The ZIMBABWE Situation | Our
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(CNN) -- Recent opposition protests in
Zimbabwe were "just some drama for
the G-8" that "failed to impress anyone,"
embattled President Robert Mugabe
said in an interview aired
Sunday.
The 79-year-old Mugabe has led Zimbabwe since independence in
1980 but has
drawn sharp criticism over many of his policies, including what
many allege
are human rights abuses targeting the opposition.
Last
week's protests included work stoppages that brought major urban
areas,
including the capital Harare, to a standstill but a show of force
by
Mugabe's government all but prevented planned marches around the
country.
Opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai, who is on trial for
allegedly plotting
to kill Mugabe, was arrested Friday on new treason charges
as part of the
crackdown
Mugabe's opponents consider his presidency
illegitimate because of what they
say was widespread voting irregularities in
the March 2002 presidential
election. International observers also criticized
the poll.
The protests, organized by Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic
Change, were
launched as the Group of Eight industrial nations met in Evian,
France, with
Africa as part of its agenda.
Tsvangirai had
called Friday "the final push" in the mass action aimed at
toppling
Mugabe.
But Mugabe, in an interview with the South African Broadcast
Corporation,
said Sunday: "The final push has failed totally, if it was meant
to be a
push at all. It has not been a push of the government to create room
for
Tsvangirai to take over."
Mugabe labeled the demonstrations a
publicity stunt timed to coincide with
the G-8 gathering.
"It was, of
course, erroneous in the extreme for the opposition to think
they could come
together, organize people, illegally, and get them to push
the government
out," he said. "Unless they knew it was not going to be a
push, but just a
matter of doing something that would receive the attention
of the
G-8."
Unfortunately, he said, it was "a drama in which the main
characters have
failed to impress anyone."
Mugabe also moved to dispel
rumors of an early retirement, saying he would
not go "in a situation where
people are disunited."
Britain -- Zimbabwe's former colonial ruler -- and
the United States must
"refrain from exerting pressures" on his government,
he said.
"But as long as there is that fight, I am for a fight," he said.
"I can
still punch."
The president blamed Zimbabwe's 269 percent
inflation on "highly educated
experts" who stick to "bookish rules and
bookish norms" and said massive
food shortages were the fault of drought and
sanctions from Britain and
other Western countries.
"The wonder is
that we've managed to stay on our feet," he said. "We will
never collapse.
... We will survive."
Critics have blamed the current crisis,
particularly the food shortages, on
the violent seizure of white-owned farms
by landless blacks -- actions that
have the support of Mugabe's
government.
The land grabs, often violent by gangs describing themselves
as veterans of
the war for independence, have brought production to a
standstill and
Zimbabwe, once known as Africa's breadbasket is now called
Africa's basket
case.
Mugabe defended the land seizures, even when
asked if the government could
have encouraged the perpetrators of some of the
more violent takeovers to
pursue a more legal route.
"What they fought
for was freedom, and it was freedom with the land as the
major gain," he
said. "The British had never used a legal route to seize our
land -- it was
seizures by settlers acting on a charter given by
Queen
Victoria.
"They got our land, occupied it by force," he said.
"We are now going to
take it by force."
Mugabe also accused the
British and U.S. governments of reneging on promises
to provide money to
purchase land from whites after the agreement that led
to Zimbabwean
independence from Britain.
Daily News
Mugabe cracks whip
6/9/2003 2:07:51 AM (GMT
+2)
By Sydney Masamvu Assistant Editor
THE police
and Zimbabwe’s premier spy agency, the Central Intelligence
Organisation
(CIO), will spearhead a crackdown against the opposition
Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC), non-governmental organisations (NGOs)
and other
perceived anti-government elements in the aftermath of last week’s
mass
action, The Daily News has established.
Intelligence sources
yesterday said the crackdown, which would be
co-ordinated by the CIO’s
internal branch along with the police, would
target leaders of the MDC and
the party’s supporters as well as NGOs,
companies and banks that were closed
during the mass protests.
The government last week insisted that
business should carry on as
normal during the five-day anti-government
protests that ended on Friday,
promising that State security forces would
provide adequate protection
against violence and looting.
But
most of Zimbabwe ground to a halt last week, with the majority of
businesses
and other organisations remaining closed, prompting the
government to
threaten to withdraw operating licences from businesses that
remained
shut.
The mass action, which the government says was aimed at
toppling
President Robert Mugabe, was declared illegal by the High
Court.
However, the MDC insists it only wanted to press Mugabe into
agreeing
to dialogue between the country’s main political parties as a means
of
resolving Zimbabwe’s economic and political crises.
Government and intelligencesources said the arrest on Friday of MDC
leader
Morgan Tsvangirai, who is facing fresh treason charges, was the
beginning of
a swoop on opposition party leaders who were involved in the
mass
protests.
Police at the weekend indicated that they wanted to
interview MDC
secretary-general Welshman Ncube and were trying to establish
his
whereabouts.
MDC spokesman Paul Themba Nyathi told The Daily
News yesterday that
the police also wanted to press treason charges against
Ncube.
“Welshman Ncube is not in hiding contrary to what we are
hearing from
the State media. What we know is that the police want to charge
him with
treason, charges which our leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, is also
facing,”
Nyathi said.
Sources privy to the government’s plans
said more MDC leaders, several
of whom are already facing various charges in
the courts, would be arrested
this week.
The sources said this
was supposed to “weaken” the leadership of the
MDC before the resumption of
inter-party dialogue.
They said a senior intelligence official and
a top government minister
and ZANU PF politburo member on Saturday night
visited Borrowdale Police
Station where Tsvangirai is detained.
The purpose of the visit could not be established before going to
print
yesterday.
“The swoop is already in motion to bring to book whoever
was behind
the illegal mass protests to overthrow the government through
illegal
protests.
“Those targeted include the MDC leadership and
we have the full
blessing of all those in authority in doing that,” an
official in the State
Security Ministry told The Daily News.
Mugabe on Friday indicated that the government would come down hard on
the
MDC and those who had participated in the mass action.
MDC
vice-president Gibson Sibanda said his party was aware that the
government
wanted to persecute its leaders.
“What the regime seeks to do is
merely to intimidate, humiliate and
persecute the MDC leadership,” Sibanda
said.
State Security Minister Nicholas Goche, while not confirming
or
denying plans to swoop down on the MDC and other elements perceived to
be
anti-ZANU PF, however said his organisation was working to ensure
“elements”
who wanted to subvert the country through illegal actions were
brought to
book.
“Elements who want to destabilise the country,
and in particular the
government of the day through illegal means, will be
dealt with within the
confines of the law,” Goche told The Daily News without
elaborating.
Daily News
Norton residents dig wells as water shortages
bite
6/9/2003 2:09:12 AM (GMT +2)
Staff
Reporter
SOME residents of Norton have resorted to sinking
boreholes and
digging wells because of severe water shortages that experts
say pose a
serious health hazard in the small town.
Residents of
Knowe, an up-market residential suburb in Norton which is
located about 40
kilometres outside Harare told the Daily News that they had
been experiencing
serious water shortages for close to three months.
The low-density
suburb is one of the areas worst affected by the water
shortages. In Knowe
Phase Two, water supplies ceased a month ago. Water
supplies in Norton’s
high-density suburbs of Ngoni, Katanga and Flamingo
have also been erratic
over the past few months.
When the Daily News visited Norton on
Friday, residents in long queues
were buying water for $5 a bucket from
homesteads that had sunk boreholes so
that they could have access to water
for domestic needs.
Norton director of housing and community
services, who identified
himself only as A Doga, said he was aware of the
water problems, but
referred all queries on the matter to Nhambu Muyambi, the
town’s chief
executive.
Muyambi said the water shortages were a
result of rationing. He told
The Daily News: “It is true that we have erratic
water supplies, but the
problem is not of our making.”
“We get
our water from the city of Harare, but it is just not enough
and this forces
us to ration it,” he added.
He said the town’s main water line had
also burst in May and this had
worsened the water supply situation. He
however said the burst had since
been repaired.
Joseph Musora, a
resident from Knowe Phase Two said: “We want a good
explanation from the
council because they have been taking us for granted.
You should see our
toilets to prove how disastrous this water problem has
become.”
Most people are said to be using nearby bushes as toilets, which
residents
said increased the risk of diseases. Said Agatha Moyo of Ngoni:
“We only
receive water between 2am and 4am and that is when we manage to
flush the
toilets. I believe this is what happens in prisons, so you can
guess what
Norton has become.”
In Ngoni, raw effluent from burst sewage pipes
can be seen spewing out
into the streets, a development residents said they
had reported to the town
council two weeks ago.
Norton’s St
Eric’s High School and Vimbai Primary Schools have also
had to rely on wells
and boreholes to supply water to pupils.
“It is bad for school
children who have to frequently go home or to
bushes for toilets. Something
must be done to rectify the problem,” said one
teacher.
Norton
has in the past had problems settling debts owed to the city of
Harare for
water supplied to it. In 2001, the Harare City Council threatened
to cut off
water supplies over the small town’s failure to settle an $11
million
debt.
The following year, the town council battled to settle a $23
million
water bill it owed the city of Harare.
Daily News
Beta challenges Gwaradzimba’s nomination
6/9/2003 2:09:51 AM (GMT +2)
Staff Reporter
MUTARE
Shadreck Beta, a ZANU PF activist and businessman, is
challenging the
election of Ellen Gwaradzimba as the ruling party’s
candidate for the Mutare
mayoral election.
Gwaradzimba, the ZANU PF women’s league
chairperson for Manicaland,
was elected last week by members of the the
ruling party’s co-ordinating
committee ahead of favourites Beta and Kenneth
Saruchera.
Beta, a former ZANU PF provincial chairman in
Manicaland, has through
his lawyers demanded that Gwaradzimba’s election be
nullified and that fresh
primaries supervised by ZANU PF officials from other
provinces be organised.
In a letter addressed to the ZANU PF
provincial chairman for
Manicaland, Beta’s lawyer, Akisayi Dhliwayo, said
failure by the party to
nullify Gwaradzimba’s election would force Beta to
seek recourse from the
High Court.
Beta claimed the primaries
held last week were not conducted in
accordance with the ZANU PF
constitution.
He said he had earlier been “disqualified” from the
race, only for his
name to be included on the ballots, a move he claimed
created confusion
among voters.
Beta polled a paltry five votes
against Gwaradzimba’s 48. Saruchera
received 17 votes, while incumbent deputy
mayor and war veteran Stanislous
Hakutangwi failed to poll a single
vote.
Charles Pemhenayi, the ZANU PF spokesman for Manicaland, said
the
voting was transparent and that Gwaradzimba would soon be presented to
the
people.
But Beta said yesterday: “These were not primaries. To
call them
primaries could cause serious distortion of the definition. We
have
expressed displeasure and disappointment.”
The election of
Gwaradzimba has also been widely criticised by ZANU PF
district and ward
officials who said they should have been involved in the
process.
“I
am not happy with the manner the primaries were conducted,” said
one ZANU PF
district executive member from Sakubva. “They were not
transparent. We
thought the candidate would come from the people.”
Said another
member from Dangamvura: “Out of those people who voted,
some names do not
appear in the voters’ roll. That is how we lose
elections.”
Daily News
ZRP now an enemy of the people
6/9/2003
2:10:50 AM (GMT +2)
By Farai Mutsaka Chief
Reporter
HARARE police officer Teurai Nyanhengo has lost pride in
his
profession these days.
Every day as soon as he finishes
duty, he makes sure he changes from
his police uniform into civilian clothes
he carries in his small bag.
He does all this because he does not
want people in the volatile
high-density suburb of Mabvuku, where he lives,
to know where he works.
Even the name Teurai Nyanhengo, he
confesses during the interview, is
not his real name but a pseudonym supposed
to hide his identity as a
Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP)
officer.
“People here in Mabvuku hate the police so much that they
can beat you
up if they know you work for the force,” he told The Daily
News.
”A ZRP police uniform is the surest way to make yourself
public enemy
number one these days.”
Arguably one of the best
trained law enforcement agencies in Africa,
the ZRP has in the past three
years seen its hard earned image as the
“people’s police force” fall victim
to the country’s deepening political
crisis.
As the government
struggles with its worst economic and political
crisis, the ZRP has become
the State’s weapon of preference to crush
swelling public discontent, in the
process earning itself bitter hatred from
hard-pressed
Zimbabweans.
And as the dust settles this week after five-days of
mass protests
organised by the opposition Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) last week,
commentators say the ruthless manner in which the protests
were put down by
the ZRP will only have helped entrench the once revered
force’s status as
“an enemy of the people”.
State security
agents led by the ZRP used sheer brute force to crush
the street marches
planned by the MDC to force President Robert Mugabe to
agree to a negotiated
settlement to pull the country out of its economic and
political
crises.
Two people died while hundreds were injured in the massive
crackdown
by the combined police, army and secret service force. Another 800
people
were also arrested in just five days and most of those caught up in
the
merciless dragnet complained of being beaten up or tortured while in
police
custody.
Several thousands of ruling ZANU PF party
militias and self-styled
veterans of Zimbabwe’s 1970s liberation war also
joined the fray, allegedly
beating up and harassing MDC supporters and other
innocent Zimbabweans
suspected of backing the opposition
protests.
The Kaguru family from Harare’s high-density suburb of
Mbare told
heart rending stories of how a band of suspected ZANU PF militias
stormed
their home where they were holding a funeral service for Tichaona, a
family
member who was allegedly killed by State security agents during
the
disturbances last week.
The service had to be abandoned as
mourners scurried for safety from
the marauding militias. While some managed
to escape, several more members
of the Kaguru family were unlucky and many of
them sustained injuries from
the attack.
Nyanhengo said:
“Sometimes I regret having to put on the same uniform
as that is worn by
people associated with such acts of banditry. It’s
difficult to convince
someone whose property has been stolen by a uniformed
policeman that there
are still some good guys left in the force.”
Although the people
suspected of attacking the Kaguru family are
known, none of them had by the
time of going to print been questioned for
their alleged crime.
Harare lawyer Archibald Gijima said the brutal campaign by the police
against
Zimbabweans had only helped reinforce their negative image among
society as a
hostile force at the service of the ruling elite against
the
people.
He said: “They treated the people as enemies and it
follows that the
people will also treat them as such. Since 2000, the
security forces have
been drifting away from the people and allowing the
government to use them
against the people.”
Police spokesman
Wayne Bvudzijena could not be reached for comment
over the allegations
levelled at the police.
But Bvudzijena in the past week rejected
claims that the police had
used high-handed methods and violated citizens’
rights in their bid to quell
the opposition protests.
The ZRP
spokesman said the police were only upholding a court order
issued a day
before the protests outlawing the demonstrations.
But Gijima said
the police’s handling of the mass protests might turn
out to have been the
last nail in the coffin of the ZRP’s image as a
professional and people
friendly police force.
He said: “Events of last week virtually
endorsed their label as
enemies of the masses. They left the people with a
lasting impression that
this country’s security forces are basically the same
as the hardcore
criminals who prowl the streets in the dead of the
night.”
Political activist Maxwell Saungweme echoed Gijima’s
sentiments,
saying it would be difficult for ordinary Zimbabweans to separate
security
agents from a rogue movement that attacks and loots from common
people.
Saungweme said: “People can no longer trust security
agents. They now
fear the very same security forces that are supposed to
protect them from
criminals and this is an untenable situation that has to be
addressed
urgently.
“The other thing is that police officers
have shown that they are
willing to be used to crush peaceful demonstrations
by hungry people asking
for an improvement in their lives. They have shown
that they are prepared to
go the extra mile to defend the status
quo.”
Prosper Chonzi, a doctor with a Harare hospital said: “It
is
surprising that some of the poorest paid citizens of this country could
use
such force to crush the people from registering their discontent over
the
deteriorating situation.
”The security agents failed to
appreciate that we were also doing this
for them. They should not cry foul
when we begin chucking them out of our
homes and refusing to associate with
them in any way. They are not with the
people.”
Commentators
pointed out that the police cried foul a few years ago
over reports that
landlords were evicting police officers from their houses
to protest against
the partisan nature of their actions.
The opposition MDC’s shadow
secretary for defence, Giles Mutsekwa,
however said the police could still
redeem themselves in the eyes of the
public if in future they refuse to be
used against law abiding citizens
exercising the freedom of expression
guaranteed them by Zimbabwe’s
Constitution.
Mutsekwa, who
himself is a former soldier, said “There are a lot of
professional men and
women in our security forces, but they are being
overshadowed by the rogue
elements within the system. “It is obvious that
the ordinary person views
security agents as enemies. What is needed now is
a massive public relations
exercise to cleanse this image.”
Daily News
ZANU PF gangs descend on Dzivaresekwa
6/9/2003 2:12:52 AM (GMT +2)
By Farai Mutsaka Chief
Reporter
SUSPECTED ZANU PF youths went on the rampage in
Dzivaresekwa yesterday
and destroyed several houses, injuring more than 20
people and looting
property estimated to be worth millions of dollars,
according to residents
of the suburb.
They said the attacks were
carried out by about 60 youths who were
armed with various weapons. The
youths were wearing regalia emblazoned with
the ruling party’s name and
T-shirts inscribed with the words: “No to mass
action,
Zvakwana”.
Residents of the suburb who spoke to The Daily News said
the youths
descended on several houses in Dzivaresekwa 2 late on Saturday
night and
early yesterday morning and carried away televisions, radios,
cellphones,
stoves, cash and other moveable property.
The youths
also assaulted residents they suspected of being supporters
of the opposition
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).
Several of the residents said
they had to seek medical treatment after
the assaults.
One of
the residents, Violet Tazvivinga, said the youths had stormed
her house at
around 10 pm and accused her of supporting the MDC.
They demanded
that she produce the opposition regalia that they said
she kept in the
house.
She said the youths had assaulted her using batons and
chains. They
also stole a radio and a two-plate stove from her
house.
“They surrounded the whole house and started throwing stones
before
they forced their way inside by axing the front door. They demanded
that I
produce my MDC card and the T-shirts that they claimed I kept,”
she
recounted.
“It was after I denied that I had these things
when they started
beating me up with all sorts of weapons. After destroying
my house and
beating me up, they then took away my radio and a stove,” she
added.
When this reporter visited Tazvivinga’s house yesterday
morning, the
doors had been broken and the windows shattered, while the
interior was
littered with stones, bricks and broken glass.
Tazvivinga’s attackers are suspected to be part of a group of ZANU
PF
supporters that party officials say were bussed into Harare from rural
and
peri-urban areas near the capital city to assist the police to deal
with
last week’s mass action.
There have been several reports
from Harare residents implicating the
youths in assault and
looting.
Wonder Alfonso, also of Dzivaresekwa, said he had
sustained head
injuries after the youths stoned him.
He received
eight stitches from Parirenyatwa Hospital.
“I had to be rushed to
the hospital because I was bleeding. It was a
terrifying situation because
they were threatening to kill me. And from the
way they were armed, I didn’t
doubt them. The batons they used resembled
those used by the police,” he
said.
Garikai Vhinyu, another resident of Dzivaresekwa, said he
lost a
television set, a radio, clothes and $35 000 in cash to the
marauding
youths.
He told The Daily News: “They were dressed in
T-shirts written `No to
mass action’ and they were very violent. The only
thing that they left was
the bed because they couldn’t drag it out of the
house.
“I have reported the case to the police, but they didn’t
seem
enthusiastic about the case. Actually, one of them told me that they
were
under instructions not to arrest the youths.”
A policeman
at Dzivaresekwa police station confirmed receiving the
reports of violence
perpetrated by the ruling party gangs.
“We have received quite a
number of such reports, but my friend, you
know that I am not supposed to
talk to you. Phone the (police) spokesman at
PGHQ (Police General
Headquarters),” he said.
It was not possible to secure comment from
the police headquarters
before going to print yesterday.
Daily News
. . As militias terrorise Mbare,
Chitungwiza
6/9/2003 2:13:27 AM (GMT +2)
Staff
Reporters
RESIDENTS of Mbare yesterday said members of Chipangano,
a vigilante
group that is terrorising the Harare high-density suburb, were
demanding
money from households in the residential area to feed youths
sheltered in
the gang’s stronghold.
They said about 20 members
of the gang, which claims to have links to
the ruling ZANU PF, went on the
rampage yesterday demanding a contribution
of $20 from each
household.
The Mbare residents believe the money is being collected
for youths
bussed into Harare by the government to help quell opposition
Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) anti-government protests.
Some of the youths are said to be housed at Matapi flats in Mbare,
where the
majority of the Chipangano members live.
A Mbare resident, who
identified himself only as Zulu, said: “This has
been going on since
Saturday, but we have nowhere to report because the
police treat Chipangano
as demi-gods.”
He said he witnessed three residents who had refused
to comply with
the gang’s demands being assaulted.
A vendor at
Mbare long-distance bus terminus said the Chipangano gang
members “are a law
unto themselves”.
“These people come and take our wares without
paying, especially when
you don’t have a ZANU PF membership card,” said the
vendor, who refused to
be named because of fear of
victimisation.
“This case of the $20s is just a part of a bigger
problem,” the vendor
added.
Officers at Mbare Police Station
refused to comment on the matter,
saying they could only do so after
investigating the alleged extortion.
Meanwhile, MDC officials in
the Chitungwiza constituency of St Mary’s
yesterday claimed they had received
reports of groups in police and army
uniforms confiscating property and money
from residents.
Job Sikhala, the Member of Parliament for St
Mary’s, said several of
the 87 party supporters and officials arrested in a
crackdown by police and
soldiers last week had complained that they lost
various items during raids
on their homes.
The value of the
property involved could not be established yesterday,
but Sikhala estimated
that the goods and cash could be worth nearly a
million dollars.
One of the victims, Musasuwe Ngwarai, said about 30 soldiers and
police
officers descended on his home accusing him of organising the
protests that
shut down most urban centres in Zimbabwe last week.
He allegedly
lost $140 000 in cash, his national identity card, a
sandwich maker, diaries,
a mobile phone handset and a camera. He said he had
also lost musical compact
discs, books, an MDC receipt book and burial
society register, as well as
traditional cultural paraphernalia including a
hatchet, clubs and a bow and
arrow.
Ngwarai, the former MDC provincial chairman for Chitungwiza,
was among
MDC supporters arrested in St Mary’s last Wednesday
night.
He said he reported the loss of his property and money on
Friday at St
Mary’s Police Station. He said his report number was CR06-03
OB4234.
Ngwarai’s colleagues Zach Takapera, Dickson Tavengwa and a
third man
identified as Mapfumo are also said to have lost property during
the raids.
“These are only a few of the people I know,” Ngwarai
said. “There are
many more cases which I cannot confirm now.”
Ngwarai and other opposition supporters from St Mary’s were last week
charged
with violating the Miscellaneous Offences Act.
They were released
on Friday after paying a $5 000 admission of guilt
fine each.
“In my case, this was the third time the police or army had assaulted
me,”
Ngwarai said.
”I was accused of organising the mass action yet I am
only an ordinary
member of the party who does not attend any executive
meeting.”
It was not possible to secure comment from the police
yesterday.
The police said last week that they had recovered
dangerous weapons,
including bows and arrows, at the homes of MDC activists
in St Mary’s.
Daily News
Police intervene as fuel dispute rocks taxi
firm
6/9/2003 2:14:48 AM (GMT +2)
Staff
Reporter
THE police were yesterday called in to prevent clashes
between members
of a metered taxi co-operative over a 25 000-litre fuel
consignment, The
Daily News has established.
Although the police
would not comment on the matter, A1 Taxis
cooperative chairman Kenneth
Makamba confirmed that a dispute broke out
yesterday over fuel brought to the
co-operative’s Eastlea depot without the
co-operative committee’s
knowledge.
“Police were called in to help resolve potential
problems of a fuel
consignment brought into our depot by some members of the
co-operative,”
Makamba said.
He would not elaborate, saying he
needed to consult with his deputy
chairman before making a full
statement.
A1 Taxis is one of Harare’s largest metered-taxi firms
and has 12
members.
It owns about 100 passenger cars. Makamba’s
executive is made up of
six members.
Three of the co-operative’s
members, whose names have been supplied,
are said to have brought in fuel
from South Africa at a cost of $1 200 a
litre.
They are said to
have intended to sell the fuel on Zimbabwe’s thriving
black market for $1 700
a litre.
Sources close to the matter said the police and top
officials had
recommended that the fuel be distributed at the official pump
price of $450
per litre or be removed from the company’s premises in
Eastlea.
Police are also reported to have made an undertaking to
investigate
the matter to determine how the fuel was brought into the
country.
Zimbabwe is facing severe fuel shortages that have
prompted the
government to encourage the private sector to import diesel and
petrol. The
shortages have led to a lucrative black market where fuel is
selling for
more than $1 800 a litre.
Daily News
MDC threatens protests over Tsvangirai’s
arrest
6/9/2003 2:15:12 AM (GMT +2)
Staff
Reporter
THE Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) yesterday
threatened to renew
anti-government protests unless the police release its
leader, Morgan
Tsvangirai, who is facing fresh treason charges.
Tsvangirai, already on trial for treason for allegedly plotting
to
assassinate President Robert Mugabe prior to last year’s
presidential
election, was arrested on Friday.
He is facing a
further treason charge for allegedly making statements
calling for the
unconstitutional removal of Mugabe from office.
Speaking at a Press
conference after a meeting of the opposition party
’s national executive, MDC
vice-president Gibson Sibanda told journalists:
“To the regime we have one
message: Release President Tsvangirai
immediately. If our president is not
released immediately, the dying regime
must brace itself for a long winter of
intense but peaceful protests.”
He would not elaborate on what such
protests would involve, saying the
details would be announced in due
course.
Tsvangirai was arrested at his Harare home on Friday soon
after he
told diplomats and journalists at a Press conference that the MDC
was
planning “rolling mass action” following last week’s protests, which
brought
most of the country to a halt.
He was scheduled to
appear before the Harare Magistrates’ Court on
Saturday morning, but the
remand hearing was postponed to today following
what the prosecutor said were
“administrative problems”.
The police say Tsvangirai uttered
subversive statements at rallies in
Bulawayo and Mutare on 3 May and 25 May
respectively, and yesterday said
they were also looking for Welshman Ncube,
the MDC secretary-general, in
connection with the same charges.
Sibanda said the MDC leader was in high spirits during the weekend and
had
urged the party to “remain focused, united and resolute in our goal to
regain
our sovereignty”.
Tsvangirai is jointly charged with Ncube and
Renson Gasela, the MDC’s
shadow minister of agriculture, in a treason trial
currently underway in the
High Court.
Sibanda told journalists
yesterday that only dialogue would resolve
the Zimbabwe crisis.
He stressed that the aim of the opposition party’s mass action was to
press
Mugabe to sit at the negotiating table with the MDC to resolve the
country’s
problems.
Sibanda also condemned the State’s use of force against
protesters
last week.
The army and police last Monday used
batons and teargas to prevent
demonstrators from marching into city centres
around the country. They are
also accused of firing live bullets in some
areas, injuring some protesters.
On Friday, ruling ZANU PF youths
and members of the State security
forces sealed off areas to which
demonstrators had targeted to march.
More than 200 people were
arrested last week in connection with the
mass action.
“It is
clear that Mugabe is no longer in charge,” Sibanda said.
“He has
lost the blessing and support of the people. He relies on his
repressive
machinery. The regime has reacted in the most irresponsible
manner to the
people’s democratic right to demonstrate their anger.
“We expect
more arrests but we have nothing to fear. We have suffered
so much and we are
as good as dead. This reckless action will not stem the
tide of change that
is in the air. The people have spoken. They will
continue to speak, this time
with greater intensity and frequency.”
Sibanda added: “It’s not
going to be an event but a process. The
shortages and the suffering that the
people are going through are clear
testimony that the crisis can only be
resolved by the parties’ coming
together to talk.”
Meanwhile,
the European Union (EU) condemned Tsvangirai’s arrest,
saying it demonstrated
increasing repression in Harare.
“The EU is deeply concerned by the
arrest of Mr Morgan Tsvangirai,”
the EU presidency said in a
statement.
“This step clearly demonstrates that the government of
Mr Mugabe is
increasing its repressive and intimidating measures against the
opposition”.
The 15-member economic bloc added: “As a friend of
Zimbabwe, the EU
urges the government in Harare to find a peaceful solution
to Zimbabwe’s
internal political conflict through a policy of national
dialogue and
respect for human rights.
“The presidency
reiterates the EU’s position in favour of every effort
made by political
parties in Zimbabwe and by its neighbours to facilitate
and promote
democratic dialogue and national reconciliation.”
Daily News
Leader Page
ZANU PF digging its own
grave
6/9/2003 1:57:28 AM (GMT +2)
FACED with glaring evidence of the people of Zimbabwe’s
dissatisfaction with
his government, President Robert Mugabe is maintaining
a belligerent
attitude, threatening the opposition and participants in last
week’s mass
action with retribution.
Speaking at a rally in Mamina in
Mhondoro on Friday, the
President vowed that Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) leader Morgan
Tsvangirai and the party’s followers would be “taught a
lesson” in the
aftermath of the anti-government protests.
Tsvangirai has, of course, since been arrested and detained by
the police,
who are pressing fresh treason charges against him for allegedly
making
statements advocating for the unconstitutional removal of Mugabe
from
office.
Zimbabweans would be forgiven for
interpreting the MDC president
’s arrest as merely another attempt to cow the
opposition and the people of
this country by a government that is clearly
running scared.
Mugabe on Friday also indicated that schools
and businesses that
closed during the five-day anti-government protests would
be “taken to task
over their actions”. The government has already threatened
to withdraw the
licences of companies that remained shut during the mass
action.
Yet it must be clear even to the ruling ZANU PF that
such
heavy-handedness, especially towards already struggling firms, would
again
send the wrong signals to local and foreign
investors.
Foreign investors have deserted Zimbabwe in droves
in the last
three years, but their support is crucial if the country is to
put its
embattled economy back on track.
We fully
appreciate the government’s need to show that it is
still in charge following
a mass action that humiliatingly demonstrated that
force alone is keeping the
ruling party in power.
But we would urge prudence in the
aftermath of last week’s
protests, for the good of the nation and indeed for
the government’s own
good.
The Zimbabwean economy, already
on its last legs, cannot afford
the blow that would be dealt to it if the
government was so reckless as to
put its threats against companies into
action.
This could further devastate an economy that is also
likely to
be adversely affected by the International Monetary Fund (IMF)’s
suspension
of Zimbabwe’s voting rights on Friday.
The
suspension of the country’s voting rights could lead to
Zimbabwe’s expulsion
from the IMF at a time when it desperately needs
foreign support to stem
severe economic haemorrhaging.
There is also a real
possibility that Mugabe’s threats against
the opposition on Friday could be
seen by ZANU PF supporters as giving the
nod to severe punishment of MDC
activists.
This is how the ruling party has in the past
responded to
successful MDC-organised mass action.
There
are already reports of State security agents and ZANU PF
supporters allegedly
assaulting people and destroying their property as
payback for participating
in last week’s anti-government protests.
The world is watching
Zimbabwe very closely and such a response
from the government speaks volumes
about the rule of law and human rights
abuses in the
country.
It also amply demonstrates, as did the government’s
harsh
reaction to last week’s mass action, ZANU PF’s loss of the people’s
support
and its inability to come to terms with this loss.
The government’s iron-fisted response to the mass action and a
violent
campaign of retribution in the next few weeks will only harden the
people’s
hearts against the ruling party, which is clearly playing into
the
opposition’s hands.
If ZANU PF continues to display
its lack of maturity, it will
ultimately dig its own
grave.
But that is not our concern.
Our
concern is the physical and emotional damage that will be
done to individual
Zimbabweans and the country as a whole if the government
persists on the
course it seems eager to follow. A concern, unfortunately,
that doesn’t seem
to be shared by this country’s leaders.
6/9/2003
1:57:28 AM (GMT +2)
FACED with glaring evidence of the
people of Zimbabwe’s
dissatisfaction with his government, President Robert
Mugabe is maintaining
a belligerent attitude, threatening the opposition and
participants in last
week’s mass action with retribution.
Speaking at a rally in Mamina in Mhondoro on Friday, the President
vowed that
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) leader Morgan Tsvangirai and
the party’s
followers would be “taught a lesson” in the aftermath of the
anti-government
protests.
Tsvangirai has, of course, since been arrested and
detained by the
police, who are pressing fresh treason charges against him
for allegedly
making statements advocating for the unconstitutional removal
of Mugabe from
office.
Zimbabweans would be forgiven for
interpreting the MDC president’s
arrest as merely another attempt to cow the
opposition and the people of
this country by a government that is clearly
running scared.
Mugabe on Friday also indicated that schools and
businesses that
closed during the five-day anti-government protests would be
“taken to task
over their actions”. The government has already threatened to
withdraw the
licences of companies that remained shut during the mass
action.
Yet it must be clear even to the ruling ZANU PF that
such
heavy-handedness, especially towards already struggling firms, would
again
send the wrong signals to local and foreign investors.
Foreign investors have deserted Zimbabwe in droves in the last three
years,
but their support is crucial if the country is to put its embattled
economy
back on track.
We fully appreciate the government’s need to show
that it is still in
charge following a mass action that humiliatingly
demonstrated that force
alone is keeping the ruling party in
power.
But we would urge prudence in the aftermath of last week’s
protests,
for the good of the nation and indeed for the government’s own
good.
The Zimbabwean economy, already on its last legs, cannot
afford the
blow that would be dealt to it if the government was so reckless
as to put
its threats against companies into action.
This could
further devastate an economy that is also likely to be
adversely affected by
the International Monetary Fund (IMF)’s suspension of
Zimbabwe’s voting
rights on Friday.
The suspension of the country’s voting rights
could lead to Zimbabwe’s
expulsion from the IMF at a time when it desperately
needs foreign support
to stem severe economic haemorrhaging.
There is also a real possibility that Mugabe’s threats against the
opposition
on Friday could be seen by ZANU PF supporters as giving the nod
to severe
punishment of MDC activists.
This is how the ruling party has in
the past responded to successful
MDC-organised mass action.
There are already reports of State security agents and ZANU PF
supporters
allegedly assaulting people and destroying their property as
payback for
participating in last week’s anti-government protests.
The world is
watching Zimbabwe very closely and such a response from
the government speaks
volumes about the rule of law and human rights abuses
in the
country.
It also amply demonstrates, as did the government’s harsh
reaction to
last week’s mass action, ZANU PF’s loss of the people’s support
and its
inability to come to terms with this loss.
The
government’s iron-fisted response to the mass action and a violent
campaign
of retribution in the next few weeks will only harden the people’s
hearts
against the ruling party, which is clearly playing into the
opposition’s
hands.
If ZANU PF continues to display its lack of maturity, it
will
ultimately dig its own grave.
But that is not our
concern.
Our concern is the physical and emotional damage that will
be done to
individual Zimbabweans and the country as a whole if the
government persists
on the course it seems eager to follow. A concern,
unfortunately, that doesn
’t seem to be shared by this country’s leaders.
Daily News
Leader Page
When will State agents start
disobeying illegal orders?
6/9/2003 1:58:14 AM (GMT
+2)
By Cathy Buckle
When does obeying an order
stop and doing the right thing start?
Where is the line between
acquiescence and morality? What is the
defining moment which makes a person
say: “No, that order I simply will not
obey”?
If you are told to
abduct an innocent and unarmed man called Tichaona
Kaguru in the middle of
the night and beat him until he is almost dead,
would you do it?
And
if the man then died and you were promised you would not go to
prison for his
murder, would Kaguru be the only victim, or would you spend
the rest of your
life being a victim of your own conscience?
If you were a nurse on
duty at the Chikurubi clinic the night Kaguru
was brought in, dying,
desperate for medical help, would you help him? Or
would you say: “Sorry,
shamwari, we are only allowed to treat policemen at
our clinic”?
Would the abductors, and then the nurses, be able to say “we did what
we did
because we were obeying orders” or would they be plagued by
nightmares,
hearing Kaguru’s screams, smelling his blood, knowing that they
killed
another human being because they were obeying orders?
It is surely
a sign of immense immaturity when grown men and women,
supposedly educated
and trained professionals, continue to do the bidding of
their masters when
they know without a doubt that their actions will not
only hurt others, but
also themselves.
For three years President Robert Mugabe and
members of his Cabinet
have said that they will never again allow the
master-and-servant
relationship to exist in Zimbabwe. Perhaps I am confused,
but is it not
exactly this master-and-servant relationship that our leaders
so despised
once that now exists in Zimbabwe?
The only
difference is that 23 years ago it was white masters and
black servants. In
2003 it is black masters ordering black servants to do
their bidding. The
masters are the President and his ministers, the servants
are the police,
army, war veterans and youth militia.
What have the servants
achieved in their week of violence against
ordinary Zimbabweans?
What did their helicopter gunships, tear-gas, batons, arrests and
threats
achieve that will benefit them? It certainly did not put petrol,
diesel or
aviation fuel in the pumps.
It did not put bread, maize-meal,
sugar, oil or margarine on the
shelves of our supermarkets.
It
did not make the prices of groceries go down in cost and it did not
put money
into the banks so that they could withdraw their own salaries,
pensions and
savings.
The only thing that was achieved by the civil servants who
did their
masters’ bidding in the past week was just to ensure more of the
same:
hunger, unemployment, inflation and immense suffering.
Mugabe said that it was “sad” that State agents had to use force to
silence
Zimbabweans.
It is indeed very sad that our government is now so
scared of its own
people that it had to ring high-density suburbs with the
police and army.
It is sad that our leaders knew they did not have
enough of their own
security forces to silence people and had to bus 2 000 of
their supporters
into the capital city. It is sad that ZANU PF secretary for
information
Nathan Shamuyarira had to admit to his own government’s
inadequacy.
Asked why untrained people had been bought in to do the
so-called
“work” of the police and army, he said: “The police will be
protecting
people, we needed people who could help them.”
The
saddest thing of all about the events of the week is that for the
people who
held the guns, batons and tear-gas canisters, nothing whatsoever
has changed.
Soldiers, police, the Central Intelligence Organisation, war
veterans, youth
militia and 2 000 party supporters still have to queue for
food, fuel and
their own money along with all the rest of us.
The ordinary people
of Zimbabwe showed enormous courage in trying to
make their voices heard. The
ordinary people, hungry, tired and desperate,
put the legal and illegal law
enforcement agents in Zimbabwe to shame.
It is the ordinary people
of Zimbabwe, and not the men and women with
guns and truncheons, who were
brave and dignified.
They have shown enormous maturity and
demonstrated that they know just
exactly when that defining moment arrives;
the moment at which you refuse to
be used anymore and instead do the right
thing.
Cathy Buckle is a social analyst.
Daily News
Zimbabwe’s risk profile worsens
6/9/2003
1:54:03 AM (GMT +2)
Business Reporter
THE
suspension of Zimbabwe’s voting rights in the International
Monetary Fund
(IMF) will worsen the country’s international risk profile at
a time it
desperately needs foreign investment and aid to avert economic
collapse,
analysts and business executives said yesterday.
The board of the
IMF voted to suspend Zimbabwe’s voting rights at a
meeting in Washington on
Friday. The decision was made after the southern
African country failed to
make headway in clearing arrears on its debt to
the Bretton Woods
institution.
Zimbabwean analysts and business executives yesterday
said the IMF’s
decision was expected and would have little impact on the
country, which has
had no support from the multilateral institution for about
four years.
The IMF suspended balance-of-payments support to
Zimbabwe because of
the government’s failure to carry through economic
reforms and policies that
eroded the rule of law and property
rights.
William Nyemba, group chief executive of Trust Bank, said:
"I don’t
think it makes any difference. There’s very little, if anything,
coming out
of the IMF."
Anthony Mandiwanza, president of the
Confederation of Zimbabwe
Industries, however said the suspension would
further knock the country’s
risk profile.
"It heightened the
country’s risk profile," he said.
He pointed out that local
companies had already been forced to
"operate on a cash-basis" with
international suppliers because of Zimbabwe’s
alienation from the IMF, whose
opinion about individual countries is often
used by other multilateral
agencies and foreign investors to determine risk
status.
The
suspension of aid to Zimbabwe by international organisations and
the decline
in foreign direct investment have worsened the country’s severe
foreign
currency shortages, which have affected the government’s ability to
meet its
foreign commitments.
The hard cash crisis has also affected the
ability of local companies
to pay for imports.
Zimbabwe owes the
IMF more than US$305 million (about Z$251,3
billion), and the suspension of
its voting rights means the country will not
be able to cast votes in
decisions on IMF policy or country matters.
It also can no longer
appoint a governor or alternate governor to the
IMF or participate in the
election of an executive director for the IMF
board.
Analysts
say the suspension of Zimbabwe’s voting rights could be the
beginning of a
process that could lead to the country’s expulsion from the
fund, which would
further knock its risk profile.
Local commentators have stressed in
the past year that Zimbabwe has to
mend fences with the IMF and other
international agencies if it is to curb
economic meltdown.
The
country is experiencing its worst economic crisis since
independence in 1980,
dramatised by rampant inflation, severe foreign
currency shortages,
unprecedented company closures and record unemployment.
Daily News
Letters
No army will stop us when we have really
had enough
6/9/2003 1:58:52 AM (GMT +2)
There
is nothing as painful as watching your country die. The
powers-that-be did
not allow us to do what had to be done to save it while
we
could.
And now that Zimbabwe is on its deathbed, we are not allowed
to mourn.
The various doctors lingered around, whispering prognoses
and
administering painkillers that seemed to ease the discomfort but
only
worsened the situation.
Instead of finding out why the dollar
was losing value so fast, they
were quick to fix it at a rate that was
ridiculously high.
Instead of allowing whoever could to import food
to feed the starving
populace, they squeezed shut the doors to the world,
hurling abuse across
the borders as they did so.
Instead of
letting business people fuel the country as best as they
could, they leave
the biggest scandal-house to dry up the land.
Instead of enriching
the sons of the soil with good agricultural
diplomas with productive land,
they parcelled out the cream to themselves,
leaving bloody ruins in their
wake. All in the name of correcting colonial
injustice.
And now
they tell us “Rambai makashinga” (Be steadfast) while
deploying soldiers to
beat the living daylights out of us the same soldiers
who were just yesterday
sharing the queues with us, also wondering
sorrowfully how to feed the
children, clothe them and educate them.
Haven’t we had enough
yet?
No.
If we are still whispering fearfully in our
bedrooms about how bad
things are, we haven’t had enough.
If we
are still creeping to work in casual clothes hoping to fool
people that we
are staying away, we have not had enough.
We shake our heads at the
prices of margarine, milk and eggs, but we
still put them in our
baskets.
We chat cheerfully to the policemen and women we know
about non-issues
so that they think we are politically correct, so fearful
are we of them.
We watch our friends and relations dying of AIDS
without a peep of
protest for the deafening silence of the government on the
scourge among us.
No, Zimbabweans, we have not yet had enough. We
will know when we have
had enough.
No one will put adverts in
the paper to round us up. No one will
distribute pamphlets. No soldier,
policeman or security agent will stop us.
Because they’ll have seen
the light.
That day is not yet, but it is soon, very
soon.
And woe on the doctors who try to stop that day. Freedom is
coming!
The Prophetess
Mutare
Daily News
Letters
Borrowed robes
6/9/2003
2:00:00 AM (GMT +2)
Is it going to be safe for businesses
to reopen today given all the
threats from Nathan Shamuyarira, Ignatius
Chombo and President Robert Mugabe
himself?
Will there will
still be ZANU PF youths at “Shake-Shake” house ready
to “visit” the
businesses when they open?
Businesses have already been threatened
with permanent closure through
the withdrawal of licences.
I
have also noticed that virtually all the police patrolling the city
centre
are in brand new uniforms. They also appear to be young and don’t
stand like
policemen and some are very short. Are they ZANU PF functionaries
dressed as
policemen or are they genuine recruits? Where are the proper
policemen
deployed?
A McCormick
Harare
Daily News
Feature
Why the Witchcraft Suppression Act must
be repealed
6/9/2003 1:52:50 AM (GMT +2)
By
Professor Gordon Chavunduka
Zimbabwe does not have an effective law
against witchcraft. The
present Witchcraft Suppression Act may have prevented
some innocent people
from being accused of witchcraft, but this has not
solved the problem of
witchcraft because it has also prevented guilty parties
who actually bewitch
others from being accused, convicted and punished for
their crimes.
The Legislature made it clear in the Act that,
although certain people
may genuinely believe in witchcraft, it regarded the
whole practice of
witchcraft as a pretence and a sham, something which in
actual fact has no
real existence at all. Thus in the Act, witchcraft is
referred to as
“so-called witchcraft”.
Because many people
regard the Witchcraft Suppression Act as a very
unjust piece of legislation,
they have continued to deal with cases of
witchcraft in their own way. One
example is the witch-hunts taking place in
many parts of the country. The
decision reached by the legislators was wrong
because they were not provided
with a correct definition of witchcraft.
In the Witchcraft
Suppression Act, witchcraft is defined as “the
throwing of bones, the use of
charms and any other means or devices adopted
in the practice of
sorcery”.
As a matter of fact, this definition says nothing about
witches and
witchcraft. Throwing of bones is one way of carrying out a
diagnosis in
African traditional medicine. Many charms have nothing to do
with
witchcraft.
In fact, a large part of the traditional
healer’s practice is
concerned with prescribed preventive charms that confer
or are believed to
confer immunity against specific types of illness or to
protect the
individual against misfortune.
Other charms confer
or are believed to confer positive benefits such
as physical strength,
attractiveness to the opposite sex and other desirable
qualities. Other
charms are believed to protect an individual or a group of
individuals
against witchcraft.
Another problem that seriously bedevils
attempts to discuss and find
workable solutions to the problem of witchcraft
is the terminological
confusion on this subject.
The terms
“witchcraft” and “sorcery” are used interchangeably
throughout the Act and at
times the term “wizard” is used to include both
witches and sorcerers.
Academic writers have unfortunately been some of the
worst perpetrators of
this confusion. The terms sorcery and wizard are
meaningless in the African
context.
The only distinction which some Africans make, when
pressed, is
between a witch who operates at night and one who operates during
the day.
But some witches that operate at night often operate during the day
as well.
In Africa, witchcraft includes the use of harmful charms,
harmful
magic and any other means or devices in causing any illness or death
in any
person or animal or in causing any injury to any person or animal
or
property. Cases of this nature have been reported from time to time
in
various African countries.
Many cases of witchcraft are not
easy to prove in our present formal
courts because some aspects of witchcraft
are not empirically provable. Many
witches have been set free over the years
for what the court said was lack
of concrete evidence.
Even
where some people have made a confession of witchcraft in court
and even
exhibited human bones, harmful medicines, hair, fingernails and so
on, which
they said they had used, formal courts have tended to regard such
people as
insane, emotionally unstable or seeking to cause sensation.
The
formal courts have tended to view this sort of evidence as of
doubtful
relevance. It is true that some people might say that they are
witches in
order to build up a reputation as powerful individuals, but
others are saying
the truth.
Witchcraft that involves the use of harmful medicines or
poisons is
fairly easy to demonstrate since the medicines used by such
witches are
derived from plants or other ingredients that can be pointed out
and
examined.
Formal courts, in fact, often investigate this
type of witchcraft,
although these cases are not labelled as such. Where an
individual has died
and it is believed that a poison may have been used, the
courts usually make
an attempt to discover the actual cause of death. They
rely on the
post-mortem examination.
Many people have been
sentenced for murder or attempted murder, rather
than witchcraft, as a result
of such investigation. Where the witch has
indicated to the police the plants
or roots used to harm another individual,
such plants or roots are sometimes
tested in order to determine whether they
are poisonous.
There
are difficult cases such as those involving indirect witchcraft.
A witch can
cause illness or kill others by blowing harmful medicines
towards them; by
concealing poisonous objects on a path where the victim
will pass; by leaving
a harmful charm in the victim’s bedroom and so on, or
by the use of
witchcraft techniques which operate at a distance without
actual physical
contact. Present court officials have very little knowledge
of these
issues.
The country needs a new law that will empower all courts to
deal with
cases of witchcraft effectively rather than merely attempting to
suppress
beliefs in witchcraft.
A massive mindset change on the
part of the court officials is
required in order to allow for situations that
are currently disallowed,
such as the use of evidence of a person in a trance
and the use of
traditional healers as expert witnesses or assessors. State
enforcement of a
Western world view which denies the reality of witchcraft
has not worked.
A massive mindset change is also required on the
part of many leaders
of the Christian Church.
By denying the
existence of witches, the Church lost an opportunity to
remove evil spirits
from society. Their attitude has not helped the cause of
Christ in Africa.
They mislead society.
Gordon Chavunduka is a sociologist and head
of the Zimbabwe National
Traditional Healers’ Association
The Herald
MDC morality questionable
By Munyaradzi Mugowo
Many
people believe that mass stayaways are nothing more than an expression
of
civic rights in a democracy and in some cases they are also perceived as
a
legitimate and "rational" mechanism for civic lobby.
In Zimbabwe, mass
stayaways underline the clandestine political goals of
political parties and
allied trade unions, though sanctified by the
Western-owned media which
celebrates and romanticises their "success" and
"propriety" rather than
evaluate their social costs and backwash effects on
the economy, particularly
on small-scale, informal business enterprises.
Stayaways represent a
paranoiac political imperative which is both
purposefully anarchic and
callously detrimental to poor households for which
it has destroyed low-cost
social services and precariously crippled survival
petty economic
activities.
The basis for stayaways hinges on a naive attempt to
translate directly into
logic, historical, theoretical and speculative
assumptions on the cause of
current economic crises which are bereft of
well-founded empirical validity
since they reach baseless conclusions without
systematic inquiry and
verification.
Lack of sustainable economic
growth is a phenomenal economic pathology
affecting all Third World
countries. Chinua Achebe’s contention that the
"problem with Nigeria (and
other African countries) is the failure of
leadership" which is more likely
than not to overshadow more generic factors
and analysis more marriageable to
reality is a statement that is ignorant of
its own ingrained
inconsistencies.
To begin with, it hopelessly attempts to blame Third
World leaders for
economic crises in their individual countries,
acknowledging at the same
time that African countries, for many decades, have
been severely plundered
by a century of colonial domination, subsequently
subordinated at
independence, to Western-implemented "development" programmes
and more
recently, to the international market through economic
"liberalisation"
reforms such as Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) and
other
"stabilisation" policies which have consistently made it a
loan
conditionality, the down-scaled government intervention in the
economy.
Secondly, its discovery of a traceable pattern emerging not only
in Zimbabwe
but also in the rest of the Third World, though noteworthy,
suffers a
grievous epistemological error of erroneously treating effects and
causes as
interchangeable variables because of its attempt to blame
individuals for a
pattern which incontrovertibly commands an independent
existence surviving
before and after them, rather than placing greater stress
on a holistic,
scientific analysis of phenomena.
Sadly, however,
Western countries, the Western media, local Western-owned
private media
sympathetic to the Western cause and dubious academics like Dr
John Makumbe
and the late Professor Masipula Sithole have chosen to dwell on
scapegoat
politics by projecting the view that President Mugabe’s dream of
social
change — a sum of poverty reduction, greater equity and equality
and
self-reliance and his dogged drive to execute it in spite of
Anglo-American
hostilities that are also domestically accentuating as
Western-sponsored
parties and civic organisations ideologically concomitant
with them — is
both politically "undemocratic" and economically
devastating.
Development, from this perspective, is indexed in terms of
the aggregate
value of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and democracy in terms of
narrow civic
liberties with no economic substance.
The bulk of the
criticism of the Government, particularly that of President
Mugabe, attempts
to marry, with varied emphasis, on each of the factors
along this spectrum,
democracy and economic and social development,
variables which in a practical
sense are mutually exclusive. Whereas liberal
democracy and dependent
economic growth mystifies international exploitation
and creates dual
economies which in turn aggravate poverty and social
inequality,
respectively.
After years of protracted suffering and widespread poverty
bred by
devastating SAPS allegedly tailored to "stabilise" our economy,
"stimulate"
investment, promote export expansion and enhance our foreign debt
servicing
capacity, the poor rather than bless the government’s new
growth-with equity
approach which identifies poverty as the external stimuli
to which it
responds with heightened sensitivity, have by contrast been
politically
manipulated by political parties in whose manifestos a
comprehensive social
policy is a missing link.
Although it publicly
claims that it has taken its lead from the "failure" by
Government to arrest
poverty and unemployment, the MDC, conversely, has
given no attention to
gendered, racial and class responsive strategies in
its "recovery" policy
package.
These variables are the very nucleus of the historical
perpetuation of
poverty in Zimbabwe as in other former colonies. A concern
with GDP growth
alone cannot address the problems of health, nutrition,
housing, sanitation,
income differentials and social services, either lacking
or deplorable among
the poor.
Increases in foreign investment, too,
are unlikely to yield benefits to
low-level workers on the shop floor since
market determination of wages, in
the context of the monopoly market
structure of most Third World countries
has the effect of keeping wages
depressed below subsistence.
Furthermore, the risk of grave harm and
social costs which stayaways cause
to the economy and to residual social
categories, however, raises eyebrows
about the morality of the MDC and about
its supposed economic reconstruction
agenda.
Perhaps an intact economy
which will not require any rebuilding at all is a
stumbling block since their
"recovery" and reconstruction policy instruments
have to be operational one
way or the other.
In accordance with this, they have to destroy the
economy first before their
"reconstruction" agenda can make sense. For the
past three years, periodic,
ad hoc strikes on the economy have been launched
as a political advantage ma
ximising strategy basking in the glory of
artificial crisis, inflaming the
crisis by repeated strikes with the
endeavour to either stall production or
create artificial shortage on the
domestic market compounded also by
simultaneous commodity transfers to the
parallel market, while on the
international market, diminishing local
agricultural and industrial output
has depleted the country’s net share of
exports, thus increasing foreign
earnings deficits relative to aggregate
import demand.
On account of this unfavourable balance of trade, our
exporters have found
themselves owing much more than our exporters are owed,
the logical
consequences of which have been the escalation of the nominal
demand for and
inability to maintain adequate inflows of basic imports such
as fuel,
electricity, spare parts and investment goods as well as the
weakening of
the local currency against those of our major trading
partners.
These economic pathologies, as it is naturally expected, have
had negative
multiplier effects on our GDP, Balance of Payment (BOP)
accounts, foreign
and domestic debt values, import and producer prices,
lending rates and
these have also combined to trigger off an inflation spiral
which has
severely depressed "real" incomes and pushed the cost of living for
the
average earner and the chronically unemployed, up beyond levels
of
subsistence.
This economic quagmire, though artificially created
and inflamed, has been
manipulated for cheap scapegoat politics in media
circles by its architects,
political ensnares, who use the drawing board for
plotting economic ruin and
anarchy rather than for the strategic purpose of
enhancing the
attractiveness of their policy positions on the political
market. Their
refusal to heed judicious international calls for a
conciliatory pact aimed
at saving millions of poor Zimbabweans on whom the
social costs of the
MDC-invited economic sanctions, stay- aways and
ancillary,
externally-induced corporate production boycotts are levied, runes
of the
fact that the agenda of this party is nothing more than that of
political
aggrandisement.
Quite absurdly, the logic of stayaways is
provided by the futile belief in
the "post-Mugabe" "economic recovery
package" which has been allegedly
pledged by Anglo-American "humanitarians"
as an economic panacea.
Yet the fact of conditionality exhumes
multifarious insidious agendas buried
under its ostensibly moral skin. It is
recognisable that the post-Mugabe
euphoria is a drive which attempts to turn
the clock back to the pre-Mugabe
"unbalanced-growth", econometric and
quantitative macroeconomic paradigms
which treats President Mugabe’s
growth-with-equity development concerns as
and ill-conceived.
The
approach tends to rely heavily on foreign aid, whereas earlier
experiments
with Western aid have only produced a disastrous record on the
continent,
punctuated by dual enclave and unsustainable economies of
different sizes and
shapes, generating a huge catalogue of backwash effects
on the economy of
unsophisticated and mythical. The dominant conception is
that development aid
is a kind of economic drip injected into ailing African
economies by
self-less economic health practitioners in a bid to save their
lives. In
other words, aid is conventionally treated as an ameliorative
prescription
completed for poor countries among them Zimbabwe, after
intensive
professional diagnosis.
The term "aid" itself bears connotations of
altruism, humanitarianism,
philanthropy and generosity and consequently the
fallacy internationalised
by most Zimbabweans is that "aid" is a donation, a
grant or a financial
"gift" disbursed on a moral, welfarist basis. Supposing
this to be true,
immediately a bizarre irony confronts the West’s strange
generosity in the
Third World, which contradicts its social policy at home.
Contemporary
sociological researches, for instance, have shown that owing to
a general
official retreat form incremental social welfare policies, more and
more
poor American and British urbanites, particularly the
Afro-American
population, are turning to proscribed activities such as
prostitution, drug
trafficking and armed robbery for survival in this
"whitish" world. Yet in
Zimbabwe they masquerade as sublime
philanthropists
Although hailed as a gesture of great generosity,
bilateral and
multi-lateral "aid" craftily cannalise sinister commercial,
diplomatic and
military agendas of donor countries. Yet in Zimbabwe they
masquarade as
sublime philanthropists so "humane" that they even can afford
to exact on
their own people, the costs of a "post-Mugabe economic recovery
package".
Although hailed as a gesture of great generosity, bilateral
and
multi-lateral "aid" craftily cannalise sinister commercial, diplomatic
and
military agendas of donor country. Nearly all countries of the
development
world have created specialised development/aid agencies whose
preambles
preach of "altruistic" development outreaches in the 3rd world.
However,
"aid" is neither a grant nor charity, much of the "aid" is "tried".
By
implication, aid though not really a loan, is by no means disbursed
without
an accompanying set of conditionalities which favours and
promotes
fundamental commercial, diplomatic-military at times – concerns of
the
"donor" nation. In most cases donor countries define priority programmes
for
which they are prepared to release funds and for the most part
overstretched
emphasis is placed on project viability and full-cost recovery
at the
expense of social concerns, an orthodoxy which forces poor aid
recipient
governments to "co-operate" with "donors" rather than to
incorporate them
into their national development plans.
In return for
forex injection necessary to implement the capital-intensive
development
projects the host government must agree to spend the money on
imports of
investment goods and expertise from the donor countries at
inflated prices
relative to those charged on similar commodities on the open
market.
Contractors hired to execute the projects, spare parts, etc must
also be
acquired from the donor country which often fixes the project itself
within a
long time frame at inflated rates. The multi-lateral donor –
funded
Matebeleland Zambezi Water project, the USAID-sponsored Kuwadzana
Extension
low-cost housing project are illustrative examples. Eventually,
the
aggregate value of capital inflows measured against aggregate value
of
capital inflows measured against aggregate value of capital outflows
records
a negative net value.
External borrowing, particularly that of
BOP support loans, also saves
imperialism in disguise. In 1980, Brazil
concluded a BOP support package
with the IMF, the gestation period of which
was 10 years. By 1990 Brazil had
paid a total of US$90 billion, in interests
only. US$26 billion in excess of
the principal debt. During that 10-year
stabilisation period, Brazil paid a
total of US$154 billion to service loan
of US$64 billion. After all these
payments, Brazil still owed the IMF a total
of US$141 billion.
In definitive terms, "aid" is an imperial bait in the
mouth of poor
countries. IMF BOP "support" loans are not any better either,
the major
risks of the "stabilisation" policies catalogued earlier on are off
loaded
on marginal social classes and poor households. Since the ESAP
experiment,
Zimbabwean government has had to channel forex earnings and
foreign capital
injections not towards productive purposes or social services
but towards
meeting enormous, stringent debt-servicing costs which supersede
GDP values
by staggering proportions. In combination with foreign "aid",
external
borrowing in order to service outstanding debts in face of the
deflationary
policies of the IMF as advocated by MDC’s economic experts does
not make
economic sense at all. The sheer influx of Anglo-American
construction
automobile, mobile phone, oil and other companies in Iraq shows
that the
West’s strange generosity and overseas "humanitarian" crusades are
an agency
promoting Anglo-American commercial and foreign policies. The
post-Mugabe
package smells heavily of the same festering agendas contrived to
open up
Zimbabwe to a phase of accelerated international exploitation
and
domination.
Having said all this, are mass stay aways moral and
rational" is western aid
a gesture of great generosity" is the Zimbabwe’s
development drive the
Anglo-American burden" does Mugabe’s growth-with-equity
development approach
make him a hero or villain" that’s food for thought.
The Herald
Fuel situation remains critical
Herald Reporter
THE
fuel situation remained critical yesterday with most service
stations
reporting that they had not received supplies for days.
Most
service stations in Harare were quiet and almost deserted.
Mobile Service
Station along Samora Machel Avenue was the only one with
fuel
yesterday.
A petrol attendant at Montague Service Station said
they last received
supplies more than a week ago.
"We last received
fuel supplies last Sunday. We don’t know when the next
supplies would be
delivered," the attendant said.
Some desperate motorists could be seen
waiting at service stations even
though there were no indications as to when
the commodity would be
available.
Some vehicles had even accumulated
dust after being abandoned at service
stations for the weekend.
One
taxi driver said the current fuel shortages had negatively affected
his
business.
"I have joined the queue hoping to get fuel but by the
time I get to the
pumps maybe it would be finished," he said.
The
Minister Energy and Power Development, Ambassa-dor Amos Midzi said
his
ministry was doing all it could to find a lasting solution to the
fuel
problem.
Ambassador Midzi also dismissed as false reports that
there was a looming
fuel price increase.
"It is not true . . . we have
not yet taken the decision. Prices remain as
they are and service stations
should sell the commodity at the gazetted
price," he said.
The
National Oil Company of Zimbabwe was negotiating with a Libyan company
Tamoil
to revive fuel supplies to Zimbabwe.
Zimbabwe and Libya last year renewed
a US$360 million fuel deal for Harare
to receive fuel from Tripoli. Under the
deal, Libyan companies were to
invest in Zimbabwe or import such commodities
as sugar and beef in exchange
for fuel.
However, the deal had been
facing problems after Zimbabwe failed to meet its
quota of sugar and beef
exports owing to last year’s drought.