Zimbabwe protester killed, Tsvangirai, Mutambara arrested

Zim Online

Monday 12 March 2007

By Batsirayi Muranje and Hendricks Chizhanje

HARARE - Zimbabwean police on Sunday shot and killed an opposition supporter
and arrested opposition leaders Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara
following an aborted rally at Zimbabwe Grounds in Harare.

The late opposition supporter, identified as Gift Tandare, was shot and
killed by the police as Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and civic
groups defied a ban on rallies and protests imposed by President Robert
Mugabe's government last month.

Police spokesperson Wayne Bvudzijena confirmed the death of the MDC
supporter saying the man was "a ringleader of a group that had been causing
havoc at Gazaland" shopping centre in Highfield.

Save Zimbabwe Campaign, a coalition of opposition parties, churches,
students and labour that is pushing for political change in Zimbabwe had
called Sunday's rally.

But the rally was violently thwarted in similar scenes witnessed last month
when the police in full anti-riot gear sealed off the working class suburb
of Highfield and ordered all shops closed before indiscriminately beating up
residents and MDC supporters.

Tsvangirai, who was among those scheduled to address the meeting, was
arrested when he went to Machipisa police station to enquire on the charges
being preferred against officials of his party who had been arrested earlier
in the day.

Also arrested were National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) chairman Lovemore
Madhuku, Tendai Biti, the secretary general of the Tsvangirai-led MDC, Grace
Kwinje, the party's deputy secretary for international relations and women's
assembly chairperson, Lucia Matibenga.

St Mary's legislator, Job Sikhala, Morgan Changamire, the party's secretary
for defence and security and Frank Chamunorwa, all from the Mutambara camp,
were also arrested during the crackdown.

Lawyers representing the opposition leaders were by last night still
battling to get access to their clients as the police denied them entry into
Harare Central and Machipisa police stations.

"We cannot find them. For the past five hours, we have failed to get access
to them as the police are refusing to co-operate," said Harare lawyer Alec
Muchadehama, adding that at least a hundred activists had been arrested.

In a statement released night, Elias Mudzuri, the organising secretary in
the Tsvangfirai-led MDC, said Tandare was a member of the party's youth
wing.

Mudzuri also demanded the immediate release of Tsvangirai and other
opposition and civic leaders.

"We demand the immediate release of our leaders. We demand that the regime
makes democratic expression possible," said Mudzuri in the statement.

"The nation is on a knife-edge and the people want bread on their tables and
not bullets in their bellies. The regime has unnecessarily heightened
political tensions by arbitrarily arresting and assaulting innocent citizens
demanding change," added Mudzuri.

In a separate statement, also released last night, Welshman Ncube, the
secretary general of the Mutambara-led MDC, condemned Sunday's brutal
crackdown.

"This action by the police typifies the rogue nature of the regime and the
complete disregard for the rule of law and respect for civil liberties.

"The denial of legal assistance in such a barbaric manner is consistent with
the brutal nature of the Mugabe regime and should be condemned in the
strongest terms," said Ncube.

Political tensions are running high in Zimbabwe as an eight-year economic
crisis takes its toll on a population grappling with record inflation of 1
700 percent, surging unemployment and poverty.

The tensions worsened following proposals by the ruling ZANU PF party to
extend Mugabe's term by two years under an election "harmonization" plan
that will see presidential and parliamentary elections being held at the
same time in 2010.

The MDC and civic groups have vowed to resist the move saying the country
could not afford to have at the helm for an additional two more years. -
ZimOnline

Zimbabwe opposition chief held, activist shot dead

 

11/03/2007 18h44

Morgan Tsvangirai (R)
©AFP - Desmond Kwande

HARARE (AFP) - Zimbabwe's main opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai was arrested and an activist shot dead on Sunday after riot police thwarted a planned mass protest against President Robert Mugabe's government.

Tsvangirai, leader of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party, was one of dozens of MDC officials and activists detained in the Highfields area after they tried to defy a ban on protests in the capital.

The police also confirmed they had shot dead an MDC activist whom they claimed had ignored warning shots as he threatened a group of officers.

The fatal shooting and arrests further inflamed opinion among opponents of 83-year-old Mugabe as he voiced ambitions for another term of office.

Tsvangirai was detained near the venue of the planned demonstration as he tried to visit a police station where some of his colleagues were being held.

Tsvangirai's lawyer Alec Muchadehama said he had so far been "denied access" to his client and had not even been told where he was being held.

Opposition activists are arrested by police in Harare
©AFP - Desmond Kwande

Four MDC lawmakers were among those who had earlier been taken into custody as they tried to reach the Highfields sports ground.

As well as Tsvangirai and the MPs, chief party spokesman Nelson Chamisa and Arthur Mutambara, head of a splinter MDC faction, were picked up.

The rally, convened by The Save Zimbabwe Campaign, would have been a rare show of unity from the MDC's rival factions since a split in 2005.

But armed police sealed off roads to the political hotbed of Highfields, subjecting travellers to rigorous searches and turning away vehicles.

Truckloads of armed police were on patrol, dispersing residents walking towards the venue of the demonstration or gathered in groups.

"Highfields has been turned into a no-go area ... I have never seen such fascism," Chamisa told AFP before he was pulled out of a car and forced into a police van.

Police in Harare
©AFP - Desmond Kwande

The Save Zimbabwe Campaign is a coalition of church, rights and opposition groups agitating for political change in the southern African country, which has been run by Mugabe and his ZANU-PF party since independence in 1980.

While a ban was imposed last month on political rallies, the coalition tried to circumvent it by describing the gathering as a prayer session.

It said in a statement 110 people, including Tsvangirai, had been arrested although there were no figures from the police.

National police spokesman Wayne Bvudzijena did however confirm the shooting of the MDC activist in a shopping mall in Highfields, saying he was a leader of a gang who had hurled stones at officers on patrol.

"They were ordered to disperse but began to advance menacingly at the officers," said Bvudzijena.

"Warning shots were fired and the group still advanced. The police shot one male adult who appeared to be the leader of the group in the chest. He died on the spot and the group dispersed."

Morgan Tsvangirai
©AFP/File - Jerome Cartiller

Riot police used teargas and water cannons to break up another MDC rally three weeks ago which was to have been addressed by Tsvangirai, even though the high court had rejected a bid to ban the demonstration.

With inflation now the highest in the world at 1,730 percent, opposition to Mugabe has been mounting. Shortages of basic foodstuffs are widespread while most of the population is living below the poverty line.

Despite the economic meltdown, Mugabe appears determined to tough it out and extend his rule still further.

In an interview published Sunday, Mugabe indicated his desire to stand in the next presidential election if it is held as scheduled in 2008.

"If the party says so, I will stand," he told The Southern Times newspaper.

Local ZANU-PF representatives passed resolutions in December to extend his rule to allow presidential and legislative polls to be held concurrently in 2010. The move has still to be approved by the party central committee and MPs.

Zimbabwe opposition chiefs held as Mugabe enforces rally ban

The Telegraph

By Peta Thornycroft in Harare
Last Updated: 6:36pm GMT 11/03/2007

      The leaders of the Zimbabwean opposition movement and more than 100 of
his supporters were arrested today as President Robert Mugabe ordered police
to enforce a ban on political rallies.

      A young activist was also shot dead by riot police in the capital,
Harare, during a day of tension as members of the Movement for Democratic
Change were joined by church leaders and civil rights activists in defying a
ban on a prayer rally held in the Highfield district of the city.

      Activists close to where the young man was shot said police refused to
allow an ambulance to pick him up.

      Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara, the presidents of the divided
opposition movement, as well as five MPs were among those arrested as squads
of riot police were sent to ensure the rally did not proceed.

      Scores of people were beaten as they were arrested.

      Dozens of churches in Highfield were closed to worshippers today, and
beerhalls and small shops in the township had also been closed by the
authorities. By dawn, police had effectively sealed off all entrances to the
Zimbabwe Grounds, in Highfield, where the church-backed rally was due to
take place. Only a few dozen opposition supporters managed to get close to
the entrance.
      Israeli-made water canons had been deployed along entrances to the
Zimbabwe Grounds, and hundreds of uniformed and riot police were deployed at
roadblocks around the area.

      "It's not safe in there," said a policeman at a road block in
Highfield.

      "Turn around and go now," he said after thoroughly searching The Daily
Telegraph's vehicle.

      All political gatherings, but not religious rallies, are banned in
Harare for three months, but police had specifically outlawed this rally
organised by the Save Zimbabwe Campaign, led by Christian leaders.

      In a new and growing era of defiance by opposition groups all leaders
of the main opposition political parties tried to attend Save Zimbabwe
Campaign's prayer day.

      But the assistant commissioner of police, Wayne Bvudzijena, had warned
the organisers of the rally that he would not allow it to take place.

      After the shooting and arrests, he said: "I don't believe there were
any incidents and the rally did not take place."

      Despite overseeing an economy which now faces the world's highest
inflation rate - over 1,700 per cent - and food shortages, Mr Mugabe, 83,
hinted that he would seek re-election next year.

      "If the party says so, I will stand," he said.

Rally for Zimbabwe takes place in Trafalgar Square

Zimbabwe Vigil Diary – 10th March 2007

For the second week in a row hundreds of Zimbabweans gathered at the Vigil to protest at the rapidly deteriorating situation back home. Everyone seemed to sense the time has come. This week the immediate draw was a rally in nearby Trafalgar Square organised by ACTSA (Action for Southern Africa, the successor to the Anti-apartheid Movement) to mark the role of women in the struggle for freedom and justice.  The rally was supported by British trade unions and the main speaker was Lovemore Matombo, President of the ZCTU (Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions). He said the worsening poverty in Zimbabwe was hurting women most of all and protecting women was protecting the nation.  The protest singer Viomak, who launched her latest CD at the Vigil two weeks ago, entertained the crowd between speeches by such people as Frances O’ Grady, Deputy General Secretary of the Trades Union Congress, and Kate Hoey, Chair of the All-Party Parliamentary Group on Zimbabwe. 

At the close of the rally there was a mass toyi-toyi to the Vigil accompanied by the Vigil drums. Passers-by were bemused when over a hundred Vigil supporters danced and sang their way along the Strand.  The Vice-President of the ZCTU, Lucia Matibenga, told the Vigil that, despite talk of divisions, various groups in Zimbabwe were working together under the Christian Alliance to campaign for change.  She was warmly applauded when she declared “those not working for unity are working for Mugabe. People must work together now and set aside personal agendas”.  When the Vigil finally broke up, we left the doorways of the Embassy carpeted in red carnations in tribute to the bravery of Zimbabwean women.

Thanks to all those who were on the rota to keep the Vigil going during the rally – nobody forgot and everyone was on time to relieve the previous shift.  Thanks to Patson, Dumi, Mercy and Doubt who gave the rally such an authentic Zimbabwean feeling.  It was good to have the Bristol Vigil join us as well as supporters from Liverpool, Huddersfield, Leicester and many other places.  Our faithful English supporter, Ian, has posted a short piece on today’s rally on the Indymedia website, check link: http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2007/03/364823.html?c=on#c168588.

For this week’s Vigil pictures: http://www.flickr.com/photos/zimbabwevigil/

FOR THE RECORD:  Attendance about 250 (could be more because the register was overwhelmed again). 

FOR YOUR DIARY: Monday, 12th March 7.30 pm. Central London Zimbabwe Forum. Our usual venue is not available to us.  We will meet at The Bell and Compass (small function room at the back of the bar area – look for sign saying MDC London Forum), 9-11 Villiers Street, London, WC2N 6NA. Underground: Charing Cross (1 minute), Embankment (3 minutes). 

Vigil co-ordinator

The Vigil, outside the Zimbabwe Embassy, 429 Strand, London, takes place every Saturday from 14.00 to 18.00 to protest against gross violations of human rights by the current regime in Zimbabwe. The Vigil which started in October 2002 will continue until internationally-monitored, free and fair elections are held in Zimbabwe. http://www.zimvigil.co.uk

Zimbabwe student leaders in hiding

Zim Online

           Monday 12 March 2007

By Nqobizitha Khumalo

BULAWAYO - Two Zimbabwean student leaders have gone into hiding after the
police intensified a manhunt for them following last Tuesday's violent
protests over tuition fees at Hillside Teachers College in Bulawayo.

Promise Mkwananzi who is the president of the National Students Association
(ZINASU), and his deputy, Tinaye Mukweva, are being accused of inciting
students to revolt against President Robert Mugabe's government.

At least 20 student leaders were arrested at the college following the
protests over high tuition fees. Zimbabwean students at state run colleges
have been boycotting classes since last week in protest over high fees.

The police severely assaulted students at the college in a bid to foil the
demonstration. The police later released 16 students but detained four
others - Beloved Chiweshe, Trust Nhubu, Lawrence Mashungu and Simbarashe
Mukusha.

Mkhwananzi, speaking from a secret location in Bulawayo, said he has since
received information indicating that the security agents were hunting for
him as they had visited his house at odd hours of the night.

"I have received worrying warnings that I am on a target list compiled by
the security forces. As it is, I am not staying at home because they have
already come to my place at odd hours," said Mkhwananzi.

"Our colleagues were heavily assaulted and the police are alleging that we
are the brains behind the demonstrations," he added.

Mkhwananzi said students will press ahead with their protests until the
government reversed its decision to hike fees.

Protests by students over high fees and deteriorating conditions at state
universities and colleges are common in Zimbabwe which is going through its
worst economic recession since independence in 1980. - ZimOnline

Mugabe wants another term

News24

11/03/2007 14:11  - (SA)

Harare - Zimbabwe's long-ruling President Robert Mugabe said in an interview
on Sunday that he intends to stand in the country's next presidential
elections if they are held as scheduled in 2008.

"If the party says so, I will stand," The Southern Times co-published by New
Era in Windhoek and Zimbabwe Newspapers in Harare quoted Mugabe as saying.

The 83-year-old Mugabe had originally indicated he would step down when his
term expires next year, 28 years after assuming power with Zimbabwe's
independence from Britain in 1980.

Local representatives from Mugabe's Zanu-PF party passed resolutions in
December last year to extend his rule by two more years to allow the
concurrent holding of presidential and parliamentary polls, but the move has
still to be approved by the party's powerful central committee and
parliament.

"It (harmonisation) has not been decided," Mugabe told The Southern Times.

"These are just ideas that found expression in individual resolutions from
provinces and we have not even said we will this or that."

The country's main opposition has vowed to fight plans to extend Mugabe's
rule, saying with four-digit inflation and most of the population living
below the poverty threshold the country cannot afford any more of Mugabe's
term.

Elephants fed to cash crocs

IOL

          March 11 2007 at 10:41AM

      By Eleanor Momberg

      Zimbabwe's national parks and wildlife management authority is killing
elephants near Lake Kariba to feed to crocodiles at a parks-owned commercial
crocodile farm.

      Johnny Rodrigues, the chairman of the Zimbabwe Conservation Task Force
(ZCTF), says the guardians of Zimbabwe's national parks have entered the
lucrative crocodile breeding business and have allocated 50 to 100 elephants
a year to feed the crocodiles.

      "They have shot three already. We are looking into allegations that
other crocodile farms in the country are being supplied with elephant meat
from culls in conservation areas," said Rodrigues.

      Geoff Blyth, a Kariba resident, this week sent out an international
e-mail appeal to help save the elephants of Lake Kariba, saying national
parks had been given the go-ahead to build their own crocodile farm in the
Kaburi wilderness area, on the shore opposite two popular tourist
attractions.

      Crocodile farming is a lucrative business, with owners of such
ventures earning millions through the sale and export of skins for the
manufacture of leather products such as handbags and shoes, as well as the
sale of the reptiles' meat, a delicacy among local communities.

      While Blyth saw nothing wrong with the planned development, he was
concerned about the proposal that crocodiles were to be fed elephant meat.

      He questioned the need to cull elephants in the area, saying they did
not have enough to sustain the proposed quota of 50 to 100 pachyderms a
year.

      Also of concern was the fact that most elephants in Kariba were
habituated to humans.

      "If they shoot even 50, that will be the end of our Kariba elephant
population," said Blyth's e-mail.

      The placing of the crocodile breeding facility would see officials
having "direct access to any elephant wandering past, and the remaining
buffalo and whatever is left there to feed their crocs".

      Blyth said an elephant caught in a snare had recently been shot so
that officials could determine how many elephants a year would be required
to keep their crocodiles fed.

      "They are destroying everything," said Blyth. "We are researching the
matter, because we believe there is a silent cull going on. More and more
tourists are complaining they are not seeing any game.

      This article was originally published on page 1 of Tribune on March
11, 2007

Inflation forces citizens into mafia economy

IOL

          March 11 2007 at 09:56AM

      By Peta Thornycroft

      Harare - The reaction to the question put to a long-established gold
producer: "Would you like to be legal again?" was a long sigh of profound
yearning.

      Decent people in the business community - industrialists, farmers,
informal traders, gold miners, fuel importers, foreign aid workers - want to
obey the law.

      They want to be able to stop talking in code on the appalling mobile
networks, to stop doing billion-dollar deals by sms, pay tax even, never
again do business in car parks at night or slip wads of money under the
table at coffee shops.

      The vendors want to be able to sell tomatoes on Fridays without having
to dodge and dive, fearful that underpaid municipal police will seize their
produce for their weekend needs, "because they don't have a licence".

      They can't get licences, so they build their losses into the selling
price of the next bag of beans.

      The craziness of officialdom has forced ordinarily law-abiding
Zimbabweans to become part of the mafia economy, which is now the only
economy.

      The big, established speculators, who deal in gold, diamonds,
cigarettes and currency, will do what they have to, and maintain the system
from which they profit, which means bribes - some call it "commission" -
paid out at every tier of their operations. And however distasteful that
system might be, it does keep the economy going.

      The Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe, which is not restricted by any laws to
maintain the absurd price they officially pay for gold, also breaks its own
price rules all the time.

      It officially pays producers ZIM$16 000 (about R500) a gram for gold,
and gives them written receipts from the mint, known as Fidelity Printers,
on that basis. At the official exchange rate of ZIM$250 to the dollar, that
is quite a generous $64 (about R470) a gram.

      But the real, parallel or black market exchange rate is more like
ZIM$10 000 to the dollar (and rising) so ZIM$16 000 a gram translates into
only $1,6 (R11,80).

      Even for Zimbabwe, this is absurd, so in reality, Fidelity Printers is
paying the gold producers (in cash of course,) ZIM$60 000. At the parallel
rate, that is $6 a gram, still slightly more than a quarter of the world
price for gold - about $21 a gram - which is what the Reserve Bank gets when
it sells the gold internationally. But it's the best the gold producers can
get, officially.

      Even though they are being ripped off, the gold dealers must conduct
these transactions from luxury 4x4s in pot-holed shopping malls or at
private houses, because they are getting more than they "should" be
getting - in the cloud cuckoo-land official world where one dollar is worth
only ZIM$250.

      So the gold producer, yearning to be legal but trying to stay alive,
is forced to sell a minimum to the government and to flog the bulk of his
gold to traders who pay him about two-thirds of what he would get on the
open market.

      Several key officials in the government's quite well-manned and
regulated mining departments spend their days twiddling their thumbs,
because officials from the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe have unofficially taken
over their jobs.

      So this year gold production will officially slump to 100 000 ounces,
half what it was in 2006, which was half what it was the year before. And so
on. Unofficially, the gold is still coming out of the ground at about the
same rate.

      To change this and bring all the gold into the economy, all the
Reserve Bank need do is pay Zimbabwe's gold producers just a bit less than
producers get in South Africa.

      Since the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe's purge of the gold industry began
last November, producers, official and unofficial, are either out of
business or operate in great danger of arrest and worse, or they have been
taken over by the central bank.

      This combination means that Zimbabwe's gold - and there is plenty of
it - has largely disappeared from the formal market.

      Runaway inflation has almost destroyed normal business transactions.
In the past 10 days, the rate has doubled. When I started writing this
story, the parallel exchange rate was more like ZIM$10 000 to the dollar.
Now it's about $11 000. By the time you read this, who knows?

      This makes business difficult for everyone, not just gold dealers. In
a computer shop this week, a man walked in to buy a cartridge for his
printer. "How much?" he said to the girl Friday manning the phones.

      "Don't know, we are not trading today. The boss is in Jo'burg, and the
rate [the value of the Zimbabwe dollar] has gone mad, so we don't know what
to charge."

      The buyer, a regular customer, shrugged. He needed his cartridge. He
put it in his pocket and the receptionist noted the sale and said she would
charge him next week, when the rate settled, if it ever did.

      When the price of milk went up on Wednesday to about ZIM$17 000 for a
two-litre bottle, from ZIM$10 000 the day before, a woman wailed at the
checkout till. That was just one voice in a chorus of wails, because that
24-hours scenario is being repeated everywhere.

      At the official rate of exchange, that two litres of milk would have
cost about R504. That's correct, ladies and gentlemen, the calculator on my
mobile does not lie.

      At the real price, if the sum is done using the black market rate of
exchange (which is how everyone in the urban areas operates), it would have
cost about R1,40 for the same bottle of milk. Quite cheap really.

      So the man in Harare's upmarket Avondale suburb running a large house,
a borehole all day and the usual DStv, kettles, electric stove, etc, pays
R15 a month for electricity, calculated at the black market rate.

      Imagine, now, if the Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority, Zesa, did
begin charging for power at an economic rate, perhaps similar to South
African power bills. No one, except the five percent of the population with
access to foreign currency, would be able to switch on a light.

      Or turn a tap on, providing of course the lights and water are
working, which they often aren't.

      And yet Gideon Gono, the Reserve Bank governor, has bowed to pressure
from Mugabe to keep the official exchange rate of $1 to ZIM$250.

      So is a revolution or insurrection around the corner? On the streets
and abroad, that's the talk. In reality, it's so hard to tell.

      Schoolchildren are still alighting from buses neatly dressed in green
checked uniforms, laughing and looking like children in any half-decent
society. Yes, their teachers went on strike but only for a day.

      There's no sugar, as usual, in the supermarkets, in high or low
density areas. But you can get it from the vendors, who keep it hidden under
a bush on the side of the road.

      In one particularly desolate township this week, where 35 vegetable
vendors died when their minibus ploughed into a locomotive, there is talk of
revolution. And in other townships too, there is anger and insurrection in
the air.

      But the police seem well prepared and motivated to beat up enough
people to maintain "law and order" should it look like it is getting out of
hand.

      Remember, it is only the minority of the population who live in the
towns. More than 70 percent are out in the rural areas and, while they are
struggling, and angrier now than ever before, Zanu-PF is still firmly in
control in its three stronghold Mashonaland provinces.

      "The army is there, the war veterans are there watching, the police
are hanging about, the CIO (Central Intelligence Organisation) is watching,
and one can't move without being noticed," said a small trader who was in
Harare for the day to pick up supplies for his shop.

      "It is very different where I live," he said, loading up groceries
into his van. - Foreign Service

     This article was originally published on page 5 of Sunday Independent
on March 11, 2007

The Midas touch in reverse

From The Sunday Argus (SA), 11 March

Our correspondent returned to Zimbabwe this week after an absence of a few
months and battled to re-adjust to the madness of living in a country in
which the government insists Z$250 can buy one US dollar while the reality
is that you need Z$11 000
The reaction to the question put to a long established gold producer, "Would
you like to be legal again?" was a long sigh of profound yearning. Decent
people in the business community - industrialists, farmers, informal
traders, gold miners, fuel importers, foreign aid workers - want to obey the
law. They want to be able to stop talking in code on the appalling mobile
networks, to stop doing billion-dollar deals by sms, pay tax even, never
again do business in car parks at night, or slip wads of money under the
table at coffee shops. The vendors want to be able to sell tomatoes on
Fridays without having to dodge and dive, fearful that underpaid municipal
police will seize their produce for their weekend needs, "because they don't
have a licence." They can't get licences, so they build their inevitable
losses into the selling price of the next bag of beans.
The craziness of officialdom has forced ordinarily law-abiding Zimbabweans
to become part of the mafia economy, which is now the only economy. And the
big, established speculators, who deal in gold, diamonds, cigarettes and
currency, will do what they have to, and maintain the system from which they
profit, which means bribes - some call it "commission" - paid out at every
tier of their operations. And however distasteful that system might be, it
does keep the economy going. The Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe, which is not
restricted by any laws to maintain the absurd price it officially pays for
gold, also breaks its own price rules all the time. It officially pays
producers Z$16 000 a gram for gold, and gives them written receipts from the
mint, known as Fidelity Printers, on that basis. At the official exchange
rate of Z$250 to the US dollar that is quite a generous US$64 a gram, or
slightly more than the international going rate of US$21. But the real,
parallel or black market exchange rate is more like Z$10 000 to the US
dollar (and rising) so Z$16 000 a gram translates into only US$1.60.
Even for Zimbabwe, this is absurd, so in reality, Fidelity Printers is
paying the gold producers, (in cash of course) Z$60 000. At the parallel
rate that is US$6 a gram, still just over a quarter of the world price for
gold - about US$21 a gram - which is what the Reserve Bank gets when it
sells the gold internationally. But it's the best the gold producers can
get, officially. Even though they are being ripped off, the gold dealers
still have to conduct these transactions from luxury 4x4s in pot-holed
shopping malls or at private houses, because they are getting way more than
they "should" be getting - in the cloud-cuckoo-land official world where a
US dollar is worth only Z$250. The gold is bought unweighed, and unchecked
for purity. "I could melt down that brass window handle, if I wanted to, and
sell it as gold to the government and no one would know," said a gold
producer from central Zimbabwe. So the gold producer, yearning to be legal
but trying to stay alive, is forced to sell a minimum to the government and
to flog the bulk of his gold to traders who pay him about two-thirds of what
he would get on the open market.
Several key officials in the government's quite well-staffed and regulated
mining departments spend their days twiddling their thumbs, because
officials from the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe have unofficially taken over
their jobs. So this year gold production will officially slump to 100 000
ounces, half of what it was in 2006, which was half of what it was the year
before. And so on. Unofficially, the gold is still coming out of the ground
at about the same rate. To change this and bring all the gold into the
economy, all the Reserve Bank needs to do is pay Zimbabwe's gold producers
just a bit less than producers get in South Africa. Since the Reserve Bank
of Zimbabwe's purge of the gold industry began last November, producers,
official and unofficial, are either out of business or operate in great
danger of arrest and worse, or they have been taken over by the central
bank. The combination means Zimbabwe's gold - and there is plenty of it -
has largely disappeared from the formal market.
What about diamonds? And the diamond rush in south-eastern Zimbabwe which
began last September, and from where legal, multinational claimants have
been evicted? Want to buy a bucket of mostly industrial diamonds? "Sure. No
probs. Call back tomorrow," said a small-time currency trader, who hates
what he is doing but, it should be said, is getting used to it as he has a
large extended family to provide for in the better part of a township south
of the city. Runaway inflation has almost destroyed normal business
transactions. And it makes even journalism quite difficult. In the last 10
days the rate has doubled. When I started writing this article, the parallel
exchange rate was more like Z$10 000 to the US dollar. Now it's about $11
000. When you read this, who knows? This makes business difficult for
everyone, not just gold dealers. In a computer shop this week, a man walked
in to buy a cartridge for his printer. "How much?" he said to the Girl
Friday manning the phones. "Don't know, we are not trading today. The boss
is in Jo'burg, and the rate (the value of the Zimbabwe dollar) has gone mad,
so we don't know what to charge." The buyer, a regular customer, shrugged.
He needed his cartridge so he put it in his pocket, the receptionist noted
the sale and said she would charge him next week, when the rate settles, if
it does.
When the price of milk went up on Wednesday to about Z$17 000 for a
two-litre bottle, from Z$10 000 the day before, a woman wailed at the check
out till. That was just one voice in a chorus of wails. At the official rate
of exchange, that two litres of milk would have cost about R504. At the real
price, if the sum is done using the black market rate of exchange (which is
how everyone in the urban areas operates, from President Robert Mugabe's
housekeepers to the small diamond dealer outside the Chinese shops in the
"cows guts" end of Harare), it would have cost about R1.40. The man in
Harare's upmarket Avondale suburb, running a large house, a borehole all
day, and the usual DStv, kettles, electric stove etc., pays R15 a month for
electricity, calculated at the black market rate. Imagine if the Zimbabwe
Electricity Supply Authority did begin charging for power at an economic
rate, perhaps similar to South African power bills. No one except the 5% of
the population with access to foreign currency would ever be able to switch
on a light. Or turn a tap on, providing of course the lights and water are
working, which they often aren't.
And yet, Reserve Bank governor Gideon Gono has bowed to pressure from Mugabe
to keep the official exchange rate of US$1 to Z$250. Since his knees buckled
the last time he did that, five weeks ago, the rate of inflation hit an
all-time high and the Zimbabwe dollar devalued at its fastest rate yet. And
the official rate remained unchanged. So is a revolution or insurrection
around the corner? On the streets and abroad, that's the talk. In reality,
it's hard to tell. School children are still alighting from buses neatly
dressed in green checked uniforms, laughing and playing and looking like
children in any half-decent society. Yes, their teachers went on strike, but
only for a day. People are groaning at checkout tills. And making a plan
every day to survive. There's no sugar, as usual in the supermarkets, in
high or low density areas. But you can get it from the vendors, who keep it
hidden under a bush on the side of the road.
In one particularly desolate township this week, where 35 poor vegetable
vendors died when their minibus ploughed into a locomotive, there is talk of
revolution. And in other townships too, there is intense anger and
insurrection in the air. But the police seem well prepared and motivated to
beat up enough people to maintain "law and order" should it look like it's
getting out of hand. Remember it's only the minority of the population who
live in the towns. More than 70% are out in the rural areas, and while they
are struggling, and angrier now than ever before, Zanu PF is still firmly in
control in its three stronghold Mashonaland provinces. "The army is there,
the war veterans are there watching, the police are hanging about, the CIO
(Central Intelligence Organisation) is watching, and one can't move without
being noticed," said a small trader who was in Harare for the day to pick up
supplies for his shop 200km north of the capital. "It is very, very
different, out there, where I live," he said, loading groceries into his
van.

After that horrific crash someone should have quit

zimbabwejournalists.com

11th Mar 2007 20:40 GMT

By Chenjerai Chitsaru

AFTER the horrific train-commuter bus crash in Harare last Tuesday, in which
36 people died, someone should have resigned: perhaps not President Robert
Mugabe himself, but at least someone connected with the railways, road
transport or both.

In many countries with a strong, solid background of democracy, the minister
of transport would have offered his resignation.

With that gesture, he or she would be attempting to atone for the loss of so
many lives, on behalf of the government, particularly in an accident that
was avoidable.
Even if the resignation was turned down by the president, the minister would
benefit from the sympathy of the people in general.

This would be for demonstrating a huge heart in the face of a tragedy for
which  he may not have  held  himself personally responsible, but for which
he felt such a deep concern he was obliged to make a public gesture of some
sort.

Unfortunately for us, even if we have held elections when they were
constitutionally due and have belonged to the United Nations since
independence, the tradition of real democracy has been patchy, to say the
least.

There are instances in our history, over the last 27 years, which most
pragmatic observers would list as demonstrating a government impunity
towards the citizens' rights which borders on the fascist.

No minister or senior security or military officer resigned over
Gukurahundi, even after Mugabe had made his low-key apology to the people
for those atrocities.
No minister resigned over the 1997 economic atrocity in which the government
paid out benefits to the war veterans which half-crippled the economy.

Nobody resigned over that other political atrocity, the land reform fiasco,
which has brought the country to this present crisis.
In general, therefore, the government of Robert Mugabe has refused to
acknowledge any responsibility for what misfortunehas befallen this country.

So, you could ask: why would anybody, knowing this to be a shameful fact of
our lives since independence, expect the recent disaster to persuade anybody
in some authority to resign in shame?

Yet we must all pause and examine this phenomenon in some detail. It would
not be farcical to suggest that this government feels no particular
inclination to account for any of its actions to the people.
After the Dzivarasekwa crash, the politicians descended on the high density
suburb. They saw for themselves why most of the victims of the crash were
women bound for Mbare Musika to buy produce for resale.

Dzivarasekwa is a glorified slum, although the government and the
municipality insist it is a suburb of Harare. It could be described, most
aptly, as many such slums ought to be, as an outpost of poverty.

The politicians, including the acting president, Joseph Msika, turned up in
their immaculate suits and their equally immaculate plastic expressions of
sympathy, to offer largesse to the bereaved.

You wondered, immediately, if any of them appreciated why, in some indirect
way, the tragedy along the railway line was their responsibility.
The tall grass which blocked the commuter bus driver's view of the
approaching train; the driver's own insistence on playing his radio loud
enough to wake the dead; the impunity with which he could overload his bus
without any risk of police intervention.
All this could be placed squarely on the shoulders of the government. It is
acknowledged that the government is short of cash, short of foreign
currency -  short of everything of which it had in abundance before 2000.

There has been a tendency to engage in a one-sided blame game over this
tragedy: illegal Western sanctions are to blame,
Even the spread of HIV/Aids has not been blamed on anything other than
sanctions, in the end.

The corruption in the government, acknowledged in public by Mugabe himself,
has largely escaped culpability. Once in a blue moon, the governor of the
Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe, Gideon Gono, weighs in with the declaration that
corruption is the sort of twin brother of inflation in the destruction of
the economy.

In general, the major culprit have been the sanctions. They are styled as
"illegal" because they were not sanctioned by the United Nations - as the
sanctions against the UDI regime of Ian Smith were.

Incidentally, the Dzivarasekwa outrage was not the first accident in which
many lives have been lost. There have been others, involving train
derailments and bus accidents.
The National Railways of Zimbabwe may not have been officially declared
bankrupt, but it is known to be so short of cash there have been attempts to
find a "well-heeled suitor" to partner it - as one cynical analyst put it.

One derailment was blamed on obsolete signal equipment; another on ancient
sleepers. The NRZ, in short, is short of foreign currency with which to
refurbish its entire network.
Its sister parastatal, Air Zimbabwe, has faced similar problems;
fortunately, there have not been as many air crashes as there have been
derailments, but experts have warned it is still early days.

There have been a few publicized near-misses, mishaps on the ground and of
aircraft being recalled to the airport after developing engine or other
technical problems while airborne.

The management of the airline is something of a farce, according to industry
critics. There has been such a high turnover of chief executive officers it
has been said that the airline is still o land safely, managerially.
The government has made no secret of its anxiety over the running of the
airline. It is scouting for a partner, so far without success. Analysts say
the management record of both the government and the airline seem to be at
the of their inability to land a partner soon.

Another transport parastatal, the Zimbabwe United Passenger Company (ZUPCO),
has had its fair share of problems, one of them a perennial shortage of
buses to service all its routes. What has eased its problems is the generous
assistance of the Chinese, who have supplied it with long-wheelbase buses.

One nagging problem concerns the ready availability of spares, as the buses
have garnered a reputation - justified or not - for being off the road more
than on it.
Every aspect of the economy is r5eeling from an acute shortage of foreign
currency, which the government previously received from the sale of its
tobacco, gold, nickel, asbestos and other minerals.

Since 2000, there has been such a drop in exports of the major foreign
currency-generating products that the Zimdollar has plunged in real value,
its ability to compete with other currencies, including the regional ones,
virtually crippled.

The private transport sector, created after "deregulation" in the early
1990s, is also perennially short of foreign currency to buy spares for their
fleets. As a result, the vehicles are in such a poor state of roadworthiness
most would not pass a thorough vehicle inspection. The tendency is for the
commuter bus operators to "cut corners", to fit their vehicles with
secondhand spares or bribe the police to let them off when their vehicles
are found to be in bad shape.

Moreover, the bus operators have a reputation for employing unlicensed
drivers because they would not demand the requisite salary. As a result of
the shrinking value of the workers' disposable incomes, even the police are
tempted to accept bribes, which persuade them to turn a blind eye an
unlicensed driver turns up in charge of an overloaded commuter bus.

For all these deficiencies, the government may deny culpability, but to many
people it is highly mischievous for the government to blame it all on
sanctions.
By now, seven years after the bottom fell out of the economy following the
land reform fiasco, most people are convinced the government has failed to
put the economy back to where it was before 2000.

Zanu PF seems acutely conscious of its very limited chances of winning any
election in this atmosphere of disaffection. As always, the government has
reacted with an iron fist to any attempts by the opposition parties to rally
the people against Zanu PF.
The police have been deployed extensively to disrupt any meetings of the
opposition whose strategy now seems to be that if the government will not
resign, they should be pushed out.

The scene seems to be set for a final confrontation between Zanu PF and the
opposition forces. Dialogue, once thought to be an easier option for both
sides, now seems to have faded entirely into the landscape.