MDC presses for national policy on hero status

http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk


Friday, 13 March 2009

MDC presses for national policy on heroes HARARE - The MDC presses for
an inclusive national policy with set parameters and clearly defined
yardsticks that determine who qualifies to be a national hero.
We strongly believe that the conferment of hero status cannot be the
exclusive preserve of one political party. Certainly, neither the MDC
national executive nor the Zanu PF politburo has any unilateral right to
determine who is a hero and who is not.  Hero status must be conferred by an
all-stakeholders' body with no single subjective interest in the conferment
of such national status on any individual.
While we have no debate with the hero status of Retired Army General
Vitalis Zvinavashe, we believe that there must be an inclusive, transparent
and nationally acceptable policy on the conferring of hero status.
Zvinavashe is a gallant son who has served his country selflessly as a
freedom fighter, a service chief and a Member of Parliament.
But it is erroneous to believe that only politicians qualify to be
national heroes. Zimbabweans have produced the best minds in business, in
sport, in music and in the arts in general. The MDC equally believes that
one does not need to be dead to be appreciated in the
country of their birth.   Acknowledging talent and celebrating it is
the hallmark of progressive and civilised societies.
In light of the inclusive political arrangement currently obtaining in
the country, the selection of a national hero cannot be an exclusive
political process. We need to be working together in every process to
reflect the new spirit of rapprochement and national engagement of all
players for the good of the nation and the country.
Zimbabweans. especially in light of this inclusive government would
have expected an inclusive national process that determines and debates on
critical issues such as the national hero status of individuals.
The MDC unreservedly commits itself to the respect and honouring of
all national events, symbols and values. In this vein, it is critical that
the preparation and participation in all these events be inclusive. Those of
us in the MDC would wish to see one day a Zanu cadre standing side by side
with an MDC cadre in their party regalia celebrating a national event.
That would be the beginning of wisdom and true national healing.
MDC Information and Publicity Department

Tsvangirai to attend Zvinavashe's burial at Heroes Acre

http://www.swradioafrica.com

By Tichaona Sibanda
13 March 2009

Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai was scheduled to return to Harare on Friday
from Buhera, to attend Saturday's burial of the late former Defence Forces
chief, General Vitalis Zvinavashe.

After the burial of his wife on Wednesday, the Prime Minister remained in
Buhera with his children and close family. But his spokesman James Maridadi
said he would return to the capital on Friday.

'He is still mourning the death of his wife but he will be back in Harare to
attend the burial of General Zvinavashe, which is a state occasion,'
Maridadi said. At Heroes Acre, Tsvangirai is expected to come face to face
with all the security and defence chiefs. The Joint Operations Command
members have been conspicous by their absence at most functions that
Tsvangirai has attended.

A source told us from Harare that the JOC members, who boycotted Tsvangirai's
inuguration, were also absent from his wife's memorial service at the
Methodist church in Harare and at her burial in Buhera.

'They have avoided any contact with Tsvangirai since they famously declared
on the eve of the 2002 presidential elections that they would not salute
anyone without liberation war credentials,' our source said. A statement
clearly targetted at Tsvangirai.

'Since he is now the Prime Minister, all eyes will be on the service chiefs
to see if they will salute Tsvangirai when he arrives at the Heroes Acre for
the burial,' our source added.

Bernard Matongo, a retired army colonel told us that military etiquette
demands that the service chiefs salute both the head of state and head of
government.

'If they choose to salute Robert Mugabe at the heroes acre and ignore
Tsvangirai that would send wrong signals. In any case, there is no reason
for the service chiefs to work against the inclusive government because the
party (ZANU PF) that they come from has embraced it,' Matongo said.

After the burial the Prime Minister will take time off from his government
duties and has delegated his deputy, Thokozani Khupe, to be the acting
premier in his asbence. On Sunday, Tsvangirai is scheduled to fly to
Johannesburg, South Africa.
He is travelling to that country at the invitation of the ruling African
National Congress President Jacob Zuma who has offered him and his family
facilities to help recover from the loss of his wife. He is expected to be
away for two weeks.
A memorial service will be held in the UK on Saturday for the late Susan
Tsvangirai. It will be held at the Methodist church in Warwick Lane,
Coventry, starting at noon. Pastor John Chisvo is urging Zimbabweans in the
UK to attend, to give their last respects to Amai Tsvangirai.

'As you might be aware Mrs Susan Tsvangirai was a full member of the
Methodist Church in Zimbabwe, therefore the Methodists UK-Fellowship are
creating this platform for all Zimbabweans to come and give their last
respect to Amai Tsvangirai. This will be an opportunity to convey our
condolence messages to our Prime Minister and his family,' Pastor Chisvo
said.
On Friday in South Africa, hundreds of Zimbabweans, including
representatives from that country's political parties, attended a memorial
service for Susan Tsvangirai at the Methodist church in central
Johannesburg. The service ran from 12 to 2pm.
Vanesha Gavender from the Save Zimbabwe Now campaign, the organisers of the
memorial, told us the service was a moving tribute to Susan's life. The MDC
was represented at the ceremony by Tapiwa Mashakada, the MP for Hatfield.
'The attendance was quite good. Speaker after speaker gave a moving and at
times emotional speech about Susan Tsvangirai,' Gavender said.

Khupe is Acting Prime Minister

http://www.zimonline.co.za

by Nokuthula Sibanda Saturday 14 March 2009

HARARE - MDC deputy president Thokozani Khupe has assumed the Acting
Prime Minister's post in the absence of Zimbabwe's Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai who is still mourning his wife who died in a car crash last week,
a senior government official said on Friday.

A senior official in the Prime Ministers office who spoke on condition
that his name was not published, said Khupe, who is one of the two deputy
prime ministers in the unity government, will hold fort until Tsvangirai
returns to work.

"Miss Khupe is currently the Acting Prime Minister until the Prime
Minister who is mourning his wife in Buhera returns to work," the official
said.

"We are not sure when the Prime Minister is returning to work, but it
could be as early as next week."

Tsvangirai's wife died shortly after a truck belonging to an HIV/AIDS
aid project funded by the British and American governments slammed into the
vehicle the couple was travelling in causing it to roll over three times.

Susan, Tsvangirai's wife of 31 years, was thrown out of the car
sustaining heavy injuries in the process. She was pronounced dead on arrival
at a Harare hospital and was buried in Buhera on Wednesday.

The official also said that the two Deputy Prime Ministers Khupe and
Arthur Mutambara will attend the burial of former Zimbabwe Defence Forces
commander, Retired General Vitalis Zvinavashe, at the National Heroes Acre
on Saturday.

"Unless there are major changes, Miss Khupe and Deputy Prime Minister
Arthur Mutambara will also attend the burial of General Zvinavashe tommorow
(Saturday)." - ZimOnline

Chiwenga may salute Tsvangirai at last

http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=13395

March 13, 2009

By Raymond Maingire

HARARE - Zimbabwe Defence Forces commander, General Constantine Chiwenga,
and other recalcitrant service chief's may finally have occasion to salute
Zimbabwe's new Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, despite their declarations
to the contrary.

Tsvangirai will attend the burial of the late Defence Forces commander
Retired General Vitalis Zvinavashe on Saturday.

Zvinavashe died Tuesday morning after a long illness and was declared a
national hero to be buried at the National Heroes' Acre in Harare.
Tsvangirai's spokesperson James Maridadi told reporters Friday the Prime
Minister would appear at the national shrine.

Since the formation of his party in 1999 this will be Tsvangirai's first
appearance at the Heroes' Acre to attend the burial of a national hero.

While Tsvangirai will attend the ceremony, his party on Friday issued a
statement questioning the heroes' selection criteria. The MDC has been
highly critical of the partisan way in which President Robert Mugabe's
Zanu-PF has been conferring national hero's status on gallant members of the
country's citizenship.

Tsvangirai's appearance at the Heroes Acre would be perceived by many as one
of the most real signs both Zanu-PF and MDC, which are party to the new al-
inclusive government, have genuinely closed ranks to form a coherent
administration.

Last Tuesday President Mugabe rallied his own troops to attend a church
ceremony organised in honour of Susan Tsvangirai, the late wife to the Prime
Minister, who died in last Friday's car crash. Tsvangirai sustained minor
head injuries.

But the interesting dimension to Tsvangirai's appearance at the national
shrine would be the response of the country's military chiefs who seem to
have deliberately avoided any contact with the new Prime Minister.

The highly partisan service chiefs, who include Chiwenga, Police
Commissioner General Augustine Chihuri, Air Force of Zimbabwe's Perrence
Shiri, CIO director, Happyton Bonyongwe  and Zimbabwe Prison Service's
Major-General Paradzayi Zimondi, have vowed never to salute Tsvangirai, a
bitter enemy of Mugabe until the two joined hands recently in the government
of national unity.

At Heroes Acre they will be left with no option but to abide by the dictates
of military etiquette which binds them to salute senior government
officials.

The generals, who did not attend Tsvangirai's swearing in ceremony on
February 11 are feared to be among a clique of hardliner Mugabe allies who
are fiercely opposed to the newly formed unity government.

They did not attend Susan Tsvangirai's church service where government
ministers from Zanu-PF were present.

But while they had the option of not attending the two functions, this time
they have no option but attend the burial of one of their own commanders.

The sabre-rattling military commanders are believed to have masterminded
President Mugabe's "victory" in the June 2008 presidential elections through
a wave of political violence that allegedly left more than 200 MDC
supporters dead.

Zvinavashe died on Tuesday after battling with cancer.

Meanwhile, the MDC said while it had no qualms about Zvinavashe's status as
a national hero, the party wanted an inclusive national policy with set
parameters and clearly defined yardsticks to determine who qualifies to be a
national hero.

"We strongly believe that the conferment of hero status cannot be the
exclusive preserve of one political party," said the party in a statement.
"Certainly, neither the MDC national executive nor the Zanu-PF politburo has
any unilateral right to determine who is a hero and who is not.

"Hero status must be conferred by an all-stakeholders' body with no single
subjective interest in the conferment of such national status on any
individual.

"While we have no debate with the hero status of Retired Army General
Vitalis Zvinavashe, we believe that there must be an inclusive, transparent
and nationally acceptable policy on the conferring of hero status.

"Zvinavashe is a gallant son who has served his country selflessly as a
freedom fighter, a service chief and a Member of Parliament.

The MDC said it was erroneous to believe that only politicians qualified to
be national heroes.

"Zimbabweans had produced the best minds in business, in sport, in music and
in the arts in general," said the MDC.

"The MDC equally believes that one does not need to be dead to be
appreciated in the country of their birth. Acknowledging talent and
celebrating it is the hallmark of progressive and civilised societies.

In light of the inclusive political arrangement currently obtaining in the
country, the selection of a national hero could not be an exclusive
political process, the party said.

"We need to be working together in every process to reflect the new spirit
of rapprochement and national engagement of all players for the good of the
nation and the country.

"Zimbabweans, especially in light of this inclusive government, would have
expected an inclusive national process that determines and debates on
critical issues such as the national hero status of individuals.

"The MDC unreservedly commits itself to the respect and honouring of all
national events, symbols and values. In this vein, it is critical that the
preparation and participation in all these events be inclusive.

"Those of us in the MDC would wish to see one day a Zanu-PF cadre standing
side by side with an MDC cadre in their party regalia celebrating a national
event."

CPJ awardee Mtetwa faces possible arrest in Zimbabwe

Reuters

New York, March 13, 2009--The Zimbabwean attorney general's office should halt a baseless criminal investigation into human rights lawyer Beatrice Mtetwa, the Committee to Protect Journalists said today.

Last week, in response to a reporter's question, Mtetwa said she was unsurprised by a Supreme Court judge's decision to deny bail to her client, deputy agriculture minister Roy Bennett, according to the Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights. Based on that comment, senior officials in the attorney general's office told Mtetwa this week, the government was preparing a case accusing her of contempt of court.

"It's hard to believe the attorney general's office would spend its valuable time pursuing a case of this nature," said Joel Simon, CPJ's executive director. "Beatrice Mtetwa has an unflagging commitment to justice and would never do anything to undermine the rule of law in Zimbabwe."

Mtetwa is representing Bennett, who is also treasurer of the opposition party Movement for Democratic Change, in a case alleging involvement in a plot to assassinate President Robert Mugabe. Bennett, jailed four weeks ago, was eventually released this week on US$5,000 bail. 

Mtetwa, CPJ's 2008 Burton Benjamin Award winner for lifetime achievement, has continually defended journalists and members of civil society against charges brought by the ruling ZANU-PF party. During a crackdown on the press that occurred amid presidential voting last year, Mtwetwa successfully defended many journalists, including New York Times reporter Barry Bearak and British freelance journalist Steven Bevan.

CPJ is also concerned about the ongoing detention of freelance photojournalist Shadreck Manyere, who was denied bail by the High Court last week. Manyere and human rights activist Jestina Mukoko were seized on December 13 and accused of banditry.

Photojounalist and two MDC officials still in police custody

http://www.swradioafrica.com

By Violet Gonda
13 March 200

Scores of civic and political activists were released on bail recently after
spending months in police custody. But photojournalist Shadreck Andrew
Manyere, the MDC's Security Director Chris Dhlamini and Ghandi Mudzingwa the
Prime Minister's former aide, are still detained.

The two MDC officials are 'held' at the Avenues Clinic while the
photojournalist remains at the notorious Chikurubi Maximum Security prison.

Their lawyers are battling to have them released, after their bail
application was refused in the High Court.  One of the lawyers, Andrew
Makoni, said they are preparing to appeal in the Supreme Court next week.

He said when the trio were abducted, in separate incidents in December,
those who abducted them said they found weapons in their possession.

The police claim they found a tear gas canister in Mudzingwa's pocket when
he was abducted at gunpoint. But the lawyer said: "The allegation is absurd
and why would he put something in the pocket that can detonate at any time."
He said what actually happened was those who abducted his client robbed him,
and took his wallet which contained cash.

The police also allege that 48 bullets were found in a small packet in
Dhlamini's house when he was picked up. But through his lawyer, the MDC
Director for Security argues that his house was not searched when he was
kidnapped. He believes the bullets were planted in his house and the search
conducted when he was already incommunicado.

Manyere is also being accused of possessing illegal weapons in his home, but
he denies this and says the searches were conducted in his absence.

Their lawyer said the police are going to extraordinary lengths to deprive
his clients their release, by using dubious and fictitious charges.

Meanwhile three activists who were missing were finally recently released,
after the police admitted to holding them. The police said they had been
holding them as State witnesses and they were under protective custody.
However it is still not known what happened to the other activists who had
been reported abducted. Makoni said when the abductions began in October
2008, going through to December, it had been reported that at least 31
people had been kidnapped. 22, including a two year old baby, have now been
accounted for but the whereabouts of the others are still unknown.

Makoni said it is no longer known if they are in police custody or have
disappeared. He said unless family members come out and say they have
relatives still missing, there is very little the human rights lawyers can
do.

Another ISP reports "serious Internet issues affecting Zimbabwe"

From Mango:

12 March 2009 9:44:29 AM

Summary:

TelOne has lost some key international Internet
links, causing serious congestion with Internet
traffic.

The TelOne servers that hold the information
about Zimbabwean domain names are unreachable
much of the time and also misconfigured.

The result is that external servers are finding
it difficult to deliver mail to Zimbabwe, and
some external servers are rejecting mail from
mango.zw claiming that it doesn't exist.

MANGO has submitted a report on the situation
to TelOne and the Zimbabwe Internet Service
Providers' Association has agreed to take it
up with top management at TelOne this morning.

There have long been problems with the Zimbabwe domain name
system - the system of servers that associates domain names
such as mango.zw with IP addresses that enable other servers
to find out their details.  At the top level these are managed
by TelOne and due to problems of staff turnover and lack of
continuity the system is not being maintained properly.

At the moment there are 5 servers that have information about
zw domains, but one of these has no data at all.  Of the
remaining 4, two are managed directly by TelOne but are
currently unreachable.  That is creating major problems.

The international bandwidth problem is due to TelOne having
not paid its bills (apparently they were let down by the
Reserve Bank), so they have had some links to the USA and
South Africa disconnected.

The end result for MANGO is increasing difficulty in sending
and receiving mail.  Some mail will be bounced back to
senders with errors such as "verification failed for mango.zw"
or "This message has been blocked because the return email
domain is invalid".  Outsiders will be finding it difficult
to send mail to MANGO as well, with delays or even bounces.

MANGO has sent a detailed report on the issue to TelOne and
also taken it up with the Zimbabwe Internet Service Providers'
Association.  They are taking it very seriously and hope
to get some action today.

We are sorry for the inconvenience this is causing.

Regards

The MANGO Team
===========

Update - 12 March 2009 11:11:01 PM

Summary:

The situation reported yesterday has got far worse.

Outgoing mail is very difficult to send, but most
is successful.

Incoming mail has however slowed to a trickle as
external servers are unable to find zw domain
names on the Internet, so don't know where to
deliver their mail.

Initially, external servers remembered where to deliver mail for Zimbabwe
domains to.  However over time they dump the old data and check again. 
They then find it difficult or impossible to get the updated delivery
information because the TelOne servers that have this information are now
virtually unreachable. TelOne has made no progress in sorting out the
problem today, so we are escalating the issue (which affects all ISPs in
the country, but especially those that use zw domain names) tomorrow to
the highest levels in TelOne and its parent ministry.

We are sorry for the inconvenience this is causing.

Regards

The MANGO Team

Communications Minister says internet shut down now resolved

http://www.swradioafrica.com

By Lance Guma
13 March 2009

Zimbabwe has had limited or no internet access for almost 2 weeks now, after
the government parastatal responsible for the national internet gateway,
ComOne, was disconnected for non-payment of fees. There has been widespread
chaos, especially at the Beitbridge border post with the Zimbabwe Revenue
Authority (ZIMRA) failing to clear imported vehicles because they require
internet based evaluations. There are long queues of trucks waiting for
clearance. Some journalists working inside the country have also been
failing to file their stories to outside news agencies.

Information and Communications Technology Minister, Nelson Chamisa, says he
summoned officials from the state owned TelOne to explain the collapse of
the internet system, after representatives from the Internet Service
Providers, ZIMRA and the Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries complained
about disruption to their operations. Chamisa says the problem was caused by
'certain hitches related to payment' of the account and that the back up
facility for the microwave link to Beitbridge also stopped working. 'By
tomorrow (Saturday) things will be better' he told Newsreel, saying a
partial payment of the account had been made.

Experts say Zimbabwe relies on two ComOne paths for data traffic flowing out
of the country. On the morning of Monday the 2nd March the most important of
these stopped working after being cut off for non payment. This left only
one outbound route, which goes through 6 South African connections. These
microwave links unfortunately have always been unreliable because of a much
smaller capacity and are frequently affected by load shedding. When the two
ComOne routes are down e-mails will not flow into or outside the country,
nor is it possible to browse sites outside Zimbabwe.

The problem for most private internet service providers is that they are
required to use ComOne, as it is the only gateway out of Zimbabwe. Those who
are able to use their own links still occasionally resort to ComOne for 'low
priority overflow traffic which is encrypted for security.' So everyone was
affected by the disconnection, although nternal emails were not too badly
affected.

Meanwhile Chamisa told us he had issued a directive to TelOne to reverse the
unreasonable phone charges being billed to landline customers. He said it
did not make sense to send people US$600 telephone bills when the government
itself was paying civil servants US$100. He said those bills are going to be
cut by significant margins and communication in this regard will be issued
in coming days.

RBZ manager on the run

http://www.herald.co.zw

Friday, March 13, 2009

By Tendai Rupapa

THE Anti-Corruption Commission is hunting for a senior Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe official after raids yesterday recovered farm equipment and inputs
allegedly diverted from the Government's Farm Mechanisation Programme by the
official and a suspected accomplice.

The head of the RBZ's Agricultural Mechanisation and Small to Medium
Enterprises Support Division, Mordecai Masakwa, who is now being sought to
give an explanation, and Joseph Banda, already arrested, allegedly hid the
assortment of equipment at Spoken Word Ministries Church in Belvedere,
Harare, and two houses in north-east Harare.

The equipment seized includes three tractors, 41 tonnes of fertilizer, 30
tonnes of soyabean seed, 11 electricity generators, 10 motorcycles, 50
assorted garden tools, 21 knapsack sprayers, eight cultivators and gym
equipment, among others.

Banda is already in custody on remand and has been denied bail by Harare
magistrate Mrs Memory Chigwaza while police are anxious to interview
Masakwa, who cannot be found.

Anti-Corruption Commission general manager in charge of investigations Ms
Sukai Tongogara said Masakwa, taking advantage of his position as head of
the RBZ's Agricultural Mechanisation and Small to Medium Enterprises Support
Division, allegedly connived with Banda to divert farm implements that were
meant to equip new farmers across the country.

She said anti-corruption investigators, led by Mr Servious Kufandada, raided
the Belvedere church where Masakwa is an elder and had allegedly used his
position to hide the equipment.

At the church complex, investigators recovered 41 tonnes of fertilizer, 30
tonnes of soyabean, six generators, eight motorbikes, one grinding mill, one
vicuna, six knapsacks, 10 shovels, 30 hoe heads, one scotchcart, one beacon
sprayer, one disc harrow, three disc ploughs, one ox-drawn planter,
cultivator and three ox-drawn harrows.

Further investigations led the team to two houses where they seized more
implements.

At the first house, investigators recovered three new Holland tractors, gym
equipment and a Gaspardo planter.

Two motorcycles, 15 knapsack sprayers, five generators, one seed drill, one
ox-drawn cart, three ox-drawn harrows and two ox-drawn cultivators were
recovered at the second home.

Ms Tongogara suspects that the farm equipment was released improperly from
Bak Storage.

Ms Tongogara urged people to report any suspicious activities involving Farm
Mechanisation Programme equipment to assist in the arrest of those who
diverted resources from the programme.

"We are not going back with these investigations and I appeal to the nation
and all stakeholders to assist us with information of any known dirty cases
involving the implements and can contact us on (04) 797908 or 251624," said
Ms Tongogara.

Ms Tongogara is appealing to anyone with information on Masakwa's
whereabouts to phone the same numbers.

Banda recently appeared in court and was remanded in custody to March 20.

He was represented by Mr Tapson Dzvetero of Mlotshwa and Partners.

Banda was denied bail after the State convinced the court that he had
already probably interfered with witnesses and investigations.

The State also wants time to investigate allegations that Banda had two
national identity particulars.

Agricultural inputs found hidden in a Church

http://www.thezimbabweobserver.com/news_91123_inputs299_article.htm

Fri,13th March

 Agricultural inputs of the Farm Mechanisation Programme introduced by the
Zimbabwe government to assist farmers that have been allocated farms, but
lacked the requisite machinery to use have been short changed as it emerged
that the principal distributors employees, RBZ have been converting the
inputs to their own use.
The State run Herald newspaper reported Friday that three tractors, 41
tonnes of fertilizer, 30 tonnes of soyabean seed, 11 electricity generators,
10 motorcycles, 50 assorted garden tools, 21 knapsack sprayers, eight
cultivators and gym equipment, among others were found hidden in a church
and two houses in Harare. Through the RBZ-run programme, farmers in A1,
communal, resettlement and A2 categories benefited through receipt of
tractors, combine harvesters, ploughs, fertilizer spreaders, generators,
grinding mills and various animal-drawn implements.The head of the RBZ's
Agricultural Mechanisation and Small to Medium Enterprises Support Division,
Mordecai Masakwa, who is now being sought to give an explanation, and Joseph
Banda, already arrested, allegedly hid the assortment of equipment at Spoken
Word Ministries Church and in two houses in Harare

 Zimbabwe became the first contemporary economy to undertake such a massive
developmental programme, seen by many as an innovation that would go a long
way in helping the country reclaim its status as the breadbasket of Southern
Africa.

Anti-Corruption Commission general manager in charge of investigations Ms
Sukai Tongogara said Masakwa, taking advantage of his position as head of
the RBZ's Agricultural Mechanisation and Small to Medium Enterprises Support
Division, allegedly connived with Banda to divert farm implements that were
meant to equip new farmers across the country.

At the church investigators recovered 41 tonnes of fertilizer, 30 tonnes of
soyabean, six generators, eight motorbikes, one grinding mill, one vicuna,
six knapsacks, 10 shovels, 30 hoe heads, one scotchcart, one beacon sprayer,
one disc harrow, three disc ploughs, one ox-drawn planter, cultivator and
three ox-drawn harrows.

At the first house, investigators recovered three new Holland tractors, gym
equipment and a Gaspardo planter.

Two motorcycles, 15 knapsack sprayers, five generators, one seed drill, one
ox-drawn cart, three ox-drawn harrows and two ox-drawn cultivators were
recovered at the second home.

The RBZ embarked on an audit of the Farm Mechanisation Programme to
ascertain if the equipment is being used productively.

The RBZ Governor said at the launch of the audit "Stakeholders are hereby
forewarned that the Reserve Bank will verify the information, particularly
in respect of wheat and maize production with the Grain Marketing Board for
authenticity," said Dr Gono.

"Many, including high ranking government officials, are not happy with the
audit, especially coming on the backdrop of an investigation into farming
inputs.

Many are quacking in their boots and I feel the central bank should do a
thorough job on this one," said a Mashonaland Central farmer.

The new inclusive government seems to recognise the importance of
agricultrure in Zimbabwe. Dr Mashakada the MDC-T Deputy Secretary General
was quick to point that "There is need for massive budgetary support in the
area of agricultural inputs, farm mechanisation, import parity pricing and
technical expertise.

Zimbabwe must regain her breadbasket status in the 2009/2010 agricultural
season. A land audit must be carried out to determine the question of
utilisation and multiple ownership as we roll out the new agrarian reforms

Zimbabwe open for shopping

http://www.businessday.co.za

13 March 2009

SOMETHING extraordinary is happening in Zimbabwe. Supermarket shelves that
were empty three months ago are once more stacked with produce.

Prices, practically doubling daily at one stage, have been going down.

The simple explanation for this apparent miracle in Zimbabwe's broken-down
economy is that everything is now priced in US dollars or rands.

Zimbabwe's dollar, shrinking at a dizzying rate despite repeated efforts to
relaunch it, has disappeared into nothingness, devoid of value except as a
souvenir.

In late January, the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe gave up trying to stem
dollarisation of the economy, and let all companies and individuals conduct
transactions in foreign currencies.

Until then, only authorised businesses were allowed to do so. But retailers
and service providers were increasingly demanding payment in US dollars or
dollar-based fuel coupons.

Then, in a bid to keep the country's currency alive, the bank announced
further redenomination of Zimbabwe's dollar: one new unit for every trillion
old units.

Bank governor Gideon Gono was adamant that other currencies would never
overtake the Zimbabwean dollar, and it would remain "a fundamental economic
pillar of our sovereignty".

More importantly, perhaps, was that he could print Zimbabwean dollars at
will, and allocate them. His post, now at the centre of a political battle,
became the most powerful in the country's distressed economy. But those
Zimbabwean dollars have rapidly become irrelevant.

There have been cases before of a country throwing over its own currency and
adopting someone else's. Panama, Ecuador and El Salvador, for instance, all
use the US dollar. But Zimbabwe is unusual in allowing not one but several
foreign currencies.

The rand, popular in Bulawayo, is also used in Harare for small change.
Otherwise, the lowest US denomination available is the one dollar note.

Inflation in Zimbabwean dollar terms reached an annual rate of 231-million
percent last July - when the authorities stopped counting - and galloped on
well into sextillions.

The practice of adding zeros brought an initial spurt of inflation in
dollars. The price of a half-litre bottle of mineral water doubled to $2,
but has since dropped back to $0,80.

An unsystematic sampling this week produced a consistent story. Chipo,
serving at the bakery counter of one Harare supermarket, said that before
the change she was marking price increases on the blackboard as often as six
times a day. Now prices were stabilising well below their dollar peak. A
20kg bag of maize meal was down from $13 to $10.

Three months ago, shelves were almost empty. Shopkeepers removed goods
because they could not make a profit at government-controlled prices, and
wholesale suppliers withheld deliveries as they were no longer willing to be
paid in money that was plummeting in value by the hour.

Shortages were worsened by customers buying in bulk produce that they could
then resell.

Checkouts are busy again now. Most customers buy only a few items at a time,
but everybody has US dollars. Any suggestion of paying in Zimbabwean
currency is laughed at.

Even small-time street sellers, who have proliferated in the meltdown of the
formal economy, have bundles of US notes. Where they come from is a mystery
economists find hard to explain.

As soon as the new unity government was inaugurated a month ago, Morgan
Tsvangirai, leader of the Movement for Democratic Change and now prime
minister, said public servants would all be paid in foreign currency. This
included army personnel, who were getting restive at seeing the top brass
getting hard currency while their pay was becoming worthless. Teachers, who
had stopped going to work, finding that their salaries did not even cover
their travel costs, could return.

The first payments came in vouchers for $100 a person. But banks, short of
currency supplies, were reluctant to redeem more than $15. While banks do
not have the dollars, people in the street somehow do. More than anything,
this phenomenon reveals the extent of informal sales networks.

Anything that can be bought or taken into the country can be sold for hard
currency. For many Zimbabweans, this sideline activity provides the only
meaningful income.

"Everybody's selling something," said a young woman supermarket customer.
She has a job, but like many others it has been cut back to 15 days a month.
"You're practically working for nothing," she says.

Companies that do not generate foreign-currency income continue paying staff
in Zimbabwean dollars. Others pay in mixed currency. Ida, a cashier, said
she was still getting a Zimbabwean dollar income even though the shop traded
in US dollars. She could use it on some transport, but for nothing else.

Even for US dollar earners there is often a big discrepancy between pay
levels and living costs.

A recently promoted barman produced a pay slip showing net monthly pay of
$68. Prices, meanwhile, are roughly the same as in a European capital, if
not higher. A loaf of bread costs $1, a kilogram of rice $2,70.

Unions have been demanding steep pay rises. The wage bill at one hotel in
Harare - a US dollar business - went up by 175% from one month to the next.

While food prices have settled down, state-run services such as telephones
have increased their bills sharply, to the extent that customers are
refusing to pay. With the switch to dollars, schools have reopened, but
parents are flinching at the new fees.

And the government's promise to public sector workers is a risky one.

Economists reckon that without an injection of foreign exchange, the
government's ability to honour its pledges in dollars will run out towards
the end of next month.

White is a former Africa Editor of the Financial Times.

Hot off the press, money to burn

http://www.smh.com.au

Meredith Burgmann
March 14, 2009
I offered 300 trillion Zimbabwean dollars to the lady at the supermarket
checkout for my jar of Nescafe. She giggled with embarrassment and told me
that she could not accept Zim dollars. I offered her an American $10 note
and she admitted she could not make change. I then offered South African
rands which she accepted but with some confusion over the exchange rate. She
made up the change with chocolate bars. This minor transaction in an empty
supermarket in suburban Harare is a microcosm of all that is wrong in
Zimbabwe.

Everyone has heard about the African country's galloping inflation and the
stories of paying minor bills with wheelbarrows full of cash. Most of us
have a sneaking fascination with the idea of hyperinflation and a vague
memory of school lessons about Hitler and the failure of the Weimar
Republic, but the reality is not much fun.

Nobody now tries to estimate the real inflation rate. The number of new
notes printed each day cannot even be fitted into the Reserve Bank
strongroom so are packed in untidy bundles along the corridors of the bank.

The comic and tragic collide daily. Savings of ordinary industrious
Zimbabweans have been wiped out and most public servants are living in
poverty, but the comic element is also obvious. Small children kick
footballs made of discarded millions through the streets, and at the recent
inauguration of Morgan Tsvangirai as Prime Minister, his supporters climbed
the light towers at the stadium, and when the name of the unpopular Reserve
Bank governor, Gideon Gono, was raised in his speech, they showered the huge
crowd below them with billions of worthless banknotes.

The deliberate printing of money has reduced this once beautiful and stable
country to a basket case. Tsvangirai has admitted that the reason he agreed
to be part of a unity government was because "I can't be seen to be the
author of chaos. I have to be able to get the public servants paid and back
to work."

The main problem has been that public servants are paid once a month in Zim
dollars. By the time they can collect their pay from the bank, the money is
worthless. As a result all public institutions are grinding to a halt.

Almost all state schools are closed. The teachers say they are not on
strike, but that they cannot afford to get to work. My friend Rumbi
collected her January pay of $40 trillion which converted to $US2. But the
bus to school and back each day costs $US1.

Nurses, doctors, rubbish collectors, road workers, bus drivers and most
importantly sewer pipe maintenance workers are all affected similarly and
have not been able to get to work. The cause of the terrible cholera
outbreak has been a simple lack of pipe maintenance. Raw sewage is running
in the streets of the poorer suburbs of Harare and Bulawayo and in many of
the rural areas.

A strange barter system seems to have grown up. David, who does computer
work, was recently paid in petrol coupons and he in turn paid the guy who
turned up to fix the phone with a load of firewood.

One of the complications of the rush to use foreign exchange, or forex as it
is simply called (confusing for Australians who keep expecting a beer), is
that there are no US coins in circulation so every transaction has to be
rounded out to the nearest dollar. Street vendors plying their trade at
intersections offer you two baking dishes for a US dollar rather than one
for a non-existent 50 cents.

Mugabe and his ruling party strongmen have used the printing of money to
make great fortunes for themselves and their families. Gono would print
money, send runners out into the streets to the blackmarket money dealers,
force them to exchange at the official exchange rate and receive the prized
Yankee dollar in return.

The recent move to allow trading in foreign currencies has put the
blackmarket dealers out of a job, but it is all too late.

In more petty ways the Government has made it difficult for their
opposition. The newly elected opposition members in the Senate were recently
paid their first six months of salary in retrospect. Their six months' pay
converted to $US3.

Gono received a taste of his own medicine last month when some soldiers who
were sick of being paid in worthless Zim dollars went to his expropriated
farm and seized 800 chickens, paying for them at the official exchange rate
with their worthless money. This story was bandied around Harare with great
hilarity by the amazingly resilient residents.

I wondered how the banks were dealing with the problem. If you are trying to
get foreign exchange from the bank you have to join the queue about 4am.
However, my purpose was to change foreign exchange into Zim dollars,
obviously an uncommon event, so I was attended to immediately. When I
produced $US10 the bank teller giggled and told me that the computers were
down and the new rate for the day had not arrived. When I agreed to accept
yesterday's rate, I handed over $10 and accepted $437,000,000,000,000 in Zim
money - spurned in the streets of Harare but the object of great fascination
here in the streets of Sydney.

Dr Meredith Burgmann is the chairwoman of the Zimbabwe Information Centre
which supports democracy and human rights in Zimbabwe. She was formerly
president of the NSW Legislative Council.

South African Officials Meet on Growing Number of Displaced

Tsvangirai crash driver's lawyer Chris Mhike on BTH

The Railways -- From Public Utility to Public Liability

http://www.ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=46096

By Ignatius Banda

BULAWAYO, Mar 13 (IPS) - Zimbabwe's poorly funded public transport
utilities - which over the years have all but stopped functioning - are
making it difficult for small and informal traders to import essential goods
from neighbouring countries.

Traders complain that the erstwhile sole cheap mode of transport, the
railways, is so unreliable that it is hampering their business. Like other
Zimbabweans, they are working at turning around the southern African country's
dismal economic fortunes.

After the formation of a coalition government by the country's main
political parties last month, industry and commerce officials have reported
a rise in business, with supermarkets filling up after years of empty
shelves caused by the imposition of price controls by the ZANU-PF
government.

The Zimbabwe Chamber of Commerce says members are reporting a change of
fortunes in their operations after the ministry of finance, now headed by
the Movement for Democratic Change's Tendai Biti, introduced sweeping
reforms soon after assuming office a month ago.

Biti lifted restrictions on the use of foreign currency alongside the local
dollar, and traders have reported brisk business as this has enabled them to
trade without fear of arrest.

Local industries and other suppliers have not recovered from a decade of
stagnation in production. Manufacturers are failing to meet the demands of
local wholesalers and retailers. The goods being sold are imported from
neighbouring Botswana and South Africa.

However, traders have to shun the country's public transport services,
including the once mighty National Railways of Zimbabwe (NRZ) which have
previously been used by cross-border and other informal traders. Traders
complain about the poor service at prices that they cannot afford.

The NRZ has over the years become notorious for failing to meet departure
and arrival schedules, making it difficult for traders to plan ahead as they
try to restock wares, whether for bulk resale to retailers or for their own
shops.

In the past, it was common to find large numbers of traders crammed into the
Bulawayo-Botswana train, despite the long and physically taxing journey.

For traders like Irene Shoriwa, all this has changed. ''We used to travel by
train and make considerable savings on transport,'' Shoriwa told IPS.

But because of the unreliability of the rail utility, she has to make other
arrangements to move her goods from Francistown to Bulawayo - at the cost of
an arm and a leg.

''The train takes to too long to make the journey and it does unbearably
long stopovers along the way. Officials tell us it is because of technical
faults beyond their control,'' Shoriwa complained. ''Business is about time
management, so every extra hour we spend on the train matters.''

Shoriwa imports everything from maize meal, rice and cooking oil for resale
at a shop she rents in the city. She has been forced to hire pick-up trucks
to transport her goods over the long journey.

''Transport costs have caused the demise of many small businesses and it is
no wonder that cross-border traders and other small to medium business
operators are complaining,'' explained Raphael Gatsheni of the Bulawayo
Informal Traders Association.

''All of us have to factor in transport costs and the fact that the cheap
national railways have become incompetent is eating into our budgets. Now we
have to make arrangements with transporters at huge costs to bring our goods
into the country,'' Gatsheni told IPS.

But, retorted an NRZ official who spoke on condition of anonymity, ''we have
for years been too under-capacitated because of poor government funding for
us to provide a service favoured by people who want to move their goods. We
have moved from being able to contribute to the growth of the economy to
actually being a public liability''.

This is all the more true because of a problem with lost goods. Joseph
Conjwayo, who sells building materials, complains that his goods bought in
neighbouring Botswana have in the past gone missing and he has failed to
recover anything.

''It makes sense to transport items like door and window frames via the
train, but we have been discouraged by the poor service of the national
railways. If you lose your goods, just forget about recovering them,''
Conjwayo lamented.

Meanwhile, reports indicate that some ZANU-PF hardliners are working behind
the scenes to frustrate the unity government's efforts by urging party
supporters to invade more farms. (END/2009)

Crynos Mufombori, "My heart bleeds for the school children"

March 2009 (IRIN)

Photo: Obi-Akpere/Flickr

When teachers taught

HARARE, Crynos Mufombori, 44, is a senior teacher at a rural secondary school in Zimbabwe's Mashonaland Central Province, in the north of the country. He has made the 190km trip to the ministry of education in the capital, Harare, looking for help, as his school failed to reopen at the beginning of the academic year in January 2009.

"The ministry has made me the caretaker headmaster of the school, because the one who held that position and his deputy last reported for duty in early December last year [2008] and we don't know where they are. They did not tender their resignations and the headmaster even went away with the keys to his office.

"I have been a teacher for close to 20 years and never before have I been in such a quandary as the one I am facing right now. Since schools officially opened, only five teachers have reported for duty. As soon as they discovered that they were the only ones present, they went back to their homes, leaving me virtually on my own.

"I have tried to trace the others, and the ones I have talked to told me that they were no longer interested in teaching. They are saying they are afraid to return to the schools after being harassed by [ruling party] militias during elections last year.

"Some of them fled the political violence after being accused of being supporters of the opposition, leaving their belongings behind. I have tried to explain to them that the political situation has changed following the formation of an inclusive [power-sharing] government [in February 2009], but they are having none of that.

"I have also received reports that a substantial number of the teachers that used to work at the school have crossed the borders to South Africa and Botswana, where they are now employed or are seeking employment.

"Even when the minister of education set deadlines for absconding teachers to reapply, there have been no responses, leaving me with the only option of scouting for untrained teachers. The provincial education offices and our headquarters used to be inundated with unqualified people seeking temporary employment in the education sector in the past; it seems teaching is being totally shunned now.

"The US$100 vouchers that the government introduced as allowances are failing to attract temporary teachers because they regard it as too low and unsustainable. Worse still, today's youths are not interested in working in rural areas because of the difficult working conditions.

"Even if I could get all the teachers I want, I don't think it would be easy to start teaching. Thieves have been capitalizing on the absence of staff at the school, stealing books, stationery and furniture.

"The ministry has told me that there is hardly anything that it can do to rebuild the school because the government has no money for that. To make matters worse, no donors are forthcoming, and parents cannot contribute because they don't have money and are busy tending their fields.

"My heart bleeds for the hundreds of school children who cannot receive an education now. They have been forced to become farm labourers and, since their parents are too poor, they cannot be transferred to urban or boarding schools where a semblance of learning is taking place. Other schools in the district are experiencing the same problems as mine, meaning that the pupils have no choices at all."

[The above testimony is provided by IRIN, a humanitarian news service, but may not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations.]

A letter from the diaspora

http://www.swradioafrica.com

OUTSIDE LOOKING IN -

Dear Friends,

'Tinogara chema'; the hauntingly beautiful voice of Stella Chiweshe would
remind us every Heroes Day in Zimbabwe as we commemorated all those who had
given their lives for Zimbabwe's freedom.We are still weeping. I recalled
that song as I watched the outpouring of grief at Glamis Stadium for Amai
Susan Tsvangirai. Ordinary people had come miles to say goodbye to her and
to demonstrate their love for this "Ordinary woman with extraordinary charm"
as Basildon Peta described her.

Such a quiet, unassuming woman she was, yet she had touched the people's
hearts in a way she would never have believed. For 31 years she had stood
beside her husband, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, as he rose through the
ranks from humble beginnings to become first, the union leader who rebuilt
the Zimbabwean Trade Union movement into a powerful political force to be
reckoned with, then as the leader of the Movement for Democratic Change.
1999 was the year when Morgan Tsvangirai really become Public Enemy No.1 in
Zanu PF eyes. He had dared to challenge the hitherto unassailable ruling
party. Robert Mugabe and Zanu PF did not like that at all. They wanted
Morgan Tsvangirai out of the way and were prepared to use any means to
achieve that end; violence and terror is the Zanu PF way, all Zimbabweans
know that. Amai Tsvangirai must have known it too but she remained steadfast
as a rock, supporting Morgan with her own quiet, inner strength. She must
have heard the abuse heaped on her husband's head: the teaboy, the puppet of
the west, the traitor who connived with foreign powers to bring Robert
Mugabe down. Ugly, personal abuse, too, about Morgan's lack of formal
education and even his physical appearance, nothing was too low or abusive
for Mugabe and his puppets who echoed his every word. The Herald, The
Chronicle, the ZBC/ZTV all joined in the chorus of contempt for the man who
was the people's choice for President of the New Zimbabwe. Then Mugabe's
wife, the dis-graceful Grace, joined in the hymn of hate, "They will never
set foot in State House," she declared of the Tsvangirai couple during the
one-man election in June last year when her husband stood against himself -
and won.

The sight of the 'First Couple' at Morgan's hospital bedside, accompanied by
a whole posse of top chefs from Zanu PF including, unbelievably, the boss of
the notorious CIO, did little to persuade me that there was a genuine change
of heart on the part of the Mugabe regime. It was not hard to understand the
cynicism of most Zimbabweans when they heard of the accident that had
deprived Morgan Tsvangirai of his beloved wife. Was it an accident? And,
more to the point, was Morgan himself the intended target? Thousands of
miles away, here in the UK, people who have never even been to Zimbabwe
shared the same doubts. I walked into my newsagent the day after the
accident to be greeted by my friendly Indian shopkeeper with the words, "So,
the old bastard's done it again. Who will it be next time?" The plumber who
came to fix the central heating said much the same, "Car crash, yeah, best
way to get rid of your enemies isn't it?"

Such is Mugabe's reputation at home and abroad, for duplicity and
double-dealing, that no matter how often he declares his grief and offers
his 'sincere' condolences, no one quite believes him. It is all a matter of
perception; the facts on the ground scarcely matter. Nothing will dispel the
people's doubts. There have been too many unexplained car accidents, too
many mysterious deaths: Border Gezi in 1999, Moven Mahachi in 2001, Eliot
Manyika in 2008 and the army general whose car was hit by an oncoming train,
not to mention Peter Pasipamire killed in a road accident on the Borrowdale
Road. None of these so-called 'accidents' was ever adequately explained.
There were never any inquests or forensics to prove otherwise. With a
politically compliant police force and a hopelessly compromised judiciary,
it is no wonder the general public have become totally cynical about
explanations coming from government mouthpieces.

"Grace said Susan would never get into State House and look - now she won't."
an MDC official is said to have whispered, pointing to Amai Susan's coffin
at the service in Harare. In London, a man stood up at one of the weekly
discussion meetings held by MDC Central London branch and declared, "Even if
Morgan Tsvangirai was struck by lightning, the first person I would blame is
Robert Mugabe." Everyone laughed, apparently, but the 'joke' perfectly
illustrates the pent-up anger people feel about the years of suffering under
Mugabe's misrule. It is, as I said, all a matter of perception. Mugabe's
'Hand of God' explanation for the crash that killed Amai Tsvangirai and
injured her husband, his apparently humble and sincere demeanour, the
heartfelt words of regret for the violence and all the harsh words exchanged
in the past, none of it really changes the people's perception. They have
heard it all before and know that too often the humility and remorse are
followed by harsh retribution as the war vets or Youth Militia are unleashed
against innocent people. Even now, at this time of national mourning, the
violence continues against white farmers and their workers. Thankfully, Roy
Bennett has been released at last but he still faces nonsensical charges of
terrorism and dozens of other MDC activists remain in stinking gaol cells.
Teachers who have returned to their schools in the rural areas are still
being 'accused' by war vets of belonging to the MDC whose homes are still
being burnt down by Mugabe loyalists.

"The violence must stop" Mugabe declared at the church service to
commemorate Amai Tsvangirai but he cannot escape his own responsibility for
instigating it when he unleashed his war vets on the country back in 2000.
If Robert Mugabe now feels genuine remorse and regret for what he has done
then there is no better time than now to admit his fault but it will take
more than mere words to heal the scars he and his men of violence have
inflicted. It will take action. Robert Mugabe must disband the Youth Militia
and call off the war veterans who have caused so much suffering and death.
He must cleanse the army and police of greedy and corrupt officers, he must
free up the media, stop political interference with the courts and, above
all, he must allow free and fair elections with international observers.
There is little evidence that Mugabe has either the authority or the will to
control his followers on the ground but only when he does, will Zimbabweans
begin to believe his remorse is genuine.

The death of Amai Tsvangirai has released a torrent of grief and anger in
the country, we saw that at her funeral in Buhera yesterday. No wonder
Robert Mugabe did not attend; the sight and sound of that national
outpouring of love for Susan and her husband, our Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai, might have shocked him into understanding at last, that he and
his party are no longer the people's choice. Mugabe and Zanu PF must finally
accept that there is only one option left for them: a genuine sharing of
power with the MDC. That will be the ultimate test of Mugabe's sincerity and
trustworthiness.

Yours in the (continuing) struggle PH. aka Pauline Henson author of
Countdown a political detective story based in Zimbabwe and available on
lulu.com. Watch out also for Going Home, the sequel, to be published shortly
on lulu.com

The Horror and Hope of Zimbabwe: Roy Bennett Jailed, Released, and Forgives

Hoping for a miracle

Mary Ndlovu (2009-03-12)
http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/features/54746

Human rights activist Mary Ndlovu considers the possible outcomes of a
four-week-old 'unholy alliance between Zimbabwe's former ruling party Zanu
PF (Zimbabwe African National Union - Patriotic Front) and the MDC (Movement
for Democratic Change) into a 'Government of National Unity' (GNU). Already
the GNU has survived the arrest and incarceration of senior MDC leaders,
Zanu PF's persistent failure to implement major clauses of the power-sharing
agreement on which the government is based, and a car accident widely
perceived as an assassination attempt on Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai,
which killed his wife.

Some have been critical of the MDC's decision to enter into a power-sharing
agreement with Zanu PF before a fairer compromise was reached. But, notes
Ndlovu, with the countrywide collapse of public services - from schools to
electricity, hospitals, water treatment and banking - many Zimbabweans on
the ground believed it was necessary for the MDC to get inside the
government to begin the process of reconstruction.

There is cause for pessimism. Zanu PF hardliners seem determined to sabotage
the GNU rather than work with the MDC to build Zimbabwe. Some say the MDC
has been able to accomplish little since its swearing-in, and that the
longer they are unable make progress on disputed issues, the more they will
lose credibility and attract criticism from former supporters. Others fear
the MDC will be swallowed by Zanu PF's culture of corruption and cronyism,
with Mercedes Benzes rolling out for both boys and girls alike.

But there is also cause for hope. Optimists believe that the combination of
the finance ministry and several important service industries are enough for
the MDC to show the people that they are concerned and are prepared to
commit themselves to work feverishly to begin the formidable task of
reconstruction.

Moreover, adds Ndlovu, rumours abound that the military top-brass are using
the detainees as pawns or bargaining chips to obtain amnesty for their
crimes, afraid to rely on the forces they command. Optimists believe
hardliners won't be able to hold the country hostage forever, as subtle
power shifts begin to show themselves on the ground with a large percentage
of intelligence officers and lower-ranking soldiers said to be disillusioned
with Zanu PF and welcoming of change.

Nevertheless, Ndlovu is critical of the MDC's failure to make any attempt to
mobilise people to demonstrate the departure of the old and arrival of the
new, with the task left to others like students and civil society groups
such as WOZA (Women of Zimbabwe Arise) to test the waters and push the
police to take a position.

It is unclear whether Tsvangirai's injuries and bereavement will create a
dangerous hiatus, causing the promise of the GNU to dissipate. What we do
know, however, Ndlovu contends, is that each small step will be difficult
and concessions will only be won through determination, perseverance and
belief that progress can be achieved. And that belief can create reality.

The unholy alliance between Zanu PF (Zimbabwe African National Union -
Patriotic Front) and the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) has now lasted
four weeks. It has survived the arrest and continued incarceration of a
senior MDC leader, the failure by Zanu PF to implement major clauses of the
agreement on which it is based, and now a tragic death which the majority of
Zimbabweans believe to be a failed attempt to assassinate Morgan Tsvangirai.
During the past week, following the death of Morgan's wife Susan, the
country held its collective breath. The questions tormenting everyone are
how much longer and how many more shocks this government can stand.

A horse and a donkey can be induced to mate, but the offspring is a
stubborn, sterile mule. Will the forced pairing of Zanu PF and the MDC last
long enough to produce any offspring at all?

Attempting to predict the future in Zimbabwe is a risky proposition.
Generally we have become accustomed to dealing in 'scenarios' - the various
'ifs' - starting with the best case and proceeding to the worst case. And
over the years we have learned that it can always get worse, and it usually
does. Nevertheless, it appears that the power-sharing agreement - for which
the law has been contorted like a pretzel - despite all its blemishes, may
yet rescue us for the time being from a worse predicament.

The MDC, in both its formations, had little choice but to sign and enter
into a power-sharing arrangement with Zanu PF. Although many observers and
even participants urged caution until a fairer compromise had been reached,
the complete collapse of every service in Zimbabwe, from schools to
electricity to hospitals to sewage and even banks, produced severe pressure
from the ground.

Millions of Zimbabweans, who so badly wanted a settlement, believed that the
MDC should take the risk of failing from inside a government rather than
becoming irrelevant outside, and eventually the leadership, heavily
pressured by the Southern African Development Community (SADC), heard that
cry and acted. But now that MDC is inside the kitchen, trying to cook up a
meal with the cupboards bare and Zanu PF holding the key to the larder, they
are faced with a herculean task.

Zanu PF is not a homogenous lot, but it is not always easy to see where the
different interests lie. Their overall target seems to have been to absorb
the MDC in the way they did ZAPU (Zimbabwe African People's Union) in 1988.
Then they would use the MDC to attract support from Western donors to
rebuild the economy, tell SADC that everything is now in order, and by
holding the security apparatus and some key ministries such as justice and
information, ultimately retain control. Then they could win an election
either by rigging or violence or a combination, as is their wont, and
continue on their merry path.

However, many in Zanu PF must have recognised that the MDC is quite a
different proposition from ZAPU - with much more widespread popularity and
greater foreign recognition - and that simple absorption would probably not
work. Hence, there has been the last-ditch attempt by the hardliners to be
so unreasonable in negotiation and obstructive and devious in implementation
that the MDC would be frightened off and withdraw.

The MDC, however, declined to walk into that particular trap, forcing the
hardliners to continue with a strategy to sabotage the power-sharing and
render it a sterile mule. They have put several arrows to their bow: the
ongoing detention of the abductees and Roy Bennett despite the obvious
subversion of the law and the courts; renewed farm invasions; and the
unilateral appointments of the RBZ (Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe) governor, the
attorney general and all permanent secretaries in blatant contravention of
the power-sharing agreement and the constitutional amendment. It thus
appears to many that nothing has changed and that Zanu PF has won yet
another battle through shrewd tactics and the support of South Africa.

There are signs of weakness, however. Rumours abound that the military
top-brass are using the detainees as pawns or bargaining chips to wring an
amnesty for their crimes. Could this mean that they are afraid to make use
of the forces they command? Do they doubt their loyalty? Or do they realise
that without easy money they cannot retain commitment of the numbers of
apparatchiks required to hold the line in the face of widespread
unpopularity. They may not in fact be in as strong a position as some MDC
and civil society pessimists assume.

Among the forces ranged against Zanu PF there are indeed many sceptics. They
fear a repetition of ZAPU's emasculation after the 1987 Unity Accord. They
note that Mugabe does not change, is devious and manipulative and a master
tactician, and that he has no intention whatsoever of sharing power and will
never do so willingly.

They point to the fact that those in control in the military will not give
up as they fear retribution or prosecution for crimes dating back to the
early 1980s. They believe that the many thousands of Zanu PF cronies, war
veterans and militia, as well as intelligence operatives who support the
hardliners, will be able to use manipulation, force and intimidation to keep
them in power.

They point to the fact that the MDC has been able to accomplish little in
the weeks since its swearing-in and the longer they are unable to secure the
release of high-profile detainees, or make progress on the other disputed
issues, the more they will lose credibility and attract criticism and abuse
from former supporters.

They believe the US$100 paid to civil servants for February salaries is not
sustainable and there is not enough funding to repeat this gesture even in
March, let alone increase the amount.

They say that nothing has changed; the police continue to beat and arrest
peaceful demonstrators, the courts still follow executive and even military
orders rather than the law, the media is not free, the law is applied
selectively and Mugabe can still count on his supporters to fork out cash
for an ostentatious 85th birthday display of contempt for the misery of the
people.

And many democrats have a deeper concern about the MDC. Not only will they
accomplish little, they will indeed be swallowed by Zanu PF, not so much by
its structures and policies but by its culture of corruption and cronyism.
Signs are already there, as the Mercedes Benzes roll out for the boys and
the girls. These could have been repudiated, as could the obsequious
deference to authority figures, in favour of a puritan look for the bloated
cabinet.

However, there are also optimists. They are the ones who supported
participation in a government of national unity as the least unpalatable
option. They can point to the fact that the government has actually been
formed and has not yet collapsed. They believe that the combination of the
finance ministry and several important service industries are enough for the
MDC to show the people that they are concerned and are prepared to commit
themselves to work feverishly to begin the formidable task of
reconstruction. In spite of numerous disputed issues, they have already
begun and have partially reversed some of the catastrophes of Zanu PF's
control, including exaggerated increases in service charges and the ongoing
teachers' strike.

And there are now beginning to be signs of change. What a pleasure to see
queues of returning teachers outside the Ministry of Education office, even
though there are monumental problems to overcome before schools operate
effectively. Optimists believe that the hardliners won't be able to hold the
country hostage forever, as they see a subtle power shift beginning to show
itself on the ground.

There are indications - again primarily rumours - that a large percentage of
intelligence officers as well as lower ranking soldiers welcome a change and
are disillusioned with Zanu PF. Reports are coming from some places of
revenge attacks on Zanu PF cadres and sympathisers responsible for brutality
during the elections of 2008. Once again, the police are not looking very
hard for the perpetrators of some of these attacks; the only difference from
a year ago is that this time it is Zanu PF victims they are failing to
support. There is even a report of Zanu PF councillors in some areas
deserting their party as a result of pressure from the electorate. At least
three Zanu PF thugs have been sentenced for brutal assaults carried out
during the election campaigns.

While these may be very few cases, amongst others of continued loyalty of
the police to Zanu PF, in a situation like ours, rumour can sometimes be
very powerful. Obedient servants need to be very alert to changes of the
wind that represent shifts in power. Those who never were devoted loyalists,
and others who are simply opportunists, now see that there are in fact new
possibilities.

Many are carefully calculating the advantages and disadvantages. If power
really does shift and they turn their faces too late, they may get caught
behind a closing door. As we witness the release of detainees one by one,
they are watching to see if this is a wayward gust or the sign of a coming
storm. They are taking note that many Zimbabweans are no longer afraid of
their former tormentors, openly demonstrating their new-found defiance. And
if enough judge that the new will outperform the old, they will themselves
create that shift.

The disheartening part of this whole story is that once again the MDC are
failing to use the one weapon that could be a key factor in effecting that
shift, their support among the people. Not a single attempt have they made
to mobilise people to show that the old has gone, and that the new is on the
way. Once again it has been left to others like students and WOZA (Women of
Zimbabwe Arise)women and men to test the waters, to push the police to take
a position. Where is the MDC on the ground? Where is the vision of democracy
and popular participation that could dispel the muttering that the
power-sharing is just a politicians' game, by and for politicians without
the people? Even the committed symbolism of hunger striking has been left to
the principled in South African civil society.

Nevertheless, our only hope is with this strange aberration called a
government of national unity. For all its weaknesses, for all its conflicts,
the pushing and pulling, squabbling over issues important and unimportant,
this creature now occupying political space in Zimbabwe is probably our only
hope. If it fails, Zimbabwe will have failed and we would likely
disintegrate into a nation of warlords and bandits. If it can hold together
over the coming weeks and months, and make some small progress until an
externally supervised election can be held, it will have done us a service.

Last week the voice of Jestina Mukoko was heard on BBC, recently released on
bail. Others have emerged one by one and two by two from their prison cells,
the vicious attorney general was being shunned by his own party members as
he was sworn in to parliament, the Zanu PF minister who disputed the
allocation of telecommunications to an MDC minister admitted that he was
wrong but was 'sent', and it has been announced that the 'principals' have
agreed on a formula for reallocating permanent secretary posts. Will these
be the last concessions, merely gusts against the prevailing wind, or do
they signal a permanent shift? Will Tsvangirai's injuries and bereavement
create a dangerous hiatus, which allows the promise to dissipate?

We can't yet know, but each small step will be difficult and concessions
will be won through determination, perseverance and belief that it can be
done. Our focus has to be on the present, not the distant or even nearer
future. At this stage no one can afford not to believe, including the
international community whose assistance is essential. Americans have shown
us that it is not too audacious to hope. Belief can create reality. The mule
might still be sterile. But there is a bizarre custom amongst some
Zimbabwean peoples, which might provide a more promising analogy: a rapist
is sometimes forced to marry his victim and while the marriage may be
intensely unhappy, a healthy child is frequently the result.

Miracles are not common, but they do happen for people who believe. If this
hybrid government can pull through the horror, the anger, the distrust and
despair of the past week intact, perhaps it can happen for us. Millions of
Zimbabweans desperately need a miracle, and more and more are beginning to
hope.

* Mary Ndlovu is a Zimbabwean human rights activist.

Let's not forget Mutambara's contribution

http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=13372

March 13, 2009

By Crisford Chogugudza

I HAVE been closely following developments in Zimbabwe from the period when
Professor Mutambara re-entered the political frame and how this has shaped
political discourse in Zimbabwe.

I have not been encouraged by the amount of abuse and vilification towards
the learned Professor, now the country's Deputy PM. It is unfortunate that
people have a short or selective memory of the history of the Third
Chimurenga in Zimbabwe. For the record, the history of democratic resistance
to Zanu-PF cannot be fully told without mentioning the name of the learned
professor. If anything, people should and are entitled to vent out their
anger to the people who have destroyed the social and economic fabric of
Zimbabwe not at Professor Mutambara.

Professor Mutambara also known as AGO was very instrumental as SRC President
to what many call democratic resistance politics today, he was one of the
few who sacrificed his life and almost risked expulsion from the University
of Zimbabwe because of opposition to Zanu-PF's authoritarian governance.
Professor Mutambara was a very strong voice in the Zimbabwean student
movement in 1988 and 1989, leading anti-government protests at the
University of Zimbabwe, which led to his arrest and detention on several
occasions for defying the Zanu PF government and for sympathising with the
Labour Union (ZCTU). It was during this time that solidarity between other
student activists and the ZCTU was forged. He supported Morgan Tsvangirai's
ZCTU as part of a broader alliance with wider sections of the proletariat.

At the time, many who did not understand his cause thought that he was being
disruptive to the University education system. In reality, he was a hero to
those who understood his cause and the history of the "First Intifada" in
independent Zimbabwe. Up to this date, some people still believe he is a
beacon of hope for a future democratic Zimbabwe irrespective of his
perceived shortcomings. He will have an ample opportunity to polish his act
and help steer Zimbabwe to a better future. His respect for other voices of
reason makes him respected by those who believe that he and other
progressive foot soldiers have a significant role to play in moving Zimbabwe
forward in a democratic fashion.

Professor Mutambara left Zimbabwe in the early 1990s and continued his
education as a Rhodes Scholar at the revered Oxford University in UK,
obtaining a Ph.D. in Robotics and Mechatronics. In his field he has taught
at a number of universities in the United States including the Massachusetts
Institute of Technology and has published three books on engineering
including: Design and Analysis of Control Systems, Decentralized Estimation,
and Control for Multi-sensor Systems and Mechatronics and Robotics.
Additionally, he has served as a professor of Business Strategy and as a
consultant for the Management-Consulting firm McKinsey & Company among other
top profile appointments. There is no doubt that his intellectual capital
and pragmatism is needed in shaping a new and better Zimbabwe. Professor
Mutambara is one intellectual amongst a few, who is prepared to engage the
rank and file of politics as well as the elite in a way that fosters a
degree of optimism.

Student activism under AGO Mutambara, made an immensely indelible
contribution to the struggle for democracy in Zimbabwe. These periods of
student activism in Zimbabwe can be categorised into three historical eras
namely: the first pro-government period was followed by a violent break with
the regime in 1988 following many corruption scandals including Willowgate,
the second period was the era of student advocacy for the weak and
disenfranchised popularly known as ' the voiceless'.  During this period of
the advent of structural adjustment programmes in the early 1990s, saw the
first seeds of a silent people democratic resistance against the so called
'liberation saints' who later became dinosaurs and have established a filthy
rich political aristocracy around them. At this critical phase, the
privileged status of students in higher education was rapidly eroded as they
were also significantly affected by a rapid fall in living standards.

The third period emerged after 1995, as students became part of the rising
urban struggle which was to rock Zimbabwe and Zanu-PF in particular in later
years. Prof Mutambara had left Zimbabwe when the third stage started but the
links he forged with ZCTU and other democratic forces continued to gain
momentum leading to the formation of the MDC. His contemporaries, Tendai
Biti, Lovemore Madhuku and Munyaradzi Gwisai continued to fight Mutambara's
cause and elevated it a step higher. In this vein however, to try and
rubbish Mutambara's democratic struggle credentials is rather naïve. If
people can accommodate Zanu-PF in a government of national unity, I find it
inconceivable that they cannot understand a man who has defied Mugabe and
Zanu-PF for many years. The truth is Mutambara will stay and only time will
tell whether or not his integrity is what Zimbabweans want. The man is our
Deputy Prime Minister, very active and intelligent and, therefore, deserves
our support and respect.

Professor Mutambara sees himself as an independent voice in a highly
polarized environment. Because he is the leader of a small third party, he
has less at stake than the larger faction of the MDC and the Zanu-PF. The
situation in Zimbabwe right now is very binary and fundamentally polarised
and hence Mutambara's voice is needed in a multi-party political system. I
have had the opportunity of talking to Professor Mutambara on a one to one
basis in London; he came across as someone who values other people's
opinions as long as you make sense to him.  He is always keen to take on
board what he considers to be sensible practical views for a future
prosperous Zimbabwe; his political evangelism embraces all constructive
ideas that contribute to a better Zimbabwe.

There are those who criticise him for  'arrogance' and opportunism, l reject
the former as mere misunderstanding of his flamboyant character and agree
with the later because every other politician in Zimbabwe today has
benefited from opportunism in one way or the other. Professor Mutambara is
human and has weaknesses like any other leading politician. Of necessity,
people need not overestimate his weaknesses but should build on what it is
that the man can offer to a new democratic dispensation in Zimbabwe. We all
know that PM Morgan Tsvangirai has made mistakes before and Mugabe too, as
for the later he has made more catastrophic mistakes which have cost us
tremendously, all this is part of one's political history. The liberation
struggle was characterised by a litany of fatal mistakes and poor judgments
but what mattered eventually, was that the Independence of Zimbabwe was
delivered.

It does not make sense, more so for those of us in the journalistic
fraternity, to wantonly continue ranting and raving about what Prof.
Mutambara has or has not said. The man is utterly entitled to his views,
whether people like him or not. He should be judged by his political
integrity not by overly scrutinising how he entered top notch politics for
those with a selective memory.  The fact that he is a leader of a political
party, no matter how small it is, must be respected because he represents a
'Voice' which cannot be represented by the other mainstream parties.

Those people deserve the nation's respect and tolerance. There is an
inherently dangerous view today that everything anti-Zanu PF should fall
under MDC (T). Ironically, the MDC (T) leader and PM, Tsvangirai himself,
accepts the differences between the two MDC formations and is ready to
co-exist with that political reality. The danger in Zimbabwe today is the
latent idea of trying to replace the moribund Zanu-PF legacy with other
forms of personality cult, thereby creating fertile ground for new forms of
dictatorships.

(Crisford Chogugudza is a London-based political and social commentator).

The Book Café Youth Festival - Harare, Zimbabwe

PRESS RELEASE:  For immediate release

NGUVA YEDU - OUR TIME - THUBA LETHU
The Book Café Youth Festival - Harare, Zimbabwe

JOIN THE LIVE WEBCAST!
FRI 27 March 2009 - 1500-1900h
SAT 28 March 2009 - 1400-0001h
(GMT+2)

Nguva Yedu - Thuba Lethu - Our Time - is a colourful celebration of African
youth and renewal, creativity and vision for a future Africa - through
music, poetry, comedy, workshops, arts journalism, open discussion and
cultural exchange.

The Book Café Youth Festival features Zimbabwe's top young contemporary
artists alongside young artists and arts writers from Senegal, Ghana,
Uganda, South Africa, Swaziland, Kenya, Ethiopia and Cameroon.  The music
events on Fri 27 feature Johannesburg's hybrid Nomad-Yi and Zimbabwean Sam
Mtukudzi.   The Sat 28 March concert includes big names on the continent -
South African Gang of Instrumentals and Ugandan music star Jose Chameleone;
Zimbabwe's own Victor Kunonga, Cde Fatso & Chabvondoka, Dudu Manhenga,
Michael K, Sam Mtukudzi, Mic-Inity and more, along with rising young poets
of our region such as Tongai 'Outspoken' Makawa and 'GODobori'.

WATCH THE LIVE WEBCAST! on  www.zimbabwearts.org/webcast

Fri 27 March - 1500-2300h (GMT+2)
15-1730 Mindblast: Young Zimbabweans Talk - explore the spirit of Zimbabwe
2000 Paw Paw Jam: Celebrating Cultural Diversity
2000 Antonio David Lyons
2015 Tomas Zhidhina
2115 Nomad-Yi
2130 Sam Mtukudzi & Ay Band

Sat 28 March - 1400-2400h (GMT+2)
Book Café Youth Concert, Harare:
1400 Poetry Slam & The Circle Hiphop
1600 Young artists: Bongo Love, Edene Timbe, John Pfumojena, Mokoomba,
MacIntosh, Pachena Kids
1715 African Destiny
1815 Dudu Manhenga
1900 Alexio Kawara
1915 Cde Fatso & Chabvondoka
2015 Gang of Instrumentals
2100 Initiative Arts
2115 Victor Kunonga & Peace
2215  Chameleon
2315 Mic-Inity
(Times may vary slightly on the live programme)

For more information contact:
Mandla Ncube, Pamberi Trust
pamberit@gmail.com
Tel: (263 4) 793182 / 792551
Harare, Zimbabwe

New Book available through Amazon.com called "Saving Zimbabwe"

Saving Zimbabwe is the gripping story of a group of extraordinary black and white Zimbabweans who lived together forming "The Community of Reconciliation." They chose love over hate and integration over segregation. They believed in harmony over discord and that loving your former enemies was a higher way of life. Against all odds they succeeded in transforming a region of the nation into a life-giving community. By example they demonstrated that the course of Zimbabwe could be changed, and provided a working model for the road ahead. 

Tragically, on November 25th 1987, the sixteen white members of the Community made the ultimate sacrifice and were martyred. Their killers thought they were "liberating" their people but in fact drove the black community back under the oppressive forces of poverty.  Why did they die?  This book takes you on a journey to discover the answer to that haunting question and more.

With the current atrocities being committed under President Robert Mugabe's government, the message of Saving Zimbabwe is needed more than ever.  The country needs transformation which must start in the heart of her people.  The destiny of a nation and millions of lives are at stake.