By
ANNE
APPLEBAUM
June 3, 2008
With an unerring sense of timing, President Mugabe of Zimbabwe arrived yesterday in Rome, thereby demonstrating the profound limitations of international diplomacy.
© Dario Pignatelli / Reuters
STREET TUSSLE Bodyguards of President Mugabe of Zimbabwe scuffle with a cameraman from Canadian CBC television and a photographer as they arrive at a hotel in Rome yesterday.
Indeed, it's hard to think of any other single gesture which would so effectively show the ineffectiveness of international institutions in the conduct of both human rights and food aid policy. Even someone standing on top of the dome of St. Peter's, megaphone in hand, shouting, "The U.N. is useless! The E.U. is useless!" couldn't have clarified the matter more plainly.
For yes, Mr. Mugabe is in Rome, at the invitation of the United Nations Food and Agricultural Organization, which is holding a conference to discuss the very real international food crisis.
And yes, he has been formally forbidden from travelling to Europe by the European Union, which considers him persona non grata: For the past several years, he has beaten and murdered his political opponents in Zimbabwe so blatantly that even the Europeans noticed.
Nevertheless, it seems the Italians can't prevent him from being there this week. Since the summit is a United Nations event, U.N. rules take precedence over European or Italian border rules. This is not the first time Mr. Mugabe has taken advantage of this little loophole either.
He attended a previous U.N. food conference in Rome in 2002, during which he stayed at a five-star hotel on the Via Veneto, sent his wife out shopping, and bragged about how his "land reform" program — i.e., the wholesale theft of land from white Zimbabwean farmers and redistribution among political supporters — was going to enrich his nation's food supply.
It hasn't. According to Oxfam, 80% of Zimbabwe's population now lives on less than $1 a day thanks to Mr. Mugabe's policies, and lacks access to basic foods and clean water. Inflation is at 100,000%, this year's harvest was poor, and Zimbabweans are fleeing their country in large numbers.
Meanwhile, Mr. Mugabe is notorious for using food aid as a political weapon, distributing it only to those who reliably vote for him. Thus does his presence at a U.N. food summit contain many layers of troubling irony. Stephen Smith, the Australian foreign minister and one of Mr. Mugabe's more vocal critics, put it less delicately: "Robert Mugabe turning up to a conference dealing with food security or food issues is, in my view, frankly obscene."
And, as noted, the timing couldn't be worse: The U.N. is still (or should be) smarting from its recent failure to persuade Burma's generals — also notorious for using food aid as a political weapon — to accept any outside aid. As a result, a quarter of a million or so Burmese are still not receiving a steady supply of food and water, a month after Cylcone Nargis hit the Burmese coast.
The U.N. secretary-general did, after much wrangling, pay a visit to Burma and the generals did, after much stalling, agree to allow a few foreign aid workers into the country. But even the U.N.'s highest-ranking food relief official recently conceded that "urgent work remains" to be done in Burma. Translation: the regime is still refusing to let relief workers travel to the afflicted region, still refusing to let others into the country, still refusing to let foreign ships land on the coast with aid.
In fact, the root of Burma's humanitarian crisis is a political crisis. The root of Zimbabwe's humanitarian crisis is a political crisis too. But because the United Nations was never set up to deal with political crises, it can't really address either humanitarian crisis either.
Officially, the U.N. has to respect the decision of the Burmese government not to feed its people. Officially, the U.N. feels it has to invite Mr. Mugabe to Rome too, despite the E.U. ban. Indeed, one U.N. official justified his presence on the grounds that the U.N. is "about inclusiveness, not exclusivity" and besides, the food issue is so serious and this week's food conference is so significant that "the rest is irrelevant."
But that, of course, is nonsense: It is "the rest", in this case — the vicious dictatorship, the manipulation of agricultural policies for political ends, the fear and violence — which matter, not the rise in international commodity prices, the mass planting of biofuels, or drought. To their credit, Europe's leaders have tried to address "the rest," to put pressure on Mr. Mugabe by restricting his movements, to shun meetings he attends, and to demonstrate, in general, that his behavior is unacceptable. Though not especially effective so far, this isn't an entirely pointless policy: Mr. Mugabe clearly cares how Europe treats him or he wouldn't go out of his way to defy its ban.
The European boycott might work a bit better, however, if the U.N. didn't help the Zimbabwean leader flout it. Indeed, the U.N. should join it. If this really is a serious food conference, after all, then an egregious abuser of his own country's food policy has no place at the table.
© 2008 The Washington Post
International Herald Tribune
The Associated PressPublished: June 3,
2008
ROME: Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe on Tuesday
defended his policy of
seizing land from white farmers in a speech at a U.N.
summit on the global
food crisis, saying he is undoing a legacy left by
Zimbabwe's former
colonial "masters."
Mugabe's presence at the summit
sparked protests from some world leaders
because he has presided over the
collapse of a onetime African bread basket
into a nation where millions go
hungry.
The African leader also blamed international sanctions for many
of
Zimbabwe's woes and said his own policies have been "warmly welcomed" by
his
people.
"Over the past decade, Zimbabwe has democratized the land
ownership patterns
in the country, with over 300,000 previously landless
families now proud
landowners," Mugabe said.
"Previously,this land
was owned by a mere 4,000 farmers, mainly of British
stock," the longtime
African leader said.
He contended the land reform was "warmly
welcomed by the vast majority of
our people."
"It has, however, and
regrettably so, elicited wrath from our former
colonial masters," Mugabe
said.
"In retaliation ... the United Kingdom has mobilized her friends
and allies
in Europe, North America, Australia and New Zealand to impose
illegal
economic sanctions against Zimbabwe," he said.
The sanctions
aim to "cripple Zimbabwe's economy and thereby effect illegal
regime change
in our country.," Mugabe said.
His government is accused of cracking down
on political opposition ahead of
a presidential runoff next month.
Times Online
June 3, 2008
Mr Mugabe in Rome: his visit was criticised as
"obscene"
Richard Owen, Rome
Robert Mugabe, the President of
Zimbabwe, today blamed the fact that
millions of Zimbabweans are facing
starvation on Britain and the West, as
well as on climate change and soaring
fuel prices.
He said "our former colonial masters" had imposed "illegal
sanctions" and
tried to impose "regime change" by supporting the Zimbabwean
Opposition. He
did not mention that the Opposition claims to have won
March's presidential
election - a vote he had been accused of trying to
rig.
Mr Mugabe was addressing the United Nations' world food security
summit in
Rome, called to discuss solutions to rising food prices. His
presence at the
summit, in defiance of an EU ban, has been described by
several Western
spokesmen as "obscene" given his role in the destruction of
Zimbabwean
farming. He was politely applauded, but reproved by the chairman
for running
over the allotted five minutes.
Speaking with slow
deliberation Mr Mugabe, bespectacled and in a crisp white
shirt with a
striped tie, said there was a "marked disequlibrium" in world
food
equations" which threatened disaster for "all that humanity has
achieved
over the centuries".
"The trend towards global food crisis should be a cause
for concern to all
global leaders," Mr Mugabe said.
The Zimbabwean
leader said that global warming and "the use of agricultural
commodities for
biofuels " were linked to the crisis and needed an "urgent
response".
Southern Africa was one of the regions most at risk from global
warming,
even though the continent as a whole accounts for just 5 per cent
of
greenhouse gas emissions.
Mr Mugabe said that the frequency and severity
of droughts and flooods had
increased over the past decade as the result of
climate change.
Extreme weather conditions were exacerbating poverty
levels, with farmers
"trapped in a cycle of vulnerability" compounded by a
decline in cereal
stocks and "dramatic rises in the prices of
food".
Soaring oil, chemical and fertiliser prices had also contributed.
The result
was that countries which were net food importers were "failing to
achieve
food security for their citizens". This was against a backdrop of
"numerous
challenges affecting agriculture in southern Africa" including the
HIV/Aids
virus and declining soil fertility.
"My country's prime
agricultural policy objective remains ensuring national
and household food
security through our own production" Mr Mugabe declared.
In a reference
to the violent seizure of white-owned farms he said Zimbabwe
had
"democratised land ownership" over the past decade. Zimbabweans were now
the
"proud owners" of land previously owned by a few thousand white farmers,
"mainly of British stock".
But although these reforms had been warmly
welcomed by "the vast majority of
our people", they had elicited only
"wrath" from Britain, which mobilised
friendly governments in a concerted
drive to "cripple the Zimbabwe economy".
In addition Britain and its
allies had sought to impose "illegal regime
change" by channelling funds
through NGOs to opposition parties, which were
"the creation of the West",
thus using food aid as a political weapon to
force him from
power.
"But these constraints on our agricultural performance have not
deterred us
from taking measures to increase agricultural productivity",
including
irrigation schemes and small and medium sized dams, Mr Mugabe
said.
a.. Have your say
The sad thing is that he is allowed to speak
and the African leaders put up
with his antics.
Hamad Lone, London,
England
...and all from the mouth of the worlds most incompetent
ruler.
He need say no more.
brian smith, milton, canada
When
this circus can go on at taxpayer expense while Mugabe's subjects are
starving, is it any wonder that many people see the UN as the problem, not
the solution? These guys fly in from all over the world and expect to be
praised for eating a less lavish lunch?
jon livesey, Sunnyvale,
CA/USA
Reuters
Tue 3 Jun
2008, 14:49 GMT
WASHINGTON, June 3 (Reuters) - Zimbabwean President
Robert Mugabe's presence
at a food crisis summit in Rome should serve as
example to others of "what
not to do" when it comes to food security, the
U.S. State Department said on
Tuesday.
Mugabe's attendance at the
U.N. crisis summit has provoked strong criticism
and organizers left him and
Iran's President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad off the
guest list of a ceremonial
dinner.
"In terms of President Mugabe's attendance there, I think about
the only
useful purpose that can serve is as an example of what not to do in
terms of
managing agricultural and food policy," said State Department
spokesman Tom
Casey.
Under Mugabe's rule, Zimbabwe has gone from
being a significant food
exporter to a net importer and many of its people
are starving.
"The tragic situation in Zimbabwe is very much in part
attributable to the
ruinous policies, not only agricultural policies but
other economic policies
that President Mugabe's regime has followed," Casey
said.
"I think he has a lot to answer for to his own people."
An
estimated 4 million Zimbabweans rely on food aid in a country that was
once
the region's breadbasket. Inflation is around 165,000 percent,
unemployment
80 percent and there are chronic shortages of basic necessities
like food
and fuel. (Reporting by Sue Pleming)
International Herald Tribune
By Celia W. Dugger Published: June 3,
2008
JOHANNESBURG: The Zimbabwean government has suspended
all the humanitarian
work of CARE, one of the largest nonprofit groups
working in the country,
because of allegations that the group has sided with
the opposition in the
current election season.
CARE provides
assistance to 500,000 of the most vulnerable people in
Zimbabwe, including
orphans, the sick and the elderly. This month, it would
have fed more than
110,000 people in schools, orphanages, old age homes and
through other
programs.
Speaking at a United Nations food conference in Rome, President
Robert
Mugabe attacked the activities of nongovernmental organizations and
accused
the West of conspiring "to cripple Zimbabwe's economy" and bring
about
"illegal regime change."
"Funds are being channeled through
nongovernmental organizations to
opposition political parties, which are a
creation of the West," Mugabe
said. "These Western-funded NGOs also use food
as a political weapon with
which to campaign against government, especially
in the rural areas."
Government officials have accused CARE staff of
distributing election
pamphlets and encouraging people to vote for the
opposition and against
ZANU-PF - the governing party that has been in power
since 1980 - in advance
of a presidential runoff this month. CARE vehemently
denies the charges and
said the government has not offered any specific
evidence to back up the
allegations.
CARE was informed of the
suspension May 28, and it will remain in place
until the government's
investigation of the charges is completed. CARE has
told its staff of 300 in
Zimbabwe to remain at home pending further notice.
Since it began working in
Zimbabwe in 1992, CARE has channeled more than
$100 million in development
assistance and disaster relief to the country.
"CARE has strict policies
against political involvement and categorically
denies that the organization
has encouraged or tolerated any political
activity," said Kenneth Walker,
Africa communications manager for CARE
International. "Care requested, but
has not yet received details of any
allegations, including names, dates and
locations."
Since a disputed March 29 presidential election, in which
Mugabe came in
second to the main opposition leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, the
government has
been cracking down widely on many civic and nonprofit groups,
as well as the
opposition. Civic leaders and aid workers say the
restrictions on
humanitarian assistance have been increasing in recent
days.
The government has been curtailing the operations of
nongovernmental
organizations in certain areas. The groups affected include
Plan
International, Save the Children and Mercy Corps, according to aid
workers.
In the southeastern Chipinge District, for example, the local
administrator
summoned representatives of nonprofit groups to a brief
meeting Monday and
informed them that they were to stop all work in the
field and remain in
their offices until the presidential runoff ends June
27.
In the state-owned newspaper, The Herald, Justice Minister Patrick
Chinamasa, who was defeated March 29 in his own bid for a seat in
Parliament, was quoted as saying that nongovernmental organizations, civic
groups, churches and the opposition were working with the British to bring
down the government led by Mugabe.
Similarly, Social Welfare Minister
Nicholas Goche was quoted in the Zimbabwe
Guardian as saying that other aid
groups were being investigated for the
same allegations.
"Several
other nongovernmental organizations involved in food distribution
in
Manicaland Province will also be asked to cease operations while we
investigate them," Goche said, according to The Guardian. "There is a
crucial runoff coming and our information indicates that NGOs are involved
in plans to undermine our candidate."
The disruption of aid has
raised alarm among humanitarian groups, which say
that beyond the
longstanding economic problems in Zimbabwe, thousands of
additional children
have been displaced by the political violence of recent
months.
In a
statement Monday, Unicef said that of the dozens of NGOs it had
contacted,
more than half had restricted their activities for children "due
to threats,
requests to do so by authorities or general concern at current
uncertainties."
"It is vital that our Unicef colleagues in Zimbabwe
are able to reach all
the children who require their assistance," said Per
Engebak, the Unicef
regional director for East and Southern Africa.
"Presently this is not the
case."
Not all aid groups report
interference by the government, but they are
watching the tense political
situation closely nonetheless. One group, World
Vision, said Tuesday that it
had "minimized exposure to risk by maintaining
minimal activities in the
field and sticking to activities that have little
'community
mobilization."'
"We will continue to apply diplomacy and caution in all
our areas of
operation," said Leslie Scott, the group's Zimbabwe
director.
Elisabeth Rosenthal contributed reporting from Rome and Graham
Bowley
contributed from New York.
Monsters and Critics
Jun 3, 2008, 11:56 GMT
Harare/Johannesburg -
One of Zimbabwe's opposition leaders, Arthur
Mutambara, who was arrested at
the weekend on charges of contempt of court
and giving false information
prejudicial to the state, was released on bail
Tuesday by a court in
Harare.
Mutambara, leader of the smaller faction of the opposition
Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC), was arrested Sunday after saying
President Robert
Mugabe's government was 'illegitimate.'
A judge in
the magistrates court in Harare ordered that he be released on
bail of 20
million Zimbabwean dollars and appear again in court on June 17.
In an
article in an independent local newspaper in early May Mutambara
described
Mugabe's government as 'illegitimate and illegal' after the
84-year-old
leader failed to step down in the wake of parliamentary and
presidential
elections on March 29.
The charge of contempt of court relates to the
same article, in which
Mutambara also criticised a high court judge for
dismissing an application
by the MDC to force the state-controlled election
commission to release the
presidential vote results.
Mutambara's
lawyer Beatrice Mtetwa said Tuesday he would be challenging the
provisions
under which he was charged in the Supreme Court.
The MDC led by Morgan
Tsvangirai inflicted the first ever election defeat on
Mugabe and his
Zanu-PF party, winning a majority in simultaneous
parliamentary and
presidential elections.
His proportion of the presidential vote did not -
according to the official
count - exceed the 50 per cent needed for him to
be declared outright
winner.
A run-off between Tsvangirai and Mugabe
has been set down for June 27.
Mutambara's faction won 10 seats in the
parliamentary election, against the
Tsvangirai faction's 99 seats and 97 for
Zanu-PF.
The MDC, founded in 1999 to challenge Mugabe's hold on power
since
independence in 1980, split in 2005 over differences on whether the
party
should field candidates for a newly formed senate.
The party
reunited for the second time in little over a year after the March
elections.
Yahoo News
1 hour,
19 minutes ago
HARARE (AFP) - Thirteen members of a prominent women's
rights group detained
on a march against violence ahead of Zimbabwe's
run-off poll have been
denied bail and ordered held in prison, the
organisation said Tuesday.
The 12 women and one man from the Women of
Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA), including
their outspoken leader Jenni Williams, are
due to appear in court again on
Friday, said Tafadzwa Mugabe of Zimbabwe
Lawyers for Human Rights.
They were arrested May 28 during the
demonstration in Harare, said
London-based rights group Amnesty
International which called for their
immediate release.
They were
marching to the Zambian embassy to deliver a petition over
poll-related
violence when they were arrested.
Zambia is the current chair of the
Southern African Development Community
(SADC), which has tasked South
African President Thabo Mbeki with mediating
between President Robert
Mugabe's ruling party and the opposition.
Violence has mounted in
Zimbabwe since March first round elections that saw
opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) leader Morgan Tsvangirai
defeat Mugabe, but without
enough votes to avoid a run-off.
According to the MDC, more than 50 of
its supporters have been killed in
attacks by pro-Mugabe militias in recent
weeks while tens of thousands have
been displaced in order to prevent them
from voting.
Meanwhile, opposition lawmaker Ian Kay, arrested last month
on public
violence charges, was granted bail on Tuesday.
"The high
court has granted him 60 billion dollars bail (90 US dollars)
after it was
upped from 20 billion," Tafadzwa Mugabe said.
Kay, one of the only two
white lawmakers, was arrested in Marondera, east of
the capital Harare, on
May 22 on charges of fanning violence in Mashonaland
province.
Monsters and Critics
Jun 3, 2008, 15:19 GMT
Johannesburg - International
rights group Amnesty International said Tuesday
it feared a group of
activists arrested during a protest march in Zimbabwe
last week could face
torture as a state clampdown intensified on dissenting
voices in the run-up
to a June presidential vote.
The 14 activists with the Women of Zimbabwe
Arise group, one of whom is a
man, were arrested during a protest march on
May 28 in Harare, Amnesty said
in a statement.
WOZA could not be
immediately contacted for comment about the arrests but
Amnesty said WOZA
leaders Jenni Williams and Magadonga Mahlangu were among
the 14, and that
the activists were 'in grave danger of torture or other ill
treatment.'
The opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) also
said another of its
parliamentarians had also been arrested in what it
called a pattern of
victimization of its leaders.
Eric Matinenga, a
lawyer and MP, was arrested Monday in Buhera after last
week seeking a court
interdict to stop soldiers campaigning for President
Robert Mugabe, MDC
spokesman Nelson Chamisa said.
'I suppose that's why they are trying to
victimize him,' Chamisa said. 'They
are targeting all opposition leaders.
It's becoming a trend.'
A severe crackdown on dissenting voices in
Zimbabwe is underway in the
aftermath of March 29 elections, in which
Mugabe's Zanu-PF party suffered
its first ever defeat at the hands of the
opposition Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC).
Mugabe also took
fewer votes than MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai for
president. The two are set
to contest a run-off on June 27.
Critics say the campaign of intimidation
against opposition members and
activists, seen together with a campaign of
violence against opposition
supporters in rural areas that has killed at
least 50 people, is designed to
crush the opposition ahead of the
election.
Earlier a magistrates court in Harare ordered the release on
bail of another
MDC leader - Arthur Mutambara - who was arrested at the
weekend.
Mutambara, leader of a smaller MDC faction, has been charged
with contempt
of court and giving false information prejudicial to the state
over a
newspaper article calling Mugabe's government 'illegitimate' and
slamming a
court decision on the release of the election results.
No
charges had been laid against Matinenga as yet but police have accused
him
of instigating violence, Chamisa said.
Zimbabwean and international media
outlets have also been targeted by the
state in recent weeks.
On
Monday, a magistrates' court in the second city Bulawayo sentenced three
South Africans to jail terms of between six and seven-and-a-half months
after they were found in possession of 'illegal transmitting equipment'
belonging to the Sky television channel.
Bernet Hasani Sono, Resemate
Chauke and Simon Musimani were sentenced to six
months in prison over the
equipment, which Sky insisted was not used in its
election
coverage.
Two of the three drivers received additional six-week terms for
immigration
offences, according to Sky News producer Dan Williams, who said
the
broadcaster deplored the harsh verdict and would be appealing
it.
The WOZA activists were arrested during a March on the Zambian
embassy in
Harare. The women were calling on Zambia as chair of the
14-nation Southern
African Development Community to help bring an end to the
post-election
violence, Amnesty said.
Police charged the group with
'distributing materials likely to cause a
breach of the
peace.'
Williams was additionally charged with 'publishing or
communicating false
statements prejudicial to the state,' Amnesty
said.
The women were remanded in custody in Chikurubi maximum security
prison
until their next court appearance on June 6, while the man was being
held at
Harare central remand prison, the report said.
The state
prosecutor won an appeal against the group being granted bail.
Reuters
Tue 3 Jun
2008, 15:52 GMT
By Nelson Banya
HARARE, June 3 (Reuters) - A
Zimbabwean court has sentenced three South
Africans working as drivers for
Britain's Sky News to six months in jail for
carrying unregistered
broadcasting equipment, a state-run newspaper reported
on
Tuesday.
The trio were arrested last month at a police roadblock with a
satellite
dish and other items marked with Sky News stickers, having driven
to
Zimbabwe to collect the equipment for Sky.
Magistrate John Masimba
handed down the sentences on Bernet Sono, Resemate
Chauke and Simon Maodi in
Bulawayo on Monday, the Chronicle reported in its
online
edition.
"This country is not a banana republic. It has laws, which must
be observed
and respected by both citizens and foreigners," it quoted
Masimba as saying.
The magistrate also ordered that the equipment and
vehicle be forfeited to
the state, the Chronicle said.
The three men
pleaded guilty last week to violating Zimbabwe's tough media
laws, which
critics say are aimed at stifling dissent against President
Robert Mugabe.
Sono and Maodi were also found guilty of breaking immigration
laws.
Sky News said it deplored the harsh sentences and that it would
launch an
appeal.
Mugabe's government is suspicious of foreign
journalists, especially from
former colonial ruler Britain, and barred many
of those who applied for
credentials to cover the first round of elections
on March 29.
There are no signs that it will relax its restrictions to
let in foreign
journalists for the June 27 presidential election run-off
between Mugabe and
opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai.
Tsvangirai
defeated Mugabe in the first round but not with enough of a
margin to avoid
the second ballot. (Writing by Paul Simao; editing by Raissa
Kasolowsky)
SW Radio Africa
(London)
3 June 2008
Posted to the web 3 June 2008
Tichaona
Sibanda
The family of MDC MP elect for Mbare in Harare Piniel Denga
was attacked by
a group of Zanu-PF supporters at Daybroke resettlement
scheme in Chivhu on
Sunday. Denga told us that his elder brother and several
nephews and nieces
were force-marched from the family homestead to a torture
camp at a place
called Chipisa.
He explained that when his relatives
got to the camp they were ordered to
denounce the MDC and all its leaders.
They were also told that Denga had
sold out by standing as an MP for Mbare
and that the family had to be taught
a lesson in patriotism. The whole
family was then set upon by thugs wielding
logs.
His brother
sustained a broken leg while one of his nieces broke a hand, and
others
received lacerations to their bodies. All members are now safe and
receiving
treatment, but have vowed to return to their wards to vote in the
June 27th
election.
Denga said that everyone in the area is sick and tired of
Zanu-PF violence
and they want to bring things to an end as soon a
possible.
The attack on Denga's family comes a few days after family
members of
spokesman Nelson Chamisa were also attacked in Gutu last week
Friday.
Chamisa said armed soldiers and suspected ZANU-PF militia members
assaulted
his mother and grandmother and younger brother at his rural home
in the
Chiwara communal lands of Gutu South constituency in Masvingo
province. The
attackers then proceeded to seek out and batter Chamisa's
other relatives in
the village.
SW
Radio Africa (London)
3 June 2008
Posted to the web 3 June
2008
Tererai Karimakwenda
A peaceful demonstration is reported
to have turned into running battles
between students and riot police at the
Bulawayo Polytechnic College on
Tuesday.
15 students, including the
Student Representative Council President Simba
Kuzipa and SRC Sports
Director Leopold Tapi, were bundled into a police car
and taken into
custody. One police officer and 3 students are reported to
have sustained
serious injuries.
Students say many issues had made a decent life
impossible at the
institution, but tensions reached boiling point when the
College
Administration ordered them to pay top up fees of Z$75 billion. This
was
after the students were charged Z$140 million last
term.
According to our Bulawayo correspondent Lionel Saungweme, the
problems
started when police ordered the students to disperse. Student
leaders
insisted that they needed their grievances addressed because the
campus had
become a health hazard, with only one toilet for 3000 students.
They
explained that they were living without any food and there was rarely
any
water on campus. When they did have water, it was dirty, brown and not
drinkable.
Saungweme said the police answered: "Hazvisi zvedu izvi",
meaning 'that is
not our problem.' Reinforcements arrived at this point and
running battles
began between the students and the police with the
frustrated students
throwing stones at the police.
Our correspondent
said he saw one injured police officer and at least three
students who were
beaten so severely that they required medical attention.
15 students were
thrown into police vehicles and taken to Bulawayo Central
Station. It is not
yet clear under what conditions they are being held.
International Herald Tribune
The Associated
PressPublished: June 3, 2008
JOHANNESBURG, South Africa:
Civil and human rights groups predicted more
violence after Zimbabwe's
presidential runoff takes place, saying Tuesday
they do not believe
President Robert Mugabe will step down if he loses.
However, it is
"critical" for the election to go ahead so a winner can
emerge, Gorden Moyo,
from the civil rights group Bulawayo Agenda, said in
South
Africa.
"Mugabe will not transfer power to the winner," Moyo
predicted.
Mugabe, Zimbabwe's longtime ruler, will face opposition leader
Morgan
Tsvangirai in the runoff, on June 27.
Rights groups have
criticized the violence and intimidation in the run-up to
the vote. There
are widespread fears Mugabe will try to steal the election.
The
opposition Movement for Democratic Change says more than 50 of its
supporters have been killed and thousands driven from their homes,
especially in rural areas.
Amnesty International has called for the
immediate release of Jenni
Williams, Magadonga Mahlangu and 12 other
activists from the organization
Women of Zimbabwe Arise.
The women
were arrested May 28 after holding a peaceful demonstration in
Harare, the
country's capital.
They have been denied bail and are been held in harsh
conditions, the
London-based watchdog said.
Arthur Mutambara, head of
an opposition faction, was released on bail
Tuesday, his lawyer, Beatrice
Mtetwa said.
Mutambara was arrested in Harare on Sunday for allegedly
making false
statements that endangered state security.
"Zimbabweans
are going through difficult times going into these elections.
They don't
know what happens after," Moyo said. "We believe that the
Zimbabwean people
are ready to vote. But we are not sure the structures of
violence will be
dismantled before that."
Gabriel Shumba, a lawyer who went into exile in
South Africa in 2001, after
he was beaten by security forces, said
conditions in Zimbabwe were worse
than before the first round of voting,
March 29.
He called for the urgent arrival of observers from the region
and the
African Union.
There have been calls for more elections
observers from the Southern African
Development Community to be allowed into
Zimbabwe. Observers are expected to
arrive in Zimbabwe Sunday.
The
groups in South Africa expressed outrage at Mugabe's attendance at a
U.N.
food summit in Rome. Mugabe addressed the summit Tuesday, defending a
policy
to transfer land from whites to blacks - sometimes violently - that
others
blame for Zimbabwe's economic collapse.
Mugabe's appearance "is a big
letdown," said Japhet Ncube, deputy secretary
general of the Zimbabwe
Congress of Trade Union.
Attorney Arnold Tsunga said lawyers were
increasingly under threat. He said
human rights lawyer Andrew Makoni had to
be driven to South Africa in the
middle of the night when he received death
threats.
Makoni has been given refuge by the Southern Africa Litigation
Center. "When
the most prominent, the most active and the most courageous
human rights
lawyers are targeted and forced to flee, you know that you're
dealing with
the most grotesque forms of impunity," Nicole Fritz, the
center's director
said.
Three South Africans were sentenced Tuesday
to six months in jail in
Zimbabwe for illegally possessing broadcasting
equipment allegedly used to
defy a ban on Western coverage of elections in
March, their lawyer said.
Tawengwa Hara said the three would appeal the
sentence. Hara said magistrate
John Masimba offered the three no option of a
fine, as provided in the
nation's media and broadcasting laws.
The
South Africans, Bennett Sono, 34, Rese Chauke, 47, and Simon Moadi, 38,
were
arrested outside Bulawayo, Zimbabwe's second city, official media
reported
May 27.
Sky News in London said the three men were drivers who, though
not staffer,
were working for the television network.
"We deplore the
harsh sentence given to the three South African drivers. We
will be
appealing and hope that the Zimbabwean justice system fully
reappraises its
decision," Sky News said in a statement.
Most main Western media
organizations were banned by the government from
covering Zimbabwe's March
elections.
____
Associated Press writer Angus Shaw in Harare,
Zimbabwe contributed to this
report.
The Guardian
Robert Mugabe's visit to Rome is the best
chance we have to apprehend him,
lock him up at The Hague and put him on
trial
AC Grayling
June 3, 2008 11:30 AM
There are two
excellent reasons why Robert Mugabe, Zimbabwe's ex-president,
should not be
at the UN world food conference in Rome, and one excellent
reason why he
should be arrested while there for arraignment before the
international
criminal court. The fact that he is nevertheless there, and
the fact that he
has not so far been arrested on criminal charges, speaks
the worst shame to
that pusillanimous and feeble creature, "the
international
community".
The two reasons why he should not be in Rome are these.
First, he has
several times over been voted out of office by the people he
has bullied,
starved and impoverished, but continues to rule through the gun
and
truncheon as, in effect, a coup leader. He has no legitimate standing to
attend the Rome conference therefore; the fig leaf of waiting for a rerun of
a presidential election he has already lost, in the hope that his thugs can
arrange another "win" next time, cannot possibly persuade anyone else at the
Rome conference that he has a right to be there.
Secondly, as someone
who has turned a flourishing net exporter of foodstuffs
into a starvation
zone, he is one of the last people on earth who should be
allowed into a
five-star Roman hotel with his wife and an entourage. What an
irony it is
that someone who is so unimpeachably and starkly an example of a
food-crisis
engendering problem should dare to show his face at a conference
seeking
solutions.
And yet his presence there offers one possibility of a small
contribution to
one part of a solution: arrest him, arraign him for human
rights crimes,
lock him up in the Netherlands while trial pends, and while
he defends his
glowing record of humane administration of justice, internal
peace, and
economic progress, poor struggling Zimbabwe might be able to find
its feet
again.
At least our own government has complained about his
presence in Rome, and
has been blunt in doing so. But words are not enough.
Here is the wretched
dictator within reach of international law: nab him and
put him on trial; it
would be the cleanest, quickest, simplest way to give
Zimbabwe real help.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com
June 3, 2008
By
Our Correspondent.
BULAWAYO - MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai made a
surprise visit to the high
density suburbs of Bulawayo yesterday, bringing
business in the town to a
virtual standstill wherever he went.
He
urged the residents to vote in the forthcoming presidential run-off on
June
27 to dislodge President Robert Mugabe from power. Tsvangirai, who
faces
Mugabe in the run-off, accused the Zanu-PF leader of destroying the
country.
Tsvangirai was accompanied on the visit, which the MDC
dubbed the 'Meet the
People Tour', by his deputy Thokozani Khupe, party
chairman Lovemore Moyo
and all newly-elected MDC Members of Parliament and
senators for Bulawayo
province.
He kicked off the tour by visiting
the main vegetable market in Makokoba
suburb, Bulawayo's oldest and poorest
suburb. He then proceeded to Mzilikazi
where he mingled with residents
outside MacDonald Hall, urging them to turn
out in great numbers to vote
against Mugabe.
"You must go and vote to finish off Mugabe who has
destroyed the country,"
said Tsvangirai. He also visited the suburbs of
Entumbane, Luveve, Magwegwe,
Pelandaba, Nkulumane, Enganwini and
Nketa.
"My son, we are hungry," said an elderly woman at Chigumira
Shopping Centre
in Luveve, shaking Tsvangirai's hand. "Please help us from
this difficult
situation that Mugabe has brought us. Right now, these
stomachs have nothing
in them."
At Nkulumane Shopping Mall,
Tsvangirai was mobbed by a crowd of more than a
thousand people, who
chanted, "President, President, President."
"We need a new Zimbabwe and
we will vote for change," said a vendor who had
abandoned her vegetable
stall to greet Tsvangirai. "You should know that
Bulawayo will vote for you
President Tsvangirai."
Khupe said the tour was one of many planned to
enable Tsvangirai to meet the
people before the presidential
run-off.
"President Tsvangirai is meeting the people and he will conduct
the tours
countrywide while garnering support ahead of the presidential
elections on
June 27," said Khupe. "And since we are being prevented from
addressing
rallies, this is the best we can do."
The MDC was barred
by the police from holding rallies in Victoria Falls and
Hwange over the
weekend.
Since his return from South Africa three weeks ago, Tsvangirai
has not
addressed a rally in the country. The tour was his first interaction
with
the public since he came back.
At the main bus terminus in the
city centre, Tsvangirai's bodyguards were
nearly overpowered by a large
presence of people who wanted to shake the
hand of the MDC leader, forcing
him to make a hasty retreat for fear of his
safety.
Business Day
03 June 2008
Dumisani
Muleya
Harare
Correspondent
ZIMBABWE's main opposition leader, Morgan Tsvangirai,
facing President
Robert Mugabe in the critical presidential election runoff
on June 27, has
changed tactics after the government resorted to banning his
rallies in a
bid to stop his growing momentum.
After his rallies
in Hwange and Victoria Falls were banned on Sunday,
Tsvangirai yesterday
changed his approach from public rallies to walking
about in the opposition
stronghold of Bulawayo's restless townships in a bid
mobilise
voters.
Accompanied by his party's campaign team, Tsvangirai visited
poor and
politically explosive townships such as Makhokhoba, Nkulumane,
Phelandaba,
Luveve, Magwegwe and parts of the central business
district.
Wherever he went, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
leader was mobbed
by excited crowds urging him to "finish off" Mugabe in the
runoff.
"Welcome to Bulawayo, Mr President," shouted one of the
supporters as they
rushed to greet Tsvangirai, who looked pleased and
confident despite the ban
on his rallies and the arrest of scores of party
activists.
"We want you to finish off Mugabe on June 27," they
said.
Tsvangirai has been finding it difficult to campaign since his
return home
two weeks ago after more that a month of operating from Botswana
and SA.
Zimbabwe is gripped by worsening political violence, which
has claimed
scores of lives, mostly of MDC activists.
The MDC and
human rights organisations accuse the security forces, army,
police and
intelligence units of waging a covert but brutal campaign against
the
opposition in a bid to save Mugabe's political career.
Mugabe, who is
free to campaign wherever he wishes, has ordered a "warlike"
approach to
what he has described as a "do-or-die" campaign. He said the
looming poll
would take place in "circumstances of an all-out war".
This was a signal
for his militant supporters to use violent tactics.
Attacks on and arrests
of opposition leaders and activists, civic leaders,
journalists, lawyers,
diplomats and ordinary people accused of dissent have
created a climate of
fear, a little more than three weeks before the runoff.
MDC faction
leader Arthur Mutambara was arrested on Sunday and charged with
"publishing
statements prejudicial to the state and for contempt of court"
after he
recently wrote a newspaper article criticising Mugabe for his
government's
handling of elections in March, which the veteran ruler and his
Zanu (PF)
party lost.
The elections were beset by controversy after the electoral
commission
failed to release presidential poll results for more than a
month.
The editor of the Standard, Davison Maruziva, who published
Mutambara's
opinion piece, was also arrested. MDC MP Eric Matinenga, who is
also the
chancellor of Zimbabwe's Anglican Church and a prominent barrister,
was
arrested on Saturday in Buhera for allegedly "inciting
violence".
At least 74 MDC supporters were arrested, bringing to more
than 500 the
number of MDC supporters picked up since March. Fourteen
members of Women of
Zimbabwe Arise were arrested in Harare for protesting.
The MDC says 50 of
its supporters have been killed since the March 29
election.
The MDC is being blocked from reaching some rural areas,
Mugabe's former
strongholds, and denied access to the public media, making
its campaign
difficult.
"They are trying to disable and throw our
campaign into disarray," MDC
spokesman Nelson Chamisa said. "But this is
only making us more determined
and the people are more resolute to vote out
Mugabe this time round than
ever before."
http://zimbabwemetro.com
By Eddie Cross ⋅ zimbabwemetro.com ⋅ June 2, 2008 ⋅ Email
This Post ⋅ Post
a comment
The current outlook for Zimbabwe is anything
but encouraging. There are
three possible outcomes of the election on the
27th June; the most promising
is a clean, clear win by Morgan Tsvangirai and
a swift transition to a
completely new government.
The others are not
so promising - in one scenario Mugabe wins by rigging and
fear and carries
on, appointing a minority government and using the powers
of the presidency
to govern in the same way as he is managing the affairs of
State today. A
third option is that he will win and then retire - handing
power to a chosen
successor from the ranks of the Zanu PF who would then
start to implement
reforms but protecting those who have participated in the
present regime and
securing their assets.
Under each of these scenarios there would be
consequences. If we assume the
second scenario becomes a reality then we can
predict with some certainty
what conditions will be like - there will be no
international assistance and
some of existing aid might well be withdrawn.
Inflation - now at over 1
million per cent will continue to surge, reaching
unprecedented levels
within 3 months.
Most likely this will be
accompanied by a sharp increase in the flight of
both people and capital and
we can expect that the situation in South Africa
will deteriorate even
further. At this point several other possibilities
present themselves - a
coup against Mugabe, the collapse of the regime and
anarchy is also
possible. Whatever happens the outcome will simply make
things
worse.
If they manage to wrangle option 3 and this might well be the real
game plan
of the JOC and its external masters. Then it very much depends on
who takes
over and when. They would have to move fast - difficult just after
an
election, and the incoming leadership would have to clearly demonstrate
its
capacity to implement the reforms that are necessary to get inflation
under
control and some kind of recovery under way. Not impossible, but very
difficult as the new leadership is unlikely to unscramble the bad egg of
agriculture and reverse the recent changes in legislation that is crippling
mining and industrial recovery. Donors and multilaterals are unlikely to
step up to the plate any time soon and without them it seems unlikely that
we could feed the country or stabilize the economy at large.
So we
are left with option 1. The main concern here is how do we get there
and
what will be the reaction of the security chiefs and the senior players
in
Zanu PF? I have no doubt about the people; the present wave of political
violence unleashed by Zanu PF on the people is counterproductive. It is
being translated into anger - both in the MDC and among the general
population. This makes the situation worse for existing power brokers as it
is now most unlikely that the MDC leadership will entertain any sort of
amnesty for them under the new dispensation - their options have narrowed
significantly in recent weeks - mainly because of their own
intransigence.
I would expect therefore, that in a free and fair run off,
Mugabe would be
trounced by Morgan Tsvangirai - beaten most likely by more
than two thirds.
The main threat to such an outcome is in the way the
election process is
managed - still totally under the control and management
of Zanu PF through
the JOC and the ZEC. Standing between them and a free and
fair outcome are
the region who are obligated to deploy observers not only
to watch the run
off itself but also the run up to the election. We want
them here right away
and we want them deployed to those areas where the
violence is worse.
The other element that stands in the way of such an
outcome is the MDC. They
are trying to cripple the electoral capacity of the
MDC in every way - many
of our leadership in the front line have been
killed, abducted, beaten and
generally harassed. They are working in every
field to reduce our capacity
to campaign and win the run off - radio
stations are being jammed,
newspapers burned (yesterday we had 60 000 copies
of the Zimbabwean plus the
vehicle they was in burned in the Midlands) and
journalists harassed and
worse.
Only the MDC and its election agents
can stop the rigging of this election -
no one else has either the capacity
or the legal right to do so. So our
capacity to fund and support that
operation (it is a massive undertaking) is
crucial. The JOC is making sure
that no stone is left unturned in their
efforts to block funds and other
resources reaching the MDC from any
quarter.
But lets assume the MDC
is able to control the rigging - and we get a
majority vote for Morgan, what
will then happen? We saw what happened last
time - they simply prevaricated
until eventually they were forced to
announce a result that was patently
false and force a run off. That process
was protected by Mr.Mbeki of South
Africa who not only went along with the
masquerade but also endorsed the
call for a run off and has subsequently
made the spurious claim that the
solutions to the crisis lay in the hands of
the Zimbabwe people themselves.
His intelligence resources here have told
him what the real situation is and
he simply chooses to ignore it and
continues with the crude political
fabrications of Zanu PF.
This time there are no easy solutions for Mbeki,
if the MDC wins, the region
has no option but to endorse the outcome and
insist on a transfer of power.
In recent weeks elements in Zanu PF and in
South Africa have been
desperately trying to get negotiations going on some
form of national unity
government. This would be the easy way out for Mbeki,
as it would ensure the
full compliance of the military in such an
accord.
However for the MDC this could only be considered if as the first
step,
Mugabe retired and announced that he was accepting the outcome of the
elections on the 29th March and handing over to Morgan Tsvangirai. This is
not going to happen and this route or easy option is not a
possibility.
We are therefore left with the hard reality - can the region
enforce a
constitutional process resulting in the full transfer of power
from Zanu PF
to the MDC because our own Court system and even the State
machinery itself,
is incapable of such a transition without military
resistance. I personally
think it can but South Africa holds the keys. I
doubt that the rank and file
in the military or the Police would accept a
coup against the constitution
and the electoral results. I doubt that the
region or the AU would accept
that outcome or reaction. I think a transition
would take place.
Under these circumstances I would expect very dramatic
policy and other
changes to emerge within days, I would expect inflation to
be fully
controlled within 6 months and for basic needs to be covered within
3
months. After that the stabilisation and reconstruction process will get
underway and will, within a year be superceded by rapid economic growth and
recovery. Such an outcome would have immediate impacts on the region as a
whole but especially on South Africa. For that country these changes could
not become at a more important time. South Africa will itself be engaged in
a transitional process - from the Mbeki era to new ANC leadership and maybe
even a restructuring of political forces in South Africa. While this is
going on it would bring much needed stability and enhanced growth to the
South African economy.
It’s time to back sanity and to finally defeat
tyranny.
Eddie Cross is the MDC Member of Assembly elect for Bulawayo
South,and the
MDC Policy Coordinator he writes in his personal capacity.
United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
(OCHA)
Date: 03 Jun 2008
Zimbabwe election period: OCHA Weekly
Situation Report Issue No. 8, 19 - 25
May 2008
I. SITUATION
ANALYSIS
The run-off campaign has started. The state owned Sunday Mail
reports that
'ZANU-PF campaign would put more emphasis on door-to-door
meetings than
rallies. According to Zanu-PF, they want people to have
greater
participation, campaigning for the President. In that way there will
be
fewer rallies and more small meetings that we want to be interactive.
Meanwhile, the MDC President has returned to the country after staying out
of the country after the first election because of 'treat on his
life'.
Observed impacts of the period before the run-off
elections:
- Continued displacements due to politically motivated
violence
(retaliations included);
- Loss of livelihood, particularly
in urban areas as some people are denied
access to utilizing vending stalls
unless they have a certain party card;
- Loss of agricultural produce and
livestock due to thefts after
displacement or burning as an act of political
intimidation;
- Increased strain on the health institutions as health
personnel are
targeted for assisting victims;
- Disruption of the
education system as some teachers are targeted and some
schools are used as
political base.
Possible impacts:
- Isolated incidences of
violence as a result of the door-to-door campaigns;
- Up-scaling of
targeted violence particularly on teachers involved in
elections in rural
areas;
- More targeted attacks on politically recognized figures,
especially those
that played an active role in the first elections;
-
More displacements, increased incidences of violence, injury and fatal
casualties;
- Increased disruption of the educational system as
schools are used as
polling stations;
- Regardless of the outcome of
the presidential elections, a further
deterioration of the humanitarian
situation; either triggered by a further
isolation of Zimbabwe or a new rise
in violent attacks surrounding the
hand-over of power;
- Increased
vulnerabilities as government food supplies are used as a
political tool to
further the interests of a political party.
Meanwhile, the impact of the
xenophobic attacks in South Africa may continue
for some time. It is not yet
very clear how many Zimbabweans are returning
home as a result of the
attacks. However, it is highly likely that most
Zimbabweans would rather go
to other neighbouring countries such as
Mozambique, where there is an
organized way of returning home, and assess
the situation for a possible
return to SA. It is also not clear how
returnees will be received back in
their communities during the on-going
election period.
II. UPDATE ON
HUMANITARIAN ACTIVITIES
Food Security
- The Zimbabwe Vulnerability
Assessment Committee (Zim VAC) has postponed
the fieldwork for the Rural
Food Insecurity Household Access Survey from the
planned start in May until
after the election period. The new date is yet to
be confirmed.
-
Food distributions remain on hold in Buhera district (Manicaland Province)
upon request by the district local authorities because of tensions in the
area following the March elections. The WFP Zimbabwe CO continues to
negotiate with local authorities for access.
- WFP alongside with the
UNCT continues to assist the NGO community and
cooperating partners in
negotiating access and humanitarian space in the
districts.
Protection
- ZLHR has reported an escalating
phenomenon of disappearance of political
party members and human rights
defenders around the country.
Mobile and Vulnerable Populations
-
In the last five weeks, IOM and its implementing partners have assisted
over
4,970 mobile and vulnerable people in thirteen districts countrywide.
The
assistance was in the form of blankets, soap, sanitary wear,
supplementary
food and emergency sanitation. IOM also continues its health
activities to
support MVPs throughout Zimbabwe with mobile clinics and other
health
services, as well as responding to emergency health needs.
Assessments were
conducted in Manicaland, Midlands, Mashonaland Central,
Matabeleland North
and South, and Masvingo provinces.
Nutrition
- Child Health Days
(CHDs) that were planned to be carried out the last week
of June have been
postponed to the first week of August 2008 due to the
run-off of the
presidential election.
- Nutrition sentinel site surveillance which
previously extended the
assessment from April to June has again been
postponed due to the run-off of
presidential elections. Data collection is
rescheduled to take place in July
2008.
Education
- The
education sectors in Matabeleland, Masvingo and Manicaland are
affected. In
Matabeleland violence is reportedly more verbal than physical,
while in
Masvingo, violence is rampant in Masvingo south, Chiredzi and
Chivi. In
Manicaland, Mutasa is not advisable to access at this time.
III.
PRACTICAL ARRANGEMENTS
The following arrangements continue to be in
place, to facilitate effective
humanitarian coordination and in anticipation
of resource mobilization:
1. The suggested contingency planning alert
window is now extended, 15 March
to 31 August 2008. It covers in space and
time all possible outcomes of the
electoral process, including the impacts
of the second tour of the
presidential elections. OCHA has a collocation
agreement with WFP during the
period, including essential NGO
Staff.
2. OCHA is maintaining an Emergency Relief Supply and Capacity
Matrix for
Zimbabwe, with the excellent cooperation of humanitarian partner
organizations.
The emergency stockpiles list is posted on
http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/dbc.nsf/doc108?OpenForm&emid=ACOS-635PHU&RC=1
and http://ochaonline.un.org/zimbabwe
3.
Possible gap areas in coordination support have been identified, as well
as
needs for surge capacity from HQ and the regional level.
4. Humanitarian
analysis, monitoring and advocacy are being strengthened in
view of the
increased pressure on ongoing programmes.
5. Weekly situation reports
will be issued throughout the entire expanded
alert period until 31 August
2008.
6. Daily meetings by the UNCT Crisis Group have strengthened UN
security
arrangements for the country although there are serious
telecommunications
issues which WFP has offered support through provision of
VHF radios.
7. Emergency Focal points contact list updated. Posted on
http://ochaonline.un.org/zimbabwe
8.
Capacity mapping of the key humanitarian agencies/NGOs in Zimbabwe.
9.
Strengthening of the IASC and cluster implementation.
10. Enhancement of
information sharing mechanisms and information management
tools where OCHA
has stepped up the production of information support tools
including
situation reports, maps, humanitarian updates and contact lists on
a 24-hour
basis. Weekly Technical Coordination Meetings are taking place
every Monday
at 2:30, at UNICEF. They provide a broad forum where
humanitarian actors can
build consensus on humanitarian analysis,
operational challenges and best
practices on how to operate in a context of
restricted humanitarian access,
including violence and intimidation.
11. Mapping and monitoring high-risk
geographical areas.
CONTACT DETAILS
Georges Tadonki
Head of
Office (Harare),
+263 4 792681
Alfred Nabeta
Desk Officer
(Geneva),
+41 22 917 2732
Mette Tangen
Desk Officer (New
York),
+1 917 367 3001
Elizabeth Byrs,
Press contact
(Geneva),
+41 22 917 2653
Stephanie Bunger,
Press contact (New
York),
+917 367 5126
NewsBlaze
Published: June 03, 2008
By Charles W. Corey
The United States
government is "going to continue to speak out ... to be a
voice and beacon
for freedom" in Zimbabwe as that country approaches its
June 27 presidential
runoff election, State Department spokesman Sean
McCormack said June
2.
McCormack, speaking at the department's daily press briefing, had been
asked
if the United States had a contingency plan to monitor conditions
inside
Zimbabwe if the Mugabe government made good on its threats to throw
U.S.
Ambassador to Zimbabwe James D. McGee out of the country.
"We
have a whole embassy of people who are focused either in whole or in
part on
issues in this election. We are going to continue to speak out. We
are going
to continue to be a voice and beacon for freedom," McCormack
said.
Ambassador McGee and the chiefs of mission from the United Kingdom,
the
European Union and Japan, plus officials from the Netherlands and
Tanzania,
recently were detained and questioned for 45 minutes by security
forces at a
roadblock near the capital, Harare, and again outside a
hospital. (See
"Police Harass Diplomats After Visit to Zimbabwe Hospital (
http://www.america.gov/st/democracy-english/2008/May/20080513174301esnamfuak1.343936e-02.html?CP.rss=true
)
.")
The State Department spokesman told reporters May 13 that the
incidents are
"indicative of the kind of atmosphere that exists in Zimbabwe
right now,"
and that if foreign diplomats in Zimbabwe are being treated this
way, "you
can only imagine for Zimbabwean citizens what life is like if they
make an
effort to speak up, to voice their opinions."
A senior State
Department official said the diplomats had gone to meet with
Zimbabwean
citizens who had been hospitalized after being attacked by forces
loyal to
President Robert Mugabe. Violence has been escalating in the
country since
the March 29 election, in which Mugabe's ruling ZANU-PF party
lost its
majority in parliament and Mugabe himself trailed behind challenger
Morgan
Tsvangirai in the presidential vote. (See "Violence Against
Zimbabwe's
Opposition Contrary to Democracy (
http://www.america.gov/st/democracy-english/2008/April/20080415155041esnamfuak0.1221735.html?CP.rss=true
)
.")
McCormack also was asked June 2 to comment on reports of the
recent arrest
in Zimbabwe of two Zimbabwean opposition leaders.
"It's
troubling, it's disturbing and it is part of a continuing pattern on
the
part of ZANU-PF to try to intimidate those who would like to speak up
with
views different than those held by the government," he responded,
calling
the move "another example of the intimidation that we have
witnessed."
For that reason, he added, "it is incumbent upon us as
well as other members
of the international system to apply as much possible
pressure and leverage
as we possibly can to see that a runoff election is
executed in such a way
that people can actually vote their conscience - that
they can vote for the
candidate of their choice - that people are able to do
so in an environment
free of threat and intimidation and that candidates
have an opportunity to
use the media, use whatever public media they would
like to use, to get out
their message - so that people can understand the
platform, values and the
person for whom they are voting."
Source:
U.S. Department of State
judythpiazza@newsblaze.com
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com
May 31, 2008
FELLOW Zimbabweans, it is with
deep regret and trepidation that we announce
the formation of the Zimbabwe
Resistance Movement, a military organisation
comprising of serving and
former members of the Zimbabwe armed forces and
security services.
We
thought it would not come to this, but unfortunately the situation on the
ground in Zimbabwe has forced us to take this unprecedented move. We are
firm believers of democracy but we are also alive to the fact that the
democratic means are not necessarily the only options available to achieve
democracy.
We have discovered that the problem in Zimbabwe is a
military one and
therefore, require a military solution to bring a
resolution to our long
suffering. We acknowledge the efforts that have been
made by numerous
political, civic and student groups to achieve a democratic
transition, but
also note the arrogance of a few politicians, generals,
colonels, police
chiefs and top brass of the CIO.
It is against this
background, that we, serving and former military, police
and CIO men and
women believe that we would be doing our once great nation a
disservice if
we do not challenge the status quo by all means that are open
to us,
including but not limited to militarily means.
For the benefit of our
geriatric leadership that is fond of conspiracies, we
would like to place it
on record that we are a stand alone organisation,
with its own leadership
and doctrine. We, are however, not averse to
alliances with like minded
people, groups and organizations that are
committed to the removal of the
evil and despotic Robert Mugabe regime by
any means necessary.
WHO
ARE WE?
We are a group of serving and ex-servicemen and women who were
and/ or are
intimately involved in the operations of the Army, Air force,
Police, CIO
and Prisons.
We are aware of what is happening at all
military, police and CIO
establishments such as 1 Commando, Inkomo, Magunje,
Ngezi Barracks, KGV1,
Chikurubi, Manyame Airbase, Suri Suri, and
Thornhill.
We would not hesitate to use the confidential and classified
information and
knowledge that we have about sensitive security and military
state that we
have to strike fear and pandemonium into the ranks of this
dictatorship,
which is causing untold suffering and hardships on its people
that it claims
it fought to liberate from colonialism.
We are in
everyday contact with Officers and other ranks in the armed forces
and
security services that places us at an unassailable position of knowing
the
strengths and weaknesses of each battalion, squadron, brigade
etc.
Furthermore we have minute and intimate personal details of the
politicians,
generals, CIO directors and police commissioners who are
wreaking havoc on
our people. These details include, and are not limited to
their residential
addresses, the security details, the communal areas that
they hail from,
their farms, the schools that their children attend, their
itineraries and
mistresses. We reserve the right to strike this dictatorship
where it hurts
most and as they have chosen to be indiscriminate in their
attacks on the
Zimbabwean people, we are also going to be indiscriminate.
History abounds
with cases where the people have chosen to be as
indiscriminate in their
revenge as those who instigate the killings in the
first place.
Let those who are instigating the current wave of killings
of innocent
children, men and women not say we were not warned when the
people's
juggernaut exacts revenge on the perpetrators.
We reserve
the right to use any means available and necessary to get rid of
him and
other impediments to the realisation of a full democracy in our
beloved
country.
We aim to cripple and suffocate the dictatorship's financial
ability to
continue to finance the killings and we will be targeting the
financiers of
this killing spree. To this end, we are hereby serving notice
to Gideon
Gono, who has unashamedly abdicated from his professional role,
opting
instead to align himself with the cause of the people's
suffering.
We will exert our energies on exterminating and disrupting the
operations of
businesses that finance the regime such as Barclays Bank and
those that are
fronts for the people who are the cause of our
suffering.
It is widely acknowledged that the dictator and his surrogates
use companies
registered in the relatives' names as conduits of siphoning
money and
resources from the state. It therefore does not surprise anyone
that today
they live opulent lifestyles and have amassed huge fortunes
despite having
no known history of primitive
accumulation.
AIM
We are guided by our desire to free Zimbabwe
from the burden of the Mugabe
dictatorship.
Zimbabweans should know
that the MDC won an absolute majority in the June
2000 parliamentary
elections; that Morgan Tsvangirai won by over 500 000
votes in the March
2002 presidential elections; and that he won convincingly
in the March 2008
elections. They should know that Mugabe is still there
because of
intransigent generals who are afraid of Tsvangirai's
pronouncements that he
will establish a Truth and Reconciliation Commission,
if and when he assumes
the reins of power.
Zimbabweans should also know that even if Tsvangirai
were to win again on
June 27, there is little likelihood that these generals
acting in cohort
with Emmerson Mnangagwa are going to allow the people's
will to prevail,
just like they have denied us since 2000. Mnangagwa knows
that Mugabe is
terminally ill and that he will handover power to him by the
end of this
year. We will take our fight with Mnangagwa to Zambia where his
family live
so that he will realize how traumatic it is to indiscriminately
butcher
defenceless people for simply having exercised their democratic
right.
Some of us, as serving soldiers, police officers and prison
officers, we
have already been denied our democratic right to choose who we
want to lead
us as we been directed to vote in front of our superiors. We
would like to
place it on record that we will do this under protest and urge
our country
men and women to do to Mugabe what he has denied us.
We
would like to urge our people to be extra careful and vigilant in these
dangerous and desperate times as there are lot of blood thirsty vulnerable
young people who are armed and have been freshly minted by Gideon Gono, an
arch accomplice in the suffering of our people.
The people who are
killing and maiming the defenceless men, women and
children are
predominantly young recruits and war veterans who are being
armed and let
loose to commit the greasily murders.
MDC and human rights activists as
well as lawyers should avoid walking alone
and patronizing the areas they
normally frequent. We advise that they lie
low until after the elections as
the current abductions that are just an eye
before the storm.
Fellow
Zimbabweans, there is only one outcome to expect on 28 or 20 June
2008, the
delayed but eventual DEPARTURE of Robert Mugabe and if that is not
announced
by the puddles who run ZEC, then that is our call to ARMS.
Afrique en ligne
Harare, Zimbabwe - The first group of 433 Zimbabwean victims of
xenophobia
attacks in South Africa arrived home Tuesday aboard the buses
which the
government dispatched to bring them back.
Officials said
the group had been picked up from various centres in
Johannesburg, where the
worst cases of the attacks occurred.
Last week, the Zimbabwean government
dispatched buses to South Africa to
rescue nationals caught up in the
xenophobic attacks which swept through
many South African cities in the past
three weeks.
Zimbabweans are thought to be the most affected by the
attacks, because they
make up the largest number of African migrants in
South Africa, at about 2
million.
The attackers accused the African
migrants of taking away jobs, contributing
to price hikes for basic goods
and services and fuelling crimes.
Officials said the buses would do many
more runs into South Africa to bring
home more Zimbabweans.
Those who
have arrived in Zimbabwe are being taken to their home towns and
villages.
The government has also promised to resettle some of the
returnees on land
seized from white farmers in the last few years under its
controversial
agrarian reforms.
Harare - 03/06/2008
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com
June 3, 2008
LONDON (BBC) - The
Archbishop of Canterbury, Rowan Williams, has issued a
powerful challenge to
UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon to intervene in
Zimbabwe.
He is
asking for effective action to protect Christians from what he says is
the
brutality being used against them.
Dr Williams warned last month Zimbabwe
was poised on the brink of disaster.
Now he has called on Mr Ban to
explain what is being done to prevent
murderous, state-organised violence,
directed especially against Anglicans.
The archbishop has watched with
dismay and frustration as the Zimbabwean
police have attacked political
activists and singled out Anglicans for harsh
treatment, while the country's
neighbours in southern Africa have appeared
unwilling to act. Now he seems
ready to shame the UN into taking effective
action.
"We are concerned
to know what the UN Security Council. is doing to defend
Mothers' Union
meetings at churches and prevent people being torn away from
altar rails on
the orders of ruling party or state official," said Dr
Williams.
"We
plead once more for immediate high level SADC [Southern African
Development
Community] and UN mediation and monitoring to ensure a free and
fair
presidential run-off, and the protection of its citizens from
state-organised violence."
For several weeks the police have
disrupted Anglican services in Zimbabwe
and attacked worshippers with
batons. In one case they beat women as they
knelt in front of the altar in
the act of taking the bread and wine of the
communion
service.
Anglicans have been targeted since the Church replaced former
Bishop Nolbert
Kunonga, who was a strong supporter of President Robert
Mugabe. Since then
the deposed bishop has been able to prevent Anglicans
getting into the
cathedral.
Dr Williams said: "There is a continuing
failure to enforce court orders
permitting Anglicans to worship in their
cathedral church in Harare and
other parishes."
Other Anglican
leaders have gone on record demanding that the international
community take
responsibility for dealing with the violence and intimidation
in
Zimbabwe.
The Archbishop of York, John Sentamu, himself once a refugee
from Idi Amin's
Uganda, last year cut up his clerical collar live on BBC
television,
promising to go without one until Robert Mugabe had
gone.
He issued a joint statement with Dr Williams last month calling on
Zimbabwe's
neighbours to act far more robustly to avert a "spiral of
communal violence".
Dr Sentamu said on that occasion: "I didn't believe
the softy-softly
approach of [South African President] Thabo Mbeki would
work.
"I think it's time we acknowledged that African countries are
sometimes
incapable of creating good governance on their own.
"We
must stop saying this is just an African problem. this is an
international
problem."
Rowan Williams has now reinforced the call for international
action, and
pointedly directed it at Mr Ban.
The head of the Anglican
Communion is telling the UN Security Council that
someone must take
responsibility for Zimbabwe, that doing nothing is not
enough and the ball
is now in the UN's court.
afrik.com, France
Zimbabwe's annual for May galloped to 1 700 000% as the
Zimbabwean
dollar continued to crash causing prices of goods and services to
skyrocket.
Tuesday 3 June 2008, by Bruce
Sibanda
from our correspondent in Harare
A top official in the
Ministry of Finance says the Robert Mugabe government
has now forecast the
figure to reach between 1 800 000% and 2 000 000% for
the month of
May.
May inflation rose by 961 396 percentage points from the April
figure of 732
604% to 1 694 000%.
The 1 694 000% was for the CSO's
inflation computations for the period from
May 1 to May
23.
Non-alcoholic beverages and cereals continued to be the major
drivers.
The official said the Central Statistical Office (CSO) had been
conducting
weekly computations of inflation for the entire month of May.
"They have
computed weekly moving averages on the figure," the official
said.
"Last week the figure was 1 694 000% and this week we expect it to
hit 2 000
000%. We will only know next week when they compile data for this
final week
of May."
The annual inflation figure for March stood at
355 000% while that for
February was 165 000% but the CSO insists that even
these figures were not
official. "As government, our reasonable
approximation for June now stands
at not less than 4 000 000% and not more
than 5 000 000%," the official
said.
The weekly moving inflation
figure for the first week of May was 1 200 000%
according to the
source.
However, CSO acting director Moffat Nyoni disputed the figures
saying
inflation figures for May had not yet been computed.
Nyoni
insisted that the CSO was experiencing problems with the availability
of
products which affected the consumer basket used to calculate
inflation.
He also said the CSO was yet to compute inflation figures for
April despite
the removal of duty on food imports.
"The number of
observations we use have been affected," Nyoni said. "It has
gone down and
this affects the strength of our figures which will be very
weak. Inflation
is nowhere near that figure. We have a time lag and the May
data will be
available late in June."
Nyoni however conceded that the figure for March
stood at 355 000% saying it
had been leaked. He said the figure was not
officially released.
Economists and the business community said they
believed inflation for May
would end the month closer to 2 000
000%.
"It is impossible for inflation to end the month at less than 2 000
000%,"
said businessman Morgan Chogwe. "Our calculations show that inflation
has
already surpassed 1 600 000% in recent weeks."
Economist John
Robertson said his estimates for May year-on-year inflation
had been 1 800
000%. "My projections had placed inflation at 1 800 000% for
May," Robertson
said. "It seems I was not far off the mark."
Inflation has continued to
rise steeply on the back of increased money
supply, spiralling domestic
debt, declining production and scarcities of
foreign currency and
food.
The Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe has been accused of injecting huge and
unsustainable amounts of local currency into official circulation causing
inflation to skyrocket.
Several listed companies whose financial
years ended between February 29 and
March 31 now face suspension if they
fail to release inflation-adjusted
results owing to the CSO's failure to
release inflation figures.
There now appears to be no respite for the
general public, as prices of
goods continue to rise. Companies have been
pushing up their prices in line
with the deregulated inter-bank exchange
rate.
The Zimbabwean dollar was this week trading at US$1:$620 million,
up from
US$1:$480 million last week.
A loaf of bread which was
selling for $180 000 earlier this year is now
going for around $280 million
in most shops. It is going for between $400
million and $450 million on the
black market. A 2kg packet of sugar which
was pegged at $7 million is now
selling for $700 million.
A kilogram of meat which was at $30 million is
now selling for between $1,5
billion and $2,5 billion.
A 750 grammes
bar of soap which at the beginning of the year was $2 million
now calls for
one to fork out $1,8 billion.
In January, a packet of fresh milk was
selling at $1,3 million. The same
packet now sells for $190 million, while a
kilogramme of salt which was
selling for less than $2 million is now pegged
at $440 million.
mineweb
Zimbabwe's Chamber of Mines now predicts that the country's annual gold
output will decline even more to 4 tonnes this year - a far cry from its
theoretical output capacity of around 30 tonnes a year.
Author:
Tawanda Karombo
Posted: Tuesday , 03 Jun 2008
HARARE
-
Reeling under a plethora of operational constraints and
debilitating
shortages of raw materials and foreign currency, Zimbabwe's
gold mining
sector - which has the theoretical capacity to produce 30 tonnes
of gold per
year - will produce a meagre 4 tonnes of the precious metal this
year, the
country's chamber of mines has revealed.
Zimbabwe recorded
a sharp decline in gold output last year as figures
indicated that the
yearly production figure had tumbled to just 7 tonnes
from the moderate 11
tonnes produced in 2006.
The Zimbabwe chamber of mines president Jack
Murehwa told Mineweb that owing
to the combined effects of foreign currency
and raw material shortages as
well as investor scepticism brought about by
the government's controversial
indigenisation legislation, gold production
for the current year was
projected to fall even further.
"We (are)
projecting production to be around 4 tonnes for this year," said
Murehwa who
is also chief executive of Impala Platinum's Zimbabwe
subsidiary,
Zimplats.
Zimbabwe has over the past few years witnessed a tumble in
minerals output -
with the exception of platinum - and this trend in
minerals output decline,
the chamber of mines president said, is
attributable to a number of
constraints.
"The falling production can
be attributed mainly to the pricing policy and,
over the past one and a half
years, the non-payment for gold deliveries from
our single buyer of
gold."
Under Zimbabwe's laws, only Fidelity Printers, a subsidiary of the
central
bank can buy gold bullion from producers.
Murehwa added:
"From our perspective, declining mineral production,
especially gold, is
largely because mines are either closing or curtailing
production due to
distorted local prices, power supply problems and
inability to purchase
imported inputs".
Zimbabwe's mining sector, which is currently in
turmoil following the
recent amalgamation of the Economic Indigenization and
Empowerment Act, has
also bled its skilled labour-force as most of the
qualified personnel opt
for employment in other countries such as South
Africa, Namibia and
Australia among others.
The Indigenization and
Empowerment Act seeks to force all foreign owned
companies to cede
shareholding capacity amounting to 51 percent to local
black
Zimbabweans.
Rio Tinto, Impala Platinum, Anglo Platinum and Central
African Gold are some
of the foreign owned companies that might be affected
by the new
legislation.
However, Murehwa says Zimbabwe's mining
sector could yet recover if the
government manages to address issues such as
the pricing system and the
regulatory framework.
The Zimbabwe chamber
of mines says the government must expedite and
resuscitate "exploration
activities".
This, said Murehwa "begins with the consideration of already
submitted
applications for Exclusive Prospecting Orders (EPOs) which have
remained
unsigned for the past 4 years".
"If we want mining
investment in this country we need to have in place a
legal framework that
will persuade the investors to use their funds here
rather than elsewhere,"
he remarked.
Afrique en ligne
Harare,
Zimbabwe - A senior government official in Zimbabwe Tuesday
suggested a
monthly minimum wage of Z$100 billion (Z$7.5 billion=US$1),
saying more and
more workers had been driven into poverty by hyperinflation
and other
economic hardships.
The country is going through its worst economic
crisis in history, with
inflation at more than 300,000 percent, 80 percent
unemployment and
widespread shortages of food and other basic
essentials.
National Incomes and Pricing Commission chairman Godwills
Masimirembwa said
current monthly minimum wages of an average Z$6 billion
were grossly
insufficient to meet even basic living expenses for
workers.
"The current situation for workers needs urgent intervention. It
is
disheartening to note that some employers are still awarding salaries not
enough to meet some basic food needs," he said.
He said frequent
inflation-led price hikes for food and other essential
goods and services
often left employees impoverished.
"There is need to adjust salaries and
wages regularly, not on a quarterly
basis, to cushion employees from the
current price hikes," he said.
On Monday, the country's consumer
watchdog, the Consumer Council of
Zimbabwe, said a family of six now needed
Z$25 billion a month to survive -
catering only for basics.
Harare -
03/06/2008
World Economic
Forum (Geneva)
PRESS RELEASE
3 June 2008
Posted to the web 3 June
2008
Cape Town
The World Economic Forum is about to convene in
Cape Town, South Africa, for
its 18th meeting on Africa (4-6 June). During
the meeting, Zimbabwe will be
among the critical themes to be addressed by
the leaders participating in
the event at this crucial time for
Zimbabwe.
It is therefore with great disappointment that the World
Economic Forum has
received information that Arthur Guseni Oliver Mutambara,
a member of the
World Economic Forum community of Young Global Leaders and
President of the
Movement for Democratic Change (Mutambara faction) in
Zimbabwe, will not be
able to attend the meeting as he has been arrested on
allegations related to
the publishing of statements prejudicial to the state
and for contempt of
court.
Having invited members of the
government and of the opposition, the Forum
provides a neutral platform to
allow its stakeholders to come together from
around the world to engage in
meaningful dialogue to shape the global,
regional and industry agendas.
Therefore it is imperative that all those
invited to the World Economic
Forum on Africa, including Mr Mutambara, be
allowed to travel freely in
order to participate in the meeting without
hinder.
The World
Economic Forum is an independent international organization
committed to
improving the state of the world by engaging leaders in
partnerships to
shape global, regional and industry agendas.
The Zimbabwean
Tuesday, 03 June 2008
08:22
Presented to:
Human Rights Council, June 2008
Session
Geneva, Switzerland
30 May 2008
We, the
Zimbabwean women and women worldwide, urgently call for
stopping of violence
in Zimbabwe and protection of women and girls, in this
post election
catastrophe.
This is an emergency as the country gears up for a
presidential
run-off on the 27th of June 2008.The violence persists and is
real. No
election observers are yet in the country, despite our calls,
appeals, cries
to Southern Africa Development Community (SADC), African
Union (AU) and the
United Nations.
We are watching a silent
genocide of the poor and powerless, due to
political induced murders,
criminal actions, and collapse of basic services
resulting in deaths due to
lack of health care, food, shelter for the
displaced, especially after the
March 29th, 2008 elections. Most of the
affected are women and
children.
. The post election murders, burnings, lootings and
intimidation
have most affected women and girls since its rural targeted and
80% of women
live in rural areas.
. Over 800 homes have been
burnt down, making it traumatic for
mothers who have to feed the children
and care for the sick
. Over 10 000 people have fled their homes,
are displaced and
squatters with relatives and with fear of going back home.
Children
displaced are not in schools
. Over 50 people have been
murdered in cold blood, and mostly from
the opposition.
. An
estimated 7000 teachers have fled their schools as a number
have been beaten
in the eyes of parents and pupils.
. Doctors for human Rights report
that over 2000 serious cases of
physical torture and beatings have passed
through their hands and a lot of
those they treated have suffered serious
fractures to an extent that most
are permanently handicapped.
.
The oldest victim of the post election violence is an old woman
with 12
grandchildren all of them orphaned and whose son is alleged to have
campaigned for the opposition.
. The youngest female victim is a
15-year-old girl who was stripped
naked together with her pregnant mother
forced to lie down and beaten on the
breasts and buttocks, just many women
have been so battered.
. Several girls and women are feared raped.
The youngest child
seriously assaulted is only 3 years.
. More
than 3,000 Zimbabweans die every weak due to AIDS, and their
life expectancy
is 34 years for women.
. Unemployment is 80% and inflation is 165
000 % and the highest in
the world.
. 95% of women of the 200
000 women made homeless and jobless by
the government 2005 Operation
Murambatsviina. Women's church gatherings
disrupted, women beaten up and
abused while at prayer.
. Over 3 million Zimbabweans are in South
Africa where they are
facing xenophobic attacks
This situation is
an extra-ordinary emergency for women and girls.
Every person and
institution must do everything in their power to stop the
violence, restore
rule of law, and allow Zimbabweans to exercise their right
to vote and live
in peace.
We, as Zimbabwean women and women worldwide:
Re-iterate the long-standing position of Civil Society Organizations
(CSOs)
that the failure by government and law enforcement, such as police
and army
to respect the rights of all citizens is the greatest threat to
peace,
democracy and development in Zimbabwe.
Really concerned by a real
danger of civil strife catalyzed by the
growing humanitarian crisis. We are
witnessing increasing levels of tension
and political polarization among the
population, which turned out to vote on
March 29. The media reports on the
party political position adopted by the
law enforcement, which should
ordinarily maintain neutrality. The recent
purchase of military weapons adds
to this fear.
Demand cessation of organized and targeted intimidation
against the
citizens, particularly the use of women and girls as weapons of
'war',
evidenced by the brutal battering of women's buttocks, rape and
sexual
abuse.
Demand the immediate disbanding of the militias,
comprised of youths,
security agents and one terror group code named
Chipangano, which have
caused terror and havoc in the rural and urban areas
exacerbating the
humanitarian situation by creating internal refugees. We
demand the
disbanding of torture bases where gross abuses of women are
taking place
including forced labor (cooking and cleaning) and sexual
abuse.
Request the Leadership of SADC, the African Union and the United
Nations to demand ZANU PF government to stop using violence against its
people and TAKE TANGIBLE actions if the violence continues
Request
especially the Human Rights Council to:
I. Establish programme of
engagement with Zimbabwe for protection
of human rights especially for
women, girls and children. The UN must deploy
human rights monitors during
the run-up to the Presidential Elections.I.
Mandate and support UN Special
Rapportuer on Violence Against Women must do
a fact-finding mission to
Zimbabwe and support the efforts of community,
grassroots and other
organisations living in a culture of fear, survivors of
violence and
abuse.II. Mandate and support UN Special Rapporteur on Human
Rights
Defenders must put in place ways of ensuring safety and protection
for women
human rights advocates and activists, who find themselves in fear
of life
and who ability to engage publicly is compromised. V. Engage with
Zimbabwe government and authorities and stop the violence, and demand the
state to protect ordinary people's lives.. Encourage and support for
humanitarian assistance to Zimbabwe, especially in support of food, health
and education for rural communities and mostly the displaced.rganizations
and Individuals are encouraged to sign on this statement, and submit to
coalition@zol.co.zwThis e-mail
address is being protected from spambots, you
need JavaScript enabled to
view it (Zimbabwe Women's Coalition) or
worldoffice@worldywca.orgThis
e-mail address is being protected from
spambots, you need JavaScript enabled
to view it ; or
athenainitiative@gmail.comThis
e-mail address is being protected from
spambots, you need JavaScript enabled
to view it or
dakotareed07@gmail.comThis e-mail
address is being protected from spambots,
you need JavaScript enabled to
view it
SIGNED
Zimbabwe Women's Coalition
World
YWCA
ATHENA
Girl Child Network
Rozaria Memorial
Trust
The Zimbabwean
Saturday, 31 May
2008 12:06
The winning Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
councillor in
Dambatsoko Ward, Sadza Communal Lands, Mashonaland East,
Councillor Manase
Kwenda, and several polling agents are being tortured in
an open area in the
village.
The councillor and polling agents,
including youth activist Innocent
Njova,were abducted at gun-point after a
mob, which must have included the
police, used sniffer dogs to track them
down in the hills where they have
been hiding for the last two weeks.Two
weeks ago, the village headman, who
is a cousin of the councillor and a
rival for the Kwenda chieftainship, went
around the village making villagers
sign statements that they had voted for
the MDC, but they would never do so
again.He also confiscated their t-shirts
and went around with youths
destroying the shops of MDC activists.
"If no action is taken quickly
they are going to kill him. This is
what they are doing, killing the winners
so that you can have bi-elections,
and no opposition person will run in the
election for fear of being killed,"
said our source.Councillor Rusere from
Shumba in the same area, has already
died in Harare were he was receiving
treatment after torture.An MDC
spokesperson said the government was trying
the same strategy which it used
after the 2000 referendum when they beat and
tortured people up to two weeks
before the election.
"They stopped
at the same time that the election observers came into
the country, then the
election was held and declared to be free of violence,
yet the violence had
already affected the voting.
"This is why Morgan Tsvangirai has said
observers and peacekeepers
should be in place by June 1, but it does not
look like we are going to get
that. If you ask me, I think President Mbeki
is complicit in this."
The Ottawa Citizen
Published: Tuesday, June 03,
2008
It's an obscenity that Robert Mugabe has the gall to show his face in
Rome
for the world food summit this week. Nonetheless, his presence might
serve
one purpose: to remind other participants of the central role that
politicians play in determining who eats, and who doesn't.
There is a
reason why Zimbabwe has almost no food, while nearby Malawi has
more than it
can use. Political leadership matters. Zimbabwe is an extreme
example.
Another extreme example can be found in Burma, where the junta is
evicting
the destitute from emergency camps and sending them off to hunt for
grains
of rice or to fish for frogs amid the floating corpses.
Most of the
world's governments, even the bad ones, do not intentionally
starve their
own people. Still, all governments make decisions that affect
food
markets.
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Few governments can resist the urge to gain votes
by meddling in those
markets. Canada too is complicit. Our agriculture
minister, Gerry Ritz, is
adamantly defending Canada's supply-management
practices to the World Trade
Organization. Those practices insulate our
farmers from foreign competition.
This is no time for our government to be
discouraging competition in the
global food market.
Nor is it a time
to be paying livestock producers, insulating them against
rising feed prices
so they can stay in the market, artificially, and help
keep those prices
high. Yet, that's exactly what our government is doing.
The World Food
Program has called the rise in food prices a "silent
tsunami." But this
crisis is no mere force of nature, impersonal and
unpredictable. It is a
crisis made, at least in part, by humans.
http://www.hararetribune.com
By Gilbert Muponda |
Opinion
Monday, June 2, 2008 21:42
opinion@hararetribune.com
Zimbabwe's
current business operating environment characterized by hyper
inflation
discourages most lenders to lend capital since lenders lose value
due to
inflation .In hyper inflationary environment wealth is transferred
from
lenders to borrowers who only ?repay? the amount that was agreed
without
adequate compensation the diminished value of currency due to
inflation.
This in turn results in lack of long term investments
as most participants
become short-term focused. In addition as a direct
result investors would
prefer ownership as shareholders and share in the
upside of the business
rather than just be paid interest which doesn?t fully
compensate for
inflation. This trend has forced Banks and other financial
institutions to
become major players on the Zimbabwe stock Exchange .The
operating
environment demands that various regulations and institutions be
reformed
and modernized to be better placed to deliver expected services to
the
nation.
The Zimbabwe stock exchange needs to be reformed and
restructured to be more
effective in assisting both investors and
entrepreneurs reach their
respective goals. Initial Public Offering (IPO),
also referred to simply as
a "public offering," is when a company issues
common stock to the public for
the first time. They are often issued by
smaller, younger companies seeking
capital to expand, but can also be done
by large privately-owned companies
looking to become publicly traded. The
Zimbabwe Stock Exchange (ZSE) is the
primary institution involved in this
and sets the various rules,
requirements, terms and conditions of conduct of
IPO?s.
The ZSE needs to be reformed to be able to make it more
effective and
responsive to the needs of entrepreneurs especially small and
medium scale
businesses who struggle to raise capital even though they may
have all the
other ingredients for success. The ZSE needs to the reformed
from an elitist
club into a more inclusive institution that transforms
upcoming , promising
ideas ,ventures and projects from dreams into reality.
If it cant be
reformed and restructured to meet those goals then the is an
urgent need to
set up a rival exchange to do that.
The money paid by
investors for the newly-issued shares goes directly to the
company (in
contrast to a later trade of shares on the exchange, where the
money passes
between investors). An IPO, therefore, allows a company to tap
a wide pool
of stock market investors to provide it with large volumes of
capital for
future growth. The company is never required to repay the
capital, but
instead the new shareholders have a right to future profits
distributed by
the company and the right to a capital distribution in case
of
dissolution.
The existing shareholders will see their shareholdings
diluted as a
proportion of the company's shares. However, they hope that the
capital
investment will make their shareholdings more valuable in absolute
terms.
Among the requirements of conducting an I.P.O in Zimbabwe is the need
for
the company to be of a particular size and to have a trading record of a
specified period (minimum 3 years), and be showing certain level of
profitability. These requirements exist mainly to protect investors and also
to make the ZSE?s life easy and simple.
There global trends that ZSE
can tap into an enhance both the quality and
quantity of investment option
available for investors. Specifically the ZSE
needs to actively encourage
small to medium scale businesses to pursue the
possibility of IPOs as a way
to raise capital for their operations since the
high level of inflation
makes it almost impossible to keep borrowing to keep
pace with higher
requirements of working capital.
Whilst it?s important to adhere to
historic standards trends in other
markets show the increased popularity of
Black cheque IPOs. A blank check
IPO exists to raise money, and then seeks
to use that money to acquire
another company. Blank check companies, also
known as special purpose
acquisition vehicles, are formed for the sole
purpose of acquiring other
businesses. They generally tap investors in the
public markets prior to
making acquisitions, and generally have an agreement
to return funds to
investors within a specified period if they fail to close
deals.
Companies like to raise money first and decide what to do with
it later. For
investors, however, that can be tricky .Everybody wants a
blank check.
So-called blank check initial public offerings are in the midst
of a
renaissance, though they might not provide much of a thrill. In the
Zimbabwean environment this can be particularly helpful when many businesses
are closing down. A Blank cheque IPO can be very effective to acquire such
businesses with a view to turn them around or merge them with other related
businesses and create shareholder value in the
process.
Unfortunately this very important task has been left only to
parastatals and
other government entities which have been burdened with
acquiring
enterprises which at times they can hardly add any value to. This
role needs
to be opened up to the private sector. And it has to encouraged
by enabling
legal instruments and a reformed and restructured ZSE which can
facilitate
such transactions. Blank cheque IPOs can fill in the void in
terms of
raising capital to acquire such businesses and reduce the burden on
the
fiscus.
A Special-purpose acquisition company (SPAC) is an
investment vehicle that
allows public investors to invest in areas sought by
a management team or
private equity firms. SPACs are shell or blank-check
companies that have no
operations but that go public with the intention of
merging with or
acquiring a company with the proceeds of the SPAC's initial
public offering
(IPO).
The idea of investing in a company where
you have no idea what the business
will be is hardly new. During England's
18th Century South Sea Bubble, a
promoter raised money through a stock
offering for "a company for carrying
on an undertaking of great advantage,
but nobody is to know what it is."
The Zimbabwean
Monday, 02 June 2008 18:57
SA's crisis of
governance is deepening as calls for President Thabo
Mbeki to step down
before his term ends grow more strident by the day,
reports Karima Brown in
Business Day, Johannesburg
Mbeki's critics say the African National
Congress (ANC) should impeach
or recall him, or else opt for an early
election to address the "governance
and leadership vacuum" that has gripped
the country.
The Democratic Alliance has also called on Mbeki to
step down. Last
week the Sunday Times called on Mbeki to go in the
"interest" of the
country.
The crisis in Zimbabwe arguably
Mbeki's biggest foreign policy
failure - was cited as the reason he should
leave office.
Yesterday the ANC was again officially forced to
support Mbeki's role
as mediator in the Zimbabwe crisis, despite deep
misgivings about his
efforts among senior ANC leaders.
While
ANC spokeswoman Jessie Duarte said the party believed that Mbeki
"should
continue to mediate" the conflict, ANC national executive committee
(NEC)
members privately questioned Mbeki's neutrality after the Sunday Times
reported on a letter written by Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) leader
Morgan Tsvangirai to Mbeki, in which he accuses Mbeki not only of bias but
of trying to meddle in the internal affairs of the MDC.
ANC
president Jacob Zuma has defended Mbeki's role as mediator, but he
is on
record as saying that the crisis in Zimbabwe is untenable. ANC
insiders say
Zuma has defended Mbeki on Zimbabwe "as much as he possibly
can", but could
no longer extricate Mbeki from allegations that he is biased
in favour of
Zanu (PF).
When asked for comment on whether Mbeki should continue
as the
Southern African Development Community's (SADC's) point man on the
Zimbabwe
crises, an NEC member said: "We didn't appoint him; ask the SADC
why he is
still in charge."
However, the ANC's leftist ally,
the South African Communist Party
(SACP), yesterday repeated its call that
Mbeki must go, saying it is not
because of some "personal irritation" but
because of the serious vacuum in
governance and leadership on a series of
challenges.
The SACP has blasted Mbeki's handling of the political
and economic
meltdown in Zimbabwe, saying he has not "provided leadership".
It has also
said developments at the Ginwala commission of inquiry (into
whether former
National Prosecuting Authority head Vusi Pikoli is fit to
hold office)
suggested that there were grounds to "impeach" the
president.
SACP deputy general secretary Jeremy Cronin told a media
briefing in
Johannesburg that the party did not make its call lightly. "It's
not a call
we make off the top of our heads, however, there is an all-round
crisis of
coherence, of governance of leadership -- be it on Zimbabwe, the
SABC, our
criminal justice system and the economy. Our call is in fact a
deeply
patriotic one," Cronin said.
SACP general secretary
Blade Nzimande said the party wanted an
alliance economic summit and a
governance summit as part of a "series of
measures" to deal with the
governance crisis . He said the drama at the
Constitutional Court -- which
stemmed from allegations that Judge John
Hlophe had tried to "interfere"
with the work of the court as it pertained
to matters relating to Zuma --
was just "one more symptom" of the overall
crisis in the country's criminal
justice system.
New Zimbabwe
By Mutumwa D. Mawere
(www.mmawere.com)
Last updated: 06/04/2008
00:28:56
AS OF Monday this week, the official death toll from South African
xenophobic attacks totals 62 with 670 injured and 1,300 people arrested and
an economic cost still to be determined.
As we all reflect on this
unfortunate development in South Africa, one of
the most positive outcomes
is that an opportunity has been created for a
frank and honest conversation
about what it means to be African.
Apartheid is buried but the image of
what it means to be South African and
who is entitled to be a South African
may find its roots in the construction
of a colonial and subsequently an
apartheid state. It is undeniable that
white South Africans are as foreign
to South Africa as are post-apartheid
black Africans.
What makes a
white South African immigrant a more acceptable face of South
Africa than a
black African? Could one of the answers lie in the economic
definition of
black people as well as Africans in the various legislations
that have been
passed in post-apartheid South Africa?
In terms of South African
legislation, "black people" is a generic term
which means Africans, Indians,
and Coloureds. It is accepted that the term
African is restricted to
indigenous people. When South Africans negotiated a
settlement to end
apartheid, a new definition of a South African was then
agreed and
crystallised.
Under this framework, white South Africans and black people
who were
citizens of the country prior to 1994 are the only ones who are
entitled to
legitimately claim to be authentic citizens in terms of Black
Economic
Empowerment (BEE) definition.
Accordingly, in the context of
the black economic empowerment project that
was framed by apartheid
beneficiaries as an instrument of assimilating the
black political elites, a
new definition of an eligible black for economic
empowerment was then coined
i.e. historically disadvantaged individual (HDI)
or previously disadvantaged
individuals (PDI).
The constitution of South Africa was then crafted,
recognising the
historical legacy of apartheid and the need to level the
economic playing
field. Both black and white political and non-political
actors accepted a
construction that a black immigrant is not meant to be an
economic
beneficiary of the post-apartheid dispensation at the expense of
black South
African persons and notwithstanding any commitment to a
pan-African project.
It can then be rationally argued that xenophobia's
roots must be located in
the minds of the framers of the black economic
empowerment project. It
would, therefore, be wrong to blame the
practitioners of physical violence
when the construction of the
post-apartheid state had in its foundation an
anti-black African immigrant
tone.
It can also be argued that xenophobia may not be a reflection of
only the
attitudes of the perpetrators of violence but a generally held view
that
South Africa belongs to a certain class of people and benefits of
economic
progress must be reserved. Indeed, if economic power can be
transferable to
black elites on often non-transparent basis through so
called BEE deals,
then it can be argued that why should the poor not be part
of the deal when
they all fit into the definition of PDI and HDI?
The
following are some of the acts that have been passed by the post
apartheid
parliament dominated by the African National Congress (ANC) on
which the
xenophobic passion may have its roots. These include:
1. Broad-Based
Black Economic Empowerment Act 53 of 2003*It provides a
legislative
framework for the promotion of black economic empowerment;
empowers the
Minister of Trade and Industry to issue codes of good practice
and to
publish transformation charters; to establish the Black Economic
Empowerment
Advisory Council; and to provide for matters connected
therewith. The
Minister is not empowered to look after black emigrants.
2. Diamond
Amendment Act 29 of 2005 and Diamond second amendment Act 30 of
2005
Deals with beneficiation activities in the mining sector and
clarifies the
empowerment requirements in respect of beneficiation
activities first
contemplated in the Mining Charter
3. Employment
Equity Act 55 of 1998*
Relevant to the determination of the Human Resource
Management criteria of
the BEE Scorecard
4. Mineral and Petroleum
Resources Development Act 28 of 2002
Dealing with the Mining
Charter
5. Petroleum Products Amendment Act 58 of 2003 -
Dealing with
the Petroleum Charter
6. Precious Metals Act 37 of 2005
Deals with
beneficiation activities in the mining sector and clarifies the
empowerment
requirements in respect of beneficiation activities first
contemplated in
the Mining Charter. Assented to on 15 April 2006.
7. Preferential
Procurement Policy Framework Act 5 of 2000*
The South African Government
procurement framework
8. Revenue Laws Amendment Act 32 of 2005 (second
amendment)
Dealing with the tax treatment of certain forms of broad-based
employee
share schemes
9. Skills Development Act 97 of
1998
Relevant to the determination of the Human Resource Management criteria
of
the BEE Scorecard
A number of regulations and charters in various
sectors have been put in
place reflecting the consensus that only pre-1994
black people as defined
ought to share the economic spoils of South Africa
to the exclusion of black
emigrants. This view is not held only at the lower
end of the economic
spectrum but is a shared one among black and
whites.
In the post-apartheid Africa, it has now been accepted that there
are two
Africas i.e. South Africa and the rest of Africa. In South Africa,
it is now
an economic and legislative imperative to empower black persons.
However,
the untapped resources of the rest of the continent are regarded as
fair
game for the reconfigured/empowered South African enterprises with no
policy
on empowering the rest of the black Africans.
At the
continental level, there is no conversation about the need for
pan-African
empowerment charter. The absurd development is that South
African capital is
now being exported on a tricky foundation that is
premised on the notion
that empowering the pre-1994 blacks is a necessary
and sufficient condition
for economically colonising the rest of the
continent.
Although the
decolonisation project was prosecuted on the basis that an
injury to one
black person was an injury to all, the post-apartheid
empowerment project is
reserved to black persons as defined. Some may
legitimately ask how a
movement like ANC with its commitment to the
pan-African project could end
up being the architect of a new Africa that
makes black Africans born
outside the perimeters of the country less African
than their white and
Indian colleagues.
The heritage of South Africa can only confer benefits
to black people as
defined ignoring the consequences of the Berlin
Conference of 1885 that
split the continent into convenient economic units
that separated brothers
and sisters depending on who was privileged to be
the master.
What would be the consequences if other countries in Africa
were to adopt
the same attitude that only their indigenous people should
benefit? In the
case of South Africa, the xenophobic sentiment resonates
with many white
people who genuinely believe that they have a better claim
on South Africa
than their fellow black immigrants.
It has been
argued that the recent xenophobic attacks were motivated by
President
Mbeki's stance on Zimbabwe. A proposition has been made that white
and black
Zimbabweans anxious for change may have invested in the xenophobic
project
as a way of encouraging Zimbabweans living in South Africa to return
to
Zimbabwe and vote as well exposing his alleged hypocrisy.
The anger
expressed by black South Africans was as predictable as the
consequences of
a superficial empowerment process. It is clear that South
Africa through its
various laws has accepted that it is a different African
country and black
Africans have to take note and plan accordingly.
White South Africans
have argued that the country is an attractive
destination for black Africans
after 52 years of uhuru precisely because
they made it happen. They feel
vindicated that Africa will never be a viable
project without their
intervention and control.
If black Africans can in their millions run
away from the anti-imperialist
legend, President Mugabe, then it is argued
that this is enough evidence
supporting the deeply held view that Africans
were not ready for
independence.
The framers of the colonial state
justified the denial of civil and economic
rights to black Africans on the
basis that they had brought the civilisation
that created the state as an
institution and to the extent that they gave
themselves credit for
entrepreneurship that then funded the state, they
maintained that they were
entitled to exclusively benefit from the fruits of
the
initiative.
However, in accepting BEE, a new language has been created in
South Africa
and is supported by law that being a pre-1994 black person one
has an
entitlement to extract from whites part of what they accumulated
during the
colonial and apartheid eras.
It must accept that if
apartheid South Africa had been governed the same way
that for example
Zimbabwe has been governed, then surely the influx of black
Zimbabweans
would be unthinkable. What is not deniable for example is that
the estimated
3 million Zimbabweans living and working in South Africa are
critical
drivers of economic growth and they do contribute to the fiscus.
Unlike
their white immigrants, black Zimbabweans have failed to invest in
being
South African in as much as whites have done. Indeed, it would be
unthinkable for a black Zimbabwean born South African to aspire to be a
Mayor of Cape Town in post-apartheid South Africa, for example, in as much
as Mayor Helen Zille has done without attracting xenophobic
attacks.
Having lived and worked in South Africa for the past 13 years, I
also came
to the conclusion that it is important to be part of the solution
than be
part of the problem. I acquired South African citizenship not
because
Zimbabwean citizenship is inferior but because I am an economic
contributor
to the South African project in as much as any other
immigrant.
If Indians and whites can be accepted as South Africans then
surely it
cannot and should not be the case that Zimbabwe-born persons like
us should
apologise for being part of the South African
story.
Recognising that when English people came to South Africa they saw
the need
of creating an Old Mutual in 1845 to serve their interests and the
Afrikaners followed suit in 1928 by creating Sanlam, I am proud to say that
I was one of the founding members of Africa Heritage Society (AHS), on the
same principles of mutuality that underpinned Old Mutual and Sanlam with the
only difference that we do not hold the same racists views that informed the
colonial state.
As a member of AHS, I believe strongly that it is
important that we begin to
engage in conversations about what kind of Africa
we want to see. Should we
have a black only Africa? Should we have an
empowered South Africa only with
its empowered companies exporting the model
to the rest of the continent?
Who is an African? Who should benefit from
Africa's resources? Is the South
African BEE related legislation consistent
with the values of pan
Africanism? What would be the implications on
Africa's growth and
transformation if other African countries were to cut
and paste the South
African empowerment legislation and enact similar laws
in their countries?
Mutumwa Mawere's weekly column is published on New
Zimbabwe.com every
Monday. You can contact him at: mmawere@global.co.za
Punch, Nigeria
By Our
Reader
Published: Tuesday, 3 Jun 2008
In 1979 as students in the Ahmadu
Bello University, Zaria, we protested on
the streets of Kaduna, the state
capital, when we had a whiff (rightly or
wrongly) that the British
government was vacillating over the independence
of Zimbabwe.
We
clearly preferred Robert Mugabe to Joshua Nkomo, because he looked
smarter
and liked well cut suits.
We considered Abel Muzorewa a charlatan and we
composed and sang derogatory
songs to express our disgust. There were enough
Zimbabwean students and
teachers on campus to instigate and give impetus to
this line of reasoning
and action.
We ranked Mugabe alongside greats
like Che Guevara, Walter Rodney, Bob
Marley, Frantz Fanon and Karl Marx, who
were our heroes then.
I look back now with a tinge of regret that we
could not see through this
man.
It is such a shame that all that has
changed. It is possible that this new
image is a creation of the West, but
the fact that one man believes that he
should continue to rule, even after
28 years can be disturbing.
He has presided over his impoverished country
despite his age and failing
health.
I am still amused that there
could be people urging him on, perhaps to
protect their own narrow interests
and feather their nests.
Last week, he called Gordon Brown a 'dot.' It
bothered me that he had
degenerated so badly to the point where he could get
so personal about his
disagreements with Britain, which actually predates
the present Prime
Minister's tenure.
One is also worried by the
patronising role South Africa is playing as a
leader in that region; except
of course if one can be assured that Thabo
Mbeki may be putting him under
some pressure behind closed doors.
It is nauseating that in this day and
age when Africa has witnessed the
ascendancy of a female president (ahead of
the USA) and the abhorrence of
military rule and sit-tight leaders, this
anachronistic remnant could
persist.
Andy Aken'Ova,
6
Highclere Street
Sydenham SE26 4EU
United Kingdom
Independent, UK
Tuesday, 3 June
2008
Forget First Lady. Grace Mugabe is known as the First
Shopper of Zimbabwe.
The former secretary and mistress of Robert Mugabe, she
laid bare her
appetite for all things luxurious when the pair finally
married in 1996,
inviting 12,000 people to the wedding, the most lavish
event the country had
ever seen.
Forty years her senior, President
Mugabe bowed to his young bride's request
for a grand family mansion in
Harare, and no expense was spared on the
decor. He also commandeered the
national airline to whisk her around the
world on elaborate shopping
sprees.
The latest destination for the Imelda Marcos of Africa is the
Eternal City,
where she is ensconced on the Via Veneto, a stone's throw from
Rome's many
designer shops. Confronted with her opulent tastes while her
homeland
teeters on the brink, she goes on the defensive, telling one
reporter who
tailed her on a previous trip around the boutiques of Paris:
"Is it a crime
to go shopping? These shops are here for people to shop
in."