SW Radio Africa
By Alex Bell
10 June 2010
More cracks in the already shaky coalition government
are appearing, after a trade agreement authorised by Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai was reversed this week, apparently on Robert Mugabe’s orders.
The bilateral investment protection agreement (BIPPA)
with South Korea was signed while the Prime Minister was on a state visit to
the country last month. But on Wednesday, Mugabe’s spokesman George Charamba
launched a scathing tirade against Tsvangirai in the state controlled Herald
newspaper over the agreement, saying the Prime Minister does not have the
authority to approve such an agreement on the government’s behalf. Charamba
said only Mugabe, after consulting cabinet, could bind Zimbabwe to another
country through a BIPPA.
The BIPPA was signed between Zimbabwe and South Korea,
with Heneri Dzinotyiwei, the Minister of Science and Technology, signing on
behalf of Zimbabwe. But Charamba said it was “absurd” that Tsvangirai had
delegated Dzinotyiwei to sign on behalf of Zimbabwe. He said such powers were
only vested in Mugabe, not Tsvangirai.
“It is absurd, to say the least. Anyway, as far as I
know and I have checked, the President never made any such delegation so in
effect no BIPPA was signed in Korea,” he told the Herald. “Maybe it was the
mock signing ceremony of a BIPPA that might be signed in the future by those
constitutionally delegated to do so.”
It is widely suspected that Mugabe came under pressure
to reverse the South Korean deal from his long time supporters, North Korea.
The two Korean states are sworn enemies, and it is understood that North Korea,
believed to be secretly funding Zimbabwe’s military, is furious that deals are
being negotiated with the South. The agreement has now reportedly been reversed
after the Ministry of Foreign Affairs wrote to the South Koreans to tell them
the agreement was “null and void.”
“Their embassy has been informed of the constitutional
position and indications are that they have since communicated to Seoul,” the
Herald quoted a Foreign Affairs official as saying.
Tsvangirai’s office has now called for Charamba to
face disciplinary action for undermining the authority of the Prime Minister.
The Minister of State in the Prime Minister’s Office, Gorden Moyo, called a
press conference on Wednesday and announced that Charamba had gone over the top
in his statements to The Herald, belittling Tsvangirai’s trip to South Korea.
Moyo said Charamba’s comments violated “ethics of the civil service and also
the spirit of this inclusive government.”
“The BIPPA was prepared by the two countries in
accordance with local laws and protocols,” Moyo said. “The agreement was
drafted by the office of Zimbabwe’s Attorney General and reviewed and approved
by the Cabinet Committee on Legislation.”
Moyo said Elton Mangoma, the Minister of Economic
Planning and Investment who had a constitutional responsibility of signing such
agreements on behalf of the government, had officially conveyed his power of
attorney to Dzinotyiwei. Moyo said Charamba’s claims were not only false
but did not represent government’s position and violated the ethics of the
civil service and the spirit of the inclusive government.
Observers have commented that this most recent split
in the government once again clearly shows that Mugabe has no intention of
sharing power in the ‘unity’ government. A deadlock over outstanding issues of
the GPA remains firmly in place, with Mugabe refusing to implement his part of
the deal. The three principals to the GPA finally met on Tuesday to discuss a
report on how to solve the outstanding issues. But no agreement has been
reached and it’s understood that the dispute will now be taken to the Southern
African Development Community (SADC), the guarantors of the Zimbabwe unity
deal.
Mugabe meanwhile has insisted that his recent
unilateral appointment and promotion of judges was fully constitutional.
Tsvangirai and the MDC have been up in arms over Mugabe’s unilateral move,
which saw controversial former Zimbabwe Electoral Commission chairman, George
Chiweshe, become Judge President of the High Court. Tsvangirai has warned that
Mugabe risks plunging the country into a constitutional crisis over the
appointments, pointing out that the constitution stipulates that the President
must make key appointments in consultation with the Prime Minister.
But Mugabe is reported to have defended his actions to
Tsvangirai during their Tuesday meeting, saying the judges were appointed
through an internal authority, the Law Society of Zimbabwe. A source quoted by
the Herald said: “It must be borne in mind that the Law Society has many people
sympathetic to Tsvangirai and he agreed that it was doubtful they would act
against his interests.”
“President Mugabe said he had merely formalised the
appointments acting on the advice of the Law Society, the Chief Justice and the
Judicial Services Commission,” the source reportedly said.
The Herald also quoted this source as saying that “it
does not really matter whether or not he (the Prime Minister) was satisfied”
with Mugabe’s explanation. The ‘insider’ also insisted that the “matter is now
closed.”
SW Radio Africa
By Lance Guma
10 June 2010
The launch of the constitutional outreach exercise
next week Wednesday is now under threat, after Members of Parliament from both
ZANU PF and the two MDC’s demanded an increase in their daily allowances.
Currently MP’s and Senators taking part in the process will get US$25 per day
in allowances, but legislators say they want this increased to US$75 per day.
Their demands appear motivated by the fact that rapporteurs for the exercise
will be paid US$100 per day.
A joint caucus meeting held on Tuesday by the MP’s
resolved to appeal to the three party leaders in the coalition government to
intervene and up their allowances. But Newsreel understands that several ZANU
PF MP’s have already been tasked to campaign for a delay to the exercise, using
the allowance issue as an excuse. Mwenezi East MP Kudakwashe Bhasikiti for
example, told journalists they would call for the exercise to be postponed
until they got the increases.
Obert Gutu who is the MDC-T Senator for Chisipite told
Newsreel this was not the MDC position. He said although they had taken their
case to the principals for an increase to their allowances they at no point
said they would pull out of the exercise, or call for a postponement because of
the allowances. He said the constitutional outreach exercise was an important
national project and money issues should not get in the way.
The call for a postponement by ZANU PF MP’s will add
to growing evidence that the party is not interested in a people driven
constitution. The first stake-holders conference in Harare last year was
disrupted by its rowdy supporters who invaded the conference venue, chanting
slogans and threatening a repeat of the June 2008 election violence. After that
a series of squabbles over the talking points, composition of the outreach
teams and donor funding, ensured the process failed to meet its deadlines.
The MDC-T has already issued a stinging statement
accusing ZANU PF MP’s of adopting a ‘mercenary’ attitude to the whole exercise.
It blamed its partner in the coalition government of trying to derail the
process. “Coupled with the ZANU-PF-instigated violent disturbances in the
countryside, where villagers are being coerced to stay silent during the
outreach program, the whole game plan begins to give itself away," the
statement read. The party also noted that the state controlled media had
deliberately ignored publicizing the outreach exercise.
ZANU-PF spokesman Rugare Gumbo meanwhile appeared to
contradict the statements coming from his own party MP’s insisting, “as far as
we are concerned the outreach program is going ahead as stipulated by the
principals. Certainly as far as we are concerned we will stick to the $25
allowance.”
If the government gives in to the demand for increased
allowances at least an additional US$500 000 will have to be sourced from
donors or government coffers.
SW Radio Africa
By Tichaona Sibanda
10 June 2010
Energy and Power Development Minister, Elias Mudzuri,
has said the utility power supplier will suspend its regular programme of power
cuts to enable football fans to enjoy uninterrupted coverage of the World Cup
in South Africa.
Mudzuri told a news conference on Wednesday that the
Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority (ZESA) was working to ensure equitable
distribution of the limited power available to consumers, to enable them to
watch the World Cup.
He also said that ZESA would suspend disconnections to
allow the public to enjoy this once-in-a-lifetime opportunity. This will be
good news for the consumers who have failed to settle their bills and,
according to ZESA, owe the utility more than $300 million. Mudzuri added that
disconnections and load-shedding would return after the month-long football
tournament.
Meanwhile Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai on
Wednesday called upon the unity government to invest in sport through financial
and material support.
Tsvangirai, a keen sportsman who rarely misses a round
of golf each weekend, said he was committed to ensuring that government lives
up to its responsibility to invest in the sporting future of all Zimbabweans.
Writing in his weekly column in The Prime Minister’s
newsletter, Tsvangirai said over the past decade, Zimbabweans have been denied
the exposure, excitement and national unifying effects of international
sporting events.
Zimbabwe has a great sporting tradition and has
produced many world recognised sports names and personalities. Football is the
national passion in the nation while cricket and athletics are also very
popular. But most sports associations have failed to attract sponsorship owing
to the country’s economic and political situation.
The Prime Minister, who flies to South Africa on
Friday for the opening ceremony of the World Cup, said it was heartening the
country was once again taking its rightful place on the international stage.
He pointed at the visit last week of five times world
champions Brazil, who almost brought the country to a standstill when they were
in Harare. The Samba boys played a friendly international with the Zimbabwe
warriors, winning 3-0 at a game watched by Mugabe and Tsvangirai.
Last month, long distance runner Stephen Muzhingi won
his second Comrades marathon in a row, a feat recognised by Tsvangirai when he
extended an invitation to the runner for a ‘cup of tea’ when he gets back to
Harare.
‘The pinnacle of success in this area (financial and
material support) would be seeing our national team qualifying for the next
FIFA World Cup,’ Tsvangirai wrote.
SW Radio Africa
By Tichaona Sibanda
10 June 2010
South African Foreign Affairs officials in Pretoria
are making frantic efforts to squeeze in a meeting between President Jacob Zuma
and the three principals who will be at the official opening of the FIFA World
Cup.
The World Cup opens in Johannesburg on Friday and
Robert Mugabe, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and his deputy Arthur Mutambara
have been invited to attend.
The three will travel to the football extravaganza
having failed to agree on any of the outstanding issues in the GPA during their
Tuesday meeting in Harare.
The political leaders reportedly declared a deadlock after
their four hour meeting and agreed to refer the issue to Zuma to mediate in the
power-sharing dispute that has dodged the shaky coalition government since its
formation over a year ago.
Zuma and his facilitation team have been sitting on
the fence in the hope that Mugabe, Tsvangirai and Mutambara would reach an
understanding and avoid the regional instability that the lack of resolution is
threatening.
A Harare based journalist told us he was in touch with
South African diplomats in the capital who informed him officials in Pretoria
were working overtime to set up a meeting between Zuma and the principals.
‘They told me plans are at an advanced stage to make
sure Zuma and members of his facilitation team get time from their busy
schedule to engage Mugabe, Tsvangirai and Mutambara during their brief stay in
South Africa.
Gabriel Shumba, a pro-democracy activist, said it was
almost inevitable that Zuma will now push the warring sides to prepare for elections.
The South African team is on record saying they have a raft of proposals
containing a framework of ideas on how to run a successful free and fair
election, whose outcome is acceptable by the international community.
The South Africans have had this document for a while,
but there are suggestions they only plan to produce it when all else has
failed.
‘I can only guess this document has something to do
with a general framework of holding free and fair elections. It is useless
referring the crisis to a SADC summit because we will get the same outcome
where the principals would be asked to go back and negotiate,’ Shumba said.
A few months ago Zuma suggested that holding of fresh
elections was the only way out of the continuous disagreements by the parties
in the inclusive government. Some observers have said he should tell the
coalition partners to ‘park’ some of the outstanding issues, and concentrate on
those that would affect the holding of elections.
Speaking in January to a South African radio station
Zuma said he hoped one day the leaders would ‘open up and look at the issues
from all angles.’
‘Are these issues so fundamental that we cannot move
without resolving them? Can we park them and proceed,’ said Zuma.
It is believed the latest stalemate has finally
convinced Zuma the only way out is an election.
The warring parties have failed to agree on several
outstanding issues in their power sharing agreement signed in September 2008.
They include Mugabe’s unilateral appointment of the central bank governor and
the attorney general and his refusal to swear in Roy Bennett as deputy Minister
of Agriculture.
ZANU PF says it wants the MDC to first call for the
lifting of targeted sanctions imposed on Mugabe and his inner circle, plus the
closure of independent radio stations broadcasting into Zimbabwe, before a
compromise can be reached on anything else.
SW Radio Africa
By Violet Gonda
10 June 2010
A Harare magistrate on Thursday denied bail to Farai
Maguwu and remanded him in custody. Maguwu is the diamond researcher who was
arrested last Thursday, shortly after giving evidence to the Kimberley Process
monitor to Zimbabwe, Abbey Chikane, about the volatile situation in the
Chiadzwa diamond fields.
Maguwu’s lawyers intend to file an urgent High Court
application on Friday against the denial of bail and to challenge the ruling by
the magistrate to place him on remand on the basis of ‘contradictory & self
destructive’ evidence placed by the State in court’.
Police claim to have found documents which contain
falsehoods about the human rights violations in the Chiadzwa area in March.
Maguwu’s lawyer, Tinoziva Bere, who is also a human
rights defender, told SW Radio Africa that the prosecution team knows they will
not be able to secure a conviction based on the evidence brought to the court,
but the case is a deliberate attempt to silence people doing advocacy work on
the controversial diamond fields.
Maguwu accuses the Kimberley Process monitor of
shopping him to the police. His lawyers said the police told the court they’d
be travelling to South Africa to get evidence from Chikane.
Bere said since Maguwu’s arrest last week the police
have failed to be consistent about the charges he is facing. When Maguwu was
initially arrested he was informed the reason was the communication that he had
made to Chikane. But this changed when he was first formally charged and that
charge did not make any reference to the KP monitor. It accused the activist of
sending information via email to exiled human rights lawyer Gabriel Shumba and
an Anton Dekker, from the Netherlands.
But the lawyer said on the court day a different
charge appeared, which was the one on the record. This says Maguwu published
falsehoods and sent them to Gabriel Shumba, Anton Dekker and Tor Olsen, a
coordinator of the Zimbabwe Europe Network.
Bere added: “Then during the evidence to the court by
the investigation officer, Detective Inspector Dowa, he then revisited
allegations that he was going to be visiting Abbey Chikane in South Africa to
collect documents. So it is like a cycle but it still includes Chikane.”
The lawyer said in a normal country a government
should investigate allegations of human rights abuses and not arrest the person
who has raised the complaints. Bere said the KP monitor should have also
investigated these allegations before reporting to the very people implicated
in the abuses in the diamond fields. “But in this case the mouth that has
raised the alarm is the one that is being silenced,” he said.
“The larger purpose is to close down the Centre for
Research and Development. The larger purpose is to silence this voice that is
speaking for the silent people in Marange.”
“When they say they can’t grant him bail because he
may run away or he may interfere with the witnesses – the witnesses are senior
police officers and senior police personnel. There could never be interference
by an unarmed individual like Farai Maguwu and Chikane can never be interfered
with by Farai Maguwu because he is the one who actually complained about Farai
Maguwu.”
“Eventually when the Kimberley Process has run its
course and maybe Zimbabwe has been admitted, they (Zim authorities) will lose
interest in Maguwu. But while the issue is hot now they want him in jail,” said
Maguwu’s lawyer.
Meanwhile a leaked interim report to the Kimberley
Process by the South African monitor recommends that Zimbabwe be allowed to
resume diamond exports from the Chiadzwa diamond fields. This internal report
is due to be debated on Monday by the Kimberley Process Working Group on
Monitoring (WGM).
A member of the WGM, Global Witness, told SW Radio
Africa on Wednesday that it rejected Chikane’s report that said Zimbabwe’s
diamonds are clean. Elly Harrowell of Global Witness said Chikane’s recommendations
do not mean automatic certification of Zimbabwe’s controversial diamonds. She
said the decision has to be taken on the basis of ‘absolute consensus’ between
members of the KP monitoring group.
10 June 2010
Last week an informal meeting of donor countries
labeled ‘Friends of Zimbabwe’ was urged to support foreign based media outlets,
the constitution making process and civil society groups, working to safeguard
people’s rights. One of the groups that travelled to Norway for the meeting and
put forward their recommendations was the Zimbabwe Europe Network. Lance speaks
to its coordinator, Tor Olsen, and finds out how they want donors to deal with
the coalition government.
Callback
Tichaona says Mugabe has been in power for far too
long and has now established what he describes as ‘a legacy of
non-inheritance.’ He says when people have clearly rejected their government,
as Zimbabweans did in 2008, they should go and not attempt to fool the people and
prolong their stay in the guise of a ‘coalition government.’ And, Shumba says
the morale of Zimbabweans is very low because of the failure of the
constitution-making process to take off.
The Heart of the Matter
Tanonoka writes, “The people are under siege in
Zimbabwe and yet they are being asked to come up with a new constitution while
they are in the shackles of repressive laws such as the Public Order and
Security Act. I do not know what, if any, strength the MDC has but it is
beginning to look like they are just there to watch ZANU-PF doing as they like.
It is therefore a surprise to me that the MDC is still
pursuing efforts to hold talks with Mugabe over the so-called outstanding
issues.”
SW Radio Africa (listen on 4880kHz in Southern Africa)
+44 208 3871417
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http://www.swradioafrica.com
PRESS STATEMENT
Commercial Farmers’ Union of Zimbabwe
10 June 2010
The Commercial Farmers Union is gravely concerned with the recent continued harassment of productive farmers and the failure of Zimbabwe Republic Police to render appropriate assistance in spite of High Court Orders for farmers to remain in occupation
Particular events reported to these offices include the following:
1. Manicaland
– a farmer’s wife was barricaded into her house in the early hours of Tuesday 8th
June 2010 and subsequently given 4 hours to vacate the property. She is
in possession of a High Court Order to remain in occupation.
2. Manicaland
– a farmer was removed from his property over the weekend, his equipment has
been vandalized and the farm foreman was beaten unconscious last night.
The farmer is in possession of a High Court Order to remain in occupation.
3. Manicaland
– a farmer in possession of a High Court Order to remain in occupation has been
subjected to a long lock-down situation with alleged police protection for an
orgy of looting of equipment, farm inputs and crops.
4. Manicaland
– The owners are in possession of a High Court Order for the settlers to be
removed. This is a BIPPA farm with Malaysia. It is alleged that a
prominent Minister has visited the property and informed all settlers to remain
in occupation and that all High Court orders must be ignored.
5. Mashonaland
East – An elderly woman has been removed from her homestead on her
daughter-in-law’s farm who has since been told that she is to vacate by
Thursday this week. It has been proven that the beneficiary’s offer
letter is not correct. The farmer is in possession of a High Court Order
to remain in occupation.
The above incidents are not
happening in isolation and that similar events have unfolded all over the
country which are currently being investigated.
These events have been driven by statements allegedly emanating from a prominent politician who has instructed beneficiaries and officials to disregard Court Orders. Beneficiaries have been allowed to take the law into their own hands to evict farmers without due process. Both farmers and the office of the CFU have received no support from the relevant police stations in affected areas. This constitutes a blatant break down of law and order and the enforcement of High Court Orders and BIPPA agreements.
We are concerned that at a time that Zimbabwe wishes to re-engage with the international community and encourage investment, that these breaches of the rule of law will drive Zimbabwe into further isolation. This will further erode both local and foreign investor confidence and jeopardize economic recovery.
This
accelerated disruption is happening in Zimbabwe at a time when international
attention is focused on southern Africa for the Soccer World Cup which is due
to start this weekend – Friday 11 June 2010. Is this the kind of
attention Zimbabwe wishes to draw to the country at this time?
Production
statistics – wheat and maize
Zimbabwe normally produces between 390 000 and 450 000 tonnes of winter wheat. Predictions for this current winter program indicate that the country will only produce in the region of 10 000 tonnes of wheat.
The maize requirement is 1,8 to 2
million tonnes annually. This year’s estimates indicate the country as a
whole has only produced between 700 – 800 000 tonnes maize.
The
International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC) has
warned of impending widespread hunger and says hundreds of thousands of more
Zimbabweans will be in need of urgent food assistance.
According to
the most recent figures, a conservative estimate of 2.17 million Zimbabweans
currently need food aid.
ENDS
For further
information:
Hendrik
Olivier
Chief
Executive Officer
Commercial
Farmers’ Union
Phone :
+263 4 309 800 (Harare)
Cell
: +263 912 235 640
Charles
Taffs
Vice
President
Commercial
Farmers’ Union
Phone :
+263 4 309 800
Cell
: +263 912 284 847
Deon Theron
President
Commercial
Farmers’ Union
Phone :
+263 4 309 800
Cell
: +263 912 246 233
SA Cell :
072 109 0125 - currently in South Africa
Last week SW Radio Africa journalist
Lance Guma spoke to the Zimbabwean ambassador to Australia, Jacqueline
Zwambila. She was one of five ambassadors from the MDC parties in the coalition
government, posted to serve in different countries. Zwambila talks about her
work at the Embassy, Australia’s position on the targeted sanctions and some of
the challenges she has faced so far.
Interview
broadcast 03 June 2010
Lance Guma: Maswera sei mhuri ye Zimbabwe, zita
rangu ndinoitwa Lance Guma. Five new ambassadors from the two MDC formations in
the inclusive government were appointed to serve in different countries. As you
will be aware in this five part series on Behind the Headlines, we speak to all
five ambassadors – that’s Hebson Makuvise in Germany, Hilda Suka-Mafudze in
Sudan, Trudy Stevenson in Senegal, Jacqueline Zwambila in Australia and Mabed
Ngulani in Nigeria. This week we are down under in Australia, speaking to
Ambassador Zwambila. Thank you for joining us Ambassador.
Jacqueline
Zwambila: Thank you Lance, how are you?
Guma: I’m OK. First question obviously –
how are you finding life in Australia?
Zwambila: Well I arrived here on the 19th
of February (2010), I was one of the first new ambassadors to leave Zimbabwe to
take up a post. I presented my credentials on the 4th of March and
so officially took my position as ambassador to Australia for Zimbabwe on the 4th
of March 2010. It has been absolutely fantastic in terms of being in this new
position, it’s a very new experience and there are challenges and also wonderful
learning experiences.
Guma: The waiting period must have been
quite torturous, I mean I spoke to the other ambassadors and they said for
months you were doing nothing, not earning a salary and it got pretty difficult
for some of them.
Zwambila: Yes I think that’s just the
generality of being Zimbabwean, I think the whole of Zimbabwe is actually in
that kind of situation even the time we were there and all part of the
processes of having to be where we want to be. Of course it was a challenge but
we did the training and we were in Foreign Affairs and eventually we did get
allowances, like everyone else, I think you do know that civil servants in
Zimbabwe are only getting about just under two hundred dollars so we were in
the same boat.
Guma: Are there many Zimbabweans in
Australia and if so, what are most of them doing?
Zwambila: There are roughly about 30 000
Zimbabweans in Australia – can you believe it?
Guma: Hmm – that’s a lot.
Zwambila: So it’s a very big community. I’ve
been very privileged that I’ve been able to, one of the duties which I do is to
meet Zimbabweans, they are the first stakeholder I think at the Embassy. I’ve
already been to Sydney to meet Zimbabweans. They’ve got associations, the
Zimbabwe Association in Sydney, I was there in March. I’ve been to Adelaide to
meet Zimbabweans where we held, Zimbabweans here hold a soccer tournament every
Easter, so there I was able to meet Zimbabweans from all over Australia.
It was amazing, with their families,
it was a beautiful weekend and also I’ve been to Melbourne where, that was on
the, they had a National Day dinner which they held and invited me there. So
already I’ve been able to go around and meet Zimbabweans and explain what’s
going on at home and also listening to their issues as being in the Diaspora.
It’s been absolutely fantastic.
Guma: Now from the training you received
from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to the actual posting, it represents quite
a transition for people like you who were formerly in the opposition. Can you
describe for us how that transition has gone? How are you finding it?
Zwambila: Well being an ambassador means that
you represent all people of Zimbabwe. You carry the flag of Zimbabwe which has
got the good and which has got the bad and you as the ambassador are meant to
represent all these issues and represent Zimbabweans in your host country and
which is what I’m trying to do.
Guma: And it must be difficult being an
ambassador in a government that has three political parties, do you ever find
yourself caught between speaking on behalf of your party and speaking on behalf
of the country as an ambassador, because let’s face it, all the ambassadors the
world over from Zimbabwe belong to a different political party so you might not
necessarily think the same on national issues?
Zwambila: It’s a very big balancing act. I
think that is a fact but at the end of the day, as ambassador you have to
represent what is happening in your government and the government has got three
principals from three different parties and again as an ambassador you… the
mandate really for us here is to re-engage our, the way our host country and so
by re-engaging we need to talk to our, for example I’m in Australia, talk to
the Australian government to tell them about the challenges and the progress of
what is happening back home and so basically, that is what I have been doing.
Guma: Now let’s look at the issues of
promoting the country where you are and your work in its entirety. How
difficult is it, given that the coalition government back home has not resolved
all the outstanding issues? Does that not pose complexities for you?
Zwambila: Well what you talk about is the job
of the three principals back home; I’m here to say what has been done and that
progress and that is what I do.
Guma: Australia, just like the European
Union and United States slapped travel and financial sanctions on members of
the Mugabe regime and how complicated does that make your job as an ambassador
particularly given that you are from the MDC and you are in a country that has
put in place these measures, which have not been put by your party but by the
country where you have been posted so how does that make life for you?
Zwambila: Well that position of Australia has
been there long before I came to this country and so they will make their
decisions as to what they institute, what they want to do about Zimbabwe but I
can say as a fact that Australia was one of the countries which gave aid to
Zimbabwe, was one of the first countries to give aid to Zimbabwe in the new inclusive
Global Political Agreement and I think to the tune of about thirty million in
water, sanitation, health etcetera with the cholera we had and they’ve
continued to do that. and they have actually had a shift of position where they
are now, they made a statement, they’ve increased the aid to Zimbabwe and they
will be now looking at funding government ministries which they want to fund.
Guma: OK so that represents a partial
lifting of some of those measures, is that what you are saying?
Zwambila: Yes it is basically but from, but
it’s not up to me to be able to say to them who they give, how much money, I
think at the end of the day they are the ones who are funding but I think it’s
significant to note that they have shifted position because first of all it was
only donor money, now they are looking at also funding ministries.
Guma: Right we understand recently there
was a National Day event in Australia, can you tell us about that and what
happened and some of the work you are doing there also?
Zwambila: Well it was a wonderful day which we
had, the objective of the exercise was to say Zimbabwe is open for business and
we had a reception at the residence and we invited the people of the diplomatic
community, government and Zimbabweans and other associations and etcetera. We
had a very big showing, in total about 150 people at the residence and it was a
very well attended event and it really showed that Zimbabwe was open for
business. And also it was a day where with that kind, with the audience which was
there, to explain to them the progress which has happened in Zimbabwe and the
challenges still facing Zimbabwe and that was the message which was imparted.
Guma: What sort of opportunities would you
say Australia can present for Zimbabwean businesses, that sort of thing in
terms of the economic arena? I mean would you say you have picked up anything
that you think that Zimbabweans listening to this programme would say – you
know what, that represents an opportunity for export or things like that?
Zwambila: Well you know America is one of the
biggest mining countries, we do already have some I think Australian mining
companies in Zimbabwe. On the 1st of September Australia is hosting
the Africa Down Under Mining Indaba, we’re hopeful that our government will be
invited to come and attend that function so we are still waiting for that
opportunity, so I think in mining in terms of scholarships and things which can
help, you know to be given to people to do mining I think there are
opportunities there which will be nice to work on.
And tourism again is a very big
issue. Australians love traveling, we already have a lot of Australians who
come to Zimbabwe and we’d like to increase that mileage of Australians. You
know we had Consular work, one of our biggest workloads here is the Consular
Services where we issue visas, we issue Zimbabwean documentation and we’re
getting a lot of Australians coming to get visas to come to Zimbabwe which is a
good sign.
Guma: And obviously the Embassy will
include in terms of its staff compliment, people from different political
parties – how is the interaction between people from different parties – ZANU
PF, MDC and the like within the Embassy? How would you describe the relations?
Zwambila: Well I believe that I run a
professional team, I believe that I know when I did the stint at Foreign
Affairs before I came to my position, I went there with a lot of very
professional people and I’d like to believe that that professionalism is also
here in my office. I cannot talk on the personalities, I think personalities
are totally different from being professional on the job and when we talk of
professionalism on the job, it’s there.
Guma: OK, my final question for you
Ambassador, people know the whole concept of an embassy in general but apart
from the processing of visas that you were talking about, what else does the
embassy do, in case there are those who are listening who are in Australia and
they might not know some of the services that you offer there are. Could you
maybe tell us what else you do?
Zwambila: As I said, we issue all documentation
for Zimbabweans who are in Australia, we for example, for passports, we don’t
necessarily issue passports here in Australia but we do the documentation for
you then to be able to take your documentation to Zimbabwe or we send it to
Zimbabwe for you and then you wait to get your passport. We also do the
documentation for birth certificates, we have new babies, new Zimbabwean babies
being born in Australia which is wonderful, we are growing as a nation and we
do those.
We also do like for example, police
certificates, you know for when people might need police clearances and we send
those to Zimbabwe for them. So basically we are a document processing warehouse
which we then send those documents to Zimbabwe, but we do offer on site
temporary passports. You know the temporary passport, in case something has
happened to your passport, for you as a Zimbabwean to be able to go back home
and come back. Those are basically, and also the other thing of course, issuing
visas to Australians and other nationalities who want to visit Zimbabwe, we
issue those on site at the Embassy in Canberra.
My other duties involve paying
courtesy calls to the diplomatic community. So far I think I’ve done 24, I’m
starting with of course the African diplomats as we are part of the AU (African
Union) and the family. We actually held the Africa Day celebration where all
African Heads of Mission hosted an Africa Day where Kevin Smith was the guest
and that’s where he actually announced that Australia will be opening a new
Embassy under the auspices of the AU in Addis Ababa which was the message he
was giving us there. So, and also meeting government officials etcetera so it’s
quite a packed week which I do have.
Guma: And with the African diplomats that
you meet, is there a difference in perception between diplomats from the West
and those from Africa in terms of how they understand the Zimbabwean problem
and what the country has gone through? Would you say there are major
differences?
Zwambila: I don’t think so, I don’t think so.
Also again it’s about I think some of the Ambassadors, remember we are very far
away, like for example, the other Ambassadors are not necessarily involved in
the Zimbabwean situation so it is always nice to explain what is going on in
Zimbabwe and with the African diplomats – they are our brothers – they have
always known what is going on in Zimbabwe, so that probably would be the
difference but generally Zimbabwe is a country, the issues in Zimbabwe are
quite well known so there’s not really a difference. But with the diplomatic
community, I think we are all, they are all good friends which is great.
Guma: Well that was the Zimbabwean
Ambassador to Australia Jacqueline Zwambila joining us on Behind the Headlines.
Ambassador thank you so much for taking time to talk to us.
Zwambila: Before I go I would like to say
“Hello Chegutu, how are you? I miss you. Unoziva Chegutu ndiko kwandinobva,
Kumusha kwangu ku Msengezi (Chegutu is my home area, that’s where I come from)
and I hope you are all well and I really do miss you.”
Feedback can be sent to lance@swradioafrica.com
or http://twitter.com/lanceguma
SW Radio
Africa is Zimbabwe’s Independent Voice and broadcasts on Short Wave 4880 KHz in
the 60m band.
South African Resource Watch
Johannesburg 9 June 2010
The Southern Africa Resource Watch (SARW)
condemns the arrest and persecution of Human rights and economic justice
activists in Zimbabwe.
SARW calls on the government of Zimbabwe
to immediately release human rights defender, Farai Maguwu and refrain from any
further arrests.
Farai Maguwu, director of the Mutare-based Centre for Research and
Development (CRD) is a prominent economic justice
activist fighting to protect the rights of people of Marange whose rights are
being violated through illegal extraction and trade in diamonds. His arrest
followed the meeting he held on 25 May2010 with Kimberley Process
Monitor for Zimbabwe, Abbey Chikane, to discuss human rights abuses and the
rampant smuggling of Marange diamonds.
While we appreciate efforts by all parties
to make the Global Political Agreement work, it will be appropriate for the
Zimbabwe government to show its seriousness about transformation by releasing
Mr. Maguwu. The detention of Maguwu since the 3 June is contrary to the spirit
of a new democratic Zimbabwe that we all want to build.
The illegal trade of diamonds in Marange is accompanied by serious human
rights violations. The unregulated diamond trade is a threat to the economic
interests of Zimbabwe, and in turn to the wellbeing of the people of Zimbabwe.
The work being done by Mr. Maguwu and others is therefore important in
ensuring that there is transparency and accountability in the extraction and
commercialization of minerals in Zimbabwe.
A better coordinated diamond industry will contribute immensely to a
quick recovery of the Zimbabwean economy. Mr Maguwu’s arrest therefore is not
in the interest of the country and its citizens.
SARW calls on the government to release Mr Maguwu and to institute a
commission of enquiry into illegal diamond trade, mining related violence, and
human rights abuses in Marange.
Zimbabwe Weekly
update – Number 21
Week ending
Tuesday 1 June 2010
Posted by ZDN
He said
his constituency believes that some politicians have corruptly amassed wealth
outside of the public scrutiny.
Zimbabwe
would only play the role of being a transporter of power from other countries
to South Africa, he said.
Source: Zimbabwe Democracy Now
Click
here for back copies of the Zimbabwe Weekly Update
Zimbabwe Weekly
update – week ending Tuesday 8 June 2010
Posted by ZDN
on June 8, 2010
Source: Zimbabwe Democracy Now
Click here for back copies
of the Zimbabwe Weekly Update
Zimbabwe Independent
Thursday, 10 June 2010 17:14
A
FORTNIGHT ago, when Impala Platinum quietly announced that it is to move ahead
with the Phase 2 expansion at 87% held Zimplats, at a cost of US$500 million,
more than a few investors scratched their heads. Phase 1 has been a roaring
success, including its ranking as one of the lowest cost platinum producers in
the world, sitting, to boot, on huge reserves.
A few days
later, Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe told the annual general meeting of the
Zimbabwe Chamber of Mines that “government has no intention of expropriating
the mining industry. No mine has been nationalised since Independence”.
On the
contrary, Mugabe, one of the continent’s more belligerent leaders, infamous for
land grabs, declared that “recapitalisation of the mining industry remains an
immediate imperative”.
No doubt
more than a few investors will continue scratching their heads, but Mugabe is
apparently bending over in several directions to reassure investors. Government
is exploring, said Mugabe, “the path of profitable partnerships and joint
venture initiatives with foreign investors in the mining sector. It is our
belief that this situation has the potential for a sustainable win-win
partnership”.
Aquarius
Platinum is also well-established as a miner in the country; several more
platinum projects owned by other operators are moving towards mine builds. A
number of Zimbabwean politicians, assisted by various promoters, are
increasingly keen to draw a line between Zimbabwe’s realities, and perceptions
of those realities.
One
reality is that dozens of mines — gold was discovered in the 1880s — across a
richly endowed landscape are in tatters, on a combination of power shortages,
huge shortfalls in foreign currency, logistical failures, shattered
infrastructure, and plain neglect. But opportunities there are aplenty.
The key to
unlocking the opportunities lies in flexibility, now patently adopted by
Zimbabwe, in legislation. In his speech, Mugabe said that government has
“accepted the principle of empowerment credits” as an integral component of the
51% equity that Zimbabwean citizens are required, on the face of it, to hold in
enterprises where foreign investors are present.
Mugabe
said he was “amazed by the rush of negative publicity towards this policy of
indigenisation when in fact the regulations provide for flexibility where
necessary”.
So-called
credits are initiatives that, if recognised, allow the foreign investing mining
company to claim against the 51% requirement. Mugabe said that “premier
initiatives that qualify for empowerment credits” include the areas of (local)
procurement, capacitating industries, and fostering new companies owned by
indigenous persons.
Further
credits can be claimed for corporate social investment in communities, which
“creates a visible platform for local empowerment, thus achieving broad-based
and transformative empowerment”. Credits are also available for initiatives
such as construction of dams and irrigation schemes, and approved scholarship
and skills development programmes.
Mugabe cited
Zimplats’ social investment of building roads, schools, clinics and the fibre
optic link to Norton and Ngezi. Victor Gapare, president of the Zimbabwe mines
chamber, explains that the Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment regulations
gazetted in January 2010 “states that in return for achieving certain socially
and economically desirable objectives, a business may be allowed to have
indigenous ownership at a lower percentage than 51%”.
There are
already case studies available from recent transactions. On May 19, Rio Tinto
Zimbabwe (RioZim), a unit of transnational mining giant Rio Tinto, announced
the decision to proceed, at a cost of around US$300m, with the expansion of the
Murowa diamond project.
This
followed a restructuring of shareholdings; Rio Tinto will now own a direct 78%
interest in the Murowa diamond project; RioZim will become an independent
Zimbabwean controlled company owning the remaining 22% of Murowa.
Rio Tinto
will cease to be an ordinary shareholder in RioZim, but will retain a reduced
cash participation in RioZim’s assets, other than the Murowa diamond project,
for a period of 10 years. Clearly, Rio Tinto was satisfied that the landscape
was sorted before these announcements.
Meanwhile,
there is firm evidence that Zimbabwe is taking serious action to stamp out the
wild, substantial, and illegal flow of diamonds from Marange, in the east of
the country. The deposit is held, nominally, by London-listed African
Consolidated Resources; its interests span Zimbabwe, in gold, platinum, nickel,
and rock phosphates.
Zimbabwe’s
formal mining sector employs some 45 000 people, contributes around 50% of
exports, and comprises nearly 20% of GDP. Mining is, therefore, argues Mugabe,
“deservedly a key sector providing impetus for growth and economic
development”.
Mugabe
left no uncertainties about government’s painful knowledge that recurring power
outages continued to impact heavily on the whole economy. “I wish to inform
this meeting that several power projects requiring new investors are pending,
including the Hwange power Stations 7 and 8, Kariba and Batoka. In addition,
government will institute the necessary energy sector reforms required for
attracting new investment in that sector”. — mineweb.com
Barry
Sergeant
Zimbabwe Independent
Thursday, 10 June 2010 17:11
DEPUTY
Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara has been quoted in various media as having said
that there might not be a need for elections next year. His reason for
saying this, as reported, is that he believes Zimbabwe is not ready.
Perhaps he
should say that it is the inclusive government, and not necessarily
Zimbabweans, who are not ready. In fact Zimbabweans have always been
ready for a free and fair election. It has just never happened since
1980. As a result, we have learnt to live with governments that are not
as legitimate as expected, hence our being saddled with at least two negotiated
governments since our Independence. The one government was formed in 1987
between Zanu PF and PF Zapu and the latest being the tripartite
government negotiated by Sadc.
It is
however the latter government that is of significance in the current political
discourse. This is because it is scheduled to hold elections by latest, 2011.
Or at least so we are told. Of its three principals, Mutambara has been
the most vocal in insisting that they are not in a position to hold these
elections. President Robert Mugabe has talked of the same in a manner that
seems more a threat than a democratic possibility, while Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai has generally referred to them as a given in 2011.
Regardless
of the positions of the three political parties in government, an examination
of public sentiment would probably result in a call for elections but under a
democratic framework. This framework would include issues such as the
establishment of an independent electoral commission and international observer
missions. It is a position shared by civic society organisations and some
of the main political actors. The question that is yet to be adequately
addressed is when can these ambitions become a reality?
When the
inclusive government was formed, the intention was that it would be a
transitional government. Its key performance mandates were to establish a
new democratic constitution, hold democratic elections in terms of that new
constitution as well as stabilise the national economy and re-establish social
stability. All of this was to be done within, at most, 24 months.
Over half of the envisioned time has elapsed and no real progress has been made
on all four major tasks of the inclusive government. And in particular,
no meaningful progress has been made either on the constitutional or electoral
reform process.
What has
been achieved is the establishment of bodies such as Copac and the Electoral
Commission without a clear understanding of what their roles in leading to a
democratic free and fair election are. If one takes the example of Copac,
there is more in-fighting over resources than there is any real progress or
articulation of the transitional agenda of the inclusive government. And
where one examines the significance of the Electoral Commission, its functions
remain largely unchanged because there has been no democratic amendment of the
Electoral Act. And it does not seem likely that such amendments will take
place given the fact that the main disputes were about the personalities
running the commissions, most of whom have since been replaced.
And then
there is the rather complicated issue of the term of office of parliament
which, judging from the statements that have appeared in the media, does not
even begin to consider itself a transitional parliament. A number of MPs
have privately indicated their unwillingness to subject themselves to an
electoral process until 2013. But as has been the case with a number of
constitutional amendments in the recent past, they can always be whipped into
submission.
Given this
state of affairs, it would be reasonable to assume that there are going to be a
number of problems with the holding of elections next year. And these primarily
hinge on the lack of time to complete a decent constitutional reform process,
hold a national referendum and negotiate adequately with Zanu PF to democratise
the electoral system.
Is it
possible for all of these to be done by May 2011? It will depend largely
on the ability of the three political principals to fast-track political
processes that will, if it occurs, further compromise any notions of a
transparent transition to democracy. The risk will become that of another
potential global political agreement.
In
essence, the inclusive government is faced with the task of seeking to
negotiate its way to an election that none of the principals wants to
lose. Yet they have done little to ensure a change from the violent
political culture that attends to elections, have made little progress on the
constitution and have an undemocratic electoral system which they have barely
begun to dismantle.
There
should be a more honest analysis of these suggested elections, and their
political meaning to the people of Zimbabwe. To be overly political about their
occurrence without being frank about our ability to make them truly democratic
is to be dishonest with the citizens of our country.
The
inclusive government, civil society and whoever else intends to ensure that
these elections occur need to revise the manner in which they are undertaking
the constitutional and electoral reform processes. On the former, they
must make it people-driven or call a spade a spade and re-negotiate Kariba
without being dishonest with the people. They must desist from arguing
about the personalities who make up the electoral and other commissions and
deal with the particular laws and systems that enable these statutory bodies to
exist. And, as a final point, it is not necessarily about timetables but
substantive reforms that are undertaken prior to May 2011.
lZhangazha
is a political analyst based in Harare.
By Takura
Zhangazha
Zimbabwe Independent
Thursday, 10 June 2010 17:58
ZIMBABWE
and South Africa are ranked among the least peaceful societies in the world,
the Global Peace Index (GPI) has said.
In its
report for 2010, GPI ranked Zimbabwe 135th and its southern neighbour 121st,
out of the 149 countries that were ranked, with Botswana taking position 33.
Zimbabwe
is still politically unstable, GPI said, when one looked at the “degree to
which political institutions are sufficiently stable to support the needs of
its citizens, businesses and overseas investors.”
Zimbabwe
has since the turn of the century been scoring low on most of the indicators
cited under GPI and this has seen the country’s rankings in many indices
dropping.
The
country’s human rights record once again proved one of the major areas of
concern as it scored 4,5 out of 5, which is a very dangerous level closer to
that of countries in a war situation.
GPI noted
that the country scored 4 out of 5 in terms of organised conflict, number of
homicides per 100 000 people and level of violent crime. Scoring a 5 means the
country’s ranking is the most undesirable while a 1 is the ideal situation.
There is a
relatively high likelihood of violent demonstrations, GPI noted, as Zimbabwe
scored 3 out of 5.
In terms
of peace, the country scored 1. Zimbabwe’s military sophistication, a
qualitative assessment of the grade of equipment used and the extent of
military research and development, also ranked 2 out of 5.
Zimbabwe’s
chilled relations with neighbouring countries were also noted as it scored 3
out of 5. This is mainly a result of the country’s diplomatic rows with
Botswana over a number of issues including treatment of Zimbabweans in its
western neighbour and alleged internal interference in its political affairs by
Botswana, especially by the president Ian Khama.
In
addition to the Economist Intelligence Unit, other organisations engaged in the
study include the United Nations Survey of Criminal Trends and Operations of
Criminal Justice Systems, International Institute for Strategic Studies,
University of Uppsala Conflict Data Programme, Stockholm International Peace
Research Institute, Bonn International Centre for Conversion and the
International Centre for Prisons Studies.
In coming
up with the ranking for a particular country, GPI looked at indicators which
include factors such as levels of violence and crime, political stability,
respect for human rights and the rule of law.
Indicators
which were looked at include potential for terrorist acts, likelihood of
violent demonstrations, access to weapons, international standing and civilian
control over the military.
GPI has
also used an updated secondary dataset of 33 indicators measuring quality of
life and good governance that attempt to gauge democracy, government competence
and efficacy, the strength of institutions and the political process.
Other
indicators in the updated secondary database include international openness;
demographics, regional integration, respect for religion and culture; education
and material well-being. The Global Peace Index is maintained by the Institute
for Economics and Peace and developed in consultation with an international
panel of experts with data collected and analysed by the Economist Intelligence
Unit.
In coming
up with its annual reports, GPI tests its index against a broad range of
“drivers” or potential determinants of peace, including levels of democracy and
transparency, education and material wellbeing, which were collected from such
additional sources as Amnesty International, the World Bank and Reporters
without Frontiers.
The Global
Peace Index was originally the brainchild of Australian entrepreneur and
philanthropist Steve Killelea, and it has been endorsed by such individuals
as Kofi Annan, the Dalai Lama, Archbishop Desmond Tutu, economist Jeffrey
Sachs, and Nobel Laureates such as Martti Ahtisaari, Mary Robinson and Jimmy
Carter.
Leonard
Makombe
Zimbabwe Independent
Thursday, 10 June 2010 17:32
THE
International Monetary Fund (IMF) sees Zimbabwe’s domestic and foreign debt
increasing by US$1 billion to US$8,6 billion by year-end.
The debt
will be close to thrice the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) estimated at US$3,5
billion.
The huge
debt — which will result in high future taxes if the country’s major sectors of
the economy do not start performing against a background of inadequate foreign
aid, investment and lack of creditworthiness — is made up of US$7,6 billion and
US$1 billion in foreign and domestic debt.
With a
debt of US$8,6 billion and an estimated population of 14 million, it means
every Zimbabwean would now owe local and foreign creditors US$614.
According
to the Consumer Council of Zimbabwe, a low income urban family of six needs
US$481 to survive the whole month.
On average
most Zimbabweans live on US$5 daily, which translates to US$150 a month.
Commenting
on the projections, economist Brains Muchemwa told businessdigest this week
said it was important to consider the ability of government to generate future
revenue to offset this huge debt.
“The
ability of the Zimbabwean government to service its debt is a function of the
vibrancy of its revenue model, implying therefore that the economy must keep
growing, broadening the tax base whilst a rational civil service reform needs
to be implemented to conserve cash and improve the debt servicing,’ he said.
Muchemwa
said disposal and commercialisation of loss-making parastatals needs to be
prioritised, and equally, the tightly regulated industries such as the
telecommunications needed to be further liberalised so that
government generates more revenue from taxation.
“The
stone-age mentality of having tightly regulated industries for no-one’s benefit
except the operators is retrogressive and should not be government policy,” he
said.
Last year,
Finance minister Tendai Biti said Zimbabwe required US$8,5 billion in three
years to fund economic recovery after a decade of recession. The IMF said while
positive signals showing prospects for recovery had been registered since 2009,
growth prospects remained bleak because Zimbabwe remained entangled in a
plethora of constraints requiring decisive actions.
“The
outlook for 2010 is highly uncertain,” the IMF said on Tuesday. “Zimbabwe is in
debt distress. Sound policies and good governance will be critical to pave way
for eventual debt relief and access to donor financing... directors strongly
encouraged authorities to improve their co-operation with the Fund on policies
and payments.”
The IMF
added: “Large budgetary wage increases crowding out growth-oriented
expenditures, a significant slowdown in private capital inflows because of
increased uncertainties about the indigenisation process, and strong credit
growth have intensified external and banking system vulnerabilities.”
Lance
Mambondiani, an investment executive at Coronation Financial, this week said
the total debt as a percentage of GDP is more than 150% and the Net Present
Value (NPV) of our debt to export is over 250%, meaning the debt was two and
half times greater than the total value of the country’s exports.
“Based on
these figures alone, whichever superlative you choose, the country is poor and
highly indebted and requires the support of the international community,” he
said.
Mambondiani
said it is almost unpalatable that at a critical time of stabilisation, the
choice was between servicing our foreign debt and feeding the people,
rebuilding infrastructure, paying civil servants, putting more medicines in
hospitals or restoring industry and agricultural capacity.
He said
re-integrating Zimbabwe into the world economy must include debt rescheduling
either under the Highly Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) plan or outside the HIPC
initiative, which will involve a formal deferment of debt service payments and
the application of new and extended maturities to the deferred amount until the
economic conditions in the country have improved.
“If we are
to compare the total debt to revenue figures averaging US$60 million and
assuming that government had no other expenditure except pay the debt, it would
still take the country more than a decade to fully service its external debt,”
Mambondiani said.
Zimbabwe
Coalition on Debt and Development chairperson Rutendo Hadebe said there was
need for a comprehensive audit of the debt rather than the country’s
participation in the HIPC Initiative.
“Zimbabwe
should find other solutions before adopting HIPC. Zimbabwe could qualify as a
HIPC (but) measures such as mandatory privatisation of state enterprises,
adopting an economic adjustment programme and other such pre-requisites could
be more harmful to the economy,” he said.
Hadebe
said the HIPC initiative is a long, fraught process which is tied to a whole
range of sometimes controversial macroeconomic policy conditions.
The
average time for completion of the programme has been six to seven years, which
means debt cancellation takes a long time.
“Zimbabwe
will also have to meet its external debt service obligations as a supposed sign
of goodwill once it starts the initiative which will mean that ironically,
there will be a significant increase in the external debt service burden over
the short-term,” he said.
Paul
Nyakazeya
Zimbabwe Independent
Thursday, 10 June 2010 17:47
ZIMBABWE
lost its first tri-nations series on home soil in eight years due to poor
batting in the Micromax series final despite putting up great performances
against Sri Lanka and India.
Some of
Zimbabwe’s batsmen such as Brendan Taylor and Hamilton Masakadza displayed
commendable levels of maturity and consistency in the One Day International
(ODI) Series.
For
instance, in the ODI series against West Indies in February the Zimbabwe
batsmen failed to record high totals with Hamilton Masakadza managing 49 runs
in a five ODI Series, which Zimbabwe lost 4-1. In the Micromax series, Zimbabwe
batsmen managed to have consistency with Masakadza and Brendan Taylor being the
pacemakers in the partnerships.
After
winning their first match in Bulawayo Zimbabwe found consistency, only losing
one match in the other three matches.
With Sri
Lanka ranked sixth and India third in the world in ODI matches, this was a
tough task but credit to the bowlers and the good fielding by players who managed
to restrict their opponents to manageable run totals and the highest chase of
285 against India. Zimbabwe could not chase 206 runs in the West Indies.
Zimbabwe
cruised through to the final in a tournament involving Test playing nations.
There was
a huge crowd at the final played at Harare Sports Club with Zimbabwean fans
hoping for a rare triumph after the team’s good perfomances.
Meanwhile,
Zimbabwe’s Brendan Taylor, the most experienced batsman in the team, was
awarded the man of the series and won three Man of the Match awards in the
series. He was the second highest batsman with 295 runs in the series and
pocketed US$7 500 in the tournament. During the tournament he managed to set a
new personal best of 119 runs.
In an
interview, Taylor said: “My success in the series was through hard work and the
input of Dave Houghton and the coach; it has been fantastic winning the man of
the match three times. Credit goes to the team without whom I would not have
gone through partnerships.
In the
matches my plan was to be relaxed as much as possible and take each ball as it
comes. It was a wonderful tournament for me.”
India and
Zimbabwe will play in two Twenty20 matches over the weekend and India would
want to bounce back from their defeats. The Indians would use the experience
they gained from the IPL League in India where Twenty20 matches were played and
there was stiff competition.
Ashley
Muromo
Zimbabwe Independent
Thursday, 10 June 2010 20:16
CABINET
ministers have clashed over the controversial Chiadzwa diamond mining
activities and secret sales of gems by state-run agencies which have only given
government a paltry US$800 000 despite reaping tens of millions of dollars that
cannot be accounted for by the Treasury.
The fight
by ministers at a meeting at Munhumutapa Building, Harare, last week brought to
the fore the shady diamond mining deals in Marange — from which Treasury could
have been prejudiced of millions in hard currency —and accusations of
smuggling and theft at the diamond fields.
Last week
on Tuesday ministers from Zanu PF and MDC-T fiercely clashed at a meeting over
the Chiadzwa diamond deals, leaving government badly fractured and divided over
the hotly-contested issue.
Sources
close to the meeting said the battle over diamonds mainly pitted Finance
minister Tendai Biti against his Mines counterpart Obert Mpofu. The sources
said others who joined the fray included Co-Home Affairs minister Giles Mutsekwa
and Public Works minister Theresa Makone on Biti’s side. Youth minister Saviour
Kasukuwere and his Women’s Affairs counterpart Olivia Muchena joined forces in
a bid to rescue Mpofu who was under siege from the firebrand head of the
Exchequer.
“So intense
was the debate over diamonds that Mpofu was forced to go to the restroom
(toilet) at least five times during the course of the meeting,” one source
said.
“There was
war between the ministers over the diamonds issue,” the source said. “Mpofu was
fiercely attacked for failing to explain convincingly what was going on at
Chiadzwa. There are all sorts of things happening there such as the corrupt
allocation of mining contracts, secret sales of diamonds and the failure to
declare proceeds and even smuggling. Mpofu was grilled over all this.”
Sources
said Mpofu presented a report on what was happening at the Chiadzwa fields but
did not account on many issues which have been bothering ministers for a
longtime.
The
parliamentary portfolio committee on Mines and Energy has been investigating
the goings-on at Marange but was largely frustrated by President Robert
Mugabe’s cronies in government.
After
Mpofu’s presentation, described by sources as an attempt to whitewash shady
happenings at Chiadzwa, other ministers immediately responded, supporting and
countering Mpofu.
Sources
said Biti grabbed the issue by the scruff of the neck, combating Mpofu at every
turn and in the heat of the battle forcing him to leave the meeting at least
five times. Biti demanded to know what exactly was going on at Chiadzwa.
“It was an
open conflict mainly between Biti and Mpofu. During the proceedings Mpofu left
the meeting at least five times going to the toilet,” a source said.
Sources
said Biti insisted Mpofu should account for all diamond sales and produce
relevant documents on the exports, including CD1 forms. He also wanted to know
why cabinet has been kept in the dark and even misled on the diamond mining
activities.
Biti’s remarks
were in line with the MDC-T’s position on the Chiadzwa diamonds. The MDC-T has
complained of “lack of transparency and due process in the handling of diamonds
at Chiadzwa and in the granting of concessions and mining rights”. It has also
said that the “concessions and mining rights in Chiadzwa should be granted on
the principle of transparency and openness involving public auctioning or
public tender processes carried out by an independent authority”.
The MDC-T
has demanded that “all income from Chiadzwa should be accounted for
transparently to the State to enable the same to attend to capital and
recurrent expenditure and in particular the adequate remuneration of civil
servants”.
However,
Zanu PF central committee member and former Information minister Jonathan Moyo
yesterday hit back at the MDC-T, saying their position was either “malicious or
ignorant”. He accused the party of “peddling falsehoods about Chiadzwa
diamonds”.
“The
persistent but false allegations claiming lack of transparency in the
allocation of Chiadzwa mining concessions are coming from people who are either
malicious or ignorant, or both,” Moyo said.
The former
Zanu PF politburo member said Chiadzwa mining claims legally belonged to the
Zimbabwe Mining Development Corporation (ZMDC).
“The
record will show that between December 2006 and January 2007 the government
openly and in terms of relevant laws allocated to ZMDC seven special grants
covering the whole of Marange measuring about 129 000 hectares. Relevant issues
of transparency as to who owns what area ended with this fact which was
gazetted,” he said.
“Thereafter
it has been entirely up to ZMDC to decide whether to mine in Marange alone or
in partnership with entities of their choice. Its pure madness to demand ZMDC
must make its business decisions in public or even use tenders in the false
name of transparency. ZMDC is a business and no business anywhere in the world
does that. Ask Coca Cola, Microsoft or De Beers.”
The
state-owned ZMDC is working with Mbada Diamonds and Canadile Miners (Pvt) Ltd
in joint-venture partnerships hurriedly formed and given licences without going
through transparent procedures last year. Mbada and Canadile signed Memorandums
of Agreement in July and final agreements in October last year before they
started minting.
Between
May 2007 and April 2010, government sold diamonds to Belgium, South Africa and
mostly Dubai, United Arab Emirates, but the fiscus did not get anything to talk
about. Documents in possession of the Independent show that diamonds mainly to
Dubai were sold illegally through shelf companies and deposited into ABC Bank
and CBZ Bank accounts via telegraphic money transfers through American Express
Bank Ltd and Standard Chartered Bank in New York.
“Government
has been selling diamonds from May 20 2007 to April 22, 2010 through the
Zimbabwe Mining Development Corporation (ZMDC), Minerals Mining Marketing
Corporation of Zimbabwe (MMCZ) and ZMDC subsidiaries such as Sandawana Mines
(Pvt) Ltd and other entities like Lesley Faye Jewellers, which trades as
Premier Diamonds, but no one knows where the money is going,” an informed
diamond mining source said.
Sources
say those in diamond mining are creaming off through under-invoicing like
labelling gems and diamonds, fraudulent evaluation and even blatant activities
like exchanging roughs diamonds for gems during the process of exporting.
“There are
even fears that more than four million carats stockpiled could also be sold in
a fraudulent manner. That is why ministers are fighting over this issue,” the
source said.
Government
says it has built up stocks of 4 580 234 88 carats of diamonds awaiting to be
sold if the Kimberley Process Certification Scheme (KPCS) gives the go ahead.
KPCS monitor Abbey Chikane has in his latest report on Chiadzwa signalled
Zimbabwe could soon be allowed to trade after it was barred from doing so due
to smuggling and human rights abuses.
Human
rights groups, including the New York-based Human Rights Watch, London-based
environmental watchdog Global Witness and local diamond overseer Centre for
Research and Development (CRD) in Zimbabwe have accused Zimbabwean security
forces, mainly the military, of widespread abuses and killings at the Chiadzwa
diamond fields. CRD director Farai Maguwu was arrested for telling Chikane
about human rights abuses and smuggling.
Due to
human rights abuses perpetrated at the diamonds fields, civic groups have
labelled Zimbabwe’s gems “blood diamonds”.
Dumisani
Muleya
Zimbabwe Independent
Thursday, 10 June 2010 19:29
THE South
African government was last week ordered to release a secret report on the 2002
elections in Zimbabwe, after a successful court bid by the Mail & Guardian,
a sister newspaper to the Zimbabwe Independent.
Since 2008
the Mail & Guardian has been trying to have the report released, amid
widespread speculation that it contained evidence showing that Zimbabwe’s 2002
disputed election was not free or fair.
Judge Sisi
Khampepe and Deputy Chief Justice Dikgang Moseneke were at the time
commissioned by then president Thabo Mbeki to visit Zimbabwe and report back on
the state of the election.
The report
was handed to Mbeki but never made public, although the former president
insisted the electoral process in Zimbabwe was completely democratic.
Zimbabwe’s
Registrar-General Tobaiwa Mudede said President Robert Mugabe had received
about 54% of the vote cast with his rival, Morgan Tsvangirai of the MDC getting
40%. Three minor candidates received 6% among themselves.
Tsvangirai
said the presidential election was rigged and described Mugabe’s win as
“daylight robbery”.
The Mail
& Guardian’s efforts to access the details of the report were repeatedly
denied, leaving it with little choice but to seek the intervention of the High
Court. The government, now under President Jacob Zuma’s leadership, was given
seven days to release the report to the Mail & Guardian, after the High
Court ruled in the newspaper’s favour last Friday.
The
government can appeal in that time, but its plan of action was not yet known.
Mail &
Guardian editor Nic Dawes on Monday said that he was “extremely pleased” with
the outcome of the court challenge, calling it a victory for “freedom of
information in South Africa”.
He said
there was a “sense” that the report “will say something very different to what
Mbeki was saying about the elections in Zimbabwe”.
The
government has argued that the report was “confidential” and a “record of the
cabinet and its committee”.
They said
it contained information “supplied in confidence by or on behalf of another
state, for the purpose of assessing or formulating a policy”, and that the
content of the report was not in the public interest.
The
government has also argued that the report would lead to a deterioration of
relations between the two countries, as South Africa is the facilitator in
Zimbabwe’s political crisis.
The
newspaper has in turn argued that the report is of enormous public interest, as
the 2002 elections were marred by vote-rigging, intimidation, violence and
fraud by Mugabe’s government, despite South Africa’s contention that the
election was free and fair.
Dawes said
the report was never handed to cabinet despite being described as a “document
of cabinet” and instead remained within the office of the president, arousing
more suspicions of its content.
He
described the court’s decision as an important one for South Africans who he
said were left “injured” by the government’s abysmal handling of the Zimbabwe
crisis.
Mbeki
faced international criticism for his policy of “quiet diplomacy” towards
Zimbabwe, a policy that many say has damaged South Africa’s own reputation.
Dawes said
that it was a “painful and difficult period” for South Africa, because “it
seemed to jar with our own democratic values”.
“The truth
of the report might be a way to address some of the hurt and frustration by
reasserting our democratic values,” Dawes said, expressing hope that the Zuma
administration would not fight the court’s ruling “too hard”.
“The Zuma
administration has taken a more robust and assertive approach than Mbeki, and
appealing this ruling and hiding this report will be very damaging,” he said. —
SW Radio Africa and Staff Writer.
Zimbabwe Independent
Thursday, 10 June 2010 17:20
THOSE
countries in the Fishmonger Group who have been deliberating in Oslo on what
measures can be undertaken to assist Zimbabwe without fortifying President
Mugabe’s supporters will have seen the calculated attempt to undermine economic
progress published in the Herald on Wednesday.
The
Ministry of Foreign Affairs has written to the South Korean embassy in Harare
to inform them that Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, who was in Seoul recently
to receive an award, does not have the authority to operationalise any Bippa
agreements.
George
Charamba told the Herald that no such agreement existed.
A Foreign
Affairs official said the South Koreans had been informed of the constitutional
position.
What have
we here? A crass attempt by reactionary elements in government to sabotage the
prime minister’s attempts to secure trade benefits with one of the world’s most
dynamic economies.
It is a
shocking example of the problems Zimbabwe faces as it attempts to re-establish
improved relations with the world. And it is all about Mugabe’s waning
prestige.
In fact no
Bippa is needed for Zimbabwe and Korea to sign trade agreements. And if Mugabe’s
hangers-on are so desperate that their boss should be recognised as the sole
authority in Zimbabwe, why was Tsvangirai invited to Seoul and not him?
The
Koreans, with close ties to the Americans, will be only too aware of the bid by
the last-ditch gang and their collaborators in the Herald to hang on to power
even if it means jeopardising economic recovery. They won’t be inclined to take
the Foreign Affairs letter too seriously knowing where it originates and the
fevered politics in Harare. What they will want to see is the same as the
Fishmonger Group — recovery and reconstruction in line with the GPA terms.
The South
Koreans will also know that Zimbabwe has been renewing relations with China in
recent weeks. The Wang Gang has been in town. Here again we see the politics of
yesteryear being revived. But at the end of the day how sensible is it for
officials in Munhumutapa Building to undermine their own prime minister when he
is seeking economic assistance abroad. Isn’t that his brief? And what will the
world make of officials who resort to pathetic self-assertion of this sort
because nobody else will engage them?
The leader
of this gang was spitting venom at our publisher Trevor Ncube last weekend,
claiming he “faced no political impediments at all” to securing his licence.
Really,
none at all? Don’t we recall this same individual threatening Barnabas
Thondhlana at a Unesco meeting last year if he dared publish before a licence
was issued for NewsDay?
Public
spats are not confined to our own government. The Congolese have their fair
share. But it is difficult to decide who is most at fault, DRC opposition
leader Tshimankinda Ngandu Kalala or DRC ambassador to Zimbabwe Mawampanga
Mwana Nanga.
A public
row, reported in NewsDay this week, doesn’t reflect well on either of them. But
perhaps that’s the way they do business in the DRC.
Firstly we
had Kalala, on a visit to Harare, taking a pot shot at President Joseph Kabila.
“There is
so much misery among the ordinary Congolese, you cannot believe it,” Kalala
told NewsDay. “Our country is endowed with rich mineral resources but something
has gone terribly wrong somewhere. The present government has destroyed the
country.”
Sounds
familiar doesn’t it?
But then
Ambassador Mwana Nanga waded in declaring Kalala was “a political joke”.
“He is not
even known in DRC opposition politics.”
So why
call him names?
And in
another familiar echo, Kalala accused Kabila of selling mineral rights to the
Chinese and “pocketing the money”.
He said
corruption had taken root in the government of the DRC and Kabila was provoking
wars with neighbours.
Kalala
described President Mugabe as a “wise old man” from whom Kabila could take
advice. He said the young DRC leader was fortunate to have wise elderly leaders
within the Sadc community but was just not taking their advice.
Kalala is
clearly immune to advice — from Zimbabwe’s voters. Does he really think he can
walk into a neighbouring country and completely misread the political climate?
But which
is worse: firing salvos at your head of state while you are abroad — something
even the MDC avoids nowadays — or lashing out at opposition leaders, as Mwana
Nanga did when ordinary diplomacy requires you be even-handed and welcoming to
all visitors from your country?
So what is
the Media Commission going to do about Tafataona Mahoso?
Here is
Muckraker’s opinion for what it is worth. We can understand the Zanu PF
view that bygones should be bygones and everybody should have a chance to
redeem themselves.
But has
Mahoso shown the slightest hint of repentance? Has he expressed remorse for all
those journalists he put out on the street or forced into exile? Or whose
address he gave to the CID?
And what
about those tens of thousands of people who would have liked something
different to read other than the Herald and Sunday Mail? Has he apologised to
them for the stifling media climate he helped engender?
Has he
written anything apart from partisan tracts designed to advance the cause of a
political party decisively rejected by Zimbabwean voters?
The ZMC
should be clear on this. Mahoso is anathema to local journalists because of his
terrible record at the MIC where he disposed of people because Zanu PF didn’t
like what they wrote. He was an obedient executioner.
His
scribblings by the way are something no journalist should ever be —
unforgivably boring. He cannot proceed, it would appear, beyond a couple of
paragraphs without the help of Noam Chomsky.
If and
when he repents his ways there might be a place for him in the apparatus of the
ZMC, he should be told. But until that epiphany occurs he had better get used
to making tea.
Oh, and
those members of the ZMC who think Mahoso should stay on, please tell us what
qualities they most admire in him? We would be fascinated to know! And do they
think he should get to keep the 4X4?
SO there
is no mercy for poor old Jacob Zuma.
After one
of his wives strayed out of the kraal we expected an outpouring of sympathy for
the South African leader.
But that
was not the case. Several Talk Radio 702 callers last Friday said Nompumelelo
Ntuli’s reported infidelity was a “victory” for South African women.
One SMS
said: “Viva MaNtuli Viva. If Zuma can get some on the side, why can’t you?”
Meanwhile,
Zuma has put on a brave face saying he was “not losing any sleep” over the
reported cases of infidelity on the part of MaNtuli.
“We
differentiate between personal matters and matters of the country,” he told
journalists in Pretoria.
MaNtuli
had an affair with a bodyguard who reportedly was the father of her unborn
child. The bodyguard then committed suicide.
But latest
reports suggest that MaNtuli had another relationship with famous actor Joe
Mafela, but long before she met Zuma.
Mafela
admitted to the Sunday Times that he had an extra-marital fling with MaNtuli.
MaNtuli was reportedly unhappy that Zuma had fathered his 20th child out of
wedlock with Sonono Khoza. MaNtuli was also aggrieved Zuma had taken Thobeka
Madiba on a state visit to London instead of her.
Zuma is not
the only one with several wives. Our own very enterprising Minister of Local
Government, Ignatius Chombo, is reported to have several.
His
estranged wife, Marian, has made it known that Chombo has five wives. We now
hope women’s organisations in Zimbabwe will show the same solidarity as their
South African counterparts and declare a “victory” for Zimbabwean women.
But what
we find curious in the whole Zuma saga is the sudden appearance in the picture
of Julius Malema, the ANC youth leader. Does anyone remember the ANC Youth
League taking Zuma to task over his “risky” sex life?
Malema
rushed to Zuma’s defence saying: “We have seen the latest reports, they are
nothing, you are the president, you must never be demoralised by petty things.”
But Zuma
appears content after he was given a white goat by MaNtuli, as an apology for
straying out of the kraal.
The state
media continues with its attempts to hoodwink gullible Zimbabweans into
believing the country is part of the World Cup showcase in South Africa.
The Manica
Post recently gave us a good example of such efforts. The paper told us
“hundreds of police officers have been deployed at strategic points in
Manicaland as the province tightens security measures ahead of the Fifa Soccer
World Cup”.
Just how
hundreds of police officers can be mobilised as part of the force’s efforts to
keep law and order inside Zimbabwe is a big surprise.
But the
Officer Commanding Manicaland Police (Operations), Assistant Commissioner David
Mahoya, tells us the deployed officers would be on the look-out for locals and
foreigners who might want to take advantage of the tournament to indulge in the
illegal diamond trade.
“There are
some who will come into the country and, indeed, visit the province as genuine
tourists, but with a hidden agenda to indulge in illegal diamond trading. We
are not going to be asleep or going to be carried away with the soccer
matches,” Assistant Commissioner Mahoya said.
Is this
not another attempt to hoodwink us? We know who is involved in the illegal
trade in diamonds. Just ask how some big chefs have suddenly become cash rich.
That is where the ZRP investigations should begin.
We were
surprised that public companies such as Zimpapers and ZBC could “sponsor” a
campaign for a war veteran to take over a leadership post.
We got the
evidence from the Manica Post when the paper reported the election of a new
Manicaland leadership for the Zimbabwe National Liberation War Veterans’
Association at the Mutare Polytechnic.
Apart from
thanking Jabulani Sibanda for supporting them to organise the elections, we
were told war veterans’ political commissar Ben Moyo thanked companies such as
the Manica Post, the Herald and ZBC for their sponsorship. We were not told
whether it was in the form of publicity or cash donations. This was followed by
a very long quote from Moyo thanking Mutare companies for sponsoring their
elections.
“May the
spirit of oneness abide (with) us all as one nation?” he preached. “Special
thanks to the following sponsors: Matan Holdings, Holiday Inn, Bhadhella
Wholesalers, Mutare Merchants, Zvirimugwara, Dhlanjara, Carswell Meats, Palmex
Investments, Mutare Mart, Mupfumi Tours, BBC Hardware, Masara Transport, P
Makwanzini, Selfast, Nematec, Dollar Shop, Ali Bhadhella, Jays Wholesalers,
Blue Star, Automotive Precision, Top Quality, The Grocery Shop, Mutare
Propshaft Centre, Mega Meats, Manyuchi Filling Station, the Manica Post, ZBC,
Herald, Cde Mbengo, Bauline Butchery, Mazara Transport, Raffles, Jerams,
Spareport Centre, Mr Mudzi, Sugar Centre, Bhufaro Hardware, Cut Price, Brothers
and Woodlands. We are also thanking all those we have not mentioned by name,”
Moyo said.
Is there
anybody left? At least Mutare residents know where not to take their business
if they want to make a protest against the depredations of war veterans and
Zanu PF. The participation of public media represents a particularly shocking betrayal
of public trust. Let’s put it on the record.
The case
of Kimberley Process Certification Scheme monitor Abbey Chikane is a strange
one. A couple of weeks ago he told the press that a “naughty intelligence
officer” had broken into his case in his hotel room and photographed documents.
That is how, it was suggested, the state media was able to publish a story
about how the Americans were plotting to manipulate his recommendations and
prevent any concessions to Zimbabwe.
Now we
learn he has stated that Zimbabwe has satisfied the minimum KPCS requirements.
All very mysterious. Did the “naughty” intelligence officer get it wrong or did
Chikane change his mind after being sat on? And how professional is it to
abandon an informant knowing what his fate is likely to be? Perhaps he was just
naive!
Zimbabwe Independent
Thursday, 10 June 2010 17:25
PRESIDENT
Robert Mugabe recently swore in three new High Court judges, “promoted” one to
the Supreme Court and appointed another to the position of Judge President of
the High Court.
The
appointments were done in the usual surreptitious manner and raised the ire of
the MDC-T.
The
Zimbabwe Independent of May 21 reported that “MDC-T spokesman Nelson Chamisa…
said the country’s delicate political situation meant Mugabe should have
consulted with coalition government partners in matters involving important
decisions such as judicial appointments”.
MDC-T’s
complaints that the appointments were invalid have no basis at law, provided
the president followed the procedure for judicial appointments set out in the
constitution. The constitution does not follow the best practices on the
appointment or promotion of judges. MDC-T erred grievously in chasing the
sharing of political power in the executive and in the legislature while
ignoring reform of the judiciary, the manner of judicial appointments, judicial
performance and judicial ethics. In fact, the judiciary is far more important
than the Attorney-General or Governor of the Reserve Bank — their obsessions!
The
judiciary has virtually remained untransformed and does not enjoy the
confidence of the general public. Unless the judiciary is forced to transform,
the desire to uphold the rule of law expressed in the Global Political
Agreement (GPA) is a fat pie in the sky.
It has
been argued that the GPA trumps the constitution for so long as the political
agreement among the three main parties exists. The argument is supported by the
provision in Article 1 of the agreement annexed to the constitution:
“For the
avoidance of doubt, the following provisions of the Interparty Political
Agreement, being Article XX thereof, shall, during the subsistence of the
Interparty Political Agreement, prevail notwithstanding anything to the
contrary in this constitution …”
Section 84
(1) of the Constitution provides that the “Chief Justice and other judges of
the Supreme Court and the High Court shall be appointed by the president after
consultation with the Judicial Service Commission”. Nowhere does it provide
that consultation with the premier is a prerequisite.
Article
20.1.3 (p) which is reportedly being relied upon by the prime minister states
that the president "in consultation with the Prime Minister, makes key
appointments the president is required to make under and in terms of the Constitution
or any Act of Parliament".
To then
argue, as MDC- T seems to argue, that judicial appointments and promotions are
covered by Article 20.1.3 (p) is untenable. Firstly, there is no definition of
what are “key appointments” in the agreement or elsewhere in the Constitution.
“Key appointments” become matters of subjective judgment. Secondly, the
president in terms of the same GPA has the power to make appointments which may
even seem “key” without the need to consult the prime minister. Thirdly, it seems
that where the president is required to consult the prime minister, specific
instances are spelt out.
Fourth,
judicial appointments are matters of serious constitutional import. If there
had been an intention to vary the appointment process stated expressly in the
Constitution would there not have been specific reference to judicial
appointments? Fifth, nowhere in the entire “global” agreement does one find
specific reference to any matters relating to the judiciary or judicial reform.
In fact, ignoring the judiciary the GPA even goes so far as to require that
uniformed forces undertake education in human rights, humanitarian law and
statute law!
In terms
of section 31K (2) of the Constitution, “where the president is required or
permitted by this Constitution or any other law to act on the advice or
recommendation of or after consultation with any person or authority, a court
shall not, in any case, inquire into either of the following questions or
matters — (a) the nature of any advice or recommendation tendered to the
president; or (b) the manner in which the president has exercised his
discretion.”
What this
means is that even if the prime minister had disagreed with him, he could
effectively go ahead with the appointments and promotion.
All that
the president is required to do is send names of persons he intends to appoint
to the Judicial Service Commission (JSC). The JSC is generally made up of
appointees of the president. The JSC has no power to recommend names to the
president at all. They examine the names of the proposed appointees and revert
to the president with a recommendation. If they recommend against a particular
proposed appointment, the president may still go ahead with the appointment.
All that the president is required to do is to inform parliament that the
appointment “is not consistent with [a] recommendation made by the Judicial
Service Commission… as soon as is practicable.” The recommendation of the JSC
does not bind him.
Parliament
itself will have no power to rescind the appointment or to vary it. There is no
specific time set for the president to inform parliament that his decision went
against the recommendation of the JSC. This constitutional requirement does not
suspend or delay the appointment. All that parliament remains with if severely
aggrieved by the president’s disregard of JSC’s advice is a vote of no
confidence in the president.
Where the
president has in fact failed to consult the JSC before making the appointment a
court of law may set aside the appointment. But in this instance, his failure
to consult the prime minister may in fact be a laudable act. Judicial
appointments in our constitutional tradition must be as far as possible free
from political influence or horse-trading.
In terms
of s 31K (2) of the Constitution, no court has any power to enquire into the
JSC’s advice and how it was received or implemented or ignored by the
president. Even if the JSC may have informed the president that one or more of
the persons he is seeking to appoint or promote is, say, a criminal, a serial
murderer, a fraudster or even a corrupt jurist the president, if so inclined,
is constitutionally permitted to go ahead with the appointment.
Further,
there is no specific requirement for the president to consult the JSC when
appointing a sitting judge like Justice Chiweshe to the position of Judge
President.
With their
appointment judges immediately enjoy security of tenure guaranteed under the
Constitution and may only be removed “for inability to discharge the functions
of…office, whether arising from infirmity of body or mind or any other cause,
or for misbehaviour.” Even then, before removal can be achieved there is a
cumbersome and protective constitutional process to be followed.
In my
view, Constitutional Amendment No 19 or the GPA did not alter the process for
the appointment and promotion of judges in Zimbabwe, sick as the process is.
The GPA provided an opportunity to push for judicial reform. But this was
spurned as the parties battled for political power. Regrettable as the
situation is, the new constitution-making process offers an opportunity to
remedy what is clearly a system that is susceptible to patronage and
corruption.
.Tererai
Mafukidze is a local lawyer.
By Tererai
Mafukidze
Zimbabwe Independent
Thursday, 10 June 2010 17:17
IT HAS oft
been said that “there are none so deaf as those as will not hear”. If
that is so, which it surely is, the deafest of all is undoubtedly Zimbabwe’s
Minister of Youth, Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment, Saviour Kasukuwere.
Kasukuwere
dogmatically refuses to hear any criticism whatsoever of Zimbabwe’s declared
policies and intentions for the vesting of ownership and control of the
Zimbabwean economy in the hands of “indigenous” Zimbabweans, as rigidly
disregards any suggestions for modification or variation of those policies and
intentions, and contemptuously dismisses all warnings of the catastrophic
consequences of such methods of indigenisation and economic empowerment.
Albeit not
in consequence of any physical defect, the minister is so stone-deaf (on issues
of Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment, but not on other issues, ie he
suffers selective hearing deficiencies) that he hears nothing that is said in
opposition to his polices, no matter whom the person may be.
He
demonstrated this almost two months ago, when he walked out of an
indigenisation and economic empowerment conference, for he was unwilling to
hear the authoritative criticisms of Professor Tony Hawkins (one of Zimbabwe’s
most renowned economists). The minister has done likewise on numerous
other occasions ever since the gazetting of the Indigenisation and Economic
Empowerment Regulations. Most recently, he scathingly dismissed the
well-intentioned comments by the Governor of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe
(RBZ), Gideon Gono.
Admittedly,
many of those concerned comments were made publicly by the governor, (and why
should they not be when they are on an issue of concern to all Zimbabwe’s
population), but undoubtedly he also voiced his concerns non-publicly, within
the corridors of government. But this has not deterred Kasukuwere from
saying: “We have seen the criticism from the Reserve Bank Governor. We
will only take note of him when he stops his megaphone criticism. When they
are ready to talk we will listen, but in the meanwhile we will not listen to
this kind of megaphone criticism.”
In other
words, the minister is only possibly willing to have any regard to the views of
others if those views are expressed behind closed doors, on a one-on-one basis,
and not if they are voiced publicly. And, based upon the Zimbabwean experience
of the last few months, it appears improbable that the minister is even
prepared to consider views at variance with his own when they are conveyed to
him privately. He is obdurately determined to proceed with his Indigenisation
and Economic Empowerment intents, irrespective of the evidence of the
consequential economic disaster, and of the inevitable intensified
impoverisation of more and more of the population. Clearly, his
self-inflicted hearing deficiency is compounded by myopia.
The
minister has a blatant disregard for the irrefutable fact that a prerequisite
for recovery of the Zimbabwe economy, and for its subsequent development and
growth, is that substantial foreign investment be forthcoming, and that will
not occur when the foreign investors are forced to be minority participants in
the ventures funded by them. They also provide technology transfer, managerial
inputs, access to international markets, franchises and licences, and much
else.
Any
investor seeks investment security, and a key element of that security is
managerial and operational control, in contradistinction to being dominated and
subordinated by others. That the legislation has fuelled intense fears of
investment security, and hence has caused an immense demotivation to invest in
Zimbabwe is blatantly apparent from events in the last few months, but the
minister is oblivious to that (although such oblivion is undoubtedly
deliberately self-generated). Among the proof of loss of
critically-needed investor interest is:
mTrade and
investment missions from four European Union countries, and from one
Commonwealth country, have been summarily cancelled;
aMajor
mining houses in South Africa, Canada, USA, Australia and elsewhere have put on
hold intended pursuit of new investments in Zimbabwe and, in many instances,
enhancement, development and growth of their existing investments;
iMajor
foreign investor initiatives targetted at Zimbabwe’s manufacturing, tourism,
financial services and commercial sectors have been “put on hold”, or
terminated;
MInternational
risk analyses have lowered Zimbabwe’s investment security rating to a lower
level than ever before, placing Zimbabwe amongst the perceived five highest
investment risk destinations.
Concurrently,
various greatly-needed international lines of credit required to revitalise
Zimbabwe’s money market and to provide all economic sectors with working
capital, and which had been resolved upon by international financers, have not
been progressed. This has grievously impaired the economic recovery so
positively commenced in 2009.
The
minister also allows his blinkered and auditory deficiencies to obscure the
fact that his legislation can in no manner achieve wideranging economic
empowerment. Those of Zimbabwe’s indigenous population as have the
monetary resources to acquire controlling interests in Zimbabwean enterprise
are few and far between. Those sufficiently endowed to acquire such
interests at fair value are very few. Effectively, only those already
economically empowered would be able to fund acquisition of existing
enterprises, and to fund the ongoing operations of those enterprises.
Thus, his legislation, and his empowerment intentions, can at best further
empower the already empowered few, and not the masses who need such
empowerment. And many of those few are also lacking in the operational
expertise necessary for the successful continuance and development of the
businesses.
At the
same time, he has fuelled chaos within the existing economic environment.
The few indigenous economically-endowed are vigorously demanding the “sale” to
them of controlling interests in mines and industries which they covet,
frequently resorting to actual or implied threats of recourse to the
politically-empowered in the absence of their demands being met. Groups
of “war veterans” (be they genuine or pseudo) are aggressively demanding the
transfer of enterprise ownership to them. So too are spokesmen of
affirmative action, and of labour representative bodies, without any regard to
the non-availability of financial and other resources. These include the
Bulawayo Chapter Affirmative Action Group Secretary, Retired Major Clement
Bishop Malaba, and Bulawayo Urban Residents’ Association Chairman, Winus Dube.
The
minister deludes himself that the indigenisation of enterprise can be funded by
the intended National Indigenisation Fund, chaired by David Chapfika, but that
fund has no resources, and the intention is to access funds by imposing levies
upon private sector enterprises. In other words, businesses must provide
the funds to pay for the purchase of the shares, in their businesses, by
others. This is disguised expropriation, in disregard for justice and
equity, for Bilateral Investment Promotiom and Protection Agreements, and for
international economic norms.
It is
indisputable that Zimbabwe needs to vigorously and effectively pursue
indigenisation and economic empowerment, but that must be done constructively,
and beneficially to the majority and not the few, and to the advantage of the
economy. The minster’s stance is diametrically opposite. He
urgently needs effective hearing aids and non-misted spectacles, so that he can
hear and see that which he presently cannot.
Zimbabwe Independent
Thursday, 10 June 2010 17:14
AUSTRALIA
is strengthening its relations with Africa in a calculated move to enhance its
political and diplomatic engagements, promoting trade and investment,
addressing peace and security challenges on the continent, and delivering
targeted development and humanitarian assistance.
The move
by Australia, a rich continent and country of over 23 million people with a
gross domestic product of US$1, 1 trillion, is perceived by political analysts
in two ways: – the genuine desire to prop-up social and political development
in Africa and a bold bid to win the support of African countries for its
candidacy for a temporary place on the United Nations Security Council for the
2013-14 term.
But the
Australian government argues that its increased assistance to Zimbabwe and
other African countries is about contributing “more effectively” to achieving
the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and being a “good international citizen
in a world that is becoming ever smaller and more complex”.
In
Zimbabwe, for example, Australia has since the formation of the inclusive
government last year been at the forefront of international efforts, both
political and humanitarian, to assist the country.
Australia
was one of the first countries to deliver what is now known as humanitarian
plus aid to Zimbabwe – assistance that looks beyond simply emergency relief to
longer-term measures to help restore capacity in essential services, such as
water, education and healthcare.
Australian
assistance to Zimbabwe since the formation of the unity government included $5
million to boost the rural economy and address the long-term food security
needs of the people; US$2 million through Unicef to support the Education
ministry in acquiring much needed material, including text books; US$5 million
in food aid through the World Food Programme; and US$6 million for assistance
to build Zimbabwe’s taxation administration and mobilisation of technical
expertise in water and sanitation, in cooperation with South Africa.
Australia
continues to pump money into Zimbabwe despite its concerns that the inclusive
government has failed to fully consummate the global political agreement that
gave birth to it. It blames President Robert Mugabe for the failure and is
adamant that the 86-year-old nationalist should “move off the stage” if the
international community is to bankroll Zimbabwe’s reconstruction.
This year,
Australia’s development assistance to Africa would be increased by 40% on the
previous financial year, providing assistance to over 30 countries. The
assistance would explicitly focus on assisting African countries reach their
MDGs, particularly in the areas of food security, water and sanitation and
child and maternal health.
Stephen
Smith, Australia’s Foreign Affairs minister, says Africa is changing for the
better and this is under-appreciated in his country as it is internationally.
Australia
sees a more confident Africa engaging with the world.
Australia
now has diplomatic relations with 51 of Africa’s 53 countries, excluding Guinea
Bissau and the Democratic Republic of Congo. This is compared to 41 in 2007.
Smith
says: “Governance has improved markedly, with progress on accountability,
political liberalisation and economic management. Nearly all African elections
are now genuinely contested and political representation has broadened to
reflect the diversity of African society.
“Robust
economic growth is also transforming Africa and raising living standards.”
The World
Bank has said it expects Africa-wide economic growth of nearly 4% in 2010
compared to 1% last year.
It is
against this backcloth that Australia is strengthening its relations with
Africa.
Until
recently, the Australian private sector had been quicker to recognise the
economic importance of Africa than had the country’s public sector.
More than
300 Australian minerals and petroleum resources companies have interests in
more than 40 African countries, with current and prospective investment
estimated at US$20 billion.
Smith says
it is not just investment as trade with Africa is also growing.
Trade in
goods with Africa is valued at close to US$5, 5 billion, having grown at more
than 8% annually over the past decade.
Australian
companies have plans to invest US$22 billion in the African resources sector on
various projects across 38 countries. Major Australian mining projects are
underway in South Africa, Namibia, Burkina Faso, Senegal, Mozambique and
Tanzania.
“Recognising
Africa’s economic potential, the Australian government is committed to
supporting expanded economic linkages with Africa,” Smith adds.
But just
as there are sound economic reasons to enhance engagement, Australia also sees
good strategic and geopolitical reasons.
Smith
argues: “For Australia it makes strategic sense to engage with Africa
bilaterally, regionally and through the African Union."
He admits
that the country needed Africa’s support to win the UN Security Council seat,
but adds: “The cynics who assume Australia’s engagement with Africa is simply
or only about this really miss the fundamental point — Australia’s
re-engagement with Africa is driven by a clear-eyed and pragmatic view of our
long-term strategic and economic interests into the future.”
In its
submission to Australia’s Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade Parliamentary
Committee, the South African High Commission in Canberra welcomed the
re-engagement with Africa, but expressed some doubts about the motives.
“There is,
inevitably, a lingering sense amongst some that the reengagement with Africa is
fuelled primarily by a desire to secure the African vote for the 2013/14 candidature
for the Non-Permanent Seat on the United Nations Security Council,” reads the
South African High Commission submission.
The Kenyan
High Commission in its submissions to the committee believes trade between the
two continents — growing at about 8% annually — can transform Africa.
“However,
it is heavily tilted in favour of Australia,” the high commission says. “The
growth in Australian mining interests in Africa has remained the most dynamic
aspect of these relations ."
Besides
issues of trade, Australia is also investing in research, education and health
to benefit Africa.
The
country in March launched $8 million Australia-Africa Millennium Development
Goals Research Partnerships Programme for the two continents’ education and
research institutions to work together to support African economic growth and
MDGs progress.
It has
also doubled the number of scholarships to Africa to more than 250, and made
them available for the first time to five West African nations, including
Nigeria and Ghana. This brought the number of countries in Africa receiving
scholarships to 19.
Bob
McMullan, Australia parliamentary secretary for international development
assistance, says when government announced a couple of years ago its intentions
to increase aid to Africa there “were many supporters, but a few loud
detractors”.
“The
supporters said ‘finally’, but the detractors accused us of using aid as a way
of currying favour to gain Australia a seat on the UN Security Council,”
McMullan recalls. “The detractors were wrong then and they are wrong now.”
Constantine
Chimakure
Zimbabwe Independent
CMED fails to account for vehicles
Thursday, 10 June 2010 19:27
CMED (Pvt)
Ltd, a company set up by government to provide transport hire services and
procure vehicles on its behalf, is debt-ridden and failing to account for 19
vehicles that have vanished without a trace in Harare, an audit report has
said.
A
Value for Money Report compiled by the Comptroller and Auditor-General Mildred
Chiri says CMED’s poor record-keeping practices has seen the company losing
track of 19 vehicles in Harare alone.
She says
more vehicles could vanish because of poor record-keeping in the company.
In her
report, Chiri says: “As a result of poor-record keeping, I was not able to
trace the movement of 19 vehicles transferred from head office to Harare
province. The 19 vehicles were also not recorded at the provincial office.”
“I
observed with concern that, of the 68 Mahindra vehicles bought, 15 of them were
issued without proper procedures having been followed as one could hardly trace
them to the user ministry and in addition these vehicles have not been billed
since their date of purchase in March 2008.
“The
vehicles were entered in the fleet list in March 2008. This, in my opinion, is
open to abuse and could even result in the CMED (Pvt) Ltd losing vehicles, as
the vehicles cannot be traced to the user ministry due to inadequate
recording,” her report said.
Chiri said
the CMED’s Chinhoyi provincial office also faces the same problem - poor record
keeping – that resulted in the failure to provide vehicle files for 63 light
vehicles and 27 heavy vehicles.
The report
says further evidence of poor record-keeping was also reflected by the absence
of job cards in the vehicles that were presented for inspection.
The fleet
list in Mutare is also not complete. Out of 165 vehicles, 76 had no engine
numbers, 44 had no chassis number while 34 had dates when they were bought and
their expected year of disposal.
CMED also
does not have an asset register, according to the report.
This
resulted in the auditor failing to ascertain whether the company really owns 1
200 vehicles as claimed by management.
“I
established that vehicle registers were not properly recorded and that there
was no master asset register,” Chiri said in the report.
Apart from
poor records, the company is operating with an aged fleet, fails to honour
government tender bids, cannibalises vehicles, does not replace an aged fleet
that is costly to maintain and does not service vehicles.
Cannibalism
entails taking parts from a vehicle with major problems and transferring them
to another vehicle of the same make to get a vehicle back on the road.
The report
says the company takes a long while to repair vehicles. For instance,according
to the report, in a review of provincial and district workshops from 2004 to
2008 from a sample of 3 490 vehicles 42% exceeded the company’s own service
schedule of two days.
Also the
company’s assets are “tied up” in debtors.
“My
analysis of the organisation’s financial statements for the financial years
2004 to 2008 revealed that more than 50% of the organisation’s current assets
were tied up in debtors. In 2004, 78% current assets were tied up in debtors,
64% in 2005, 56% in 2006, 78% in 2007 and 88% in 2008,” the report said.
According
to the report, line managers were not seeking authority to cannibalise vehicles
as required by the management. The report says CMED blames government
departments for some of the problems at the company. For instance, the report
says the Ministry of Information never made a single payment in 2008 while the
Mines Ministry only paid in July 2008. The Local Government and Justice
ministries were also fingered as culprits for non- payment to CMED.
But Chiri
says the company is not aggressive in its debt management and collection
approach.
“Even
though CMED (Pvt) Ltd was attributing its failure to purchase vehicles to
ministries not paying their bills on time, I however, noted with concern that
24 vehicles were not billed since the date of purchase in question,” Chiri
said.
In her
recommendations, the comptroller said CMED needs to be recapitalised for the
company to be self-sustaining, maintain minimum stock levels for spares, ensure
adequate supervision at all levels and design and implement “good internal
control systems which ensure that all vehicles purchased are properly
recorded”.
The report
reads: “CMED (Pvt) Ltd should ensure that there is adequate supervision at all
levels. Management should design and implement a good internal control system
which ensures that assets of the organisation are properly recorded.
“CMED
(Pvt) Ltd management should ensure that all vehicles purchased are recorded and
information that should be contained in the asset register is captured. There
should be a monitoring mechanism to ensure that all activities and information
are recorded. Good record-keeping would help in
identifying
areas needing more attention and resources and hence help management in
decision- making.”
The report
urged management of the state company to effect an aggressive management of
debtors.
CMED was a
parastatal prior to commercialsation in 2000.
Chris
Muronzi
Zimbabwe Independent
Thursday, 10 June 2010 17:53
A RECENTLY
compiled inventory of Zapu properties has revealed that some senior Zanu PF
officials and former PF Zapu members are illegally occupying the revived
party’s assets.
Zapu has
compiled an inventory to establish what happened to hundreds of properties the
party acquired in the early 1980s. Zapu officials who spoke on condition of
anonymity said the party was concerned that Zapu properties are illegally
occupied by senior Zanu PF officials.
The
sources said an inventory of the party properties was destroyed when the
government took possession of former PF-Zapu properties and when the properties
were returned some former PF-Zapu officials took them over.
“We have
established that some former senior party members who are still with Zanu PF
took charge of property ranging from shops, residential properties and
buildings belonging to the party and that is the reason that some of them were
against the revival of the party because they knew that they would be found
out,” said the party official.
Zapu
spokesperson, Methuseli Moyo, confirmed that the party is doing an inventory of
all properties it owns. He said that the party is also aware that some Zanu PF
officials and other Zapu members are clandestinely occupying the party
properties.
“We are
currently in the process of compiling an inventory of our assets and once that
is done we will then move a step further in repossessing the properties from
those that are illegally possessing them,” Moyo said.
He said
the party’s properties are concentrated in Bulawayo, Harare, Mashonaland East
and in Matabeleland.
Moyo,
however, could not give more details and said the party would be in a position
to do so once a full inventory of the properties has been compiled.
According
to Zapu, the party owns properties that include the four-storey Magnet House
which houses the Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO).
The party
also owns Davies Hall which is used by Zanu PF as its Bulawayo provincial
headquarters.
Other
properties owned by the party include farms and hotels, among them Castle Arms
in Bulawayo, Green Haven — a huge entertainment facility along Victoria Falls
road — and several residential properties.
Officials
said several politicians with links to Zapu are staying in houses that belong
to the party.
“There are
a lot of people running businesses in premises belonging to Zapu while some
people are staying in houses belonging to Zapu. Those people got those
properties fraudulently when they were returned by government while some of the
properties are still under the control of the government. Some of the
properties were given to some individuals to pacify them while others secretly
took control of the properties and are renting them to third parties,” said the
official.
Zapu also
wants a property that houses over 50 police officers and their families in
Queens Park East in Bulawayo returned to them.
The
property, previously known as Lundi Hotel, used to house injured Zapu cadres
after the war of liberation.
Moyo said
Zapu members are agitated over the property issue and said once the party has
established the status of the properties it
would move
to have the illegal occupants removed and the properties returned.
The
interim president of Zapu, Dumiso Dabengwa, last month said the party was
mobilising resources to engage a team of lawyers to take the challenge forward.
“Zapu is
in the process of mobilising resources to hire a formidable team of lawyers
that will lead the process for the return of the properties,” Dabengwa said
“We
realised that the process to get the properties back should be legal because we
will need court orders to evict the people who are currently occupying the
properties.
“We have
an inventory of the properties but it is not complete and there is a team
working on the status of the properties and once resources are available then
the legal process will begin,” Dabengwa said.
The
government seized numerous properties belonging to PF-Zapu, then led by
nationalist and former Vice President Joshua Nkomo, alleging that it had
discovered arms caches.
The
revived Zapu is expected to hold a congress in August where the issue of the
properties is expected to take centre stage. Several Zapu members, led by its
former intelligence chief Dabengwa, last year pulled out of the Unity Accord
with Zanu PF saying Zanu PF had failed to honour its part of the bargain 22
years after the deal was consummated.
Loughty
Dube
Zimbabwe Independent
Thursday, 10 June 2010 18:11
WE live in
a surreal country where anti-reformists from the Zanu PF element in the
inclusive government work overtime daily to keep the nation and its people
under subjugation and in poverty for the sake of their political expedience.
These
hardliners have become contemptuous of the national interest and their sole
mission is to reduce the country into a jail and us citizens prisoners trying
to escape. They have no respect for either political or economic agreements
they appended their signatures to and their level of intransigence continues to
increase with each passing day.
They are
masters of the blame game for their own mistakes and misjudgements.
When Zanu
PF and the two MDC formations signed the global political agreement (GPA) last
year, I thought the former ruling party had awakened to the realities of modern
democratic governance and was prepared to play a pivotal role in the
reconstruction of the country. I was mistaken.
Since the
inclusive government was inaugurated in February last year, Zanu PF has been
shredding the GPA with reckless abandon. I have no doubt that it entered into
this marriage of convenience with the intention to use the MDC formations to
gain international goodwill and to mend the economy in the vain hope that along
the way, the electorate would abandon the MDC led by Morgan Tsvangirai.
It is
startling to read in the publicly-owned, but state-run newspapers, that Zanu PF
hardliners are attacking members of the international community after they called
for the party and its partners to fulfil the GPA – a pact the three parties
signed out of their own volition and commitment.
The
Fishmongers, a group of wealthy nations led by the United States and Britain,
met in Oslo, Norway, last week and agreed that they will only fully re-engage
Zimbabwe and bankroll its reconstruction if the nation fully consummates the
GPA.
In Zanu
PF’s eyes, the Fishmongers will never loosen their purse-strings until they see
the back of President Robert Mugabe. But the group never made that statement.
Why should we prejudge them when they made it clear that they remain ready to
respond positively to “tangle progress” in implementing key provisions of the
GPA.
The
Fishmongers are simply asking us to address our democratic deficit if we are to
again become a member of the international community and enjoy the benefits
thereof.
The group
of the wealthy nations acknowledged several steps the inclusive government has
made, among them, the establishment of the Electoral and Human Rights
Commissions, the adoption of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe Amendment Bill, and
the recent granting of licences for independent media by the ZMC, but was quick
to say they were not enough.
Among
their concerns were the lack of respect for the rule of law, which Didymus
Mutasa has helpfully illustrated this week, protection of fundamental freedoms,
and the slow pace of progress in improving governance.
“We urge
the parties to accelerate the implementation of their outstanding commitments
under the GPA,” the Fishmongers said in their statement. “The lack of progress
in this area undermines the ability of the inclusive government to deliver the
change which ordinary Zimbabweans expect, and hampers full re-engagement with
the international community.
“We share
the concern of the private sector, both international and domestic, about the
negative consequences of the recently published regulations on indigenisation
for the already fragile investment climate.”
Who can
quarrel with that? The country needs institutional reforms which include the
easing out of army generals who have pronounced their political affiliations,
demilitarisation of state institutions and overhaul of the army, the police and
other state security organs so they serve the people instead of a political
party. We need to open a new democratic chapter if we are to be counted among
successful nations.
I am
disturbed why Tsvangirai and his party are failing to respond firmly to Mugabe
and Zanu PF’s intransigence. Is it that Tsvangirai has now succumbed to the
trappings of power to the extent that he has developed a lackadaisical
attitude? For how long is he going to stand aloof while Mugabe and his
hangers-on continue to destroy this country?
Constantine
Chimakure