation products and fuel that they sell on the
black market without
producing food for the nation. Mugabe’s defeat is
scripted in his failed
rule over 28 years whose effects he is not
addressing. He is definitely
going down on 27 June 2008.
There was anxious discussion at the
Vigil of the xenophobic violence in
South Africa. At a meeting afterwards
it was agreed that we would ask the
police for permission to stage a protest
outside the South African High
Commission in London from noon to 2 pm on
Thursday, 12th June.
We will ask the High Commissioner to pass the
following petition to
President Mbeki: "Following the recent attacks on
Zimbabweans and other
foreign nationals in South Africa we, the undersigned,
call on President
Mbeki to take action to ensure the safety of these
endangered people and
bring the perpetrators to justice. We urge President
Mbeki to end his
support of President Mugabe, allowing a resolution of the
Zimbabwe crisis
and the return home of exiled Zimbabweans. Zimbabwean blood
is at your
door."
Many of our supporters have requested a prayer
vigil. We have had many
pastors visiting the Vigil in the past few years and
we are pursuing this
proposal.
Also discussed was the possibility of
setting up a fund to support victims
of the election violence in Zimbabwe.
It was pointed out that our partner
Restoration of Human Rights in Zimbabwe
(ROHR Zimbabwe) had already
contributed substantial money to support victims
of violence, most notably
helping to pay for Tonderai Ndira's funeral and
providing Tichanzii Gandanga
with the means to leave Zimbabwe to get
treatment in South Africa. It was
agreed that it would be duplication to
set up a separate fund and that we
should channel any money through ROHR.
Thanks to one supporter who
generously gave £100 as a contribution Mr
Gandanga's medical expenses.
We were distressed to hear that the parents
of Chengetai Mupara, a founding
member of the Vigil, were beaten up by Zanu
PF. What made this worse was
that they were betrayed by Chengetai's cousin
Grace Mvududu who stood as a
Zanu PF candidate in the council elections and
lost to the MDC. What is
happening in Mugabeland that families are turned
against each other?
As the election run-off approaches there is no sign
of a let up in the
violence. ROHR's leader Sten says it's too dangerous to
sleep in your own
home. It is safer to bed down with the homeless at the
railway station.
Thanks to David McAllister who provided us and the
Glasgow Vigil with
arresting posters of the violence. These can be seen in
two short videos
which have been posted on the Vigil photo site.
For
latest Vigil pictures, check:
http://www.flickr.com/photos/zimbabwevigil/.
FOR
THE RECORD: 143 signed the register.
FOR YOUR DIARY:
· Fridays,
10.30 am - 4 pm. Zimbabwe Association's Women's Weekly
Drop-in Centre at
The Fire Station Community and ICT Centre, 84 Mayton
Street, London N7 6QT,
Tel: 020 7607 9764. Come and share a traditional
lunch of sadza, nyama and
relish. Nearest underground: Finsbury Park. For
more information, contact
the Zimbabwe Association 020 7549 0355 (open
Tuesdays and
Thursdays).
· Saturday, 7th June 2008, 2 - 6 pm. Next Glasgow Vigil.
Venue: Argyle
Street Precinct. For more information contact: Ancilla
Chifamba, 07770 291
150, Patrick Dzimba, 07990 724 137 and Jonathan Chireka,
07504 724 471.
· Thursday, 12th June, 12 noon - 2 pm. Protest about the
xenophobic
killings in South Africa outside the South African High
Commission,
Trafalgar Square.
· Friday, 27th June - Zimbabwe Vigil's
Mock Presidential Run-off. More
details as plans firm up.
Vigil
co-ordinators
The Vigil, outside the Zimbabwe Embassy, 429 Strand,
London, takes place
every Saturday from 14.00 to 18.00 to protest against
gross violations of
human rights by the current regime in Zimbabwe. The
Vigil which started in
October 2002 will continue until
internationally-monitored, free and fair
elections are held in Zimbabwe. http://www.zimvigil.co.uk.
Independent, UK
His eyes gouged out and his
tongue cut off, Tonderai Ndira is one of 50
opposition activists killed in
the run-up to Zimbabwe's election
By Daniel Howden and Raymond
Whitaker
Monday, 2 June 2008
Tonderai Ndira will not be
campaigning when Zimbabwe votes again. He will
not rally his neighbourhood,
as he did two months ago, for one last push
against an unwanted regime.
Instead, he is buried in an unmarked grave in
the Warren Hills cemetery in
Harare. A week on from his funeral, only his
brother knows for sure which of
the mounds is his. He will not leave a
marker because he believes state
agents are still not finished with the
murdered activist. They would like to
dig up his brother's remains to remove
the incriminating evidence.
Mr
Ndira's body was only found by accident in one of the capital's morgues a
fortnight ago. His eyes had been gouged out and his tongue cut off. The
30-year-old was so badly beaten his father had trouble identifying him. A
distinctive ring confirmed the identity of a man compared by some to South
Africa's murdered rights activist, Steve Biko.
Mr Ndira, a lifelong
campaigner for political change, had been arrested more
than 30 times but
kept up his opposition to the government that has led
Zimbabweans to the
lowest life expectancy in the world. His remains – a
crushed skull, a bullet
wound through the chest and blood-stained shorts –
are a depressing metaphor
for Zimbabwe in the aftermath of a stolen
election.
On 27 June, this
bankrupt and terrorised country will go back to the polls.
A wave of
abductions, punishment beatings and murders of opposition
activists is under
way in an attempt to turn the outcome on its head and
prolong the rule of
President Robert Mugabe. This effort has entered a new
phase and, while the
bodies of the disappeared are starting to turn up in
the mortuaries, more
are being abducted all the time. At least 50 have died,
1,500 have been
treated in hospital, 25,000 have been driven from their
homes and countless
more have lost their livelihoods.
David Coltart, an opposition senator,
says violence in rural areas where the
ruling Zanu-PF party did badly in the
March poll, mainly in the north and
north-east, has intensified. Speaking in
London, the human rights lawyer
said an estimated 25,000 people had been
displaced in the past three weeks
and the authorities had begun targeting
individuals in the "second and third
tier" of the opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC).
It was in this phase that Mr Ndira met his fate.
His circumstances echo
those of scores of others victimised in a
state-sponsored campaign to beat
the MDC into submission. A veteran of
numerous arrests and internments,
beatings and torture, Mr Ndira was
accustomed to keeping on the move and
staying one step ahead of the state
security apparatus. Two weeks ago,
suffering from exhaustion, he returned
home to Mabvuku township outside
Harare. Before dawn, say his family and
other witness, a group of about 10
men, some masked and carrying Kalashnikov
AK-47 rifles, appeared at his
doorstep and demanded to see him. His wife
called out to him and he asked
the visitors to call back later. Instead,
they burst into the activist's
home and beat him in front of his two young
children, before dragging him
outside and into a truck, bloodied and still
in his underwear.
In the weeks that followed his abduction, his family
made frantic efforts to
obtain any details about what happened to him. What
took place can only be
surmised by the unidentified, broken body that was
found in a field in
Goromonzi, 20 miles outside the capital, and taken to
the mortuary at
Harare's Parirenyatwa hospital. Mr Ndira was reportedly
identified only
after someone recognised the mutilated corpse from its tall
and thin frame
and guessed the rest.
It was a fate that would not
have surprised the man himself. Interviewed by
the BBC's Panorama programme
in 2002, Mr Ndira said: "We are prepared to
die. It is just the same, we are
still dying in Zimbabwe. We are dying by
hunger, by diseases, everything, so
there is nothing to fear."
Fear is exactly what the Mugabe regime is
counting on as it looks to
overturn a first-round defeat that saw 56 per
cent of the country voting
against the only president they have known since
independence, and saw his
party lose its majority in the lower house of
parliament. The octogenarian
leader, who famously boasted that he has a
"degree in violence", is relying
on state security personnel backed up by
paid militias to prevent a similar
result in the run-off ballot.
The
outcome of the first round was withheld for more than five weeks before
the
government conceded that Mr Tsvangirai had beaten Mr Mugabe by six
points,
though falling just short of an overall majority because a third
candidate,
Simba Makoni, took a small share of the vote.
A leading Zimbabwean army
general has called on the nation's soldiers to
vote for Mr Mugabe in the
run-off or quit the military, the state-run Herald
newspaper reported. The
chief of staff, Major-General Martin Chedondo, told
troops: "Soldiers are
not apolitical. Only mercenaries are apolitical. We
have signed up and
agreed to fight and protect the ruling party's principles
of defending the
revolution. If you have other thoughts, then you should
remove that
uniform." He added that Mr Mugabe was head of the defence forces
and "we
should therefore stand behind our commander-in-chief". This echoes a
similar
statement by the joint chiefs of staff before the first round, in
which they
said they would not recognise any government other than that of
Mr Mugabe,
and they would refuse to salute Mr Tsvangirai if he won.
The MDC leader
returned to Zimbabwe only last weekend, having stayed abroad
for most of the
past two months amid fears for his safety. On Friday, he
gave what he called
a "state of the union" address in which he called for a
"new era of
governance" in the country. Publicly, Mr Tsvangirai has said he
remains
confident that Zimbabweans will defy the intimidation campaign.
However,
there are serious concerns as to whether a democratic shift is at
all
possible. "We are witnessing the actions of a government which has
thrown
caution to the wind and will do anything to win the run-off," said Mr
Coltart.
Despite this, he believes Mr Tsvangirai still has an
"excellent chance" of
defeating Mr Mugabe. In March, he said, the urban vote
was low because of
scepticism about the electoral process. The surprise
result that time is
likely to lead to a sharp increase in turnout in Harare
and Bulawayo,
increasing the overall vote by up to 300,000, most of which is
likely to go
to the MDC candidate.
| ||
As of today the death toll from
xenophobic attacks totals 62, with 670 injured and 1 300 people arrested and an
economic cost still to be determined.
As we all reflect on this
unfortunate development in South Africa, one of the most positive outcomes is
that an opportunity has been created for a frank and honest conversation about
what it means to be African.
Apartheid is buried but the image
of what it means to be South African and who is entitled to be a South African
may find its roots in the construction of a colonial and subsequently an
apartheid state. It is undeniable that white South Africans are as foreign to
South Africa as are post apartheid black Africans.
What makes a white South African
immigrant a more acceptable face of South Africa than a black African? Could one
of the answers lie in the economic definition of black people as well as
Africans in the various legislations that have been passed in post-apartheid
South Africa?
In terms of South African
legislation, black people is a generic term which means Africans, Indians, and
Coloureds. It is accepted that the term African is restricted to indigenous
people. When South Africans negotiated a settlement to end apartheid, a new
definition of a South African was then agreed and
crystallised.
Under this framework, white South
Africans and black people who were citizens of the country prior to 1994 are the
only ones who are entitled to legitimately claim to be authentic citizens in
terms of the country’s Black Economic Empowerment (BEE)
definition.
Accordingly, in the context of
the BEE project that was framed by apartheid beneficiaries as an instrument of
assimilating the black political elites, a new definition of an eligible black
for economic empowerment was then coined i.e. historically disadvantaged
individual (HDI) or previously disadvantaged individuals (PDI).
The constitution of South Africa
was then crafted recognising the historical legacy of apartheid and the need to
level the economic playing field. Both black and white political and
non-political actors accepted a construction that a black immigrant is not meant
to be an economic beneficiary of the post-apartheid dispensation at the expense
of black South African persons and notwithstanding any commitment to a
pan-African project.
It can then be rationally argued
that xenophobia’s roots must be located in the minds of the framers of the BEE
project. It would, therefore, be wrong to blame the practitioners of physical
violence when the construction of the post-apartheid state had in its foundation
an anti-black African immigrant tone.
It can also be argued that
xenophobia may not be a reflection of only the attitudes of the perpetrators of
violence but a generally held view that South Africa belongs to a certain class
of people and benefits of economic progress must be reserved.
Indeed, if economic power can be
transferable to black elites on often non-transparent basis through so-called
BEE deals then it can be argued that why should the poor not be part of the deal
when they all fit into the definition of PDI and HDI?
The following are some of the
acts that have been passed by the post-apartheid parliament dominated by
the African National Congress (ANC) on which the xenophobic passion may have its
roots. These include:
It provides a legislative
framework for the promotion of black economic empowerment; empowers the Minister
of Trade and Industry to issue codes of good practice and to publish
transformation charters; to establish the Black Economic Empowerment Advisory
Council; and to provide for matters connected therewith. The Minister is not
empowered to look after black emigrants.
Deals with beneficiation
activities in the mining sector and clarifies the empowerment requirements in
respect of beneficiation activities first contemplated in the Mining Charter
Relevant to the determination of
the Human Resource Management criteria of the BEE Scorecard
Dealing with the Mining
Charter
Dealing with the Petroleum
Charter
Deals with beneficiation
activities in the mining sector and clarifies the empowerment requirements in
respect of beneficiation activities first contemplated in the Mining
Charter.
Assented to on 15 April
2006.
The South African Government
procurement framework
Dealing with the tax treatment of
certain forms of broad-based employee share schemes
Relevant to the determination of
the Human Resource Management criteria of the BEE Scorecard
A number of regulations and
charters in various sectors have been put in place reflecting the consensus that
only pre-1994 black people as defined ought to share the economic spoils of
South Africa to the exclusion of black emigrants.
This view is not held only at the
lower end of the economic spectrum but is a shared one among blacks and
whites.
In the post-apartheid Africa, it
has now been accepted that there are two Africas i.e. South Africa and the rest
of Africa. In South Africa, it is now an economic and legislative imperative to
empower black persons. However, the untapped resources of the rest of the
continent are regarded as fair game for the reconfigured/empowered South African
enterprises with no policy on empowering the rest of the black
Africans.
At the continental level, there
is no conversation about the need for pan-African empowerment charter. The
absurd development is that South African capital is now being exported on a
tricky foundation that is premised on the notion that empowering the pre-1994
blacks is a necessary and sufficient condition for economically colonising the
rest of the continent.
Although the decolonisation
project was prosecuted on the basis that an injury to one black person was an
injury to all, the post apartheid empowerment project is reserved to black
persons as defined. Some may legitimately ask how a movement like ANC with its
commitment to the pan-African project could end up being the architect of a new
Africa that makes black Africans born outside the perimeters of the country be
less African than their white and Indian colleagues.
The heritage of South Africa can
only confer benefits to black people as defined, ignoring the consequences of
the Berlin Conference of 1885 that split the continent into convenient economic
units that separated brothers and sisters depending on who was privileged to be
the master.
What would be the consequences if
other countries in Africa were to adopt the same attitude that only their
indigenous people should benefit? In the case of South Africa, the xenophobic
sentiment resonates with many white people who genuinely believe that they have
a better claim on South Africa than their fellow black
immigrants.
It has been argued that the
recent xenophobic attacks were motivated by President Thabo Mbeki’s stance on
Zimbabwe. A proposition has been made that white and black Zimbabweans anxious
for change may have invested in the xenophobic project as a way of encouraging
Zimbabweans living in South Africa to return to Zimbabwe and vote as well
exposing his alleged hypocrisy.
The anger expressed by black
South Africans was as predictable as the consequences of a superficial
empowerment process. It is clear that South Africa, through its various laws,
has accepted that it is a different African country and black Africans have to
take note and plan accordingly.
White South Africans have argued
that the country is an attractive destination for black Africans after 52 years
of uhuru precisely because they made it happen. They feel vindicated that Africa
will never be a viable project without their intervention and
control.
If black Africans can in their
millions run away from the anti-imperialist legend, Zimbabwe’s President Robert
Mugabe, then it is argued that this is enough evidence supporting the deeply
held view that Africans cannot rule themselves and were not ready for
independence.
The framers of the colonial state
justified the denial of civil and economic rights to black Africans on the basis
that they had brought the civilisation that created the state as an institution
and to the extent that they gave themselves credit for entrepreneurship that
then funded the state, they maintained that they were entitled to exclusively
benefit from the fruits of the initiative.
However, in accepting BEE, a new
language has been created in South Africa and is supported by law that being a
pre-1994 black person one has an entitlement to extract from whites part of what
they accumulated during the colonial and apartheid eras.
It must accept that if apartheid
South Africa had been governed the same way that for example Zimbabwe has been
governed, then surely the influx of black Zimbabweans would be unthinkable. What
is not deniable, for example, is that the estimated 3 million Zimbabweans living
and working in South Africa are critical drivers of economic growth and they do
contribute to the fiscus.
Unlike their white immigrants,
black Zimbabweans have failed to invest in being South African in as much as
whites have done. Indeed, it would be unthinkable for a black Zimbabwean born
South African to aspire to be a Mayor of Cape Town in post-apartheid South
Africa, for example, in as much as Mayor Helen Zille has done without attracting
xenophobic attacks.
Having lived and worked in South
Africa for the past 13 years, I also came to the conclusion that it is important
to be part of the solution than be part of the problem. I acquired South African
citizenship not because Zimbabwean citizenship is inferior but because I am an
economic contributor to the South African project in as much as any other
immigrant.
If Indians and whites can be
accepted as South Africans then surely it cannot and should not be the case that
Zimbabwean-born persons like us should apologise for being part of the South
African story.
Recognising that when English
people came to South Africa they saw the need of creating an Old Mutual in 1845
to serve their interests and the Afrikaners followed suit in 1928 by creating
Sanlam, I am proud to say that I was one of the founding members of Africa
Heritage Society (AHS), on the same principles of mutuality that underpinned Old
Mutual and Sanlam with the only difference that we do not hold the same racist
views that informed the colonial state.
As a member of AHS, I believe strongly that it is important that we begin to engage in conversations about what kind of Africa we want to see. Should we have a black only Africa? Should we have an empowered South Africa only with its empowered companies exporting the model to the rest of the continent? Who is an African? Who should benefit from Africa’s resources? Is the South African BEE-related legislation consistent with the values of pan-Africanism? What would be the implications on Africa’s growth and transformation if other African countries were to cut and paste the South African empowerment legislation and enact similar laws in their countries? – ZimOnline
Shame on the Grace Mugabe! Shame on her!
It was a pity reading that Grace
swore at a rally that noone, other than a
Zanu PF member will ever move
into the State house. The State House is not
Zanu PF property but property
for the Government.
If I were Grace, I would refrain from using such
words with a cruel hidden
meaning. Grace is likely to outlive "Baba".
Accordingly, so she should avoid
making comments which might implicate her
as a party to the on-going
violence, lest one day perpetrators of violence
are brought to be answerable
to their atrocious deeds.
Coming from
Grace, this is not surprising though, as she is selfish and
immoral. The
world has not forgotten that she conceived two children whilst
she was
having an adulterous affair with the Robert Mugabe whilst his wife
was still
alive.
I pray, voters in the upcoming presidential re-run, will go to the
polls in
their thousands to exercise their right to vote. Zanu PF, as a
party, has
failed the country and the rest of Africa. Even Mugabe himself
knows this.
How would he not know when his own groceries are brought in
from South
Africa and other countries. It is also reported that he had to
be flown to
Asia for medical treatments.
People are being murdered,
raped and tortured on a daily basis and Mugabe
does not openly condone
violence and bring perpetrators to justice.
Zanu PF is a party whose only
weapon to stay in power is to use violence on
its own people to have no
effective opposition. "Opposition" party is
required to give the outside
world a semblance of Democracy. If Mugabe wins,
this culture of violence
will be there to stay and life is going to be
unbearable for all in
Zimbabwe. Zanu PF is a party whose officials act as
though they are "naļve
wives" of Mugabe to protect their own selfish needs.
They dare not question
his policy or bring up their own views, if they are
likely to be rejected by
Mugabe. We have a big cabinet but it's a waste of
money since its
ineffective since only the wishes of an ailing 84 year-old
prevails. People
of Zimbabwe fought to have peace, joy and prosperity in
their nation not to
be under perpetual rule of a violent Party or Leader.